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Oudtestamentische Studin
Old Testament Studies
published on behalf of the Societies for
Old Testament Studies in the Netherlands and
Belgium, South Africa, the United Kingdom
and Ireland
Editor
B. Becking
Utrecht
Editorial Board
H.G.M. Williamson
Oxford
M. Vervenne
Leuven
VOLUME 60
By
Csaba Balogh
LEIDEN BOSTON
2011
ISSN: 0169-7226
ISBN: 978 90 04 21157 5
Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing,
IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in
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Fees are subject to change.
To Gyngyi,
Benjmin and Efraim
CONTENTS
Preface ..................................................................................................
Abbreviations ......................................................................................
xi
xiii
1
2
3
7
13
20
27
27
29
30
31
35
35
38
41
45
46
49
56
62
66
viii
contents
69
69
74
75
76
79
83
89
92
96
96
98
100
103
107
109
111
111
117
121
130
133
139
140
161
161
166
170
176
177
178
178
178
182
185
187
193
contents
ix
200
202
205
206
234
234
240
244
250
251
257
263
266
269
270
270
271
277
279
279
283
290
291
296
302
304
305
306
310
318
318
322
326
332
333
contents
335
335
335
Bibliography ........................................................................................
353
371
377
390
337
341
341
344
346
348
PREFACE
xii
preface
exegesis of Isaiah, they made me realise how full this world is with the
glory of God and see how close to me it shines.
Csaba Balogh
April 27, 2011
Kolozsvr / Cluj-Napoca / Klausenburg
The research for this book was made possible by Stichting FundamentIrnyt.
The preparations for publication were supported by Stichting Afbouw Kampen.
ABBREVIATIONS1
xiv
CAL
CANE
abbreviations
abbreviations
DTTM
xv
xvi
INBK
abbreviations
abbreviations
NICOT
NIDOTTE
xvii
xviii
var.
VL
WS
abbreviations
variant
R. Gryson (ed.), Esaias, vol. of Vetus Latina, Freiburg, 198797
A. Erman, H. Grapow, Wrterbuch der gyptischen Sprache, Bd.
14, Berlin 41982
WAW Writings from the Ancient World
WBC Word Biblical Commentary
WO
B.K. Waltke, M. OConnor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew
Syntax, Winona Lake, IN 1990
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1
For the diverging views concerning the delimitation and designation of this corpus, see 1.2 and 2.1.
2
Two marginal interpretations may be noted here, but they shall not be taken into
consideration any further in this study. In an article on Isa. 18, Winckler located the
Kush of Isa. 18:1 not in Africa, as scholars usually do, but in southern Mesopotamia, connecting Isa. 18 with Gen. 10:812 and the Chaldaean embassy of Merodachbaladan from Isa. 39 (H. Winckler, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen, Leipzig 1892,
14656). Although may occasionally refer to southern Mesopotamia, this investigation concurs with the widely adopted view that mentioned in Isa. 18:1 is to
be located in the Nile valley. A second opinion to be left out of discussion is Knigs
interpretation of Isa. 17:1214 as a prophecy focusing on the fall of Egypt and thus thematically related to Isa. 1820 (Knig, 19798). Knigs identification of the unnamed
group of many nations in Isa. 17:1214 with Egyptians does not rest on convincing
arguments, and later interpreters pursue a different exegetical trace.
3
Isa. 1820 are discussed in an article by A. Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx from an
Egyptological Perspective, VT 48 (1998), 21438. For other studies on different parts
of Isa. 1820, see 1.2 below and the Bibliography.
chapter one
1.1
The Hebrew prophets in general and particularly the book of Isaiah have received unparalleled attention from biblical scholars. The
prophet Isaiah is in many respects the archetype of the individual artist. Classical reconstruction of Isaiahs person and his audience suggest
that his untimely words condensed into textual form were not well
received by an age with convictions largely opposing his own. But for
those looking back at his visions across the distant miles of time and
thinking, his legacy has become one of the most productive traditions
of the Bible. Isaiahs words have fascinated a variety of readers from
the most ancient tradents of the prophets writings, through various
communities of post-exilic Judah, the Diaspora, the early Christians,
to readers and scholars of our own time.
Attempts to summarise current studies on the book of Isaiah have
been quite numerous, just like the methods applied and the results
achieved.4 It is here neither possible nor necessary to review them all
in detail. A short overview of the most significant tendencies will, however, help to situate the present study in the field of biblical scholarship. The summary below will outline the various prevalent historical,
literary and theological approaches to the study of this book.
For overviews on Isaiah-research since the 1980s, see, for instance, A.G. Auld,
Poetry, Prophecy, Hermeneutic: Recent Studies in Isaiah, SJTh 33 (1980), 56781;
R. Kilian, Jesaja 139 (EdF, 200), Darmstadt 1983; C. Hardmeier, Jesajaforschung
im Umbruch, VF 31 (1986), 330; M.A. Sweeney, The Book of Isaiah in Recent
Research, CRBS 1 (1993), 14162; Idem, Reevaluating Isaiah 139 in Recent Critical
Research, CRBS 4 (1996), 79114; H.G.M. Williamson, The Book Called Isaiah: Deutero-Isaiahs Role in Composition and Redaction, Oxford 1994, 118; M.E. Tate, The
Book of Isaiah in Recent Study, in: J.W. Watts, P.R. House (eds), Forming Prophetic
Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D.W. Watts (JSOT.S,
235), Sheffield 1996, 2256; Berges, 1146; U. Becker, Jesajaforschung (Jes 139), ThR
64 (1999), 137, 11752; P. Hffken, Jesaja: Der Stand der theologischen Diskussion,
Darmstadt 2004.
introduction
5
H. Donner, Israel unter den Vlkern: Die Stellung der klassischen Propheten des
8. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. zur Auenpolitik der Knige von Israel und Juda (VT.S, 11),
Leiden 1964; P. Machinist, Assyria and Its Image in the First Isaiah, JAOS 103 (1983),
71937; F. Gonalves, Lexpdition de Sennachrib en Palestine dans la littrature
hbraque ancienne (PIOL, 34), Louvain-la-Neuve 1986; S.A. Irvine, Isaiah, Ahaz, and
the Syro-Ephraimitic Crisis (SBL.DS, 123), Atlanta, GA 1990; M.A. Sweeney, Sargons
Threat against Jerusalem in Isaiah 10.2732, Bib. 75 (1994), 45770; A. Schoors, Historical Information in Isaiah 139, in: J. van Ruiten, M. Vervenne (eds), Studies in
the Book of Isaiah: Festschrift Willem A.M. Beuken (BEThL, 132), Leuven 1997, 7593;
W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign to Judah: New Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden
1999; M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative
Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies
(VT.S, 117), Leiden 2007.
chapter one
of prophecy has strong (albeit not always clear) connections with the
historical realities in which it was born.6
Adopting a historical approach to the text of Isaiah is not free of
problems, however. Prominent difficulties in discussions concerning
the historical interpretation of Isaianic texts include the following:
(a) Not every text contains historically verifiable information. Certain
socially-critical passages, which frequently do not hold any historical
clues regarding their date (e.g., Isa. 5:2223; 10:12; 28:710), are thorns
in the side of any accurate historical positioning of prophecies.7
(b) Despite significant discoveries in the field of archaeology, our
knowledge of ancient history is still full of holes. The prophetic activity of Isaiah in the 8th century is usually discussed in relation to three
or four major periods:8 (1) 734732 bc, the threat of Aram and Israel
(Isa. 7); (2) 723720 bc, the fall of the Northern Kingdom;9 (3) 711 bc,
the fall of Ashdod (Isa. 20); (4) 705701 bc, the anti-Assyrian rebellion of Judah and its allies and the punitive campaign of Sennacherib
(Isa. 3637). Although the significance of prophetic activity increased
during times of political crisis, there may have been other moments,
insufficiently documented, but still experienced as critical.
(c) Prophetic utterance may have been delivered before an event.
Scholars of the 19th and early 20th centuries believed that prophesying was an essentially post-eventum activity. But Ezekiels unfulfilled
introduction
10
Compare for instance Kilian, 12627, who assumed that Isa. 20:46 referred to
the deportation by Esarhaddon in the 7th century, and considered Isa. 20 a posteventum text, with Duhm (148), who argued that Isa. 20 was a genuine prediction
exactly because it never actually came to be fulfilled.
11
For the phenomenon of telescoping, that is the possibility that the primary historical background is overwritten by a secondary one, see Beuken, 27.
12
On this aspect see also E. Ben Zvi, History and Prophetic Texts, in: M.P. Graham
et al. (eds), History and Interpretation: Essays in Honour of John H. Hayes (JSOT.S,
173), Sheffield 1993, 10620.
13
Kaiser, 20; Kilian, 162, 2034; U. Becker, Jesajavon der Botschaft zum Buch
(FRLANT, 178), Gttingen 1997, 2160.
14
Cs. Balogh, Oude en nieuwe profetie: De rol van de profetische traditie in de
volkenprofetien, in: G. Kwakkel (ed.), Wonderlijk gewoon: Profeten en profetie in het
Oude Testament, Barneveld 2003, 12024.
chapter one
15
introduction
chapter one
Miscall, 11; Watts, xxxii; E.W. Conrad, Reading Isaiah and the Twelve as Prophetic Books, in: C.C. Broyles, C.A. Evans (eds), Writing and Reading the Scroll of
Isaiah: Studies of an Interpretive Tradition (VT.S, 70), Leiden 1997, 317.
23
Cf. E.W. Conrad, Reading Isaiah, Minneapolis, MN 1991, 31.
introduction
Those who look for more in the book of Isaiah than pure artistic
satisfaction may consider most of these studies inspiring but ultimately
unconvincing (after all art need not convince anyone). The fact that
these readings do not account for the complexities of the text would
disappoint those who find no delight in easily passing over textual
difficulties. There is more to the meaning of a text than its final form,
and everyone who strives to understand something about the composition of the book of Isaiah will find this approach a hermeneutic
blind alley.
The diachronic literary analysis of Isaiah promises more, but its success depends on several factors. Following Wildberger and Vermeylen,24
two major trends may be distinguished. A first group of scholars
assumes that the book is the product of different authors and groups
of the post-exilic period. These communities of transmission inherited several short sayings from the 8th century, which were expanded
in subsequent redactional stages after the exile. This trend in criticism
is highlighted by names such as O. Kaiser, R. Kilian and U. Becker. Its
practice of dating presumably non-Isaianic words to (very) late periods parallels the older commentaries of Duhm and Marti. However,
the degree to which recent scholars ascribe words to post-exilic scribes
differs considerably.25 Only Becker gives a redaction critical overview
of the entire process, attempting to bring various redactional stages
in connection with each other. Kaiser and Kilian deal essentially with
smaller textual units, without working out a consistent scheme for the
development of the book.
A second larger group of scholars assume that the present form
of the book is the result of gradual growth (Fortschreibung), a process which may have begun with the prophet and continued after his
24
10
chapter one
26
For the 7th century edition of Isaiah, cf. H. Barth, Die Jesaja-Worte in der Josiazeit: Israel und Assur als Thema einer produktiven Neuinterpretation der Jesajaberlieferung (WMANT, 48), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1977; J. Vermeylen, Du prophte Isae
lapocalyptique: Isae, IXXXV, miroir dun demi-millnaire dexprience religieuse en
Isral, Paris 197778. Vermeylens wider goal is to reconstruct the development of the
book from its beginnings to its final phase.
27
Cf. Williamson, Book, on 2:24; 5:2529; 8:2123a; 11:1116; 12; Steck ascribed
Isa. 11:1116; 13:516; 2427*; 30:1826(?); 34:24; 51:18, 1116; 52:36(?); 62:1012
to the Hellenistic era (Heimkehr, 80); Rendtorff, Komposition, 295320; K. Nielsen,
There is Hope for a Tree: The Tree as Metaphor in Isaiah (JSOT.S, 65), Sheffield 1989;
Z. Kustr, Durch seine Wunden sind wir geheilt: Eine Untersuchung zur Metaphorik
von Israels Krankheit und Heilung im Jesajabuch (BWANT, 154), Stuttgart 2002.
28
Vermeylen argues that Isa. 139 is framed according to the so-called eschatological model, just like the Greek version of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, namely judgment of
Judah (112), of the nations (1327), and the salvation of Israel (2835), (Vermeylen,
Lunit, 2834). See further Chapter 2 below.
introduction
11
12
chapter one
hand and other prophetic books, such as Amos, Micah, Jeremiah, and
Ezekiel on the other. Yet these connections are insufficient to treat
them as one book.33 Does the mere proximity of Isa. 4066 lend additional and sufficiently strong support to these chapters to conclude
that they form a literary unit with the first part of the book, i.e. a
unit with a defined structure and perspective? (2) Second, it is curious that superscriptions and other text-structuring division markers often related with editorial activity (e.g., ) are so richly
represented in the first part of the book, but are almost entirely absent
after Isa. 40. (3) Third, it appears that certain themes from First Isaiah
are restated in the third part of the book only, while being absent in
the second part.34 How does this relate to any view of the three parts
as one book? (4) Fourth, the second and third part of Isaiah is also
grown out of independent prophecies, much like Isa. 139. It is often
on the level of independent prophecies that the connections with FirstIsaianic texts are established. This suggests that intertextual allusions
are not necessarily the work of the final editors, but those rather function at the earlier level of individual prophecies. To conclude, the relationship between the three divisions of the book is evident, but what
this exactly implies for the development of the book as a whole still
needs further research, as a book model with a highly sophisticated
structure would seem to gloss over the difficulties.35
(d) One method of dating texts frequently used in literary and
redaction criticism involves evaluating vocabulary and its lexical parallels. (1) This analysis, however, implies certain premises concerning
the date of one pericope which guides the conclusions regarding the
related text. Such circumstances easily lead to far-reaching speculations. (2) Second, conclusions are often based on virtually neutral terminology or stereotypical material.36 (3) Third, one has to clarify the
kind of textual dependence (if any) that lexical parallelism presup-
33
G.I. Davies, The Destiny of the Nations in the Book of Isaiah, in: BoI, 119.
See, e.g., , / . Cf. L. Boadt, Re-Examining a Preexilic Redaction of Isaiah 139, in: L. Boadt, M.S. Smith (eds), Imagery and Imagination in Biblical
Literature: Essays in Honor of Aloysius Fitzgerald, F.S.C. (CBQ.MS, 32), Washington,
D.C. 2001, 17879.
35
Cf. D. Carr, Reaching for Unity in Isaiah, JSOT 57 (1993), 7677.
36
E.g., in Isa. 14:26 and 18:3 is argued to imply post-exilic universalism. Others regard in 14:26 as evidence of a late link with wisdom literature, considering
the author a sage or a scribe. Cf. W. Werner, Studien zur alttestamentlichen Vorstellung vom Plan Yahwes (BZAW, 173), Berlin 1988.
34
introduction
13
14
chapter one
40
Whether Isa. 6:910 is a commission or a retrospective conclusion of the prophets experience is a hotly debated issue. Hardmeier cuts a long discussion short arguing
that it may have been retrospective, as the present recorded form of Isa. 6:910 is
indeed a retrospective view of history (Jesajaforschung, 2324, 28).
introduction
15
41
In contrast to Becker, De Jong does not claim that Isaiah was merely a prophet
of salvation. Isaiah uttered threatening oracles against specific groups, such as political and religious leaders (De Jong, Isaiah, 50). Yet Isaiah always supported the state
and never predicted that Judah with all its inhabitants would collapse in a political
cataclysm.
42
Becker, Botschaft; see also M. Kckert et al., Das Problem des historischen
Jesaja, in: I. Fischer et al. (eds), Prophetie in Israel (ATM, 11), Berlin 2001, 11718;
cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 4445, 8081.
43
Cf. W. Dietrich, Jesajaein Heilsprophet?, ThR 64 (1999), 32437; Barthel in
Kckert et al., Problem, 12536; Williamson, Pre-exilic Isaiah, 198.
44
Becker, Botschaft, 24563; cf., however, De Jong, Isaiah, 9297.
45
E.g., Becker regards Isa. 6:18 as Isaianic, but in order to fit his scheme, he drops
6:5abb (the people of unclean lips), which might be regarded as a critical remark by
a prophet of doom (Becker, Botschaft, 8889). Furthermore, as Barthel also noted, it
is unlikely from a critical point of view that a call narrative such as Isa. 6 could come
to an end in v. 8, without presenting the actual commission to the prophet (Barthel
in Kckert et al., Problem, 128).
46
Cf. M. Nissinen, Das kritische Potential in der altorientalischen Prophetie, in:
M. Kckert, M. Nissinen (eds), Propheten in Mari, Assyrien und Israel (FRLANT,
201), Gttingen 2003, 133; De Jong, Isaiah, 272, 312.
16
chapter one
introduction
17
which means that they spoke and acted for the benefit of social and
cosmic stability.52 But in my view, this prophetic function does not
exclude directing criticism against the system. Such criticism is indeed
not the prediction of irrevocable doom (not an ex eventu prophecy), as
it was sometimes assumed.53 By criticising Judah, Jerusalem or its king,
Isaiah was protecting the society to which he belonged by revealing
a threatening disaster that he wished to avoid and, as such, he was
only doing his job.54
Later editors of the book of Isaiah were undisturbed not only by a
prophet who proclaimed salvation (as Becker noted) but also by an
Isaiah who pronounced both doom and salvation (Isa. 38:1, 5). In the
time of these authors (7th6th century bc) this seems to have been a
rather normal phenomenon, which raises the question how far this
ambiguity is irreconcilable with an 8th century prophetic figure like
Isaiah?55
Finally, the Assyrian campaign of 701 bc is generally believed to
have had disastrous effects on Judah.56 If that is true, it makes it even
historically probable that these events deeply influenced the Isaianic
tradition, far beyond what Becker and De Jong are ready to admit.
52
18
chapter one
57
introduction
19
than the book63 does not take full account of the complex nature of
the book as a source and the extra-biblical evidence. As already noted
above, diviners (in general) in the Near East delivered both positive
and negative messages, depending on the occasion. Indeed, they were
expected to tell what had been revealed to them from time to time. If
Beckers description of Assyrian texts as prophecies issued on specific
occasions (Gelegenheitsprophetien)64 can be applied to Isaiah as well,
our view of ambiguity in the message of this prophet undergoes a significant change.65 Therefore, Isaiahs pronouncements must be analysed carefully while considering complex internal and external factors.
(d) A final remark concerns the theological factor in the books editing process. In dealing with intertextual connections between various
passages, it is common to reconstruct their date based on parallels associated with theological ideas. This is again a problematic point. (1) As
reports indicate, the pre-exilic era was not free of conflicts between
different groups and opposing voices (e.g., pro- and anti-Assyrian
views). The question is therefore whether reconstructed editorial layers often appearing to be contradictory automatically imply differences
in date, as often assumed. May it not be possible that anti-Assyrian
prophecies derive from prophets contemporary with Isaiah and were
included later into the Isaianic collection?66 (2) How far do similar
theological views imply a common date for parallel passages? Does
the motif of the plan against the entire earth ( )in Isa. 14:26
point to common authorship with the similarly focused Isa. 13, dated
in the post-exilic period?67 Strikingly, the foreign nation prophecies of
Jeremiah contain additional salvation prophecies (46:26; 48:47; 49:6,
39) that strongly resemble the original text yet derive from different
eras.68 A closer example from Isaiah is the divine name
appearing in the 8th century bc, as well as in later texts. (3) As noted,
Isa. 3639 suggests that not long after Isaiah died he was received as a
63
20
chapter one
1.2
After presenting dominant tendencies, results, problems and perspectives of previous scholarly inquiries into the book of Isaiah, I shall
focus now on research conducted on the literary, theological and historical setting of one segment of this book, namely Isa. 1323.
It is commonly agreed that the structure of the book of Isaiah
for the sake of compatibility with early critical research on the book
I refer to Isa. 139 onlyis very complex. Mowinckel observes eine
sehr groe Planlosigkeit in the composition of Isa. 135.71 Karl Martis description of the book as eine kleine Bibliothek prophetischer
Schriften (xvii) sounds less desperate but hardly more promising.
Attempts to simplify this complex structure to an assumed three level
stratification (judgment of Israel, judgment of other nations and salvation of Israel) are widespread72 and often argued by drawing par69
Cf. Davies, Destiny, 9899: . . . on this matter [namely the nations in Isaiah]
there are harsh contradictions between positive and negative passages, and the
book is more like a billboard on which different political parties or religious groups
daub their slogans one on the top of the other . . .. Berges also writes: Das Jesajabuch
in seiner Endgestalt ist ein eingefrorener Dialog zwischen verschiedenen jdischen
Gruppen in nachexilischer Zeit, die um die Bedeutung des Zion fr sich und die
Vlker kmpfen. (Berges, 47).
70
This latter possibility is implied by Jer. 26:1819 assuming that piety can turn
prophecies of judgment into prophecies of salvation. Cf. Isa. 6:1113 that leaves the
door open for post-disaster salvation prophecies. For two examples in this sense, cf.
Cs. Balogh, He Filled Zion with Justice and Righteousness: The Composition of
Isaiah 33, Bib. 89 (2008), 47879; Idem, Blind People, Blind God: The Composition
of Isaiah 29,1524, ZAW 121 (2009), 4869.
71
S. Mowinckel, Die Komposition des Jesajabuches. Kap. 139, AcOr 11 (1933),
26970.
72
E.g., J. Vermeylen, Lunit du livre dIsae, in: BoI, 3233; Zapff, Prophetie,
3012; O. Kaiser, Der Gott des Alten Testaments: Theologie des Alten Testaments.
Teil 3: Jahwes Gerechtigkeit, Gttingen 2003, 82.
introduction
21
73
Cf. O. Eissfeldt, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, Tbingen 31964, 410; P.-M.
Bogaert, Lorganisation des grands recueils prophtiques, in: BoI, 14753.
74
Wildberger, 1562.
75
Berges, 139; Seitz, 11819; Beuken, 21.
76
Vermeylen, Lunit, 3031; Seitz, 118; Berges, 14344.
77
Cf. G. Stansell, Isaiah 2833: Blest Be the Tie that Binds (Isaiah Together), in:
R.F. Melugin, M.A. Sweeney (eds), New Visions of Isaiah (JSOT.S, 214), Sheffield 1996,
68103; Balogh, Zion, 47879.
78
The psalm of Hezekiah in Isa. 38:920 could be the third closing song of deliverance in the section 2839. Note the key term in 25:9; 38:20 and in 12:2, 3;
25:9; 26:1, 18, all playing on the name of the author, Isaiah.
22
chapter one
79
Kaiser, 119.
Wildberger, 809; cf. also P.R. Raabe, Why Prophetic Oracles Against the Nations,
in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds), Fortunate the Eyes that See: Essays in Honor of David Noel
Freedman in Celebration of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand Rapids, MI 1995, 239.
81
Hayes & Irvine, 221; Ohmann, 60; Berges, 139.
80
introduction
23
In effect, it is possible to distinguish two models explaining the formation of Isa. 1323. While some exegetes view 1323 as composed of
several text-blocks, others maintain that this corpus has grown from
a basic core of Isaianic texts due to the continuous addition of new
material. These two approaches are occasionally combined.
Considering the differences in the superscriptions, Duhm delimited
two collections inside Isa. 1323, 14:2820:6 (excluding 17:1218:7) and
2122+30:67, connected by a later redactor, and supplemented with
the prophecies on Babylon (13:114:23) and Tyre (23). The same editor
may have been responsible for attaching the -inscriptions ahead
of the prophecies outside 2122. At an even later stage, 14:2427 and
17:1218:7 were inserted in the free space that the editor found at this
location. The process was complete by around the 1st century bc.82
A similar distinction between two subcollections (2122 and
1520.23) is promulgated by Sweeney, but he dates the corpus much
earlier. Isa. 2122 is derived from the 8th century, while he claims
that 1520.23 comes from the Josianic era, when the book appeared
for the first time.83
In his study devoted to Isa. 1323, Jenkins argued that its final form
is the result of a well-defined editorial arrangement. The collection
contains prophecies from various periods, but it is not a ragbag of
varied material. The unity of the collection is expressed by the superscriptions as well as by grouping of the oracles. Jenkins distinguishes
between a collection remonstrating against the neighbouring nations
of Philistia, Moab and Damascus (Isa. 14:2817:11) and another aimed
at the great powers: Kush, Egypt and Babylon (Isa. 1821). He believes
that both of these smaller collections open with an oracle affirming
the security of Zion (14:32; 18:7), and conclude with the description
of an assault against Zion (17:1214; 22:114). He excludes 13:114:23
and 23 from this scheme, while regarding 14:2427 as a prelude to the
prophecies concerning the nations.84
Moving beyond the limits of diachronic analysis, Berges investigation into Isa. 1323 is started with an emphatic claim for a unified
reading of 1327. He divides the prophecies on the nations in two:
82
Duhm, 1213.
Sweeney, 215.
84
A.K. Jenkins, The Hand Stretched Out over All the Nations: A Study of the Presentation of the Isaiah Tradition in Is. 1323 (Ph.D. diss.), London 1985; Idem, The
Development of the Isaiah Tradition in Isaiah 1323, in: BoI, 23751.
83
24
chapter one
1319 and 2127. The section in the middle is the unusual text of the
symbolic act of Isaiah in Isa. 20. He points to five -superscriptions
before Isa. 20, and another five following it,85 and notices that 19:1625
ended with six expressions, just as 25:927:13 also contained
six such formulas. Both collections begin with a prophecy on Babylon.
Unfortunately, the reader is not informed why other formulas (17:4, 7, 9; 20:6; 22:8, 12, 20, 25; 23:15) were not counted in
this structuring, nor how thein his interpretationanti-Babylonian
prophecy in Isa. 24 fits in the disciplined chaotic (Berges term) structure of two sections beginning with one Babylon-oracle each.
Diachronically speaking, Berges argues for a core collection of
Isaianic utterances enriched successively with other foreign nation
prophecies after 539.86 The present redaction goes back to the Persian
era. Eventual insertions of prophecies from the Hellenistic period are
not excluded, but those did not alter the overall structure of the composition. Berges identifies several major editorial revisions: (1) The
Babylonisierung (Babylon oriented redaction) and (2) the Zionisierung
(Zion oriented redaction) of the prophecies on the nations which layers
show significant connections with later parts of Isaiah, as well as with
other prophetic books (like Zechariah). (3) Berges notes the somewhat
unique tone of Isa. 19:1625, which, in contrast to Zion-centric passages, adopts a position in favour of separate Yhwh-nations. (4) A
subsequent redaction shifted the focus, viewing the wicked and the
just in the perspective of the kingship of Yhwh in Zion.
This theory of the successive expansion of earlier material is rooted
in the studies of earlier scholars. Mowinckel explained the development
of 1323 in relation to its larger context, Isa. 139. Part A (Isa. 6:19:6)
and part B (Isa. 1) of the book of First Isaiah were expanded in the
pre-exilic period by a third block C (Isa. 2ff.), which also included
authentic Isaianic prophecies which now appear in 1323, such
as 14:2832; 17; 18; 20; 22. Because most of the prophecies on the
nations were originally located in the middle of this C section, and
because other prophetic books also follow this pattern, the later editors
placed the foreign nation prophecies here, distilling a new collection,
Isa. 1323.87
85
Berges, 14145; cf. also Hffken, Jesaja, 123; Beuken, 19, 2324, 4041.
Berges, 145. The primary collection, warning Manasseh against anti-Assyrian
alliances, included 14:2832*; 17*; 18*; 19*; 20*; 22* (149).
87
Mowinckel, Komposition, 278.
86
introduction
25
Fohrer, 1.177.
Wildberger, 155962.
90
Vermeylen, 1.34647: (1) Isaianic: 14:2425a, 2832*; 17:13*, 46*; 18:12,
4; 22:1b3, 7, 1214, 1518. (2) around 678: 14:26; 17:1214a; 23:14; (3) Josianic:
22:1923; (4) Deuteronomistic: 17:910a; 19:14, 1115; 20:3; 22:4, 811; (5) early
5th century: 13:122; 24:113, 18b20 added together with other universalistic passages: 15:18; 16:1, 34a, 612; 18:3, 56; 19:510; 21:19*; 21:1112a, 1315; 22:56;
23:13, 1516* (including the systematic addition of the -superscriptions); (6) the
pious and the wicked redaction: 14:34a, 2223 (and the inclusion of the earlier
14:4b21); 14:27, 30; 15:9; 16:2, 1314; 17:2b, 3b, 78, 14b; 19:1617; 21:2b, 10, 12b,
1617; 22:2425; 23:15*, 1718. (7) Hellenistic period: 14:12a?; 16:4b5; 17:10b11
(anti-Samaritan); 18:7; 19:1825. This Fortschreibung-model is adopted with some
modifications by Clements, 47: Isaianic nucleus: 14:2832, 17:16; 18:16; 20:16.
91
Zapff, Prophetie, 28699: (1) Isaianic: 14:2829, 31; 17:13; 20*; 22*; (2) 7th century: 14:2425a; (3) shortly before 587: 1516*; 19*; 22:8b11; (4) late exilic: 13:1a,
1722a; 14:25b27; 21:110; possibly 23* (-superscriptions composed); (5) postexilic: 14:4b21 (originally independent); 18 (?, cf. 296); (6) universalistic redaction:
13:1b16; (7) individual additions: 19:1825.
92
The original form of 14:28 was ( Prophetie, 286, 289).
89
26
chapter one
93
Cf. Clements, 47; Sweeney, 216; Zapff, Prophetie, 286; Berges, 149; etc. A few
studies argue that prophecies on the nations have preserved little if any historically
valuable information and should be seen as theological productions of a later age, as a
search for a new post-exilic Israelite identity (e.g., Ch. Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprche
bei Amos und Jesaja [BBB, 136], Berlin 2002). This approach has found little resonance
among scholars, however.
introduction
27
and received a proper place inside the book of Isaiah means that, for
later communities reading Isaiah, this secondary context and meaning
was of utmost importance. Therefore, to consider that the reconstruction of a presumed original form of prophecies exhausts the entire
function of Isa. 1323 and the entire book of Isaiah does not do justice
to the present form, position and sequence of those prophecies.
1.3
As the overview above makes clear, the three chapters of Isa. 1820
figure among those that have induced the most wide-ranging disagreements in the study of Isa. 1323. Below, I shall reflect briefly on specific problems related to them in particular.
1.3.1 The Prophecy in Isaiah 18
Isa. 18 is considered an extremely obscure prophecy in the Isaianic collection. Although scholars generally agree that it deals with the nation
of Kush, settled on lands south of Egypt, its ambiguous metaphors,
vague references and encrypted message have given rise to contradictory interpretations.
The second half of the 8th century was a transitional era in the history of the Near East. In Egypt, this era was marked by the emergence
of the 25th Dynasty, with rulers originating from the land of Kush, a
territory formerly under Egyptian authority. In Assyria, Tiglath-pileser
III needed vast material and human resources to keep his ever growing empire running. The small nations of the Levant gradually became
the victims of a seemingly insatiable Assyrian appetite. In the view of
these developments, the only possibility for survival and maintenance
of national independence was the formation of alliances with other
nations threatened by Assyria. Egypt and Kush, which were the chief
supporters of anti-Assyrian movements, were also expected to provide
the resources required to hold back the Assyrian war machine. Isa. 18
is most often assumed to be one of Isaiahs prophecies stating his views
on these coalitions.
From a historical point of view, four different dates have been
assigned to Isa. 18. Some believe that the messengers of Isa. 18:2 can
be identified with the embassy of Hoshea, king of Israel, sent to So,
28
chapter one
king of Egypt.94 Others date Isa. 18 to 720 bc, when Egypt offered
help for the revolting Philistines of Gaza.95 Some others connect the
prophecy to the revolt of Ashdod in 713711 bc.96 A fourth group of
scholars believe that the preparations for Sennacheribs attack in 701
inspired this prophecy.97
The literary research dealing with Isa. 18 focuses on two problems.
The first is concerned with textual integrity. Most scholars are sceptical about the authenticity of vv. 3 and 798 or even vv. 3799 and consider them late additions.100 The second problem involves the place
of Isa. 18 in the collection of 1323. Exegetes notice the absence of
a -heading in 18:1, typical of most prophecies. To make sense
of this lacuna, Isa. 18 is occasionally regarded as a literary unit with
17:114.101 Others believe that the lack of a superscription betrays the
late insertion of Isa. 18 into a collection that already possessed such
superscriptions. Isa. 18:17 is then either considered a unit within
itself, or it is connected to 17:1214.102 Still others assume that Isa. 18
appears at a crucial point in the prophecies on the nations, at the start
of a subcollection within 1323, which explains its peculiar form.103
From a theological point of view, Isa. 18 is part of the prophecies
concerning the nations. Many believe that these types of prophecies
contain important information regarding the political views of the
prophet Isaiah, but opinions differ on significant details in the text, for
instance whether it proclaims the fall of Assyria or rather the Kushite
alliance, as well as the theological function of Isa. 18 among 1323.104
94
In 728 or 724 bc; cf. Marti, 151; Knig, 198; Sweeney, 257.
Hayes & Irvine, 253, 258; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 226.
96
Procksch, 237; Fohrer, 1.22122; H.W. Hoffmann, Die Intention der Verkndigung Jesajas (BZAW, 136), Berlin 1974, 65; Clements, 163; Oswalt, 360; J.J.M. Roberts,
Isaiahs Egyptian and Nubian Oracles, in: B.E. Kelle, M.B. Moore (eds), Israels
Prophets and Israels Past: Essays on the Relationship of Prophetic Texts and Israelite
history in Honor of J.H. Hayes, Edinburgh 2006, 205.
97
Donner, Israel, 12324; Wildberger, 690; De Jong, Isaiah, 238.
98
Wildberger, 681, 69697.
99
Kaiser, Gott, 120; Becker, Botschaft, 276; De Jong, Isaiah, 14849.
100
Kilian, 118, and Zapff, Prophetie, 296, regard the entire prophecy as late.
101
Sweeney, 254.
102
Kaiser, 75; Zapff, Prophetie, 296.
103
Fischer, 136; Jenkins, Isaiah Tradition, 239.
104
Anti-Assyrian: Delitzsch, 352; Duhm, 138; Gray, 308; Procksch, 242; Kissane,
207; Young, 1.477; Donner, Israel, 126; Blenkinsopp, 311. Anti-Kushite: Fohrer, 1.206;
Wildberger, 690; Kaiser, 78; Clements, 165; Dietrich, Politik, 129.
95
introduction
29
105
See the studies of Feuillet, Vogels, Deissler, Schenker, Kraovec, Wodecki, and
Kustr mentioned in the Bibliography.
106
Cf. Delitzsch, 240; Ridderbos, 13738; Young, 2.48; Oswalt, 247; Ohmann,
7577; Hayes & Irvine, 263; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 21438.
107
Gray, 320; Wildberger, 704; Hayes & Irvine, 25863.
108
Procksch, 246; Fischer, 140; Kissane, 210; Wildberger, 7078; Hayes & Irvine,
258; Sweeney, 271, 275; Schoors, 118; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 226.
109
Cheyne, 114.
110
Duhm, 14041; Fohrer, 1.226; Kaiser, 82; Hffken, 144; Kilian, 120.
111
Hayes & Irvine, 262; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 214; Roberts, Oracles, 206.
112
H. Gressmann, Der Messias, Gttingen 1929, 208; Sweeney, 270, 272.
113
J.F.A. Sawyer, Blessed Be My People, Egypt (Isaiah 19.25): The Context and
Meaning of a Remarkable Passage, in: J.D. Martin, Ph.R. Davies (eds), A Word in
Season: Essays in Honour of William McKane (JSOT.S, 42), Sheffield 1986, 59; Berges,
16667.
114
Kaiser, 86; Hffken, 159.
30
chapter one
argued that vv. 510 disturbs the description of the political turmoil
pervading vv. 14 and 1115, which originally may have formed a
coherent unit.115 Scholars also disagree on the unity of 19:1625. This
passage is often viewed as the product of gradual growth.116 The literary relationship between 19:115 and 19:1625 is said to be based on a
prophecy of judgment that was extended by prophecies of salvation.
Isa. 19:1625 has been especially popular among exegetes because
of its astonishing theological view of non-Israelite nations. Many have
discussed how this theology relates to other passages of the Old Testament, but less attention has been given to 19:1625 as a part of the
prophecies concerned with foreign nations. Berges observes a striking difference between the universalism of Isa. 19:1625 and other
descriptions of the future of the nations. He concludes that vv. 1625
form a unique editorial layer in the book of Isaiah.117
Despite the obvious lack of attention devoted to, Isa. 19:115, this
section is, theologically speaking, no less significant. One of its key
motifs, the plan of Yhwh, is a theme pervading the entire collection
of 1323. The relationship between the Isaianic views of Egypt in
Isa. 3031 and Isa. 19 is another important theme to consider when
addressing the question of its origin.
1.3.3
115
T.K. Cheyne, The Nineteenth Chapter of Isaiah, ZAW 13 (1893), 12728; Marti,
155; Procksch, 244; Vermeylen, 1.322; Wildberger, 7034.
116
Cf. Procksch, 249; Fohrer, 1.211; Kaiser, 86; Schoors, 121; Kilian, 123; Sweeney,
27071; Hffken, 146; Blenkinsopp, 318; etc.
117
Berges, 16471.
118
See for the latter Kaiser, 9697; Vermeylen, 1.32425; Sweeney, 272; J. Blenkinsopp, The Prophetic Biography of Isaiah, in: E. Blum (ed.), Mincha. Festgabe fr Rolf
Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2000, 1326.
introduction
31
The coherence of this passage is not always taken for granted. The
difficult phraseology of Isa. 20:12 has led some scholars to assume
that one of these verses is the work of a later glossator, and different
parts of vv. 46 are occasionally ascribed to this unnamed author.119
Even the exact identity of the addressees has raised some questions.
A few exegetes maintain that originally Isa. 20 addressed Philistia and
was transformed into an anti-Judaean text only at a later stage.120
It is also a significant question why the salvation prophecy in Isa. 19
is followed again by a text predicting the fall and deportation of Egypt
and Kush. Kilians answer is that Isa. 20 was included in the collection
at a date earlier than the salvation prophecy of 19:1825.121 Nevertheless, the problem still remains: why was Isa. 19:1825 not included
after Isa. 20, i.e. after the text dealing with the collapse of the Nilotic
kingdoms?
The anti-Egyptian theological stance of Isa. 20 overlaps with Isa. 30
and 31, but it is intriguing to investigate whether the function and
theological intention of the prophecy can be sufficiently explained
against the 8th century background, or other alternatives need also to
be considered.
119
120
121
32
chapter one
introduction
33
of Isa. 1323. Second, Chapter 3 offers a concise analysis of the individual prophecies in Isa. 1317 and 2123. The problem addressed
here is how the individual prophecies and subcollections of Isa. 1317;
2123 facilitate our understanding of the development of this collection. Chapters 46 give a detailed study of Isa. 1820. Each chapter
evaluates the Isaianic texts from literary, theological and historical
perspectives. A concluding Chapter 7 reviews the principle results of
this inquiry.
CHAPTER TWO
The anthology of Isa. 1323 is usually labelled a collection of prophecies concerning (foreign) nations. Such collections play a very significant role in the composition of several prophetic books. Therefore
a critical examination of these anthologies of foreign nation prophecies may shed light on the formation of Isa. 1323. After preliminary remarks with regard to terminological issues concerning texts
comparable to Isa. 1323, I shall devote brief attention to the general
theological characteristics of foreign nation prophecies in the Hebrew
Bible in relation to their ancient Near Eastern context. The final part of
this chapter will focus on literary collections of biblical foreign nation
prophecies resembling Isa. 1323.
36
chapter two
E.g., Isa. 19:115; 21:110; 23; Jer. 46:112; 46:1324, 2526; 49:2327; etc.
E.g., Joel 2:20 in 2:1827; Joel 4:19 in 4:1821; Mic. 4:1112 in 4:814; Mic. 5:45,
14 in 5:18, 14; Hag. 2:22 in 2:2023; Zech. 2:13 in 2:517; etc.
6
Cf. Ezek. 25:814; Joel 3:48; 4:19; Zeph. 2:810.
7
Cf. Isa. 17:1214; Joel 4:13, 917; Hag. 2:22.
8
F. Fechter, Bewltigung der Katastrophe: Untersuchungen zu ausgewhlten Fremdvlkersprchen im Ezechielbuch (BZAW, 208), Berlin 1992, 2.
5
37
38
chapter two
text formation.14 (b) Since not all of these prophecies comply with the
features of oracular literature (though some of them may), it is better to use the name prophecy instead of oracle, unless reference is
being made to specific texts conforming to the latter category.15 The
term adopted in this study is foreign nation prophecies, henceforth
abbreviated as FNPs.
2.2
39
while FNPs were probably also uttered in the presence of the king,
several texts were presented in the absence of the actual addressee,
Zimri-lim. Many of these letters were sent from one of the towns by
the kings officials. Some oracles were publicly pronounced, others
were only addressed to the royal official responsible for delivering the
letter. Often, they were not only uttered in the absence of the primary
addressee, Zimri-lim, but in the absence of the enemy as well. The
enemy is sometimes addressed in the second person form (PPANE
10:1720; 17:1517; 19:618), on other occasions in the third person
(PPANE 4:3243; 5; 7:1119; 20:1116; 38:939). The enemy of Zimrilim is often addressed through its king (PPANE 19:1518), but a few
prophecies also mention the enemy nation (PPANE 10:1720; 19:810;
38:3239).
The FNPs of Mari function as salvation oracles for Zimri-lim in
times of war. Generally the king is the focus of these prophecies, which
is understandable given that these tablets come from royal archives.
Considering their form and relating them to biblical prophecies, it
is also remarkable that proclamations regarding the destruction of the
foreign nations were recorded on the same tablet with other prophecies dealing with various aspects of Zimri-lims personal, social or
administrative life (PPANE 4). Furthermore, some tablets contain collections of oracles concerning the same nation but uttered by different
prophets (PPANE 19).
The Assyrian prophecies of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal resemble
the Mari texts in many respects.17 They are similarly focused on the
Assyrian king. They also represent foreign nations or kings as enemies.
At the same time, however, the prophecies addressing Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal have much more to say on theological issues, such as the
relationship between the king and the deity, a motif rather infrequent,
though not totally absent in the Mari prophecies (PPANE 17:3134).
Assyrian prophetic texts also differ from the letters of Mari in the sense
that they tell us less about the social context of the prophecies. References to this context appear mainly in historical inscriptions recording
17
For Assyrian prophecies, see the above-mentioned PPANE as well as S. Parpola,
Assyrian Prophecies (SAA, 9), Helsinki 1997; M. Nissinen, References to Prophecy
in Neo-Assyrian Sources (SAAS, 7), Helsinki 1998; M. Weippert, Knig, frchte
dich nicht! Assyrische Prophetie im 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr., Or. 71 (2002) 154;
M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative Study
of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies (VT.S,
117), Leiden 2007.
40
chapter two
the campaigns of the king (PPANE 100 iii 47; 101; cf. also PPANE
137 A 1117). Likewise, it is striking that in PPANE 85 Esarhaddon
is mentioned in the third person. The message regarding the defeat
and destruction of Melid, Cimmer and Ellipi is addressed in a second
person form to the Assyrians (mar mt Aur), but according to the
colophon, the oracle was read aloud before the king (PPANE 85 ii
32).
The Assyrian texts are usually much longer and adopt a language
full of metaphors and comparisons only sporadically attested in the
Mari prophecies. In Nineveh, these oracles were often gathered into
collections of pronouncements of several prophets, given on various
occasions (PPANE 6877; 7883). A remarkable collection is PPANE
93, which bears the superscription dibb a Elamyi, words concerning the Elamites and contains individual, thematically-coherent oracular utterances.
To exemplify types of prophecies that are not cast into the form
of a messenger speech common in Mari and the New Assyrian archives, note should be made of the so-called execration texts from
Egypt. Besides pronouncing on the fate of a given nation, Balaam, the
biblical figure referred to above, also performs ritual acts in order to
influence the fate of the enemy nation. Such types of rituals appear
frequently in Egypt in the context of war between Egypt and its enemies.18 Pots and figurines inscribed with the names of nations under
Egyptian authority or nations threatening Egypts sovereignty were
broken, symbolising the fate of those foreign nations. Since Israelite
prophecy is presented in Deut. 18:922 as a substitute for all kinds of
mantic practices, including execration, curse, witchcraft, and magic,19
these Egyptian texts may have some value in studying biblical FNPs.
However, contrary to the suggestion of some scholars,20 the relationship between Israelite FNPs and execration and manticism is rather
superficial.
18
G. Posener, Princes et pays dAsie et de Nubie: Textes hiratiques sur des figurines
denvotement du Moyen Empire, Bruxelles 1940; Hayes, Nations, 8386.
19
Note also Joseph, Moses and Daniel, the Israelite prophet-like figures, each surpassing in his way the skills of foreign magicians, proclaiming not only the superiority
of Yhwh above other gods but also the pre-eminence of Israels prophets above other
diviners. Cf. also Isa. 19:1115; 47:1214.
20
Cf. A. Bentzen, The Ritual Background of Amos i 2ii 16, in: P.A.H. de Boer
(ed.), Oudtestamentische Studin, vol. 8, Leiden 1950, 8599. For a critical review of
Bentzens arguments, see J. Barton, Amoss Oracles against the Nations: A Study of
Amos 1.32.5 (SOTS.MS, 6), Cambridge 1980, 1214.
41
21
De Jong, Isaiah, 26466, 27578. Similarly, we also find prophecies concerning
foreigners in Greek literature, though these are more distant relatives of the biblical
FNPs. See A.C. Hagedorn, Looking at Foreigners in Biblical and Greek Prophecy,
VT 57 (2007), 43248.
22
For discussions of previous research on the FNPs, see Hayes, Nations, 1438;
Hffken, Begrndungselementen, 1236; D.L. Christensen, Prophecy and War in
Ancient Israel: Studies in the Oracles against the Nations in Old Testament Prophecy,
Berkeley 1989, 19.
42
chapter two
23
F. Schwally, Die Reden des Buches Jeremia gegen die Heiden: XXV. XLVILI
untersucht, ZAW 8 (1888), 177216.
24
So Gunkel and Gressmann (cited in Hayes, Nations, 2124, 2627).
25
H.G. Reventlow, Das Amt des Propheten bei Amos, Gttingen 1962, 65.
26
C. Schmerl, Die Vlkerorakel in den Prophetenbchern des Alten Testaments,
Wrzburg 1939; Hayes, Nations; B. Margulis, Studies in the Oracles against the Nations (Ph.D. diss.), Brandeis University, MA 1966; Christensen, Prophecy; Hffken,
Begrndungselementen; Hoffmann, Nations.
27
Cf. Hayes, Nations, 39170; Idem, The Usage of Oracles against Foreign Nations
in Ancient Israel, JBL 87 (1968), 8192.
28
Hayes, Nations, 124, 128.
43
29
44
chapter two
though they may have been thought relevant to (changing) historical circumstances.34 He emphasises the prominence of mythological
motifs and lamentation, as well as the importance of the liturgical setting of these FNPs, especially the significance of the Day of Atonement
and the New Year festival.35 He maintains that the FNPs show signs
that they are related to the tradition of the cosmic battle between the
deity and the forces of chaos. The nations are an aspect of this order
(or disorder) and are to be brought into line in the same way as aberrant Israel, whose faults were corrected through the ritual of the Day
of Purgation.36 Gayer puts forward the daring suggestion that we have
been mistaken in thinking that ON-IJE [the FNPs in Isa.Ezek.] are
prophetic utterances, unless perhaps they emanate from cult prophets.
Although ON-IJE now stand within prophetic books, they do so without any real ascription as to when they were uttered, on what occasion or to what purpose.37 Instead of prophetic involvement, Geyer
attributes a more significant role to other cultic functionaries, like the
high priest.
The purpose and methods of Hffken are different. His approach is
thematic rather than phenomenological. His goal is to analyse the reasons and motivations for judgment in the FNPs. In undertaking this
task, he differentiates between (1) reasons related to Israel / Judah,38
(2) speeches of arrogance, (3) universal (general) motivations, and
(4) motivations pertinent to foreign nations. Using this categorisation,
Hffken endeavours to define a temporal scheme for the motifs deriving from earlier or later periods. In his view, thematic variation testifies to a divergent historical background underlying the FNPs. Some
functioned in the context of military-political affairs, while others were
rooted in the cult.39
These works focusing on FNPs in general are valuable contributions
to our knowledge about the common forms, themes and traditions in
the background of these prophecies. However, like form criticism, their
strength is at the same time their weakness. A glimpse into detailed lit-
34
J.B. Geyer, Mythology and Lament: Studies in the Oracles about the Nations,
Hants 2004, 5.
35
Geyer, Mythology, 5, 11747; Idem, Another Look, 83.
36
Geyer, Another Look, 83.
37
Geyer, Another Look, 86.
38
(a) military and political threat against Israel / Judah; (b) the motifs of invective,
mockery, or malicious delight in the fate of Israel / Judah.
39
Hffken, Begrndungselementen.
45
40
P.C. Beentjes, Oracles against the Nations: A Central Issue in the Latter Prophets , Bijdr. 50 (1989), 205.
41
Huwyler, Jeremia, 34.
42
Although FNPs also appear outside these collections, those texts are less relevant
in view of the primary purpose of this study as formulated in 1.4.
43
J. Vermeylen, Lunit du livre dIsae, in: BoI, 2834; P.-M. Bogaert, Lorganisation des grands recueils prophtiques, in: BoI, 14753; Beentjes, Central Issue,
2039.
46
chapter two
a. What was the reason for collecting these FNPs? What characteristics
bind the individual texts together? Is the collection a static corpus
of pre-existing utterances gathered with a consistent editorial view,
or can we find evidence of re-organisation and amendment based
on various editorial criteria?
b. What is the concept guiding the further assembly of these collections in the series of prophetic books?
c. How far does the editorial elaboration behind the collections follow
a concept paralleled by other prophetic books and how far are these
collections book specific?
2.4.1
(a) As we have seen in 2.3, many scholars consider the FNPs in Amos
1:32:5 to be the oldest literary condensation of its type. This pericope
enumerates seven nations in the neighbourhood of Israel. The focus
and arrangement of this section suggest that its scope is to place Israel
in the context of its neighbours.
All prophecies in Amos 1:32:5 are set according to a more or less
common literary pattern, filled with different content to suit each individual nation. There are, nevertheless, three oracles that slightly differ
from the others in their form and, to a greater degree, in their scope.
This is one of the reasons why these three prophecies are often considered to be later additions to an earlier corpus consisting of four
prophecies on neighbouring nations and one on Israel in 2:616*.44
(b) In the present form of the book of Amos, the collection of FNPs
opens the book. The prophecies against Israel in Amos 36, the central
core of the book, are strongly related to the prophecies against other
nations. After denouncing these nations, the prophet suddenly turns
to reproving Israel in similar ways (2:616). Words against enemy
nations may have sounded familiar to the prophets audience. Nevertheless, the decisive point is the moment when the prophet turns
44
The disputed prophecies are those concerning Tyre, Edom and Judah. Cf. H.W.
Wolff, Dodekapropheton 2: Joel und Amos (BK, 14/2), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1969, 170
71; Barton, Oracles, 2224; B. Gosse, Le recueil doracles contra les nations du livre
dAmos et lhistoire deutronomique, VT 38 (1988), 2240; J. Jeremias, Der Prophet
Amos (ATD, 24/2), Gttingen 1995, 1011.
47
45
On this surprise technique, see Barton, Oracles, 37; Jeremias, Amos, 8. A similar technique is used in Amos 3:36, 8 and 5:1820.
46
Cf. Jeremias, Amos, 8; A.S. van der Woude, Amos-Obadja-Jona (T&T), Kampen
1997, 25. The numerical sayings of the FNPs (for three transgressions of GN, and for
four . . .) acquire their real meaning in the prophecy against Israel. In the FNPs, there
is one wrongdoing mentioned in case of every nation, while the prophecy against
Israel mentions not four (so Jeremias and Van der Woude), but 4 + 3 = 7 sins (some
of which may be synonymous re-iterations, but note Amos 2:7cd). Amos 2:1416 also
describes seven forms of punishment (3 + 3 + 1) that will affect the nation.
47
The prophecy on Israel in Amos 2:68, 1416 with its seven transgressions may
also be a summary of the prophets own message scattered throughout Amos 36
(cf. also Jeremias, Amos, 21). It is frequently argued that such summaries precede the
collection of the Isaianic prophecies in Isa. 1.
48
Cf. Wolff, Amos, 184; J. Jeremias, Vlkersprche und Visionsberichte im Amosbuch, in: Volkmar Fritz et al. (eds), Prophet und Prophetenbuch: Festschrift fr Otto
Kaiser zum 65. Geburtstag (BZAW, 185), Berlin 1989, 8297; Idem, Amos, xix, 89.
The vision reports are consequently interrupted by a narrative and several oracular
sayings. But Jeremias considers their present location secondary.
48
chapter two
49
The enlargement of the FNPs to seven textual units (distorting the parallels with
Amos 79) could be the work of the same editors who inserted the Amos narrative
in Amos 7. The editorial conception governing the later texts of Amos 12 is often
attributed to the Deuteronomists (cf. Wolff, Amos, 13738, 18485; Gosse, Lhistoire
deutronomique, 2240), as is also the narrative of Am 7.
50
E.g., Wolf, Amos, 21213; Jeremias, Amos, 85, 89; S.M. Paul, Amos (Hermeneia),
Minneapolis, MN 1991, 1001. For the literary connections between Amos 12 and
3:2, see Barton, Oracles, 36.
51
Cf. Jeremias, Amos, 32 n. 10.
52
The question is whether Amos Israel is a historical reference to the Northern
Kingdom after 721 or whether it has a theological meaning (i.e. it also includes Judah),
as it does in exilic and later literature. The name of Judah appears only sparingly (cf.
Amos 1:1; 2:45; 7:12).
49
50
chapter two
M. Haran, The Place of the Prophecies against the Nations in the Book of Jeremiah,
in: S.M. Paul, E. Ben-David (eds), Emanuel: Studies in Hebrew Bible, Septuagint, and
Dead Sea Scrolls in Honor of E. Tov, Leiden 2003, 699706.
56
K. Seybold, Der Prophet Jeremia: Leben und Werk, Stuttgart 1992, 12028.
57
E.g., R.P. Carroll, Jeremiah, London 1986, 81516; Seybold, Jeremia, 121.
58
Cf. H.G.L. Peels, Gods Throne in Elam: The Historical Background and Literary Context of Jeremiah 49:3439, in: J.C. de Moor, H.F. van Rooij (eds), Past,
Present, Future: The Deuteronomistic History and the Prophets (OTS, 44), Leiden 2000,
21629.
59
See, for instance, Seybold, Jeremia, 12728; Huwyler, Jeremia, 267.
51
Heading
-60
+ h(istorical) d(ata)
+ hd
+ hd
+ hd
+ hd
+ hd
[ ] (+ hd)
60
52
chapter two
61
This date coincides with the first year of Nebuchadnezzars reign (Jer. 25:1). This
is not insignificant, as he will become the protagonist of Jer. 4649.
62
Jer. 36:2 and 45 connects the prophecies against Israel, Judah and the nations
to the person of Baruch, while Jer. 5051 are related to Seraiah (51:59). For Seraiah
as a second Baruch (his brother?), see Carroll, Jeremiah, 749; Seybold, Jeremia, 35.
In LXX, Babylon does not appear on the list of the nations to drink from the cup of
wrath (MT Jer. 25:1826; LXX 32:412).
63
may have a double meaning in 25:11: country and world.
64
Carroll, Jeremiah, 759; W.L. Holladay, Jeremiah, vol. 2, Philadelphia, PA 1989,
313; Haran, Place, 702.
65
Watts, Text, 43247.
53
look again at the superscriptions. In the headings of the FNP collections, we find four different historical dates:66
Country
MT
LXX
Date
Elam
Egypt
Babylon
Philistia
49:34
46:2
51:60
47:1
25:20
26:2
28:60
29:1
598 bc
605 bc
594 bc
before the pharaoh smote Gaza (605 bc?)67
66
54
chapter two
(b) The different order in which the nations are mentioned and the
place of the FNPs in the book as a whole have led some to believe that
Jer. 4651 was only added to the rest of the book of Jeremiah at a late
stage, circulating previously as an independent anonymous collection.70
Watts is probably right when he suggests that the different organisation of the prophecies does attest to a once independent collection of
FNPs that happened to find its way into both textual traditions. The
divergences reflect differing views belonging to two separate editorial
traditions (MT/LXX). Nevertheless, it is remarkable that Jer. 25:1 and
36:2 mention prophecies addressed to Israel and Judah in the same
collection with the prophecies aimed at other nations. Moreover and
as previously mentioned, the system of superscriptions in the FNPs is
well suited to the book of Jeremiah, reinforcing the view that the FNP
collection never circulated as an independent book detached from the
other prophecies of Jeremiah.
What theological concerns do the two textual traditions serve in
placing the collection of FNPs at different locations in the book? The
key evidence in this regard is provided by Jer. 25:29 (LXX 32:29): if
Jerusalem, Yhwhs own city, is about to be brought down by a disaster, how could the nations go unpunished? Indeed, they will not, for
a sword will devour all the other nations as well. In other words, the
prophecies regarding the punishment of other nations are extensions
of those addressed to Judah. Jeremiah does not have a three level
structure (judgment of Israel, judgment of other nations, salvation of
Israel), but a two level structure: judgment of Israel and judgement
of other nations. These two levels are evident in the form attested by
MT; Jer. 145 describes the judgment passed on Judah, its execution
encompassing the entire 40 year period in which Jeremiah was active,
from 627 (Jer. 1:1) to 587 bc, the fall of Jerusalem. This book is connected to the person of Baruch (Jer. 36; 45). The book on Judah ends
with a vision on the fall of Egypt (Jer. 44:2930), the nation that appears
in Jer. 46 as the first among the foreign nations to be denounced in
Jer. 4651.
Jer. 51:64, also missing from LXX). If this can be regarded as the end of a collection of
prophecies there is some support for making the Moab text the final one in the collection as it is in LXX. However, this phrase only denotes the end of the Moab prophecy
and not an entire collection.
70
See the discussion in Holladay, Jeremiah, 313; Watts, Text, 43234.
55
71
Jer. 1, in which the prophet is concerned with both Judah and other nations,
should probably be seen as the introduction to the entire book, including the FNPs
(cf. Seybold, Jeremia, 121).
72
The scroll with many similar words ( ) added to the book
burned by Jehoiakim (Jer. 36:32) may indirectly allude to such a concept. For the
significance of Jer. 36 in the history of Jeremiah, see Y. Hoffman, Aetiology, Redaction and Historicity in Jeremiah xxxvi, VT 46 (1996), 18589; Sharp, Another Scroll,
5078. Sharps view that Jer. 36 indirectly supports the authoritativeness of the shorter
tradition in LXX is doubtful (cf. Jer. 36:23!).
73
Jer. 2645 is treated as a distinctive unit in Jeremiah research (cf. Duhms biography source and Mowinckels source B in Seybold, Jeremia, 2021).
74
Jer. 49:16 and Amos 1:1415 indirectly allude to the relationship between Amos
and Jeremiah. Jer. 25:3038, the epilogue of the FNPs in the LXX, is also particularly
close to Amos 1:2, the starting point of the FNPs of Amos.
56
chapter two
regarding them as the totality of all people, and suggests that the entire
encircling world will become subservient to Nebuchadnezzar, the servant of Yhwh. A further expansion adds the idea of Yhwhs world
dominion (Jer. 49:38). The theology of the MT version of Jeremiah
places the judgment on Babylon in the final position and is not without
parallels. The same idea frames Isa. 112 and 2833, both proclaiming
judgment on Judah and Israel by way of a foreign nation ultimately
subdued by Yhwh. The superscriptions are, however, rather book specific, and the same holds true for many particular expressions in the
individual prophecies. The motivation for the judgment on nations in
Jer. 25:29 is also particular to this book.
2.4.3
75
On the FNPs of Ezekiel, see H. van Dijk, Ezekiels Prophecy on Tyre (Ez. 26,1
28,19): A New Approach (BiOr, 20), Rome 1968; L. Boadt, Ezekiels Oracles against
Egypt: A Literary and Philological Study of Ezekiel 2932 (BiOr, 37), Rome 1980; Fechter, Bewltigung; M. Alonso Corral, Ezekiels Oracles against Tyre: Historical Reality and Motivations (BiOr, 46), Rome 2002; V. Premstaller, Fremdvlkersprche des
Ezechielbuches (FzB, 104), Wrzburg 2005.
Nation
25:1
25:3
25:8
25:12
25:15
26:1
26:7
26:15
26:19
27:1
28:1
28:11
28:20
29:1
29:17
30:1
30:20
31:1
32:1
32:17
Main heading
Ammon
Moab
Edom
Philistia
Tyre
Tyre
Tyre
Tyre
Tyre
Tyre
Tyre
Sidon
Egypt
Egypt
Egypt
Egypt
Egypt
Egypt
Egypt
57
Heading
+ date +
+ date +
+ date +
+ date +
+ date +
+ date +
+ date +
76
For as the beginning of a prophecy, see Isa. 49:22; Obad. 1
(not in opening position in Isa. 7:7; 28:16; 30:16; 52:4; 65:13; Jer. 7:20). The formula appears also elsewhere in the Tyre-prophecy (Ezek. 2628), but it does not
always function as a text-delimiter (e.g., 27:3; 28:2, 6, 12, 22). In 28:25, introduces a new section, but one that is not part of the Tyre-collection (see below). In
the Egypt prophecies (Ezek. 2932), is used in a variety of ways.
may belong to the text (cf. 29:3, 8, 19; 30:2; 31:10, 15?; 32:3, 11), or apparently function as an ending, like the -formula (cf. 30:6, 10, 13). Once or twice,
may introduce a new expansion (29:13; 31:15?), but in both cases the text is related
and subordinated to the previous passages, so that it is hard to consider them individual prophecies similar to those headed by + date + .
The formula appears as an opening text outside Ezekiel in
Jer. 1:4, 11; 2:1; 16:1; 24:4; Zech. 6:9. As a formula inside a prophecy, see Jer. 13:3, 8;
18:5; Zech. 4:8.
77
+ mentioning a sinful deed against Israel + + recognition formula.
58
chapter two
78
59
ecy promising glory for Israel in contrast to Egypt.82 Egypt, Judahs ally
in the face of the Babylonian threat (29:6), would become an insignificant state (29:14), while Yhwh will cause a horn to grow to Israel, i.e.
its strength and glory will surpass that of Egypt.
Now, the problem with Ezek. 29:16, 21 is that it does not appear
at the end of the Egypt section but somewhere in the middle. This
placement of Ezek. 29:16, 21 is not accidental. Formal and thematic
considerations played an important part in the shifting editorial concepts of the book. Ezek. 29:1316, 21 is, at any rate, later than the
previous 29:6b12 to which it has been attached.83 Since it envisages
a different future for Egypt than the following prophecies do (Ezek.
3032), it is probably later than those as well. One may assume therefore, that Ezek. 29:1316, 21 was placed in its present location due to
thematic considerations, and the direct relationship with the prophecy
that it follows. From a literary-chronological point of view, however,
and following the concept of its author, Ezek. 29:16, 21 is indeed a
conclusion similar to 28:2426.
The prophecies against Tyre and Egypt are disproportionately
long in comparison with the utterances against other nations. Both
of them form small collections of seven pericopes, containing, on
the one hand, utterances against a nation (Tyre: 26:16, 714; Egypt:
29:6b16, 21; 29:1720; 30:119), supplemented by elegies on its fall
(Tyre: 26:1621; 27:136; Egypt: 32:1732). On the other hand, both
collections include prophecies against the king (Tyre: 28:110; Egypt:
29:16a; 30:2026; 31:118), and elegies on the fall of the king (Tyre:
28:1219; Egypt: 32:116). The organisation of the prophecies against
Tyre appears to be thematic in the first instance (first the city, then
the king) and formal in the second (first prophecies, then elegies). In
the case of Egypt, formal criteria seemingly played an important role,
but the chronological headings must have surely imposed some limitations. The Tyre series contains one single date only, while the organisation of the prophecies in the Egypt unit is based on chronological
considerations.84
82
Ezek. 29:21 probably belongs to 29:1316, the salvation prophecy with which it
has more common points than the preceding 29:1720.
83
Ezek. 30:23, 26 also mentions the dispersion of the Egyptians, so that 29:1316,
21 probably derives from a still later date than 30:2026. Ezek. 29:1316, 21 reflect on
29:6b12 (note the motif of 40 years of captivity and Egypt as supporter of Judah).
84
An unsurprising exception is the prophecy in Ezek. 29:1720.
60
chapter two
(b) Given that the book of Ezekiel contains several explicit references to the nations surrounding Judah, the organisation of the FNPs
according to geographical principles (Ezek. 28:24, 26) fits the theological framework of the book (cf. 5:5, 6, 7, 14, 15; 36:3, 4, 7, 36).
The structure reinforces the close connection between the FNPs and
the prophecies on Israel in Ezek. 124. Like the MT version of Jeremiah, the two textual units are probably connected based on chronological considerations. The prophecies in the first section of the book
are dated between the 5th9th years of king Jehoiachins captivity
(Ezek. 1:2; 24:1).85 The dated prophecies concerning the nations are
placed between the 10th12th years of the same kings reign (32:17).
The conclusion is that the prophecies concerning Judah and the foreign nations stretch together over a period of 7 years, a number having
symbolic value.86
Besides the two textual blocks with prophecies addressed to Judah
and the FNPs, it is believed that Ezek. 3348 forms a collection of
salvation prophecies. The view is somewhat complicated, however, by
the fact that Ezek. 33 does not fit the scheme of a salvation prophecy.87 Moreover, Ezek. 35 again contains a prophecy against Edom,
85
On the chronological problems, cf. W. Zimmerli, Ezechiel (BK, 13/12), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1969, 4045, 562; M. Dijkstra, Ezechil I (T&T), Kampen 1986, 21, 32;
Idem, Ezechil II, 15.
86
The symbolic sense of the number 7 is well illustrated by Ezek. 3:1516. According to this text, after sitting dumb for seven days among the exiles, Gods word was
revealed to him. The motif of dumbness appears at different key locations in the book
(3:15, 26; 24:27; 29:21; 33:22). Its interpretation has been a source of many difficulties
(cf. R.R. Wilson, An interpretation of Ezekiels dumbness, VT 22 [1972], 91104).
Since the key chapter, Ezek. 33, is strongly connected with Ezek. 3, and since Ezek.
4:6 is familiar with a 1 day = 1 year symbolism, it is tempting to relate the seven day
dumbness in 3:15 with the seven year dumbness in 33:22, as well as the seven year
period of the prophecies in Ezek. 424; 2532. It is also noteworthy that the activity
of Jeremiah, presented as the second Moses in Jer. 1, is similarly dated to a symbolic
period of forty years, from the 13th year of Josiah in Jer. 1:1, i.e. 627 to the fall of
Jerusalem in 587 (cf. Blenkinsopp, Prophecy, 135).
87
Ezek. 33, which closes the judgment speeches against Judah and the nations, is
a very significant chapter in the book from a compositional viewpoint. Contrary to
assumptions that Ezek. 33:2133 would have originally belonged to Ezek. 124 (Dijkstra, Ezechil I, 21; Idem, Ezechil II, 21, 95), this entire chapter can be adequately
explained in its present context. Ezek. 33 is the conclusion to the previous set of
prophecies rather than the introduction of a new section. It reflects on important
passages from the book, especially Ezek. 3; 18 and 24. The function of Ezek. 33 is
threefold. First, in view of the judgment accomplished with the fall of Judah and the
nations, it concludes the entire activity of Ezekiel in the light of Ezek. 3:1621. Ezekiel
is not to blame for the doom that has come upon Judah, for he fulfilled his task of
a watchman. The prophet has saved his life (3:21; 33:9). Second, neither is Yhwh to
61
blame for what happened to his people (18:25, 29; 33:17). Third, only Israel alone is to
be held responsible for the course of the events, as it was not only unfaithful to Yhwh
(33:2526) but also failed to heed any warning (33:3033).
88
Cf. Dijkstra, Ezechil I, 22223; M. Greenberg, Ezekiel 2137 (AncB, 22A), New
York, NY 1997, 434, 436.
89
Its form is also similar, since it also makes use of the / sequence (35:56,
1011) and the recognition formula (35:9, 15).
90
Whether the basic narrative can still be assigned to the prophet Ezekiel (so Zimmerli, Ezekiel, 946; Blenkinsopp, Ezekiel, 18081) is a question that reaches beyond
the interest of this chapter. It is clear, nevertheless, that Ezek. 3839 was also written
for this book, as it adopts the books characteristic phraseology.
62
chapter two
with a prophecy on Israel in Ezek. 36, reminds the reader of the similar
organisation of the anti-Edom prophecy in Isa. 34 and 35.
2.4.4
91
D.H. Ryou, Zephaniahs Oracles against the Nations: A Synchronic and Diachronic
Study of Zephaniah 2:13:8 (BIS, 13), Leiden 1995; cf. also J. Vermeylen, Lunit du
livre dIsae, in: BoI, 32. P.-M. Bogaert, Lorganisation des grands recueils prophtiques, in: BoI, 148, disputes the legitimacy of comparing Zephaniah with the Major
Prophets but his short note does not raise any convincing objections.
92
L. Perlitt, Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephaniah (ATD, 25/1), Gttingen
2004, 98.
93
M.A. Sweeney, The Twelve Prophets, vol. 2, Collegeville, MN 2000, 494; cf.
J. Vlaardingerbroek, Sefanja (COT), Kampen 1993, 135.
94
Ryou, Zephaniahs Oracles, 135.
63
95
Contra Perlitt, who believed that the FNP-cycle of Zephaniah was an expression
of the universal rule of Yhwh (Perlitt, Zephaniah, 123).
96
Zeph. 2:7 refers to the return from exile. But it is exactly this exile that repentance
was supposed to prevent (cf. 2:13).
97
Cf. Ezek. 25:1517 and see Ryou, Zephaniahs Oracles, 29499.
98
On the connection between Zeph. 2:11 and the oracle on the Philistines, see
Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 517.
99
Note the above-mentioned similarities between 2:7 and 9b. Zeph. 2:9b fits well
into its immediate context, Zeph. 2:810 (as 2:7 also fits 2:56), but the message of this
entire prophecy differs from the reading imposed by Zeph. 3:67 (warning for Judah).
Moreover, it is difficult to read the Moab-Ammon prophecy as a description of the
past, as Zeph. 3:67 presupposes. That is understandable if 2:810 was not originally
written for its present position.
64
chapter two
100
The text enumerates a list of nations both in proximity and far away, comparable
to the perspective of the book (cf. Zeph. 1:8 with 3:8). The thesis of a geographical
organising principle is more convincing than Berlins suggestion, who believed that
the text is modelled on and reflects the cultural antagonism of nomadic Semites and
urbanised societies. Cf. A. Berlin, Zephaniahs Oracles against the Nations and an
Israelite Cultural Myth, in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds), Fortunate the Eyes That See: Essays
in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand
Rapids, MI 1995, 17584.
65
101
The expression is most certainly a gloss (cf. Perlitt, Zephaniah, 140),
reinterpreting the verse originally referring to foreign nations (cf. Isa. 18:1, 7) as a
promise regarding the Jews in the diaspora.
102
A further possible reference to the future fate of foreign nations appears in a
subsequent extension of the book at Zeph. 3:18, a verse famous for its problems. The
text is usually taken to refer to Judaeans, but that hardly makes any sense in the
context of the present verse. It seems more convincing to interpret 3:18 as an allusion to the reactions of foreigners grieving ( )about the feasting of the Judaeans.
In Zeph. 1, the verb appears as a terminus technicus for judgment; its sense is
probably the same in this location. In 2:8, describes the attitude of Moab and
Ammon toward Judaeans. It is possible that 3:18 again refers to the of the same
community of foreigners, arguing that their former insults will be turned as a burden
on themselves (the emendation of to is supported by the Targum). This
verse is similar to Zeph. 2:9b.
103
Cf. Zeph. 3:9 | Isa. 19:18; Zeph. 3:10 | Isa. 18:1, 7; Zeph. 3:12 | Isa. 14:32.
66
chapter two
2.5
Conclusion
67
tions may have altered the concept of earlier editors. The dynamic process of rereading and reformulating editorial concepts was influenced
by changing audiences and hermeneutical situations.
Examination of these four prophetic books does not suggest that the
books of Ezekiel, Zephaniah, or the LXX of Jeremiah were ordered following an eschatological scheme. It is nevertheless significant that the
FNPs always form dyptichs with prophecies addressed to Israel. The
prophecies against Yhwhs own people are usually followed by judgements pronounced on other nations (Jer., Ezek., Zeph.), but in the case of
Amos, the prophecies concerning these nations precede those addressed
to Israel. The foreign nations are important only in relation to Israel, the
people of Yhwh. This also underlines the fact that the collections were
composed from the perspective of the authors own community.
The theological emphasis of the collections may differ. In Amos the
prophecy on foreign nations functions as a prelude to the prophecies
on Israel, and to a certain extent the same holds true for Zeph. 2:415.
The announcement of judgment on other nations in the latter text
serves as a warning for Israel. In Jeremiah, the motivation for the
judgment of other nations is the previous punishment meted out to
Judah. In Ezekiel, the judgment of nations is induced by their attitude
towards Judah.
In some cases, however, we may presuppose that the editors were
acquainted with collections of FNPs in other books. We find concepts
overarching various compositions (chronological, geographical organization of prophecies, use of the symbolic number seven, the theme
of the day of Yhwh), and these features may reveal the interconnectedness of groups working on different books, even though it would go
too far to ascribe all editorial activity to one particular group.
Despite all these general observations, the collections of FNPs are
strikingly book-specific. They are well integrated inside their respective books, so that authors and editors use superscriptions, headings
and other stereotypical phrases appearing elsewhere in the same book.104
The uniformity is most noticeable in Amos, Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The
book-specific character of the prophecies suggests that the collections
of FNPs were not supposed to be read as independent compositions
but were always meant to be connected to the books in which they
now stand.
104
This is indeed striking, in contrast to opinions maintaining that this redaction of
the prophetic books was the work of the same editors (Vermeylen, Lunit, 32).
CHAPTER THREE
3.1
70
chapter three
-Type Superscription
Isa.
13:1
14:28
15:1
17:1
19:1
21:1
21:11
21:13
22:1
23:1
2
Some have argued that (c)-type headings are formed with the help of keywords derived from the prophecy (Procksch, 277; Kaiser, 5, 97 n. 1; A.A. Macintosh,
Isaiah XXI: A Palimpsest, Cambridge 1980, 4; cf. Wildberger, 764). This idea may
be true of 21:13 () , but in two other cases one would expect
( cf. 21:1b) instead of , and ( cf. 22:5) instead
of . ( 21:11) does not appear anywhere in the related prophecy.
71
3
Cf. Wildberger, 76364; B. Uffenheimer, The Desert of the Sea Pronouncement (Isaiah 21:110), in: D.P. Wright et al. (eds), Pomegranates and Golden Bells:
Studies in Biblical, Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of
Jacob Milgrom, Winona Lake, IN 1995, 67779.
4
. Dhorme, Le dsert de la mer (Isae, xxi), in: Idem, Recueil douard Dhorme:
tudes bibliques et orientales, Paris 1951, 3014; Uffenheimer, Pronouncement, 678
79; Sweeney, 28081. mt tmt is referred to in the Erra and Ishum Epic (iv 130) as
tmtu.
5
Contra Macintosh, Palimpsest, 6; S. Erlandsson, The Burden of Babylon: A Study
of Isaiah 13:214:23 (CB.OT, 4), Lund 1970, 82; D.S. Vanderhooft, The Neo-Babylonian
Empire and Babylon in the Latter Prophets (HSM, 59), Atlanta, GA 1999, 131.
6
Cf. Jer. 25:12; 51:3637. See Ibn Ezra and Qimchi apud Seitz, 167; Uffenheimer,
Pronouncement, 67879; W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign to Judah: New
Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden 1999, 39.
7
can be compared with Jer. 50:21, which refers to Babylon as
. This name may also include a symbolic (cf. , stubborn, rebellious) and a
geographical significance (cf. nr marrtu, designating the area where the Tigris meets
the Euphrates). The same ambiguity appears possibly in )!( in the same verse
line. Cf. W. Rudolph, Jeremia (HAT, 12), Tbingen 1968, 303.
8
Since is also the name of a city in the Arabian Desert (Gen. 25:14; 1 Chron.
1:30), Isa. 21:1112 is sometimes connected with this Arabian region. Cf. K. Galling,
Jesaja 21 im Lichte der neuen Nabonidtexte, in: E. Wrthwein, O. Kaiser (eds), Tradition und Situation: Studien zur alttestamentlichen Prophetie. Arthur Weiser zum
70. Geburtstag, Gttingen 1963, 59; Oswalt, 397 n. 1; Sweeney, 285; Fischer, EdomSpruch, 47677. However, the city of Seir mentioned in Isa. 21:11 reminds one of
Edom rather than an Arabian settlement that is otherwise insignificant for Biblical
literature.
9
Cf. , quiet, silence (Isa. 47:5; Hab. 2:19 [ in 1QpHab]; Lam. 3:26) and
, silence (Ps. 22:3; 39:3; 62:2). See further )<( calm (1 Kgs 19:12;
Ps. 107:29; Job 4:16) and ( Ezek. 27:32). In connection with foreign nations, note
especially Isa. 47:5 (Babylon) and Ezek. 27:32 (Tyre).
10
For and , see Isa. 47:5, for and , see Ps. 22:3.
72
chapter three
difficult to tell. Other homonymous verbal forms should also be considered, like I, to resemble, III, to destroy.
The preposition is unique in of 21:13. It seems, nevertheless, that is syntactically unrelated to . I.e., v. 13 introduces
a entitled . As in the previous case, the meaning of is
ambiguous.11 ) ( may refer to the evening (cf. LXX and Vulg.)
or the Arabian population ( ; 1 Kgs 10:15; Jer. 25:24; Ezek. 27:21).
Viewed through Isa. 21:16, the prophecy is concerned with the inhabitants of the Syrian Desert, the Kederites, sons of Kedem (Jer. 49:28).
As we may conclude from the pericope, , the heading in
Isa. 22:1, appears to be a figurative designation for Jerusalem (cf. 22:5).12
11
This superscription is absent in LXX, but it is supported by all other versions and
manuscripts. Given the nature of the LXX of Isaiah, caution must be exercised when
relying solely on this textual witness (contra Gallagher, Campaign, 57). Isa. 21:1317
should be thematically distinguished from the previous prophecy, so that a new superscription should occur at this location.
12
Another symbolic -superscription appears in Isa. 30:6. In the phrase
, the term itself is ambiguous: may mean pronouncement
against those going to Egypt, as well as burden, i.e. the treasures people transported
on the beasts in order to obtain support from Egypt.
13
Delitzsch, 245, and Young, 2.86, speak of a tetralogy. Sweeney argues that Isa. 21
is an original unit (Sweeney, 277, 281, 284; cf. also Fischer, Edom-Spruch, 478).
Yet, this argument is strange in view of his assumption that the oracles in 1323 are
delimited by the superscriptions + X (Sweeney, 221, 254). His identification
of 21:11, 13 as demarcations of textual subunits (277) is confusing (he also regards
21:14; 21:510; 21:1315; 21:1617 as subunits). Unlike Sweeney (278) assumes, 21:10
concludes an individual oracle.
14
Cf. 21:2, 3, 4, 6, 10, 11, 16; 22:4, 14. Isa. 21:16 may be secondary (see below).
15
21:2, 6, 10, 11, 16; 22:14. The of 14:2832 also refers to an inquiry.
73
war ( ;21:14, 15; 22:3); and both texts give a detailed description
of the enemy.
These common characteristics may suggest that Isa. 2122 contains
a distinctive sub-collection inside the prophecies on the nations of
Isa. 1323.16 Isa. 2122 probably existed as a collection prior to being
inserted into its present location. This editorial process may answer
several important questions on the composition of Isa. 1323, such as
those concerning the two Babylonian prophecies, the appearance of a
prophecy on Jerusalem and one addressed to a palace official alongside
other texts on foreign nations, the present position of Isa. 23, and the
differences in the superscriptions in Isa. 1323.
As noted above in 1.2, scholars usually relate the two anti-Babylonian
prophecies in Isa. 13:114:27 and 21:110 to two successive stages in
the redaction of the book of Isaiah.17 However, this interpretation is
challenged by other texts which were similarly connected to different
stages of redaction but were included among the thematically related
prophecies. In these cases, the prophecies concerning one particular
nation were collected under one heading in Isaiah (cf. 1314; 1516;
1920), as well as in Jeremiah (Jer. 48; 5051) and Ezekiel (Ezek. 2628;
2932). It is more convincing therefore to argue that Isa. 2122 were
not from the beginning supposed to form part of a collection of FNPs.
Moreover, they were related to each other even before they came to be
part of Isa. 1323.
An earlier grouping of Isa. 2122 may also explain the present location of Isa. 22, the unusual prophecy addressing Jerusalem in a collection of FNPs. Similar collections in Jeremiah, Ezekiel or Zephaniah
do not include prophecies on Jerusalem. A prophecy against Israel
appears in Amos 2:616, but there it forms a bridge to the second
part of the book, Amos 36. Isa. 22 in its present position does not
share the same function as Amos 2:616, especially since Isa. 22 is
followed by another prophecy concerning a foreign nation, Tyre, in
Isa. 23. Furthermore, Isa. 22:1525, the prophecy addressed specifically to a Judaean palace official, is unusual with regard to any collection of FNPs.
The assumption that Isa. 2122 was inserted among an already
existing -collection also provides an explanation for the present
16
17
Duhm, 12, also takes 10:2820:6 and 2122 + 30:67 as two collections.
For instance, Vermeylen and Jenkins.
74
chapter three
75
18
Some exegetes delimit 13:114:23 as the first division, excluding the prophecy
on Assyria in 14:2427 (Kaiser, 5). Others regard 13:114:32 as one unit (Sweeney,
22122; Childs, 124). According to Sweeney the superscription in Isa. 14:28 does not
correspond to the standard form of the title in chs. 1323. It should instead be treated
like 20:1, as an appendix (Sweeney, 221). However, the superscriptions of Isa. 2122
also deviate from the standard forms, bringing further pluriformity of -type
headings in the range of possibilities. Isa. 20:1 is different from 14:28, because it is
concerned with the same theme as the previous Isa. 19. No such thematic connection
appears between 13:114:27 and 14:2832. Along with other scholars, I consider 13:1
14:27 to be the first -unit. Cf. K. Jeppesen, The ma bbel in Isaiah 1314,
PIBA 9 (1985), 6380; J.A. Goldstein, The Metamorphosis of Isaiah 13:214:27, in:
R.A. Argall et al. (eds), For a Later Generation: The Transformation of Tradition in
Israel, Early Judaism and Early Christianity, Harrisburg, PA 2000, 7888.
19
Contra Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 7888. For the original unity of 13:114:23,
see Erlandsson, Burden; B. Gosse, Isae 13,114,23 dans la tradition littraire du livre
dIsae et dans la tradition des oracles contre les nations (OBO, 78), Freiburg 1988, 276;
Watts, 195. Hayes & Irvine, 226, treat 14:127 as a unit.
20
Duhm, 112; Kissane, 154; Wildberger, 507; Vermeylen, 1.28687; Sweeney, 231;
Kilian, 95 (but cf. 100); Blenkinsopp, 27677.
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chapter three
21
Zapff identifies an older anti-Babylon oracle 13:1a+1722a from 13:1b+2
16+22b, with universalistic tendencies and with Babylon as the personification of evil.
Cf. B.M. Zapff, Schriftgelehrte ProphetieJes 13 und die Komposition des Jesajabuches: Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Redaktionsgeschichte des Jesajabuches (FzB, 74),
Wrzburg 1995, 219, 22739. Bosshard-Nepustil regards 13:28+1416 as the primary
layer (after 587), expanded by 13:1+1722 (around 539), and later by 13:913. Cf.
E. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen von Jesaia 139 im Zwlfprophetenbuch (OBO,
154), Freiburg 1997, 91. Fischer distinguishes 13:25+78+1416 (after 587), from two
subsequent expansions 13:1a+17+18b+1922 (after 539) and 13:6+913 (date?). Cf. C.
Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprche bei Amos und Jesaja (BBB, 136), Berlin 2002, 7599.
22
Clements, 13238, discerns vv. 23 (Babylonian revolt against Assyria, late 8th
century), vv. 45 (Babylon against the world, end 7th century), vv. 68 (Babylon
against Jerusalem, after 587), vv. 916 (eschatological reinterpretation of , 4th
century), vv. 1516 (after 587), vv. 1722 (ca. 545538).
23
Isa. 17:1; 19:1; 24:1; 30:27; Jer. 6:22; 47:2; Amos 8:11; 9:13; Nah. 2:1.
24
Isa. 28:2, 16; 34:5; 35:4; 39:6; Jer. 2:35; 5:14; Joel 4:7; Hab. 2:4; etc.
25
For as the beginning of a new prophecy, see, e.g., Jer. 46:25; 49:35; 51:1; as
the beginning of a new section, cf. Jer. 49:5; 50:18.
26
Isa. 13:6 may form a new beginning in the poem (cf. Isa. 23:1), but it is not
likely that 13:68 was independent from 13:25 (contra Clements, 13435). Kaiser,
11 noted that 13:25 is written in qina-meter which obviously differs from v. 6. This
may mean that the summons to wail in v. 6 refers to the lament in 13:25. Jer. 4:58
serves with a further example for the relation between the summons to wail and the
coming destruction of the enemy.
77
of Yhwh, the verses furthermore refer to an unnamed enemy introduced as the consecrated ones (), warriors ( )and weapons
of Yhwhs wrath () , commanded ( / )to execute his
anger (13:3). They arrive from a distant land () , from the
ends of the sky () . These warriors are often assumed to
be divine beings, and the evoked scene involves universal eschatological judgment.27 It is more likely, however, that this army is formed by
divinely commissioned humans. The expression ( 13:4) is
unsuitable for divine beings. The imagery of this conglomerate force
coming from very far away complies with other descriptions of a historical, human foe.28
The opponents to this army acting as the weapon of Yhwhs anger
are not explicitly identified. There are two rather general allusions in
13:5 and 7. in v. 5 may be rendered either the entire world
or the entire country, and does not therefore add any helpful information. The same holds true for the impersonal formulations in vv.
78. Another reference to those subject to judgment is probably hidden in 13:2. is often assumed to be the name of a gate
of a certain city. If this was the case, it would further corroborate the
view that the judgment is to be performed on one city rather than the
entire world. However, the plural form of makes it unlikely that
one specific city gate is intended. It is also improbable that several
gates of a city would be called gates of the nobles. As an alternative
reading, it is possible to read instead of , and to take
as the subject of the verb .29 , which is just another name for
the warriors (cf. Num. 21:18), corresponds to the picture of the consecrated soldiers of Yhwh in this text.
But which gate is referred to here? One entering Babylon or
belonging to some other nation? Some scholars have argued that
13:28 was formerly an anti-Judaean prophecy, in which Babylon (or
Assyria) appeared as the nation from the ends of the earth that is subject to judgment in the second part of the prophecy (13:916). The
text would have then been later reinterpreted as an anti-Babylonian
27
78
chapter three
30
Kissane, 15455; Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 7888. C.T. Begg noted the loose
sitting of Babylon in Isa. 1314 and argued for the later babylonisation of these
prophecies (Babylon in the Book of Isaiah, in: BoI, 122).
31
In a prophecy against Judah, Jer. 1:15 (cf. 25:9) speaks about a great multitude
of the north ( ) summoned ( )by God to come and set up
a throne before the ports of Jerusalem () .
32
Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 8485, argues that the similarity between Isa. 13:20
and Zeph. 2:1315 would mean that Isa. 13:20 also refers to Nineveh.
33
Similar word play occurs in Isa. 21:14 and 22:56 (cf. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 47 n. 5).
79
34
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chapter three
38
H. Grimme, Ein bersehenes Orakel gegen Assur (Isaias 13), ThQ 85 (1903),
111; Kissane, 154; Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 7888.
39
For instance, Gray, 241. Cf. Isa. 48:20; Jer. 50:8, 16; 51:6, 45; Zech. 2:10, 11.
Procksch, 189, Clements, 136, and Zapff, Prophetie, 156, understand 13:14 in the sense
that even flight would not bring escape from Yhwhs wrath. However, this interpretation contradicts 13:15, according to which death will come only upon those who are in
the city and not those in flight. Moreover, Jer. 50:1617 makes clear that the earliest
witness to this Isaianic text (note the imagery of the scattered sheep, the devouring
sword; cf. also ) understood Isa. 13:14 as referring
to the flight of foreigners from Babylon.
40
For example, Kaiser, Clements, Zapff, Kilian, Bosshard-Nepustil.
41
Cf. Vermeylen, 1.28889; Ohmann, 63; Kilian, 98; Blenkinsopp, 27879.
42
Jer. 4:2325, 28; Ezek. 32:78; Joel 2:2, 10; Amos 5:1820; 8:910; Zeph. 1:1416.
Cf. the nearness of the day of Yhwh in Joel 2:1 | Zeph. 1:7, 14 | Isa. 13:6, the consecrated warriors in Zeph. 1:7, 14 | Isa. 13:3, the summons to howl in Zeph. 1:11 |
Isa. 13:6, wrath in Zeph. 1:15 | Isa. 13:3, 5, fear in Joel 2:6 | Isa. 13:78, the wealth
which cannot save in Zeph. 1:18 | Isa. 13:17. Cf. also Isa. 28:2; 29:6; 30:30 (cosmic
theophany); Judg. 5:45, 20; Josh. 10:1113.
81
82
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45
83
47
Cf. Isa. 11:1116; 45:14; 49:2223; 56:3, 6; 60:1016; 61:56; Zech. 2:1316. Note
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chapter three
52
Jeppesen, Isaiah 1314, 78 n. 30, allow the possibility that Isa. 14:4b21 was
composed of the independent units 14:4b8, 911, 1217, 1821. Blenkinsopp, 285,
distinguishes two poems, 14:4b11 and 14:1221, but gives no details. It is, however,
doubtful that these passages could have formed independent prophecies. Some also
argued that 14:5 and 20b21 are later glosses. Cf. Fohrer, 1.174; Wildberger, 541; Kaiser, 29; H. Barth, Die Jesaja-Worte in der Josiazeit: Israel und Assur als Thema einer
produktiven Neuinterpretation der Jesajaberlieferung (WMANT, 48), NeukirchenVluyn 1977, 128; Clements 141; Zapff, Prophetie, 26667; Blenkinsopp, 285; Fischer,
Fremdvlkersprche, 12526. This assumption is based on the conviction that v. 5
implies the direct action of Yhwh, unexpected in such a song. Note however, that
Yhwh is actively present in the similar dirges of Ezekiel concerning the fall of Tyre
(Ezek. 28) and Egypt (Ezek. 3132). Moreover, v. 6 could hardly be the continuation
of v. 4b. connects v. 6 to / in v. 5 (cf. Isa. 10:24; 14:29; 30:31), and not
in v. 4b (contra Zapff, Prophetie, 26667). For Isa. 14:21, cf. also Ezek. 32:3132.
53
Although Canaanite mythological elements may appear here (cf. Shipp, Dead
Kings, 124, 6779), it is more likely that the text presents primarily Mesopotamian
views, filtered through the interpretation of a Canaanite poet.
54
E.g., Sweeney, 23233; Gallagher, Campaign, 8889; Shipp, Dead Kings, 172. In
Assyrian texts Sargon is called akin Ellil, the governor of Ellil. Gallagher assumes
that the similarities between Ellil and in 14:12, justify identification of the king
as Sargon (Campaign, 8889). Accepting, for the sake of argument, the philological
connections between and Ellil, it still remains problematic that Sargon is called
governor of Ellil. Isa. 14:12 points not only to a close association of Sargon with this
particular god (so Gallagher, Campaign, 89), but it identifies with the king and
associates him with .
55
We know that Esarhaddon killed some of the high officials, and so did Sennacherib and Sargon II, too, with other throne contenders. But this was rather common and far from destroying ones land and killing the people.
56
Blenkinsopp, 284; S. Olyan, Was the King of Babylon Buried Before His Corpse
Was Exposed? Some Thoughts on Isa 14,19, ZAW 118 (2006), 425.
85
57
Cf. Zapff, Prophetie, 271; Blenkinsopp, 287; Kaiser, 28; Goldingay, 102. For the
motifs of ascent, descent, Sheol, see Shipp, Dead Kings, 81127.
58
The plurals , ( 14:5) and ( 14:20) are not to be seen as redactional expansions universalising an earlier song (contra Barth, Jesaja-Worte, 12728;
Clements, 144; Zapff, Prophetie, 26768). It is characteristic to the genre that its
language is impersonal, expressed here by the plural.
59
In contrast to Wildberger, 542; Vermeylen, 1.294; Kaiser, 28, and Zapff, Prophetie, 271, I do not regard anonymity as the sign of a late date, but a common feature of -literature. Note that in Ezek. 28:210, 1119; 31; 32:110, 1730 are also
without proper names.
60
Ehrlich, 56; Gosse, Isae, 239; W.A.M. Beuken, A Song of Gratitude and a
Song of Malicious Delight: Is Their Consonance Unseemly, in: F.-L. Hossfeld,
L. Schwienhorst-Schnberger (eds), Das Manna fllt auch heute noch: Beitrge zur
Geschichte und Theologie des Alten, Ersten Testaments. Festschrift fr Erich Zenger
(HBS, 44), Freiburg im Breisgau 2004, 102.
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chapter three
The case for the Assyrian background of the song is stronger. First,
14:21 referring to the building of cities reminds one of Nimrod in
Gen. 10:812, and beyond that of Mic. 5:5, where Assyria is called the
land of Nimrod. Second, a probable reference to the myth of Ishtars
descent to the netherworld in 14:12 may also be evidence of an Assyrian origin of the protagonist king. Ishtar played an important role as
the mother of the Assyrian king.61 Third, it has been noted that there
are close connections between 14:4b21 and Ezek. 31, the lamentation
over the king of Egypt. These connections reach beyond formal similarities, and Isa. 14 may have influenced Ezek. 31 in a more direct way.
Yet Ezek. 31 suggests that Ezekiel read Isa. 14:4b21 as an Assyriarelated text.62
But what role is an anti-Assyrian prophecy playing in this part of
the book of Isaiah? Is it possible to determine its original position with
any degree of certainty? It appears that Isa. 14:4b21 was part of an
anti-Assyrian collection in an earlier form of the book. I argued above
that the pre-monarchic experience of Israel, especially its Egypt-related
past, provided an important analogy for the editors of Isa. 1314 when
they described the return from Babylon. It is striking to observe this
pre-monarchic, mainly Egypt-related past used as an analogy in the
anti-Assyrian utterances of Isa. 911.
Three of these texts are especially important: Isa. 10:2023; 10:2427 and
11:1112:6. Although appearing in an anti-Assyrian prophecy, 10:2023
is in fact dealing with Jacob and Israel (cf. 14:1). It asserts that in the
future, Israel will no longer rely on the one who had struck them.
is often identified with Assyria.63 However, since in its present location
10:2023 is a secondary interpolation, the connection of this text with
Assyria is dubious. If Jacob and Israel refer to the Northern Kingdom,
cannot be Assyria, for Israel was never supported by Assyria. If
Jacob and Israel allude to Judah, identifying with Assyria would
also be problematic, for Judah never sought support from Assyria, who
61
For Ishtar as the deity of dawn (), cf. Shipp, Dead Kings, 76. It is common
in Assyrian prophecies to refer to the king as raised up by his mother, Ishtar. For
the Assyrian hubris motif, cf. M. Kszeghy, Hybris und Prophetie: Erwgungen zum
Hintergrund von Jesaja xiv 1215, VT 44 (1994), 54954.
62
Zapff also argues that Ezek. 31 depends on Isa. 14:4b21, but he dated the Isaianic text to the early post-exilic period (Prophetie, 27172). Yet Ezekiels description
of the fall of Egypt caused by Babylon is not likely post-exilic.
63
Cf. Delitzsch, 176; Knig, 150; Procksch, 171; Clements, 115; Young, 1.369;
Oswalt, 270. Watts, 153, assumed this verse referred to the Aramaean support to
Pekah, or the Assyrian support to Hoshea.
87
has smitten it. When Ahaz became an ally of Assyria, Judah had not yet
been smitten by it; later Assyria appears as an enemy and not a friend
of Judah. It is more likely that the reference is to Egypt, which was supporting Israel after previously having smitten it (Isa. 31:1).
This early Egypt-related tradition is also the imagery recalled in the
following verses (10:2426), which refer to Israels servitude in Egypt.
The Assyrian yoke resembles Egyptian slavery, but Assur will also be
humiliated similarly to the Egyptian pharaoh.
The third text alluding to Egypt and the exodus is Isa. 11:1112:6.
These verses promise the restoration of the glorious nation of the past
with Ephraim and Judah living in peace and the surrounding nations
subjugated as vassals. With boundaries reaching from Egypt to Assyria,
this is the restored Davidic kingdom. Its inhabitants will be brought
home by Yhwh, who will divide the sea of Egypt and the river Euphrates. The new parting of the waters will be followed by a new song
of Moses (Isa. 12), related in its vocabulary to Exod. 15. The exodus
event and song of gratitude are connected in Isa. 1112, as they are in
Exod. 1415.
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89
the sons for the sins of the fathers (14:21) suggests some distance from
those who committed the sins. But clearly, it required no substantial imagination to argue that the sons were actually the Babylonians,
heirs to the Sargonid Empire and descendants of Nebuchadnezzar.
This explains the placement of 14:4b21 in its present position (cf.
Jer. 50:1718).
(c) The prophecy in 14:4b21, related to the anti-Assyrian prophecies of the other parts of the book, probably derives from the 7th century. The additions in Isa. 14:2223 and 14:14a may be dated to the
exilic and post-exilic periods respectively.
Isaiah 14:2427
It strikes the reader of the book that, after being denounced in Isa. 10,
Assyria is mentioned again in 14:2427. Isa. 14:2425 contains a brief
oracular statement introduced by . The passage presents the succession of historical events, the humiliation of
Assyria and the end of Israels servitude as the fulfilment of Yhwhs
plans concerning the world. Some expressions that appear here are
common with other parts of Isaiah, most notably 10:515, 2427. Isa.
10 highlights the divergence between the thoughts ( )and purposes ( )of Assyria and Yhwh. Probably as a replica to the boasting speech of Assyria, Yhwh swears in 14:27 that as he himself has
designed ( )so will it stand, as he purposed ( )so will it be fulfilled (). The removal of the yoke and the burden from the shoulders of Judah (14:25) closely parallels 10:2427.68 The plan concerning
the earth ( ) is probably a direct allusion to
10:23 (cf. also 28:22). The hand stretched out ( ) appears in
the refrains of 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20; 10:4. These interconnections have led
scholars to conclude that 14:2427 is the closing section of the antiAssyrian prophecy in Isa. 10:515.69 It is more likely, however, that
Isa. 10:515 is concluded in 10:2427. The opening
introduces a new and independent prophecy in Isa. 14:24 which
was not an integral part of an earlier prophetic speech. Nevertheless,
68
For , see Isa. 9:3; 10:27; for , see Isa. 9:3, 5; 10:27; for , see 9:3, 5; 10:27;
for , cf. 10:27.
69
Procksch, 181; Vermeylen, 1.25255, 29697; Kaiser, 42; F. Huber, Jahwe, Juda
und die anderen Vlker beim Propheten Jesaja (BZAW, 137), Berlin 1976, 4748, 59;
Gosse, Isae, 88; R.E. Clements, Isaiah 14,2227: A Central Passage Reconsidered,
in: BoI, 256; Zapff, Prophetie, 29091; U. Becker, Jesajavon der Botschaft zum Buch
(FRLANT, 178), Gttingen 1997, 272.
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Duhm, 123; Wildberger, 566; Zapff, Prophetie, 293; Becker, Botschaft, 272.
Clements and Zapff mention the universalistic character of vv. 2627. However
in 14:26 is not more universalistic than 10:14, 23.
72
For a similar reinterpretation of , cf. Zeph. 1:18 and 3:8.
71
91
out against Assyria in 10:515, 2427 and, beyond that, against all
nations in Isa. 14:2427.
These interconnections suggest that 14:2427, which provides the
theological background for the anti-Assyrian reinterpretation of antiIsraelite texts,73 actually forms a bridge between Isa. 112 and 1323.
Isa. 14:2427 not only closes the Israel-related prophecies, but it also
opens the prophecies concerning the other nations. The fall of Assyria
with its universal implications ( / )explains
the salvation prophecies concerning some nations in Isa. 1523.74
When the anti-Babylonian prophecies in 13:122 and 14:14a were
inserted, 14:4b21 and 14:2427 came to be detached from their earlier Assyrian context. After Babylon had taken over the historical role
of Assyria and 14:4b21 became a part of this anti-Babylonian section
by the insertion of 13:114:4a, 2223, Isa. 14:2427 was also integrated
into this collection. Isa. 14:2427 may have followed 14:4b21 in the
earlier edition as well. The oath in 14:2427 can be read as the answer
to 14:21 (similarly to 14:2223, the Babylonian reinterpretation of
14:4b21). The editors recognised the function of 14:2427 as a bridgetext. In such a context, Assyria may have been regarded secondarily
either as just another literary name for the Babylonian Empire75 or as
a prototype for Babylon (cf. Jer. 50:1718).76
The secondary literary connections of 14:2427 with the Babyloniantexts should not be underestimated. From the viewpoint of the final
editors of the book, the terms ( 13:5; 14:7; 14:26), the motif
of the fall of the king and Assur on the mountain (13:2; 14:13; 14:25),
the plan of Yhwh and his command to his chosen ones (13:3; 14:24)
played an important role. Isa. 14:2 about the land of Yhwh, may have
also been inspired by 14:25.
Regarding its date, Isa. 14:2427 probably derives from before the
definitive fall of Assyria in 612/609 bc. A few scholars date it to the
days of Sennacherib, reading 14:25 in relation to the events of 701
73
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chapter three
retold in Isa. 3637.77 However, the Assyrian campaign of 701 was far
more complex than the later Isa. 3637 would suggest. The positive
effects of the Assyrian invasion could only have appeared so impressive decades after 701. For this reason, it is more likely that 14:2427
alludes to a future Assyrian defeat, possibly in the 7th century.78
In conclusion, (a) we have no substantial reasons to question the
unity of 14:2427 but not much support for any assertion of such
unity. Isa. 14:2427 appears as a key text in the existing collection as
well as in a possibly earlier (pre-Babylonian) edition of FNPs, which
these four verses may have introduced. Through its overarching motifs,
14:2427 serves as a bridge between the first part of Isaiah and the collection of FNPs.
(b) The key theological concepts in these verses are the plan of
Yhwh and the stretching out of his hand. Both motifs develop earlier
themes of Isaiah. The plan against Israel and Judah revealed in Isa.
9 is enlarged by 14:2427 with a purpose concerning Assyria and all
nations. Once Yhwh completes his task in Jerusalem, he will punish
Assyria, who claims to rule the whole earth (10:12, 14). This action will
mark the ultimate fulfilment of his earlier announced purpose (Isa. 9).
Inserting the Babylon-related prophecies in the FNPs assigned the two
Assyria-related prophecies, 14:2427 and 14:4b21, a new position and
meaning in this collection. The editors recognised not only the key
importance of 14:2427 for the FNPs section, but Babylon was also
regarded as the heir to the Assyrian empire and also to its judgment.
(c) Isa. 14:2427 may originate from the 7th century (before 609).
3.2.2
77
Duhm, 13334; Fohrer, 1.18283; Gosse, Isae, 92. Sweeney, 233, dated this passage to an alleged campaign of Sargon II in 720, on the shaky grounds of the similarity
of vocabulary with 10:534, also dated by him to that period.
78
Cf. Clements, 146; Zapff, Prophetie, 293, and Berges, 51, on 14:2425(a).
79
Cf. Jeppesen, Isaiah 1314, 76 n. 9, in contrast to Blenkinsopp, 292.
93
80
Williamson argues that, like Isa. 6:1, 14:28 was the heading of an earlier collection of FNPs (Book, 16364; cf. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 11819). But the
limited reference of the demonstrative pronoun in calls into question the
idea that 14:28 would reach beyond the prophecy of 14:2832.
81
Contra Sweeney, 234; Becker, Botschaft, 273. Cf. 2 Chron. 28:18!
82
The date of the death of Ahaz and the ascension of Hezekiah is one of the
debated issues in Old Testament chronology. Contrary to the often adopted view that
Hezekiah would have ascended the throne as late as 715714, see, e.g., A.K. Jenkins,
Hezekiahs Fourteenth Year: A New Interpretation of 2 Kings xviii 13xix 37, VT 26
(1976), 28498; G. Galil, The Chronology of the Kings of Israel and Judah (SHCANE,
9), Leiden 1996, 99101.
83
Cf., e.g., Gosse, Isae, 93; Becker, Botschaft, 27274.
84
Isa. 22:114 similarly contrasts the present joy with future doom.
85
Gosse, Isae, 93; Becker, Botschaft, 272; U. Berges, Die Armen im Buch Jesaja:
Ein Beitrag zur Literaturgeschichte des AT, Bib. 80 (1999), 16062; Blenkinsopp, 293.
Cf. also Fohrer, 1.184; Barth, Jesaja-Worte, 1415.
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86
See Isa. 10:515; 25:4; 29:1920; Hab. 3:14. Cf. Balogh, Blind People, 66. This
terminology is not exclusively biblical. The Zakkur Stele refers to the one oppressed
by foreign powers as nh (DNWSI, 874). Sargon calls himself der die Lastenbefreiung fr Sippar, Nippur und Babylon festsetzte, der Beschtzer ihrer schwachen
(entu), der ihnen der Schaden ersetzte (Tonzylinder 1:4; ISK). Sennacherib is a
prayerful shepherd, worshipper of the great gods, guardian of the right, lover of justice, who lends support, who comes to the aid of the needy, who turns (his thoughts)
to pious deeds (A1; D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, Chicago 1924, 48; cf.
also B1:12).
87
Note especially ( 14:29) and ( 11:8), and further ( 14:29; 11:1),
( 14:29, 30b; 11:1), ( 14:30; 11:7), ( 14:30; 11:6, 7), ( 14:30; 11:4),
(11:4; 14:32), and ( 14:30).
88
The text only makes sense if an implicit is inserted before . The
pl. cannot be the subject of the sg. verb. cannot refer to the Assyrian messengers in Isa. 37:910 (contra Berges, Armen, 162), not in a prophecy
addressed to Philistia. The messengers from Isa. 18:2 provide a better parallel. The
fact that appears in the sg. suggests that it refers to one foreign nation, probably
the Philistines.
95
, the needy of his people should trust Yhwh (cf. Isa. 7:9).89
( 14:32) and ( 14:30) are synonymous terms conveying an
idea familiar to the reader of Isaiah from 28:16.90
With regard to the present position of the prophecy in Isa. 14:28
32, it is interesting that v. 29 implies the breaking of the rod of Assyria,
which was the theme of 14:5, while vv. 2427 again refer to the breaking ( )of Assur. This close thematic resemblance between the pericopes justifies the present location of the concerning Philistia
after the prophecies against Assur. Clearly, however, the collapse of
Assyria in 14:29 is supposed to be only a temporary phenomenon,
unlike in the previous passages, which again points to the earlier origin of 14:2832 with respect to 14:5 or 14:2427.
To conclude, (a) Isa. 14:29, 30b32 forms a literary unit. V. 32 suggests that the prophecy was an answer to an oracular inquiry, intending to convince Judah not join the Philistines in rebellion. Isa. 14:30a,
however, appears to be a later reinterpretation.
(b) Key theological motifs of 14:2832 are the image of the vanished
oppressor, the imperative to wail ( ;14:31; cf. 14:29), the threat
posed to Philistia, which will not affect those who place their trust in
Zion, and the lack of surviving trace of the Philistines.
(c) This text is dated to the death of Ahaz (and the emergence of
King Hezekiah), which coincided with the death of Tiglath-pileser III.
The text of a prophecy containing a message close to the Immanuel-theology expressed in Isa. 78 is well-suited to this historical
background.
89
appears further in Isa. 10:2 ( ) and Ps. 72:4 (), in both
cases referring to a smaller group (cf. Isa. 3:15). In Isa. 14:32, may also allude
to a small audience. V. 30a with its reference to the synonymous may
have been influenced by this earlier v. 32.
90
On Isa. 28:16, see J. Dekker, Zions Rock-Solid Foundations: An Exegetical Study
of the Zion Text in Isaiah 28:16 (OTS, 54), Leiden 2007. This verse may help us to
understand why 14:32 is only concerned with the . In 28:16, the trust in Yhwh
is also contrasted to the arrogance, and pride of the leaders of the nation who know
nothing of and , i.e. exactly the group opposite to . The differentiation among the audience of Isaiah appears explicitly in Isa. 8:1118, also in the
context of conspiracy or rebellion.
Berges emphasises the connection between Isa. 14:32 and Zeph. 3:1213. He argues
that both texts reflect the same view and both were written in the post-exilic period
(mid-5th century) (Armen, 163, 174). However, further correspondences between
Zephaniah and Isaiah (Zeph. 2:8 | Isa. 16:6; Zeph. 3:10 | Isa. 18:1, 7) may suggest that
Isa. 14:2832 was known to the author of Zeph. 2 and 3, and Zeph. 3:12 may have
borrowed ideas from Isa. 14:32.
96
3.2.3
chapter three
The Composition of Isaiah 1516
There are several studies that regard the prophecies concerning Moab
in Isa. 1516 as one long poem.91 However, 16:1314, which contrasts a prophecy spoken long ago ( )with a new message, gives
explicit evidence of textual growth. As a large composition, Isa. 1516
can be divided into the following pericopes: 15:19; 16:15; 16:612;
16:1314. The internal relationship that binds these divisions will be
explained in what follows.
Isaiah 15:116:5
Isa. 15:19 describes a catastrophe in Moab. Some scholars have
argued that the main body of this text was formerly a lament concerning drought and famine.92 Only v. 9, with its allusions to blood
and the lion devouring the remnants of Moab, suggests a war scene.
This thematic change as well as the form of v. 9 as an utterance of
Yhwh, which is strange to the genre of lamentation, has led scholars
to conclude that v. 9 is a later addition.93 Others have argued that Isa.
15 is a mixed composition (cf. Isa. 14) expressing irony, dressed in the
garments of a lament.94
Although natural disaster may appear in descriptions of enemy invasions, destruction of natural resources being a frequently-implemented
military technique in the Near East,95 the drought-like disaster in vv.
67 does not have human causes. Nevertheless, the allusion to blood
filling the water(beds) of Moab in v. 9 builds on the previous motif of
drought. It is therefore possible that an earlier song of lament about
natural disaster was reapplied with prophetic purposes to predict
future destruction by an enemy in Moab. Yhwh is about to inflict
more ( )on Moab (i.e. in addition to drought). Isa. 15:9 was
91
W. Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, in: D.W. Thomas, W.D. McHardy (eds), Hebrew and
Semitic Studies Presented to Godfrey Rolles Driver, Oxford 1963, 141; T.G. Smothers,
Isaiah 1516, in: J.W. Watts, P.R. House (eds), Forming Prophetic Literature: Essays
on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D.W. Watts (JSOT.S, 235), Sheffield 1996,
8283; Sweeney, 24051; B. Jones, Howling over Moab: Irony and Rhetoric in Isaiah
1516 (SBL.DS, 157), Atlanta, GA 1996.
92
Jenkins, Development, 241; Blenkinsopp, 298. , the warriors of
Moab, paralleled by in 15:4, should perhaps be emended to , the
loins of Moab (cf. LXX; Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 134).
93
Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 141; Clements, 151; Kilian, 110.
94
Hayes & Irvine, 242; Jones, Howling, 107, 24971.
95
The invasion of a country by the enemy is sometimes linked to natural disasters
(cf. Isa. 32:912; 33:9; 37:30; Jer. 14; Joel 12; Hab. 3:17).
97
supposedly added to the text when the lament was first adapted for
the purposes of a prophecy.96
This second theme of a military assault against Moab is elaborated in
16:15 in a different tone. The mount Sela in v. 1, often connected with
Edom (but see Jer. 48:24), is one of the places to which the Moabites
fled to escape the attacker from the north. The lamb ( )belonging
to the ruler of the land ( )was often assumed to refer to a tribute that the Moabites should have sent to Jerusalem (cf. 2 Kgs 3:4).97
However, it is more likely that is a metaphor for the dispersed
Moabites, who are advised to take refuge in Judah (16:24).98 This
metaphor, which is inspired by the pastoral lifestyle of the Transjordanian tribes, also fits the previous picture of the destruction of herbage
and vegetation (15:67). The imagery of a ruler of Moab ()
unable to guard and feed his people reminds us of descriptions of Israel
as a (scattered) flock ( )and its leaders as rams ( )or shepherds
(). Lam. 1:6 writes: From daughter Zion all her majesty departed,
her leaders have become like rams99 that found no pasture, and walked
feebly before their pursuer.100 Neither the rock of Edom (), nor the
ruler of Moab ( )could offer secure shelter, but the daughters of Moab (16:2) can find safety on the mountain of the daughter
of Zion. The new leader in Judah who rules in the tent ( )of the
shepherd David (16:5) will grant them protection before destruction
( and in 16:4; cf. 15:1). Isa. 16:5 is especially close to 4:26;
9:56; 11:15, and 32:12.
96
Cf. G.R. Hamborg, Reasons for Judgment in the Oracles against the Nations of
the Prophet Isaiah, VT 31 (1981), 151. Cf. also Isa. 19:510 in its context (5.3.1) and
Isa. 23 discussed below.
97
Cf. Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 140; Smothers, Isaiah 1516, 7677; Jones, Howling, 197202. The sg. form of makes this opinion highly unlikely.
98
Although Isa. 16:2 is dropped as a gloss (Kilian, 111) or relocated to the previous
poem (Fohrer, 1.188), it makes good sense in its present position. in 16:1 and
in 16:2 presuppose metaphorical language.
99
Reading , ram instead of , deer is more likely (cf. LXX and the note
below). The verb refers here to the deportation of the inhabitants of Jerusalem
and therefore reminds the reader of a flock driven before a shepherd, in which connection is often used. Note that these animals walk ( )before the pursuer
and not flee from him (in contrast to most translations).
100
Cf. Ps. 44:12; Isa. 13:14; Jer. 25:36; Ezek. 34:6; Zech. 11; etc. Cf. also , hegoat (Isa. 10:13; 14:9; Jer. 50:8; Zech. 10:3), or , ram (2 Kgs 24:15; Jer. 25:34 and
in Exod. 15:15) as symbols for leaders. Cf. Jer. 51:40; Ezek. 39:18. For
as leader of animals / nations, see Hab. 1:14.
98
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Although divergent from Isa. 15:19, the positive message concerning the Moabites in 16:15 is supposed to function as an elaboration
of the previous pericope (cf. 16:4 and 15:1). There are two coinciding
historical references in 16:15. V. 4 presupposes that the enemy has
departed from Canaans surroundings (cf. Isa. 4:4; 10:12; 14:4b27)
and v. 5 alludes to a ruler in Jerusalem in the tent of David.101 The
coincidence of these historical references suggests a late 7th-century
date for the present passage.102 Consequently, Isa. 15:(1)9 is inspired
by an earlier Assyrian campaign against Moab (e.g., in 644 bc), but the
exact date of the prophecy remains a riddle. The song of 15:(1)28, on
which 15:9 and 16:15 are based, is still earlier.
Isaiah 16:612, 1314
Even though some prefer to read Isa. 16:614 as forming an original
unit with 15:116:5, we find a clear break at Isa. 16:6, dividing 16:612
from 16:15.103 The content of the two prophecies is different. After
the positive message addressing refugees from Moab in 16:6, Moab is
again accused of maintaining an inappropriate attitude towards Gods
people, followed again by a proclamation of judgment that will be
executed by a foreign enemy.
Although Isa. 16:611 is often regarded as another lament, v. 6 is
obviously a text of a different genre. Furthermore, the 1st person form
in 16:10 implies that Yhwh is speaking, typical for a prophecy
rather than a lament song.104 As was the case in 15:19, it is possible
that an ancient song has been reworked here to fit the purposes of a
prophecy.105 The , the weeping of Jaezer (16:9), may have
been the title of a lament that has been adopted and expanded in a way
101
In contrast to JPS, NIV, NRSV, I assume that vv. 45 refer to the past.
The fact that the Judaean ruler is placed in a tent in v. 5, need not necessarily
allude to the post-monarchic origin of these verses (as Berges suggests, 164). The true
shepherd reminds us of David (contrast the bad shepherds of the house of David),
a tent is familiar in Moabite context, and the imagery parallels in Isa. 4:5.
most likely refers to an existing royal throne.
103
J. Hgenhaven, The Oracles against the Nations in the Book of Isaiah: Their
Possible Value for the Study of the History of Jordan, in: Studies in the History and
Archaeology of Jordan VII: Jordan by the Millennia, Amman 2001, 354; Kilian, 112. In
contrast to Jones, Howling, 26364, I doubt that rhetorical arguments can satisfactorily explain the radical transition in 16:6.
104
The translation as a passive construction in LXX suggests a niphal reading. However, the most ancient witness of this text, Jer. 48:33 also uses the hiphil 1st pers.
105
The parallel text in Jer. 48 contains even more prophetic elements.
102
99
which is typical of prophecy. The other framing verse, Isa. 16:12 with
its allusion to 15:2, connects 16:711 to the former Moab-prophecy.106
The forecasting of further judgment in 15:9 provides a theological base
for these further expansions.
The fact that 16:15 was attached to the first part of the prophecy
only, namely to 15:19, also makes it clear that 15:18 and 16:711
derive from different sources and do not form an original literary unit.
Moreover, it is noteworthy that 15:18 is concerned with calamities
affecting pastures and waters (15:67), while in 16:711 the emphasis
falls on the vineyards of Moab (16:810). Yet by the time Jer. 48 was
composed, Isa. 15:116:12 had already taken its present form.107
The final pericope, 16:1314, alludes to even further developments
in the text of these prophecies. An ancient (or earlier; ;cf. Ezek.
29:1721) prophecy is contrasted with a new revelation (). The
chronological indication in v. 14 is similar to Isa. 7:8 and 21:16.108 Unlike
16:612, vv. 1314 emphasise that judgment is to appear soon.
Owing to Moabs role in the destruction of Jerusalem (2 Kgs 24:1),
prophecies composed after the fall of Zion express strong anti-Moabite
feelings. The prophecy in 16:612 may date from this period, though
the lament underlying 16:711 may be older.109
To conclude, (a) Isa. 1516 form an editorial unit with 15:(1)28,
which was likely an old song, expanded by 15:(1)9. This prophecy was
first supplemented by the addition of 16:15 and its positive message
concerning Moabite refugees. Isa. 16:15 is supposed to have served as
an extension of the previous prophecy. Isa. 16:612 further transforms
106
Note both the similarities and contrasts in Isa. 15:2 and 16:12.
I.e. including Isa. 16:12 (cf. Jer. 48:28), 16:6 (cf. Jer. 48:2930), and 16:12 (cf.
Jer. 48:35). For the parallelism of 16:12 | Jer. 48:28, cf. Knig, 190; Gosse, Isae, 108;
Jones, Howling, 99101; Balogh, Oude en nieuwe, 12324. The absence of various
passages in 15:116:12 need not necessarily mean that the author of Jer. 48 was unacquainted with those (contra Gray, 27172; Wildberger, 606). The reason behind the
selective citation is rather that Jer. 48 is limited to sections describing judgment, an
element missing in Isa. 16:35. Cf. Jer. 48:5 | Isa. 15:5; 48:28 | 16:1, 2; 48:29, 30 | 16:6;
48:31 | 16:7; 48:32 | 16:8, 9; 48:32, 33 | 16:10; 48:34 | 15:4, 5, 6; 48:35 | 16:12 (15:2?);
48:36 | 16:11+15:7; 48:37 | 15:2, 3; 48:38 | 15:3. The view that Isa. 1516 was based on
Jer. 48 (Blenkinsopp, 29798) is not convincing, neither is it likely that Jeremiah was
influenced by a text different from Isa. 1516 (despite the claims of J. Bright, Jeremiah
[AncB, 21], New York 1965, 322).
108
This formula has little to do with apocalyptic vision (as suggested by Kaiser, 6;
Ch. Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprche bei Amos und Jesaja [BBB, 136], Berlin 2002,
7599, 184), but it is typical of salvation prophecies.
109
Cf. Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 14142; Smothers, Isaiah 1516, 83.
107
100
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110
101
original.111 The association of Damascus and Ephraim in v. 3 suggest that the events of 734732 play a role in the background of this
prophecy.112
Isa. 17:46 is introduced by and is separated from
the following passage by the -formula. The concern of this prophecy is the imposing threat on the Northern Kingdom, expected to have
devastating effects. Being most likely a predictive prophecy (cf.
), it is difficult to determine the date of this oracle. All we can say
is that it most likely predates 721 bc.113 In attaching what was likely an
individual oracle to the previous vv. 13, the editors may have been
guided by the catchword appearing in vv. 3 and 4. V. 3 proclaims
that the future of the rest of Aram will be similar to the fate of Israel.
Vv. 46 then describe the looming fate of Israel. Yet vv. 46 are not
subordinate to the previous passage, making it probable that 17:46
was not written for its present location but was relocated by the editors. The theme presented in 17:46 is echoed in 9:720, and especially
the originally anti-Israelite 10:1619 (which was also relocated in the
context of the anti-Assyrian prophecy, Isa. 10:515).114
Isa. 17:78 also begins with the -formula. The focus of the
author is the future of the survivors. After suffering judgment, one
( )will again be devoted to the Holy One rather than the idols. This
verse, a cohortative note of hope, reminds one of Isa. 10:2021(2223),
which is linked to 10:1619, the latter being strongly related to 17:46.115
It is likely therefore, that vv. 78 expand vv. 46.
111
Because Aroer also appears as a Moabite city, Wildberger (63940) and Clements (157) argue that Isa. 17:2 re-echos the preceding Moab oracle. However, Aroer
was a border city, once also possessed by Israel (Num. 32:34; Deut. 3:12; 4:48; Josh.
13:9, 16), annexed by Aram (2 Kgs 10:33), and later by Mesha (Moabite stone ln. 26).
On fluctuating borders in early states, cf. M. Steiner, I am Mesha, King of Moab, or:
Economic Organisation in the Iron Age II, in: Studies in the History and Archaeology
of Jordan VII: Jordan by the Millennia, Amman 2001, 328; G.L. Mattingly, Moabite,
in: A. Hoerth et al. (eds), Peoples of the Old Testament World, Grand Rapids, MI 2000,
319, 326.
112
Gosse, Isae, 95; Clements, 157. Based on Jer. 49:2327, Hffken has argued that a
post-Isaianic interest in Damascus should not be excluded (148). However, Damascus
is here presented as an ally (glory) of Israel, which suggests an 8th century date.
113
It is sometimes assumed that these verses refer to Tiglath-pileser IIIs earlier
campaign (2 Kgs 15:29). Cf. Gosse, Isae, 95; Clements, 157.
114
Cf. ( 10:16 | 17:4), ( | 10:16 | 17:4), ( 10:16 | 17:4), ( 10:18
| 17:4). Cf. the remnant-motif in 17:6 and 10:2022.
115
For Yhwh as the creator of Israel, see especially Deut. 32:15; Hos. 8:14.
102
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116
The frequently proposed emendation of to , and to
(cf. Fischer, 134; Wildberger, 637) based on LXX becomes even less likely in view of
these intertextual connections.
117
The Judah-oriented interpretation of Isa. 17 is underlined by further texts such
as Isa. 24:1213 and 27:211. Isa. 24:12 alludes to the desolation of Jerusalem (
), the city of chaos (cf. 24:5, 10, 12), as does 17:9. Isa. 24:13 refers to 17:56. This
means that by the time 24:1213 was composed, 17:111 was known in its present
form, i.e. containing both 17:6 and 17:9.
The other text, Isa 27:211, is rich in intertextual allusions especially to Isa. 5 and
17:111. For the latter, see especially ( 17:8; 27:9), ( 17:8; 27:9;
only here in Isaiah), ( 17:2; 27:10), ( 17:2, 9; 27:10), ( 17:6; 27:10; appears
only here), ( branch, not harvest, 17:11; cf. JPS). The description of Yhwh as
Israels maker and creator ( ; 27:11) can be compared to 17:7. Isa. 27 also
presupposes the present form of 17:111.
103
104
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105
to Babylon.125 If and allude to Assyria, the name of Babylon would come as a surprise in v. 9. Instead, it is more likely that
this verse names the treacherous destroyer of v. 2, which is therefore
Babylon. The Elamites and Medians are summoned to put an end to
the suffering of Yhwhs nation caused by Babylon.126
Isa. 21:59 is also not free of troubling details,127 but the main lines
are reasonably clear. In v. 6, the prophet is told to go and post a lookout
( )and state what the lookout will see. Who is this lookout? Galling thought it was another ego of the prophet.128 I believe that
is a different actor, who appears only in the vision of the prophet.
In his vision, the prophet hears God telling him to install a lookout.
What the lookout tells the prophet is also part of the vision. We have
here a vision (of the lookout in 21:79) embedded in a vision (of the
prophet).129 The outcome of the vision is clear: Babylon is fallen. It
has become Yhwhs threshed one, the product of Yhwhs threshing
floor.130
125
Cf. Vanderhooft, Babylon, n. 37. See, e.g., Jer. 6:26; Hab. 1:13. Like the seer of
Isa. 21, Habakkuk also observed the lack of righteousness in his world (Hab. 1), and
he was depressed by his experience; he was sighing and groaning in front of Yhwh
imploring God to favour his oppressed people.
126
should probably be , her (Judahs) sighing (as suggested by
many Massoretic manuscripts, Vulg. and the Syr.; cf. HUB). Hayes & Irvine, 275,
argue that Isa. 21:2 refers to Babylons sighing under the Chaldaean oppression, as one
of Sargons text claims. However, the Assyrian text which they point to refers to Sargon acting in favour of Babylon, while Isa. 21 is concerned with the fall of the city.
The interpretation of 21:2 in the sense that the Elamites and Medians would be
Babylons allies rather than enemies (argued by Gallagher and Sweeney) is problematic. The imperative to Elam ( )can only be interpreted as to go up (against) in
offence and not in defence (cf. Jer. 46:9, 11; 50:21; Nah. 2:2; with Blenkinsopp, 326,
contra Macintosh, Palimpsest, 1416; Sweeney, 277, 281).
127
One of the notorious problems is the precise meaning of in v. 5.
Galling emended the phrase and put it in the mouth of the enemy preparing for battle
(Jesaja 21, 57). But it is more likely that v. 5 refers to the Babylonians rejoicing before
the fall of the city (cf. Isa. 22:13; Dan. 5).
128
Galling, Jesaja 21, 57.
129
This complex structure also appears in the vision reported by Micaiah ben Imlah,
who saw Israel scattered on the mountains and, in this vision, was told by Yhwh to
send the people home (1 Kgs 22:17).
130
refers to Babylon after the threshing (judgment) of Yhwh (as
suggested by Saadya, Ibn Ezra, Qimchi apud Macintosh, Palimpsest, 37; cf. Jer. 51:33)
and not to Judah (as claimed by Macintosh, Palimpsest, 38; Hayes & Irvine, 276; Gallagher, Campaign, 46).
106
chapter three
131
Erlandsson, Burden, 92; Macintosh, Palimpsest, 1056; Hayes & Irvine, 27274;
Sweeney, 27983; Gallagher, Campaign, 2150.
132
The 8th-century dating was based mainly on the identification of /
with Assyria. But ifas arguedv. 1 refers to Babylon, its description as and
and as an enemy of Elam and Media would not apply to the 8th century bc.
Some have also argued that the feelings of the prophet would be inopportune if the
nation condemned was Babylon (cf. Macintosh, Palimpsest, 20; Sweeney, 27879;
Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 24, 25 n. 2; Gallagher, Campaign, 24). However, the
prophets feelings express neither sympathy nor empathy (cf. Isa. 16:11; Jer. 4:19?),
but they are the direct consequence of the harsh vision. A causative translation of
( because of hearing) and ( because of seeing)which I favour above
the privative so that I cannot hear, so that I cannot seestrengthens this assertion. According to v. 4, vision was unbearable to the prophet (cf. Hab. 3:16; Dan. 4:2;
7:15, 28; 8:27). The cruelty of the vision also proclaims a negative message concerning
Babylon.
133
Kaiser, 6, considers this an earlier poetry from before 539, but as he approaches
the end of his Isa. 21 commentary, he becomes increasingly sceptical of a real historical setting (Kaiser, 105). Kilian, 128, also favours a very late date, but his reasoning
is circular. Both scholars assume that Babylon could have functioned as a chiffre for
world empires, but they fail to prove that in Isa. 21 this actually was the case.
134
It is doubtful whether Isa. 21:110 could be related to the post-Cyrus era (Fischer, Edom-Spruch, 48081). Babylon would hardly appear then as and ,
causing the groaning of Gods people. It may be important that the name at the end
of the oracle, , appears once in 2 Sam. 7:27 (|1 Chron. 17:24);
Isa. 37:16; Zeph. 2:9, but 32 times (!) in Jer.
107
135
Both Hab. and Isa. 21 are -oracles and visions (Hab. 2:13; Isa. 21:2); cf. also
the description of Babylon in Hab. 1:2, 13 and Isa. 21:2, the reaction of the prophet
in Hab. 3:16 and Isa. 21:34, the watcher in Hab. 2:1 and Isa. 21:6. On Habakkuk and
Babylon, see Vanderhooft, Babylon, 15263.
136
Hffken, 163, noted that 21:110 is written from a Judaean perspective. For a
discussion of the political background (especially Elam and Media as adversaries of
Babylon), see Vanderhooft, Babylon, 13234. Elam was a supporter of Babylon against
Assyria prior to its fall but became Babylons enemy as soon as it began expanding
eastward (ABC 5:rev. 1620). Jer. 49:3439 provides an account of Elam in conflict
and losing the battle in a prophecy dated to 597/596.
108
chapter three
109
behind this prophecy. The Edomite messengers may have visited the
prophet or sent him letters. However, the entire scene might also be
visionary.141
If it is right to argue that the prophet does not provide any specific
response to the queries from Seir, Isa. 21:1112 should be considered
a peculiar case inside the FNPs containing general messages of doom
towards the nations, in some cases supplied with prophecies of salvation. This text does not seem to reflect the aftermath of any particular
Assyrian or Babylonian campaign, so that it would be difficult to suggest any specific date for this oracle. It is only because of the similarities with the content of the prophecy in 21:110 that I am predisposed
to date it to approximately the same era.142
3.2.7 The Composition of Isaiah 21:1317
141
110
chapter three
Cf. LXX, Vulg. For + , cf. Gen. 32:14, 22; Josh. 8:9 ().
It should also be noted that 21:1315 is poetry and 21:1617 prose (Galling,
Jesaja 21, 62; E.A. Knauf, Kedar, ABD 4.9; Blenkinsopp, 32930).
147
Isa. 8:11; 30:15; Ezek. 14:21; 16:59. Cf., however, Isa. 18:4; 21:6.
148
On Kedar, see I. Ephal, The Ancient Arabs: Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile
Crescent 9th5th Centuries bc, Jerusalem 1982, 22327; Knauf, Kedar, 9.
145
146
111
pose the fall of Tema and Dedan, at least these three verses should
perhaps be dated to the pre-Nabonid era. Nothing more precise can,
however, be deduced from the oracles.
3.2.8 The Composition of Isaiah 22
The book of Isaiah is unique not only in including a prophecy against
Jerusalem (Isa. 22:114) among those addressed to foreign nations but,
more significantly, a prophecy addressing Judaean officials (22:1525).
As suggested earlier, the presence of Isa. 22:114 in 1323 should be
attributed to the fact that it already formed a unit with Isa. 21 prior to
becoming part of Isa. 1323. On the other hand there are strong correlations between 22:114 and 1525, which explain the presence of
Isa. 22:1525 among the FNPs.149
Isaiah 22:114
While most scholars consider Isa. 22:114 a coherent passage, a few
exegetes argue that it bears signs of expansion. For metrical reasons,
Duhm regarded vv. 18a, 8b9a, 9b14 as distinctive texts.150 In the
footsteps of Marti, Kaiser considered vv. 1b4, 1214a to be the Isaianic layer, which was supplemented around 588 by vv. 911a and even
later by 22:56.151
Uncertainties arising from the temporality of the verbal forms
weigh heavily in discussions regarding the unity of 22:114. The question is whether the prophet refers to a recent past experience (such as
149
First, is a characteristic divine name in the book of Isaiah
(3:15; 10:23, 24; 28:22), also appearing in Isa 22 in vv. 5, 12, 14, 15 (cf. Ps. 69:7;
Jer. 2:19; 46:10; 49:5; 50:25, 31; mainly Jeremiahs FNPs!). Comparable is
, which is attested in Isa. 1:24; 3:1; 10:16, 33; 19:4. These names connect juxtaposed texts in 3:1, 15 and 10:16, 23, 24, 33. Obviously, neither Isa. 3 nor 10:534 are
original literary units. These divine names were one of the reasons why these texts
were positioned close to each other. The same is probably true in the case of Isa. 22.
It is furthermore significant that the two prophecies in Isa. 22 begin with the questions
and
respectively. Moreover, Isa. 22:23 envisages the capture of Judahs
leaders by the enemy. In the final form, vv. 1517 flesh out the prediction of 22:23 on
one particular leader. Finally, Isa. 22:114 ends with the prediction that the iniquity of
Judah will not be forgiven until its inhabitants all die. Strikingly, v. 15 begins with the
tomb cutting of Shebna. These literary and thematic considerations explain the linking
of Isa. vv. 114 to 1525, as well as the presence of Shebna in the FNPs.
150
Duhm, 157. Cf. also Procksch, 276.
151
Kaiser, 114, 11819; cf. also R.E. Clements, The Prophecies of Isaiah and the Fall
of Jerusalem in 587 bc, VT 30 (1980), 430.
112
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152
For an interpretation of vv. 114 as an account of past events, see NRSV, JPS,
Alexander, Dillmann, Knig, Kaiser, Wildberger (except for 22:14), Schoors, Watts,
etc. On interpreting vv. 114 as predictive prophecy, see NIV, Knobel, Duhm (22:1
8a), Procksch (22:18a), Young.
153
in v. 13 cannot refer here to the past (contra NRSV, JPS). V. 14 can only
be understood as a prediction still needing to be accomplished.
154
Those who make no distinction between vision (future) and the reporting of the
vision (present), assume that Judah was feasting after a partially lost battle (Kaiser,
113). However, Duhm, 157, rightly argues that a loss such as the one described in vv.
23 could have hardly been celebrated by the people.
155
The fact that we are here dealing with a vision complies well with the indication
in the title of this prophecy that it concerns the Valley of Vision. is perhaps
a symbolic name for Jerusalem (Delitzsch, 254; cf. Joel 4:2, 12, 14; for Jerusalem as the
inhabitant of the valley, see Jer. 21:13). As an ominous title, may appear in
deliberate contrast to the people who cannot see the approaching judgment (cf. 22:8a
below and Oswalt, 405). Jerusalem, usually called Mount Zion, is here referred to as a
valley. may also allude to the valley of the (current) vision to be soon filled
with soldiers (22:5; cf. in v. 7).
113
156
Climbing up on the roofs (22:1) is not an expression of joy after the enemy
retired (in opposition to the views of Gray, 364; Procksch, 278; Fohrer, 1.249; Kaiser,
115), nor an attempt to hide oneself from the enemy (contra Beuken, 251), but it
alludes to weeping for the dead and captives (cf. Isa. 15:3; Jer. 48:38), i.e. it resonates with the negative prediction of 22:12. According to one of Sargon IIs conquest
accounts, the old men and women of Urartu were weeping on the roofs after the
Assyrians devastated their country (cited by Beuken, 251 n. 99).
157
Isa. 22:3 is a difficult sentence. Preferring to avoid emendations, I structure the
text as follows: / / /
, all your rulers have fled together, / (but) were captured without a bow, / all
those found inside were captured together, / without away fleeing (i.e. without getting the chance to flee away; + ) = . For the privative function of the
preposition , cf. JM 133e, 157; WO 11.2.11e. Some believe that Isa. 22:3 refers to
death caused by famine (Knobel, 15051; Alexander, 380). But the context mentions
only people in flight and taken captive, or others captured in the city. does not
imply death in itself, but may also be rendered as wounded, or perhaps even victim
(Job 24:12).
158
in v. 5 may have been chosen because of its multiple meanings. , shout
(cf. Ugaritic qr), , city[wall], and the geographical name, Kir, of Aramaean background (cf. 2 Kgs 16:9; Amos 1:5; 9:7; Gallagher, Campaign, 66 n. 180). may also
(cf. Job 30:24; 36:19), but it also appears as the name of a
mean cry if read as
people. Shoa and Peqod (Ezek. 23:23) were likewise Aramaic tribes (cf. Puqud in
Taylor Prism i 45 [BAL, 2.63]). In its present form, is senseless and it should
perhaps be emended to as in Zech. 9:1. cannot mean horsemen,
as often rendered, for that would require either ( ][2 Sam. 1:6), or
][, or simply . cannot substitute in such cases. It is unclear
whether is to be vocalised as ( cf. app. BHS; Aram spreads out with
114
chapter three
115
from the face of Jerusalem so that it may detect its weaknesses. Yet
instead of recognising the events as the workings of Yhwh and turning to him (v. 11b), Judah takes the initiative of repairing the breaches
in the wall. This means that Yhwhs efforts went unheeded. Just like
Israel (Isa. 9:12; 17:10), Judah failed to recognise and return to Yhwh,
and was punished as a result (Ezek. 23:11, 31). In this respect, v. 11bc
is close to later texts of Isa.164
It is clear that all these events cannot be placed on the same temporal level. Isa. 22:8b11 sounds like a retrospective description of
the past and as a reproach addressed to Jerusalem. The perspective
of vv. 15a(5b7), 1214, which proclaim an imminent future judgment on the Valley of Vision, is obviously different.165 Consequently,
one should distinguish not only vv. 15a(78a) and 1214 from vv.
5b6(78a), which represents an early New Babylonian period expansion, but one may recognise a further exilic text looking back upon the
past of Judah and reproaching blindness as the cause of its destruction.
What we see here is that the motif of removing Judahs covering in v.
8a was originally understood as the exposure of Jerusalem before the
enemy but was reinterpreted by vv. 8b11 as the removal of a blindfold. This reinterpretation provides the background for the different
focus of 22:8b11.166
V. 12 connects well with v. 5a. On the day of devastation, Jerusalem will be summoned to lament and mourn. Vv. 1314 contrasts the
present tumult and sphere of joy with the lament required in view of
the coming judgment, performed here as an ominous sign by the seer
prophet (22:4).
164
Isa. 37:26 contains a close parallel to v. 11bc: / /
. Note the fem. suffixes in both texts. In Isa. 22:11, these suffixes can also
be related to the city, but in 37:26 they refer to the historical events. These verses are
also closely related to Isa. 46:10; 48:3, 5.
165
Driver noted that if 22:5b is read as an account of the past, the measures taken
in 22:9b would be incomprehensible. It is not likely that a city wall would be repaired
during the war, when the valley is full of soldiers, an interpretation required if 22:5b
is read as a past narrative. Nor would the acts described in 22:1011 comply with the
feasting of the community in 22:14. Emerton passed over this difficulty too easily. Cf.
J.A. Emerton, Notes on the Text and Translation of Isaiah xxii 811 and lxv 5, VT
30 (1980), 442.
166
A similar reinterpretation of the blindness theme appears in Isa. 29:1524. For
more on this topic, see Balogh, Blind People, 4869. The blindness of the people is
one of the favourite motifs of the book of Isaiah (see, e.g., Isa. 5:12; 6:9, 10; 9:1; 17:78;
28:7; 29:15, 18, 23; 30:10, 20; 32:3; 35:5; 42:1825; 50:10).
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chapter three
In exegetical research Isa. 22:114 is often dated to after167 or immediately before168 the Assyrian campaign of 701 bc. Procksch and Oswalt
associate the prophecy with 711, when Ashdod was captured.169 Young
asserts that Isa. 22:114 predicted the conquest of Jerusalem by Babylon, but was written in the 8th century bc.170 Recently, it has become
common to view 22:114 as telescoping events from both 701 and
587.171 Clearly, the nature of 22:15a.(78a) as an anticipatory vision
addressing a rejoicing Judaean community before its collapse (vv. 4,
1214), makes it difficult to compare the events of the vision with
the historical facts. The most we can say is that the primary layer of
the prophecy is well-suited to the time of Isaiah. However, the Chaldaean contingents in the Aramaean and Elamite forces mentioned in
22:5b6(78a) (cf. 2 Kgs 24:2) suggest a pre-596 period. Judaean leaders were taken captive during the Babylonian assault on Jerusalem in
598. This situation could have been considered the fulfilment of the
earlier vision of 22:23 by the author of this secondary interpolation.
Vv. 22:8b11 in which Judah is reproached for not being vigilant in
spite of Gods warnings, reflect on the Babylonian invasion from a
post-event and exilic perspective.
In conclusion, (a) the present position of Isa. 22:114 in the context
of the FNPs is the result of editorial work. Regarding the integrity
of this pericope, we should distinguish between an earlier cluster, vv.
15a(78a), 1214, expanded by vv. 5b6(78a) and by vv. 8b11
respectively.
(b) The themes prominent elsewhere in Isa. 1323, like the plan of
Yhwh, the motif of hubris, the remnants, etc., do not appear in 22:1
14. Instead of security in Zion, Isa. 22:9a emphasises the insecurity of
the city of David. This lack of common subject is telling. In inserting
167
Kaiser, 116; Gray, 364; Fohrer, 1.249; Schoors, 130; Wildberger, 813; Clements,
Fall of Jerusalem, 429.
168
Dillmann, 19798; Watts, 281, 284; Gallagher, Campaign, 6672. Gallagher
assumes that 22:18a refers to Babylon (rather than Jerusalem), the city welcoming
Sennacherib in 704 after his defeat of Merodach-baladan II in the battle of Kish. His
conclusion are mostly based on the present position of Isa. 22 following a prophecy
on Babylon (Isa. 21). Gallaghers interpretation of 22:114 as a vision, yet also conforming to precise historical realities, remains one of the perplexing problems of his
approach (Campaign, 73 n. 207).
169
Procksch, 277; Oswalt, 408.
170
Young, 2.88.
171
This opinion, formulated already by Calvin and Vitringa, has been adopted by
Clements, Oswalt, Bosshard-Nepustil as well as others.
117
Isa. 22 into the present collection, the editors may have been guided by
the -title and the theme of the day of Yhwh in 22:5a.
(c) The primary prophecy, 22:15a(78a), 1214, goes back to the
8th century. The first expansion, 22:5b6(78a), probably derives from
shortly before 596. A second addition of 22:8b11, partially modifying
the topic of the prophecy, bears the signs of the Babylonian exile.
Isaiah 22:1525
Isa. 22:1525 is concerned with two individuals from Jerusalem: Shebna
and Eliakim ben Hilkiah. It was argued above that this prophecy was
connected with 22:114 before its inclusion into Isa. 1323.
Shebna is called and , the highest official of the royal
court, an office to be received by Eliakim, son of Hilkiah, after Shebna is
shamefully replaced and deported to a foreign land. As the name Shebna
also appears in Isa. 36:3, 11, 22; 37:2,172 scholars usually identify the
two figures. This identification is, however, problematic. In Isa. 3637,
Shebna is a , scribe, and Eliakim ben Hilkiah, is . The
idea that Shebna may have been degraded to a scribe,173 however widely
shared, is hardly more than speculation, given the lack of serious support. It is doubtful whether historically speaking a governor could ever
be demoted to a scribe. Unless we assume that is a wrong variant
for , it remains difficult to identify the two persons. As an alternative, it has also been suggested that following
was a later gloss in the prophecy.174 However, v. 15 has a
good parallel in this respect in Isa. 36:6. Even though the syntax of Isa
22:15 is rather unusual,175 the name of Shebna must have been related to
the prophecy from the beginning.176
The name Shebna appears on a seal in Louvre with the inscription
, Belonging to Shebnayaw, servant of Uzziyaw (COS
2.70R). Shebna is called an officer of (most likely) king Uzziah of Judah.177
is rendered consistently with in Isa, but appears twice with in 2 Kgs
18:18, 26. Its original form was probably ( cf. Wildberger, 83637).
173
Knobel, 156; J.T. Willis, Historical Issues in Isaiah 22,1525, Bib. 74 (1993),
6465; P.K. McCarter, The Royal Steward Inscription (COS 2.54).
174
Cf. Duhm, 163; Wildberger, 833; Clements, Fall of Jerusalem, 432.
175
is probably a misplaced introductory sentence for the prophecy in 22:16 (which is missing in the present form of the prophecy) and not the introduction to the commission of the prophet.
176
Fohrer suggested that the name of Shebna was filled in from Isa. 3637, den
man dort bereits zum bloen Schreiber degradiert sah (1.253). But how did these
editors know that Shebna in Isa. 3637 was an officer removed from the post of royal
overseer if 22:15 had nothing to do with him?
177
Regarding the Assyrian-styled imagery of this seal, see S. Dalley, Recent Evidence from Assyrian Sources for Judaean History from Uzziah to Manasseh, JSOT
28 (20032004), 389.
172
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Another text (KAI 1.191B; COS 2.54) is the well-known Silwan inscription, found on a grave hewn from a rock in the Kidron Valley. The
inscription reads: [ . . . ], This is [the tomb
of . . .]yahu, who is over the house. Kyle dated the inscription paleographically to between the end of the 8th and beginning of the 7th century bc (COS 2.54). Since Eliakim, the steward from Isa. 3637,178 does
not bear a Yahwistic name, the possessor of this grave may have been
his predecessor, Shebna also appearing in Isa. 22:15.179
The literary unity of 22:1525 is a matter of debate. Vv. 1519 are concerned with Shebnas fall and deportation, while vv. 2024 mark the
emergence of a new steward, Eliakim, son of Hilkiah. V. 25 then portrays the fall of Eliakim. The question whether these verses could all
have been pronounced on one occasion is often answered negatively
by exegetes, and not without reason. The least dispute concerns 22:25,
which is generally accepted not to be a foreseeable conclusion to the
pronouncement on the election of Eliakim. Those who argue for the
contrary must make some unwarrantedly daring and unconvincing
assumptions that do not appeal to even the least critical scholars.180
Some exegetes maintain that one can also distinguish 22:1519 from
22:2023, or 22:1518 from 22:1923.181 It should be noted that v. 19
contains a prophecy formulated in the 1st person in contrast to vv.
1518. Furthermore, the removal of Shebna from his office in 22:19
constitutes an anti-climax to vv. 1718, which mention his exile.182
178
For Eliakims family, one may mention the seal Belonging to Yehozarah, son of
Hilqiyahu, servant of Hizqiyahu (COS 2.70R).
179
The prophetic question whom do you have here in 22:16 (cf. Gen. 25:8, 17;
49:33) suggests that Shebna had no relatives in the necropolis of old Jerusalem. This
complies well with the second half of the Silwan-inscription, which mentions only a
maid servant buried in the same chamber. Isa. 22:16cd may cite a well-known proverb which was secondarily applied to the situation of the royal steward. But even if
Shebna of the inscriptions is different from the person mentioned in Isa. 22:15, one
may argue that the name Shebna was not so uncommon that it would require us
identifying Shebna in Isa. 22:15 with Shebna of Isa. 3637. Note also the inscription
lnr bn, belonging to Nera, (son of ) Shebna, on a private impression among the
lmlk stamps dating to a time before 701 (M. Lubetski, Beetlemania of Bygone Times,
JSOT 91 [2000], 24).
180
E.g., Knobel, 159, and Dillmann, 207 (following Rashi and Qimchi), assume that
the closing verse(s) refer(s) again to Shebna and not Eliakim. Knig, 22122, argued
that vv. 2425 should be interpreted as a conditional prediction: Should it be that . . ..
However, 22:24 and 25 appear as two syntactically unrelated sentences. Cf. also Willis,
Historical Issues, 67 n. 24.
181
For the first view, see Wildberger, 840, 844, although he also considered 22:19
secondary compared to 22:1518. For the second view, see Duhm, 163.
182
Duhm, 164; Wildberger, 840, 844.
119
The interchange of the 1st and 3rd person forms should not, however, lead to the conclusion that 22:1518 is earlier than the rest of the
prophecy. In v. 19, both the 1st and 3rd person forms appear in two
parallel verse lines. One argument that would point towards a possible
unity of the passage is related to the genre of vv. 1523 as a destitution oracle. These types of texts not only deal with the removal of an
unfaithful official, but in some cases also clarify the identity (though
not the name) of the newly elected.183
Nevertheless, two problems regarding this interpretation cannot
be overlooked. First, even though v. 19 is not necessarily in logical
contradiction with vv. 1718, the text still sounds strange in its place,
suggesting that it is a secondary addition.184 Second, the foreseen fate
of Shebna is that he will be cast out and sent into exile. If this prophecy is read as a pre-eventum text (which I believe is most appropriate), the prediction would imply that, by the time Shebna is exiled to
Assyria, Eliakim is alive and well. However, it is likely that Shebnas
deportation should be related to the envisaged fate of the entire Judah
(cf. Amos 7:17). Assigning Eliakim the function of overseer of the palace might seem odd in a context where Judah is also exiled. This leads
us to conclude that 22:19 and following should be read separately from
the previous verses.
There are two possibilities to explain 22:1924. If the prophecy
is concerned with the person of Eliakim, son of Hilkiah, the text
may have functioned similarly to dynastic oracles. In the Near East
the installation of officers was more than a political endeavour, and
prophets and mantics usually joined other dignitaries in the process
of inauguration.
Another scenario is also possible, however. Isa. 22:1924 is not an
independent oracle addressed to Eliakim during the ceremony marking his promotion. These verses can only be understood in the context
of the earlier prophecy against Shebna. The motifs of 22:1924 are also
directly related to the previous verses.185 This implies that v. 24 belongs
183
120
chapter three
to vv. 1923 and is not an independent addition. Isa. 22:24 does not
speak of nepotism in the dynasty of Eliakim, as often understood.186 It
assumes that all important and less important affairs of the royal house
will rest on the shoulders of Eliakim, as the previous verse ascribes
him authority over the palace.
Wildberger noted that the firm place ( ) assigned to this
ruler, reminds one of the dynastic promises addressed to David in
2 Sam. 7.187 The relationship between Shebna and Eliakim is similar
to the one between Saul and David, or Abiathar and Zadok. Just as in
those cases, Isa. 22:1924 may be concerned with more than just one
particular person in the monarchic administration of Judah. It may
attest to the divine establishment of and support for a dynasty of royal
overseers (servants?) in Judah after the 8th century bc.188 The status
of Eliakim, the new , is presented as very significant.
and in v. 23 are royal symbols (cf. Zech. 10:14). The idea
that Eliakim would become a throne may refer to a time when this
functionary had to fulfil the duty of a king. There were two periods
when the top palace official had such power: during the temporary
exile of King Manasseh in Assyria (2 Chron. 33:1113) and during
the rule of Gedaliah, the last overseer of Judah, whose family included
three generations of high officials in service of the Judaean royal house
(although not ; 2 Kgs 22:3, 12; 25:22).189
The final v. 25, which is introduced by a , was written in
response to the end of Eliakims dynasty, possibly in the early exilic
period. may allude ambiguously to the superscription in 22:1,
so that 22:25 considered 22:1524 the fulfilment of the speech concerning the deportation of the leaders mentioned in 22:3.
, throne of honour of his fathers house (v. 23). In contrast to the usual interpretation of this text, I believe does not refer to the ancestor father, nor the family
of Eliakim, but to the king (Gen. 45:8; 2 Kgs 5:13; Isa. 9:5; cf. also 1 Mac 11:32).
is in this sense a synonym of ( v. 18) and in which Eliakim
will become the overseer () .
186
Delitzsch, 263; Fohrer, 1.255; Schoors, 137; Willis, Historical Issues, 67.
Wildberger, 845.
188
For suggestions in this direction, see Wildberger, 846.
189
Cf. also the bulla from Lachish, Belonging to Gedalyahu, overseer of the royal
house (( ) COS 2.70D). With king Jehoiachin as the legitimate heir in
captivity, Gedaliah fulfilled the task of a king in Judah. We know from 2 Kgs 25:25
that at least the party of Elishama, of royal origin () , was not particularly
delighted with the decision of the Babylonians to appoint Gedaliah as governor. This
may explain the importance of the legitimising oracle in Isa. 22:1924.
187
121
To recapitulate the above, (a) as it was the case in Isa. 22:114, the
subsection 22:1525 is composed of an Isaianic text (vv. 1518) that
was subsequently supplemented by vv. 1924 and updated by v. 25.
(b) From a theological viewpoint, it is important to mention the
motif of in (vv. 18, 23, 24), as well as the theme of hubris (v. 16).
The day of judgment will be the day of humiliation for Jerusalem (vv.
114), including its most prominent figures (vv. 1518).
(c) From a historical point of view, Isa. 22:1518 goes back to the
8th century bc, but vv. 1924 derive from a later period. As has been
argued, these verses provide the legitimising background not only for
Eliakim but also for his descendants, so that vv. 1924 may be dated to
the 7th or early 6th centuries, at any rate before 587 bc. V. 25 comes
from the exilic era.
3.2.9
Isa. 23, a prophecy concerning Tyre, is one of the most difficult passages in Isa. 1323 and presents a real challenge to the interpreter,
even in places where the reading is fairly clear. Although it is not necessary to take a position on every textual issue, some do have implications for understanding Isa. 1323.
The phrase in 23:1 can be rendered as for it is destroyed
so that no house is left, with having a privative sense.190
can only be translated as so that one may not enter from the
land of Kittim,191 but this translation leaves unexplained.
The same is true if is connected to the previous line.192 Therefore,
should be changed into , entrance, yielding
, the entrance/harbour from the land of Kittim. Approaching
from the sea, Tyre was the harbour city of Asia.193 does not
190
Cf. Isa. 7:8; 17:1; A. van der Kooij, The Oracle of Tyre: The Septuagint of Isaiah
XXIII as Version and Vision (VT.S, 71), Leiden 1998, 21, 195.
191
Cf. 1 Sam. 25:33; Isa. 24:10. The temporal translations when/as they came from
the land of Kittim (NRSV; cf. JPS; Procksch, 295; Kaiser, 130; Wildberger, 855) would
require the forms ( 1 Sam. 16:6; 18:6; 2 Chron. 20:10; Ezra 2:68; Ezek. 44:17, 21;
46:10) or ( 2 Kgs 6:20; Jer. 41:7).
192
Van der Kooij interprets in both cases as privative: it is laid waste, so that
there is no house to enter any more (Tyre, 21, 195). However, this would require
* . Isa. 24:10 has a different syntax (contra Van der Kooij).
193
In Ezek. 27:3 Tyres location is ( cf. Assurbanipals Prism A ii
4850). Note also that the gate of Jerusalem leading to the land of the tribe of Benjamin was called ( Jer. 37:13).
122
chapter three
194
Cf. Kaiser, 133; Young, 2.123; Wildberger, 870; R. Lessing, Interpreting Discontinuity: Isaiahs Tyre Oracle (Ph.D. diss.), Saint Louis 2001, 190.
195
The idea that Tyre is transformed into a bare rock also appears in the Tyrus
prophecy of Ezek. 26:4, 14 (cf. ) .
196
This may be compared to Assyrian inscriptions that express the fear felt by a
nation when learning about the destruction of others. Sargons Nimrud Prism (ln. 35)
relates the fear of the Cypriots when they heard of Sargons deeds against the Chaldaeans and Hittites by stating that their hearts palpitated, fright fell upon them.
197
In 23:4 Sidon (Phoenicia) is summoned to be ashamed of what Tyre ()
has to say: I have never laboured (), never given birth, never raised youths,
or reared maidens. The sentence can hardly refer to childlessness (contra Alexander,
395; Delitzsch, 265; Kaiser, 134; Oswalt, 431). Tyre is presented as a young woman,
a virgin (cf. , the virgin daughter of Sidon [i.e. Phoenicia] in 23:12)
who has not yet experienced the pain of giving birth (). The childbirth imagery
metaphorically represents a city in anguish before the enemy.
123
V. 13, crucial in placing Isa. 23 historically, is the most controversial passage of the entire pericope. its present form, 23:13 refers to the
destruction of Chaldea by the Assyrians. The reference to Chaldea is,
however, strange in this context. Several solutions have been proposed
to make sense of [ ]. One of the
frequent suggestions is that is a gloss which
corrected expectations that Assyria would destroy Tyre.198 However,
such a gloss that explicitly denies a previous interpretation in favour
of a new one would be unusual for the Old Testament. Furthermore,
while the syntax of the phrase can be interpreted as this is the people, it was not Assyria (cf. 2 Chron. 18:32),
the remaining would have no connections in this verse.
It is more likely that the phrase division should be located between
and .
Without emendations and glosses, the expression
can be interpreted in two different ways. (1) By rendering
as this (is the) people199 (that) is no more (i.e. ceased to
exist),200 the destruction of Chaldea is assumed to have been caused
by the Assyrians. They (the Assyrians) raised their (?) siege towers and demolished its palaces; it (Assyria) turned it into a desert.201
Why speak of the destruction of Chaldea in the context of a prophecy
against Tyre? LXX provides an attractive way to interpret the passage.
The Greek translators connected vv. 12 and 13, and understood
not as an interjection but a signifier of a conditional clause (which is
grammatically possible): If () you went to Kittim, there would be
no rest for you; if ( )to the land of Chaldea, even that is laid waste by
the Assyrians and there would be no rest for you (either), for its walls
are fallen. In 23:12b13, Tyre, the daughter of Sidon (see below), is
offered two alternatives to escape the disaster. Plan A: Flee to Kittim,
but you will not be safe there. Plan B: Behold, the land of Chaldea (as
a possible ally?); but Assyria has utterly destroyed it, too. The land of
198
124
chapter three
Kittim in the west and the land of Chaldea in the east (cf. Jer. 2:10)
offer no way to escape from the hand of Yhwh. The destruction of
Tyre is unavoidable.
(2) If is rendered as this (is the) people (that) was
not (before), we must assume that Isa. 23:13 refers to the destruction
of two different cities: Behold, the land of Chaldaeans!This people
that was not, Assyria had destined it (the land of Chaldea) to the desert
animals.(the Chaldeans) raised (or will raise) their (?) siege towers
and demolished (or will demolish) her (Tyres) palaces; they turned
(or will turn) her into a desert.
To reiterate, the destruction of Chaldea by the Assyrians mentioned
in Isa. 23:13 either exemplifies the future fate of Tyre or explains the
sudden emergence of Chaldea threatening the nations of Canaan lying
within the domain of its power.
The unity of Isa. 23 is almost universally recognised as secondary.
Vv. 114 discuss the collapse of Tyre; vv. 1518 relate its re-emergence.
The fact that these two texts were written with different concerns is
well-recognised. More than that, the coherence of vv. 114 has been
subject to debate as well. The reason for this is the assumed change
in the addressees of vv. 114. Some scholars have argued that, in its
earlier stage, Isa. 23 was a prophecy concerned with Sidon, but it was
later reinterpreted as a prophecy against Tyre, a rereading which left
its marks on the composition.202 Other scholars consider 23:114 to
be directed against the whole Phoenician coast.203 Clearly, the problem concerning the literary unity of 23:114 is closely linked with the
identity of the addressees. Two issues need to be discussed here: the
reference of the name Sidon and the identity of those addressed in
the 2nd and 3rd person forms.
As for the first question, Sidon may be used with two distinctive
meanings. It may refer to the city Sidon, or it may designate southern Phoenicia, as evidenced by other Israelite, Phoenician, and Greek
sources.204 In Isa. 23, Sidon is not the name of a city alone but of
202
125
As for the second question, a close reading of Isa. 23 reveals a distinction between those addressed in the 2nd person and those spoken
Tyre, while the same king is called king of the Sidonians (mlk sdnm) on a Phoenician
inscription (W.A. Ward, Tyre, OEANE 5.248).
205
Since lt may mean ruler, Shilta could be a title rather than a personal name
(cf. Piru of Egypt). N. Naaman, Sargon II and the Rebellion of the Cypriot Kings
against Shilta of Tyre, in: Ancient Israel and Its Neighbors: Interaction and Counteraction, Winona Lake, IN 2005, 11828.
206
The determinatives uru, city and kur, land may occasionally be interchanged.
uru Yah udu (Judah) is also attested in the Assyrian inscriptions.
207
This is corroborated by Sennacheribs Bull Inscription 4 (BAL, 2.69), according
to which Luli took flight ultu qereb uru surri, from inside the city Tyre. /
Luli may eventually be identical with Shilta (contra Naaman, Shilta, 125). If Tyre
was ruled by another pro-Assyrian Shilta, a contemporary of Luli, as Naaman suggested, the act of Sennacherib, nominating a new vassal king, and entrusting him the
entire mainland region of the former Tyrean kingdom, would be more difficult to
explain.
208
G. Bunnens, Lhistoire vnementielle partim Orient, in: V. Krings (ed.), La
civilisation phnicienne et punique: Manuel de recherche (HO, 1/20), Leiden 1995, 230.
126
chapter three
of in the 3rd person.209 For the 2nd person (vocative) form, cf.
( 23:1), ( 23:2, 6), ( 23:2), ( 23:4), ( 23:7),
( 23:10). Tyre, whose fall is pictured in the prophecy, is
referred to quite consistently by 3rd person suffixes, prepositions and
verbs: ( 23:1), ( 23:1),210 ( 23:3), ( 23:3),211
(23:4), ( 23:7), ( 23:7), ( 23:8), ( 23:8).
The metaphors ( 23:1; emended text), ( | 23:2),212
( 23:4), ( 23:4),213 ( 23:7), ( 23:9),
(23:10), ( 23:11?, 14) all refer to Tyre. The city Tyre is destroyed
and deported to a far off land. But the direct addressees of the text are
not identical with those undergoing judgment. The 2nd person message is addressed to Tyres former friends and mates, summoned as
witnesses to moan, wail, be ashamed, cross over to or go through their
land.214 This distinction between Tyre and its friends (larger Phoenicia,
the Mediterranean region and Egypt) is essential to understand Isa. 23,
and it offers a fairly consistent pattern for reading this prophecy.
209
One exception appears in v. 12, where Tyre is addressed in the 2nd person.
This is a particular case, however, for here it is Yhwh (and not the prophet) speaking to Tyre, which means that it belongs to a different rhetorical level. In principle,
can refer to both Sidon and Sidons (= Phoenicias) daughter, i.e.
Tyre. With as the name of Phoenicia, v. 12 resembles constructions like
( Lam. 1:15), ( Isa. 47:1; cf. there ) . For the virgin
daughter of Sidon (Phoenicia), see later Phoenician coins referring to Sidon as msr,
the mother of Tyre.
210
The fact that the name of Tyre is avoided at the beginning does not pose any
problem if the prophecy originally contained a superscription. Note also that 23:114
is interpreted as a prophecy on Tyre in 23:1518.
211
This is a 3rd fem. sg., just like the suffix of the previous
. She (Tyre) has
become a profit for the nations. Merchant of the nations would require the vocalisation ( cf. Knobel, 164).
212
is a problematic term in 23:2. For the Massoretic , the
one who crosses over the sea has filled you (= 1QIsab; cf. Vulg., Syr., Tg. Isa.), 1QIsaa
has and 4QIsaa . 1QIsaa and 4QIsaa are textual corrections rather than representatives of a more reliable textual tradition. The reading
provided by MT does make sense in its present form (cf. Van der Kooij, Tyre, 21).
However, refers here to the Tyrean seafarers (like ) , while the sg. 2
suffix in refers to , the inhabitants of the coastland (Phoenicia / Sidon),
addressed in the second person. This structuring also means that goes
with 23:3 as follows: / / .
213
resonates with Uzu of EA 148:11, 30; 149:49 (cf. Uu in Assyrian and t in
Egyptian), the name of Old Tyre. Cf. also in Josh. 19:29; 2 Sam. 24:7. For
in 23:4, cf. in Isa. 19:7.
214
The emendation of into , till your land (cf. 1QIsaa, the
LXX) is unnecessary, for cannot substitute for ( Van der Kooij, Tyre, 197).
V. 6 also refers to crossing over to Tarshish, and v. 12 to Kittim. Wandering through
the homeland is an act of mourning (cf. Isa. 15).
127
While 23:17, 10, 14 calls Tyres friends to lament on the destruction of the city, vv. 89, 11, 12a, 13 give a theological explanation for
the course of events. With a vocabulary familiar from 14:24, 2627 and
19:12, 1617, these verses proclaim that it was Yhwhs plan that came
to be fulfilled: he, i.e. Yhwh (not Tyre!) stretched out his arm over
the sea, he made kingdoms quake, he gave command (cf. Isa. 13:3; 2
Sam. 17:14) concerning Canaan to destroy its fortresses. It might be
possible that Isa. 23:89, 11, 12a, 13 are later than the rest of vv. 114
and were written in view of the other FNPs, particularly 14:24, 2627,
as well as 19:12 and 1617.215 The term in 23:11 can have multiple meanings. In the context of the previous FNPs it may designate
the Mediterranean land strip from Phoenicia to Philistia.216 The fate of
Tyre is only a small section of a larger plan involving its neighbouring
countries. But in v. 8 the merchants of Tyre are called , so that
may refer to Tyre as Canaan par excellence.
The prosaic ending, Isa. 23:1518, is mostly considered a secondary
addition to the previous poem. Not only does v. 14 form a concluding inclusio with v. 1, but vv. 1518 are also demarcated by
, a syntactically independent phrase (cf. Isa. 22:20; Hos. 1:5). The
message of vv. 1518 is also different from vv. 114. Vv. 1518 maintain that after 70 years, according to the days (?) of a (?) king,217 the
fate of Tyre shall evolve in accordance with the song of a (the?) prostitute.218 Tyre shall return to her former life as a prostitute and ply her
job with the kingdoms of the earth. The motif of 70 years destruction
also appears in Jer. 25:11; 29:10 (cf. 2 Chron. 36:21; Dan. 9:2; Zech.
7:5), in relation to the captivity of Israel and the nations, as well as
the visitation ( )of Babylon. It is striking that the 70-year-motif
is also attested in the description of Esarhaddons reconciliation with
215
128
chapter three
129
about to lead Tyre into captivity (see above) then at least vv. 89, 11,
12a, 13 must be dated to the early New Babylonian period.
To conclude, (a) Isa. 23 can be divided into two pericopes: 23:114
is a call to lament in view of an impending attack on Tyre. Despite
earlier assumptions, Isa. 23 is concerned with the fall of Tyre only.
The other addressees are summoned merely as witnesses. The theological-reflective character of vv. 89, 11, 12a, 13 might suggest that they
are later additions, although this remains uncertain. At any rate, Isa.
23:1518 is a later expansion compared to vv. 114.
(b) Common motifs shared with the other FNPs include the following: the summons to wail ( ;)the humiliation of the rich and
powerful kingdom; the fulfilment of the purposes and plans of Yhwh
(), stretching out his hands and even extending it beyond the earth
to include the sea; Tyre will be restored, but its glory and wealth will
be given to Yhwh in Zion.
(c) If 23:114 is considered one literary unit and if
in 23:13 is rendered as this is the people that is no more, 23:114
could be dated to 703671. If is translated as this
is the people that was not before, the date of the prophecy should
be advanced to the era of Nebuchadnezzar (cf. Ezek. 26). The literary
parallels of 23:1518 suggest that this expansion derives from the late
Assyrian or New Babylonian periods, depending also on the dating of
23:114.
His texts report massive destruction and deportations of the Chaldaean population
(BAL, 2.6566). His Chaldean campaign was followed by a march against the kingdom
of Tyre and Luli, its ruler (Taylor Prism ii 3464; BAL, 2.67). The mainland kingdom
fell, but the isle Tyre was saved. Luli found rest in Kittim. Of course, these details do
not present any problems if the prophecy is dated before 701. Alternatively, 23:114
can be dated to Esarhaddons era (Wildberger, 866). Sennacherib assigned the mainland territories of the Tyrean kingdom to Tubailu, whose successor, Abdi-milkutti,
rebelled against Esarhaddon (677). Though he fled to the sea (Kittim?), he was captured and decapitated. Sidon was transformed into an Assyrian province. Part of its
former territory was given to Baal I, king of Tyre, who may have also been among the
rebels but surrendered in time to Esarhaddon. We hear again of a rebellion of Baal in
connection with Esarhaddons later campaign to Egypt (674/671?). He appears as an
ally of Taharka, for which he is punished, but his life is ultimately spared. Esarhaddon
reports to have taken away the cities and possessions of Baal. Esarhaddon pursued
a Chaldea-friendly policy, but 23:13 could refer Sennacheribs anti-Babylonian campaigns in his later years.
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3.3
Isa. 1323 is built around ten -headings. This system of superscription provides a unifying editorial frame for the collection, which
bears clear signs of a long process of development (cf. 16:1314). One
can discern three different types of -superscriptions (cf. 13:1;
14:28; 21:1). The typical system of superscription in Isa. 2122 and the
internal thematic connections between these prophecies, as well as the
events of 598 and 587 serving as common historical background to
the (re)reading of these prophecies, suggest that Isa. 2122 had already
been associated before the two chapters came to be inserted among
the other prophecies of Isa. 1323 during the exilic era (cf. 21; 22:25).
The independent origin and later addition of Isa. 2122 explains the
unusual occurrence of two anti-Babylon prophecies in different locations in Isa. 1323 and the presence of prophecies concerning Jerusalem and two royal palace officials (Isa. 22) among the FNPs.
Not only Isa. 1323 as a whole but also the individual -collections
show various signs of editorial activity. As in other collections of FNPs
of the Old Testament (cf. 2.4), most -prophecies of Isaiah are
composed of more than one literary unit with a complicated redactional history occasionally predating their insertion in the FNP collections (e.g., 15:19; 16:15; 22:125). The connection between individual
prophecies of the -collection in this case is provided by thematic
resemblances, catchwords, or other theological editorial considerations.224 Some passages may derive from an originally anti-Judaean
context, subsequently reapplied against the enemies of Judah (cf. Isa.
13:28). The significant idea that Yhwh will interchange the fate of
Israel and its enemies also appears in the neighbouring redactional
passage, Isa. 14:14a.
The gradual development of Isa. 1323 described in this study challenges any suggestion that the prophecies of Isa. 1323 were collected
at a relatively late date. It seems that the book of Isaiah parallels other
books insofar as it contains an early collection of FNPs. Beyond the
differences and the regularities in the system of superscription of Isa.
1323, an important sign for the gradual development of the collection is the shifting editorial view regarding the fate of nations. One can
observe a move from judgment prophecies to prophecies of hope (cf.
224
131
225
132
chapter three
226
Note that Isa. 11:11 mentions a second time when Yhwh will raise his hand
() , which possibly alludes to the well-known motif, which was an
earlier organising principle of the editors but is now a motif used in a positive sense.
227
Cf. Isa. 10:3; 13:13; 17:11; 22:5; 30:25; 34:8.
228
Cf. Hamborg, Reasons, 157.
229
Cf. , , in the two texts. Note also the motif of wealth not being a
means to avoid the wrath of Yhwh in 2:7, 20 and 13:17.
133
230
231
Kaiser, 133.
Delitzsch, 264; Oswalt, 427.
134
chapter three
hands and made kingdoms shake, he has given command concerning Canaan to destroy its fortresses. It was noted that in the present
context Canaan may have a much wider significance. It may symbolise
all of the small kingdoms of the Levantine region (much like the New
Assyrian mt H atti). The mention of Chaldea in Isa. 23:13 provides a
fitting end to a collection beginning with Assyria / Babylon.
The appearance of Assyria (and later imperial powers of the East),
the judge and ruler of the entire world ( ;10:14) ahead of a
collection of FNPs places all the prophecies in the context of a genre
particularly related to Assyrian kings: the rhetoric of the Mesopotamian royal inscriptions and stele literature. The motifs connecting Isa.
1323 to this type of literature are significant. In my view, it is likely
that the editors of the book of Isaiah deliberately followed the royal
inscription-genre in collecting the FNPs in Isa. 1323.
The Mesopotamian royal inscriptions often begin by re-affirming
the world dominance of the Assyrian monarchs.232 It was argued above
that Isa. 10:515 (cf. also 14:4b21), introduced an earlier collection of
FNPs, but here it functions as an introduction to the Mesopotamian
texts. In this case, the Assyrian monarch is presented as an all-powerful
ruler of the world who, however, rules through the power of Yhwh.
On the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, Tiglath-pileser III, Assurbanipal and others, this introductory claim is often followed by proofs
of the historical reality behind the ideological assertion. They describe
campaigns against nations stretching to the four quarters of the world.
In this respect Isa. 1323 with its prophecies picturing the destruction of different nations can be considered the replica of an Assyrian
inscription. Isa. 1323 provides evidence for Yhwhs dominion over
all the nations subjugated by Assyria (and later by Persia). Assyria is
not the uppermost ruler, but it is the tool of Yhwh, a staff in Gods
hands.
Assyrian rulers often maintain that their weapon or sceptre was
given to them by Assur. Shalmaneser III says (RIMA 3 A.0.102.5 i
6ii 1):
At that time Assur, the great lord called [my name for shepherdship
of] the people, he crowned (me) with the exalted crown, [he . . .] my
dominion, (and) placed in my hands the weapon, sceptre, (and) staff
appropriate for (rule over) the people.
232
Cf. RIMA 3 A.0.102.1:19; A.0.102.2 i 510; A.0.102.5 i 16; A.0.102.14:1517;
A.0.103.1 i 2633; A.0.104.1:19; A.0.105.1:12; IAKA 21:114.
135
233
136
chapter three
Sennacherib, great king, mighty king, king of the universe (ar kiati),
king of Assyria, king of the four corners of the world (ar kibrat erbetti)
(. . .) God Assur, the great mountain, has provided me an unpaired kingdom (. . .) from the Upper Sea on the West (tmti elnti a alam ami)
to the Lower Sea on the East (tmti aplti a st ami). Every black
headed people (i.e. the humanity) he has put under my feet (. . .).
(Taylor Prism i 1016).
Assurbanipal, the great king, the legitimate king, the king of the world,
king of all the four rims, king of kings, prince without rival, who rules
from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea and has made bow to his feet all the
rulers and who has laid the yoke of his overlordship (upon them) from
Tyre, which is in the Upper Sea and Tilmun, which is in the Lower Sea,
and they pulled the straps of his yoke.
(Warka Cylinder of Assurbanipal, ANET, 297).236
This world-wide scope of the FNPs convinces the reader of the collection that Yhwh is the ruler of the earth. History is not simply the
course of events unforeseeable and uncontrolled, but the realisation
of a plan of Yhwh, a plan now revealed on the stele of Yhwh, in
Isa. 1323.237
The question is whether we should attribute a direct influence of
Assyrian literature on the composition of Isa. 1323, or there may
have been other possible conveyors of this tradition? Though the features noted appear most often in Assyrian literature, the indicated parallels can also be found on the inscriptions of Babylonian and Persian
kings.238 The Cylinder Inscription of Cyrus the Great, probably also
known by Judaeans (cf. Ezra 1:1), also presents King Cyrus in words
similar to the Assyrian steles, as ruler of the entire world, from the
Lower Sea to the Upper Sea (TUAT, 1.4089). Nevertheless, the Cyrus-
236
These motifs are also known from Ps. 72:8; Zech. 9:10.
Isa. 2:622, the possible introduction to the -edition, can also be related
to the Assyrian stele-literature. The appearance of the majesty of Yhwh (
) causing people to flee to the mountains (2:10, 19, 21) reminds the reader
of the melammu (or pulh i melamm) of the god Assur, who spreads dread among
the enemies of the Assyrian king chasing the people into the mountains (e.g., RIMA
3 A.0.102.14:7879, 151; A.0.102.16:22122; A.0.102.17:4344). The same is true of
the motif of excessive wealth that will not save the life of people (Isa. 13:17). Assyrian inscriptions refer to rulers of cities overcome by the fear of Assur and saving
their lives by paying fabulous tributes of silver, gold, etc. (RIMA 3 A.0.102.14:13435;
A.0.102.16:21920).
238
For the Babylonian literature, see the Etemenaki Cylinder of Nebuchadnezzar in
Vanderhooft, Babylon, 3637, the Harran Stele of Nabonid in INBK, 499 [iii 18], the
Adad-guppi Stele in INBK, 511 [i 4044].
237
137
239
Cf. M. Dandamayev, Assyrian Traditions during Achaemenid Times, in:
S. Parpola, R.M. Whiting (eds), Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary
Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, September 711, 1995,
Helsinki 1997, 44; see also, Parpola, Assyrias Expansion, 105.
240
Note especially the Upper Sea / Lower Sea frame.
CHAPTER FOUR
LANDS OF RIDDLES:
THE ANALYSIS OF ISAIAH 18
Chapters 46 aim to answer the question how Isa. 1820 clarifies the
formation and function of the collection comprising Isa. 1323. Below
I shall present a thorough exegetical analysis of these three pericopes
from Isaiah. Each one of Chapters 46 includes a translation with text
critical and semantic notes, followed by a detailed exegetical analysis,
and rounded off with an overall evaluation of the exegetical results
from literary critical, theological and historical perspectives.
Isa. 18 is a thematically coherent prophecy supposedly concerned
with the African nation of Kush, south of Egypt, who invaded Egypt
in the 8th century bc and ruled it for almost a century. Beyond this
widely shared opinion, the many details of the text clouded by lexical
uncertainties have caused scholars to disagree on the specific ways in
which Isa. 18 deals with Kush and how the prophecy is connected to
the people of Israel or Judah. The most important problems in Isa. 18
are the identity of the messengers in v. 2, their destination, and the
identity of the people whose destruction and humiliation are predicted
in vv. 56.
The thematic coherence of 18:17 does not necessarily mean that the
literary unity of this prophecy should be taken for granted. Indeed, the
authenticity of almost every verse has been questioned at some point
in the exegetical literature. The question of literary integrity will be
best addressed after a close examination of the text of the prophecy.
Beyond the often doubted literary integrity of Isa. 18, scholars have
also noted its loose connections to the in Isa. 17:1. Isa. 18
is frequently considered a misplaced component of the
in Isa. 19. However, a few exegetes hold that Isa. 17 is positioned in a
suitable context. The question is whether there is any justification for
the present position of Isa. 18? How can this be related to the formation of Isa. 1323?
Being part of the Isaianic tradition of prophecies concerned with the
lands on the Nile, one may ask how Isa. 18 is related to other prophecies in Isaiah dealing with Egypt and how it functions as a prophecy
140
chapter four
concerning the nations. Was its original purpose modified after Isa. 18
came to be part of the present collection?
Isa. 18 is most often dated to the Isaianic era, but doubts surround
the origin of especially vv. 3 and 7, whose eschatological tone suggests, in the view of many exegetes, that it shares the universalism
of the post-exilic period. Moreover, there is disagreement concerning
the events that would provide a suitable occasion for the deliverance
of this prophecy.
4.1
141
1 a . is translated either as woe (to)!,1 or as an emphatic vocative interjection ho!, intended to catch the attention of the audience.2
Assumptions concerning the connotation of have far reaching consequences for understanding the basic character of Isa. 18 (promise,
reproach or threat). It is argued sometimes that does not introduce
a prophecy of judgment here because Isa. 18 contains no threats against
those addressed. On this point the argumentations easily become circular, since our interpretation of the addressees of subsequent threats
in the prophecy is largely dependent on presuppositions concerning
the meaning of in 18:1.
Several studies have been published on the so-called -prophecies,3
which were, however, mostly concerned with the original setting of the
-cry, and little attention was given to the syntactic structure of the
-formulas.4 Considering the syntax of , we arrive at four different
groups of -texts:
(1) To the first group belong texts in which is directly related to a
following noun or participle, which functions as the subject, addressed
in the 3rd person, as can be inferred from the use of the suffixes or
verbal forms. See Isa. 1:4; 5:8, 11, 18, 20, 21, 22; 10:1, 5; 17:12; 28:1;
29:1, 15; 30:1; 31:1; 33:1;5 45:9, 10; Jer. 22:13; 23:1; Ezek. 34:2; Amos
1
Cf. LXX; Vulg.; Targ. Isa.; Knig, 198; Fischer, 13637; W. Janzen, Mourning Cry
and Woe Oracle (BZAW, 125), Berlin 1972, 6061; Clements, 164; Blenkinsopp, 308.
2
Ibn Ezra, 85; Gesenius, 572; Gray, 309; Young, 1.474; Sweeney, 257; Motyer,
160.
3
E. Gerstenbeger, The Woe-Oracles of the Prophets, JBL 81 (1962), 24963;
G. Wanke, und , ZAW 78 (1966), 21518; R.J. Clifford, The Use of HY in
the Prophets, CBQ 28 (1966), 45864; J.G. Williams, The Alas-Oracles of the Eighth
Century Prophets, HUCA 38 (1967), 7591; Janzen, Cry; H.-J. Kraus, hy als prophetische Leichenklage ber das eigene Volk im 8. Jahrhundert, ZAW 85 (1973), 1546;
Wildberger, 18283; H.-J. Zobel, , ThWAT 2.38388; D.R. Hillers, Hy and HyOracles: A Neglected Syntactic Aspect, in: C.L. Meyers, M. OConnor (eds), The Word
of the Lord Shall Go Forth: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of
His Sixtieth Birthday, Winona Lake, IN 1983, 18588.
4
An exception to a certain extent is the study Hillers.
5
In Isa. 33:1 appears a combination of second and 3rd person forms.
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chapter four
5:18; 6:1; Mic. 2:1; Nah. 3:1; Hab. 2:6, 9, 12, 15, 19; Zeph. 2:5; 3:1, 18b
(cf. LXX); Zech. 11:17.
(2) The 3rd person form is also used in a second group of texts, but
is connected to the subject by a preposition. These texts closely
resemble group (1). See Jer. 48:1; 50:27; Ezek. 13:3, 18. is here
syntactically and semantically similar to , which almost always
appears with a preposition ().
(3) A third group includes texts where is an independent particle,
casually doubled as a summons or an exclamation. In these cases, it is
not the impersonal or 3rd person form that is used, but the 2nd person,
corresponding to the vocative. Cf. Isa. 1:24; 55:1; Jer. 30:7; 47:6; Zech.
2:10, 11.
(4) A fourth group, syntactically related to the previous one, is
formed by texts where is a mourning cry by which the deceased is
addressed in the 2nd person, with , ah functioning as a vocative:
1 Kgs 13:30; Jer. 22:18; 34:5.
When arguing for a neutral translation (oh / ah) in Isa. 18:1, exegetes referred to parallel texts from group (3). That is exactly the problem; for syntactically speaking Isa. 18:1 belongs to group (1) where the
translation woe is evident. Wherever this was questioned (e.g., Isa.
17:12), it was done on grounds similar to 18:1. should therefore be
rendered as woe in v. 1a.
Looking at the contexts in which it appears, is always a cry with
negative overtones related either to a disastrous, depressing past or
present, or, more frequently, it introduces an unfortunate future.6
b-b . Scholars disagree on the meaning of this expression. if left unvocalisedappears six times in the Old Testament.7 Lexicons generally distinguish four semantic domains: ,
whirring; , spear, harpoon; , whirring locust, cricket;
, cymbal (musical instrument of percussion). The last meaning is the least disputed (2 Sam. 6:5; Ps. 150:5). In Deut. 28:42,
refers to an insect causing agricultural disaster. In Job 40:31, is
often translated as spear, harpoon. However, the rendering
6
HALOT suggests that, in Isa. 18:1; 55:1; Zech. 2:10, is a cry of encouragement.
This idea is, however, expressed by the imperatives of ( Isa. 55:1) and ( Zech.
2:10) and not by itself. is a cry emerging from by the psychological impact of
an existing (Isa. 55:1) or coming (Zech. 2:10) calamity.
7
Deut. 28:42; Isa. 18:1; Job 40:31; 2 Sam. 6:5; Ps. 150:5 (2x).
143
8
G.R. Driver, Difficult Words in the Hebrew Prophets, in: Studies in Old Testament Prophecy: Presented to Professor Theodore H. Robinson by the Society for Old
Testament Study on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, Edinburgh 1950, 5253; J.V.K. Wilson,
A Return to the Problems of Behemoth and Leviathan, VT 25 (1975), 11.
9
E.Y. Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1 Q Isaa),
Leiden 1974, 279.
10
See BDB; RSV; NIV; Gray, 306; D.M. Goldenberg, The Curse of Ham: Race and
Slavery in Early Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, Princeton, NJ 2003, 3031; Cheyne,
110; Duhm, 137; Marti, 147; Knig, 198; Procksch, 238; Kaiser, 74.
11
Cf. I. Eitan, La rptition de la racine en hbreu, JPOS 1 (1920), 17477.
12
I. Yannay, Augmented Verbs in Biblical Hebrew, HUCA 45 (1974), 75.
13
NCW 4.195; DTTM 1286; DJPA 466 ( , she clapped with her
hands).
14
Cheyne, 160; Duhm, 137; Knig, 198; Schoors, 11617; Kaiser, 76.
15
Probably connecting to and late Hebrew , noise, chattering.
144
chapter four
16
145
146
chapter four
Those cases where the geographical aspect is missing are of little relevance to
Isa. 18:1 (contra Gemser, Beber hajjardn, 351).
23
Gemser, Beber hajjardn, 350; J.P.U. Lilley, By the River-Side, VT 28 (1978),
16571; H.-P. Sthli, , THAT 2.203; H.F. Fuhs, , ThWAT 5.1031.
147
24
GesB 46869; BDB 604; HALOT. Torczyner defends only one sense, to seize, to
grasp, to hold. He maintains that to draw, to pull is a late development of in
post-biblical Hebrew (H. Torczyner, eine miverstandene hebrische Vokabel,
MGWJ 33 [1889], 40112). His views are not convincing, however, since the verbal
parallels of support the translation to draw, to pull.
25
Cf. in LXX, and see further Delitzsch, 351; Gray, 312; Young,
1.476; Kaiser, 77; Wildberger, 689; Blenkinsopp, 308; Goldenberg, Curse, 32.
26
For instance, Vulg., Syr. and some medieval Jewish commentaries.
27
Vitringa, 84647; cf. also Lowth and Dathe according to Gesenius, 581.
148
chapter four
also mentioned by Herodotus (Hist. ii 17, 2223; iii 20). Lubetski and
Gottlieb believe that beyond the connotation tall, also means
bow drawers.28
The pual part. of appears only once more in Prov. 13:12 in a different syntagmatic relationship, mentioning , deferred/
delayed hope. In lack of parallels for the pual, the qal form should be
examined more closely, assuming that the pual is the passive to qal.29
One should probably distinguish between a more general transitive
and a more rare intransitive meaning. The intransitive meaning, to
draw up, to depart, appears in Judg. 4:6 (with as in Exod. 12:21);
20:37.30 The transitive formwhich is more important for the present
case, since the pual requires an objectmeans: (1) to seize, (2) to
draw, to pull; to carry along. Looking at from a syntagmatic
point of view, the objects of the verb may be people (Gen. 37:28; Judg.
4:7; Job 24:22; Song 1:4; Ezek. 32:20; Hos. 11:4), animals (Job 40:25),
bow (1 Kgs 22:34; Isa. 66:19), yoke (Deut. 21:3), or evil (in metaphorical sense; Isa. 5:18).31
in 18:2 is best understood as a passive form of with a
person as its object. As a passive, cannot mean bow drawer.
Otherwise, could have this sense only in relation with
(1 Kgs 22:34; Isa. 66:19). A similar objection applies to the proposal
of Hitzig (prolonged life). The approach of Vitringa can be justified
from a geographical perspective, but it is difficult from a grammatical
point of view, since would have to be connected to rather
than . The parallel referring to the appearance of the nation
would further question the geographical connotation of . The
assumption that refers to physical stature finds further support
in post-biblical Hebrew. In b. Ketub. 10b we read: (the rain) gives
beauty and enlargement ( )to the fruits, while in b. Ber. 54b we
28
M. Lubetski, C. Gottlieb, Isaiah 18: The Egyptian Nexus, in: M. Lubetski et al.
(eds), Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon
(JSOT.S, 273), Sheffield 1998, 37374.
29
The niphal stem (Isa. 13:22; Ezek. 12:25, 28) should also be translated as passive
to qal (DCH 5.52425). Cf. Isa. 13:22 niphal and Prov. 13:12 pual.
30
Less probable is Job 21:33, where may perhaps be the object of .
31
In some less important cases, the verb has abstract objects: to hold on / to prolong / to extend years (Neh. 9:30 [unlike HALOT; H. Ringgren, , ThWAT 5.60;
DCH 5.524 16]), kindness (Ps. 36:11; 109:12; Jer. 31:3), anger (Ps. 85:6). With ,
horn, means the prolonging of its sound (Exod. 19:13; Josh. 6:5).
149
150
chapter four
would have from here / there and beyond, or everywhere.39 According to the temporal interpretation, is rendered by from
this time and onward, or since its existence.40 However, both interpretations lack satisfactory grammatical support. It is true that the
expression X appears several times in the Old Testament
with both temporal and local meanings.41 Nevertheless, attributing a
local / geographical significance to in the sense of from
there and beyond runs into difficulties as the adverb is required
in combination with ( cf. 1 Sam. 10:3) in order to convey proximity.
Similarly, the idea of from this time and onward would demand some
other noun expressing time beside , such as , for instance.42 At
any rate, is a problematic syntactical element which can hardly be
taken as an adequate substitute in this regard.
One possible alternative to solve the problem posed by the pronoun in Isa. 18:2 is to consider its predicative function and translate: from where it is and further on or since it is (i.e. it exists) and
onwards. This path is also followed by BDB, for instance, which argues
that is a variant of .43 Nevertheless, the soundness
of this explanation is also doubtful from a grammatical and semantic point of view. Not only is the construction + pers. pron.
unknown in the Hebrew Bible,44 but the very idea of the interchangeability of and also remains suspicious.
But that neither gives any sense, nor is it possible grammatically. In 1 Sam. 20:22,
mentioned in support of this theory, is paralleled by , hither
from you (20:21). See discussion of this text below.
39
Sym. ( ); Ibn Ezra, 85; Dillmann, 166; Von Orelli,
7475; Schmidt, 119; Wildberger, 680; Clements, 165; Blenkinsopp, 308.
40
Cf. the Vulg.; Targ. Isa.; Saadya and Lowth (according to Gesenius, 583); Vitringa, 848; Cheyne, 111; Ehrlich, 68.
41
For the temporal usage, cf. Lev. 22:27; Num. 15:23; 1 Sam. 18:9; Ezek. 39:22, for
local usage, see Num. 32:19; 1 Sam. 10:3; 20:22, 37. Cf. also ( Gen. 35:21;
Jer. 22:19; Amos 5:27). Ezek. 43:27 uses instead of .
42
This is also the case in Nah. 2:9, where , from the time she exists, was
argued by Gesenius to support a temporal translation in Isa. 18:2 (Gesenius, 58182;
GKC 103m). In its present vocalisation, the temporal aspect is assured by and not
by . On the problems of this text, see further K. Spronk, Nahum (COT), Kampen
1999, 12728; A. Pinker, NinevehAn Isle is She, ZAW 116 (2004), 4025.
43
Cf. BDB 214: from (the time that) it was.
44
BDB calls attention to and from 2 Kgs 7:7, 10, but these
are different. In contrast to countless appearances of , appears merely
17 times in the Old Testament, in each case with the sense from (that) which (or
compared to / except for which) and not only from. I doubt that this semantic
aspect would coincide with the context of Isa. 18:2.
151
also possible, however, that the LXX translates , who / which is beyond it?,
as a rhetorical utterance. Alternatively, the LXX considered the Aramaic form of
Hebrew . Or was actually read as ( cf. MT of Ezek. 8:6 for a similar
error of / ?) Cf. Sym.: .
152
chapter four
46
See further Eitan, Rptition, 17186. Cf. Gen. 25:30; Deut. 16:20; Judg. 5:22;
1 Sam. 2:3; Prov. 20:14; Eccl. 7:24.
47
P.A.H. de Boer, Etude sur le sens de la racine QWH, OTS 10 (1954), 233.
48
The use of the negative form in Isa. 18:2 is particularly striking, but note
in Isa. 18:7, and see also 28:10, 13.
49
In 1QH i 28 and Sir. 44:5 probably means verse meter (cf. HALOT). Qimchi
believed referred to a nation (Israelites) trampled little by little. Ibn
Ezra understood to mean a nation line by line, referring to the intellect of
the child, who is taught gradually (Ibn Ezra, 85; cf. Isa. 28:10, 13).
50
Delitzsch, 351. See also Von Orelli, 75; Ridderbos, 134. Cf. Vitringa, 84950.
51
Fischer, 138; Hayes & Irvine, 255; Goldenberg, Curse, 3536. For Isa. 28:10, 13,
see J.A. Emerton, Some Difficult Words in Isaiah 28.10 and 13, in: A. RapoportAlbert, G. Greenberg (eds), Biblical Hebrew, Biblical Texts: Essays in Memory of
Michael P. Weitzman (JSOT.S, 333), Sheffield 2001, 3956.
153
52
Note that, beside and , we also find , which can hardly be onomatopoeic. Moreover, the preposition cannot be explained in an onomatopoeic expression. In view of Isa. 28:14, it is also possible that vv. 10 and 13 cite Isaiahs opponents,
the scoffers who do not want to listen to the prophets words. Through their mockery, these people typify the Isaianic message as and ( 28:17), as always
commandments, and always rules. Despite Emertons reservations (Some Difficult
Words, 44), in this text possibly stands for measure, gage.
53
Knobel, 124; Gesenius, 58586; Alexander, 344; Cheyne, 112; Dillmann, 166;
Marti, 147; Duhm, 137; Gray, 317; Procksch, 239; Van Hoonacker, 105; Kissane, 2067;
G.R. Driver, Linguistic and Textual Problems: Isaiah IXXXIX, JThS 38 (1937), 46;
Wildberger, 680; Kaiser, 74; Watts, 24344; Blenkinsopp, 308.
54
Ps. 44:6 (| ;)60:14; 108:14; Isa. 14:19, 25 (| ;)63:6. Cf. Ezek. 16:6, 22.
55
Driver, Isaiah IXXXIX, 46.
56
Cf. the Vulg., Syr., Targ. For see Isa. 10:2, 6; 11:14; 17:14; etc.
154
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57
155
64
Ibn Ezra, 85; Alexander, 345; Von Orelli, 75; Knig, 199; Young, 1.474.
Cf. Gen. 33:10; Num. 22:4; 2 Sam. 3:34; 17:3; Job 10:4.
66
E.g., LXX; Qimchi; Duhm, 138.
67
For , cf. Ps. 33:13; 80:15; 102:20; Isa. 63:15. See further the Targ.; Gesenius, 587;
Procksch, 236; Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 376 n. 63.
68
Exod. 15:17; 1 Kgs 8:13, 39; Ps. 33:14; Isa. 4:5. Occasionally means base,
fundament (Ps. 89:15; 97:2; Ezra 2:68). Cf. ( 1 Kgs 7:27; Ezra 3:3; Zech. 5:11).
69
Compare 1 Kgs 8:13 | 1 Kgs 8:29, 30; Ps. 104:5 | Job 9:6; Dan. 8:11 | Jer. 17:12.
70
E.g., Gesenius, 588; Delitzsch, 352; Von Orelli, 75; Blenkinsopp, 308.
71
Dillmann, 167; Gray, 313, 318; Wildberger, 678.
72
Gesenius, 588, referred to in Isa. 8:23, claiming that it supported
his temporal translation. However, is there a contraction of + ( cf. Isa. 9:3,
where = + ;see GKC 118u; JM 133h). In Isa. 8:23 is clearly
comparative.
65
156
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157
82
Cf. DCH 1.161. For and , cf. Judg. 19:26 ( | , until
daybreak; cf. and in v. 25). For paralleled by , see
Job 3:9; 41:10; Isa. 58:8; Hos. 6:5. as daybreak appears in Neh. 8:3 (
, from early morning until midday; cf. Neh. 7:3). Cf. J. Day,
in Isaiah 26 19, ZAW 90 (1978), 26569, esp. 26768; he argues that means
morning in Isa. 26:19 (see however below). as daybreak is attested in postbiblical Hebrew (NAW 1.45; DTTM 32; cf. , upon daybreak [b. Pes. 2b],
, the entrance of his daybreak [b. Ber. 2b]. Akkadian urru means early morning,
daybreak. urru also refers to the day as opposite to night (cf. Job 24:14).
83
Cf. , until the dawn breaks. For the / interchange as scribal error,
see 1 Chron. 5:16; Ezek. 41:17, and eventually Pss 19:7; 48:11, 15 (cf. BHS).
84
1 Sam. 25:8 ( ;) Job 3:4 ( ;)|18:20 ( ;)Jer. 47:4 ().
85
The meaning rain also mentioned as a derivation from Arabic ary (b. Taan. 7b,
Judah ben Karish and Saadya cited by Gesenius, 588; Vitringa, 861; Eitan, Contribution, 65; Barr, Comparative Philology, 321) is less likely. The biblical evidence for such
a translation is lacking. In Job 37:11, one of the texts commonly referred to in this
respect (cf. the Targ.), does not mean rain. Gesenius, 58889, pointed to similarities between in Job 37:11 and in 37:15. is used in Job 37:15
with , to shine forth, suggesting that rather refers to lightning, as it is usually
interpreted (cf. Job 36:30, 32; 37:3, 15, 21). This view is further strengthened by the
fact that hiphil appearing with in Job 37:11 is also used with , lightning
in Ps. 18:15.
86
ar (Aru) appears in relation to the weather god Baal, as well as tly in KTU 1.3
i 2225: Baalu sees his daughters, eyes Pidray, daughter of Aru, even Tallay (tly),
daughter of Rabbu (cf. , [spring] shower or mist). See also KTU 1.3 iii 58.
87
Cf. J. Barth, Etymologische Studien, Leipzig 1893, 60. Barth compares
to and in Job 37:6. For another view on Isa. 26:19, see Day,
, 26569.
88
Contra Blenkinsopp, 309 (while the dew covers the ground); Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 378 (heavy rain).
158
chapter four
in 1QM xii 910: our horsemen are like clouds (), and like clouds
of dew ( ) that cover the earth, like a rain shower that sheds
justice on all its sprouts. Similarly, in the Targ. of Job 38:28 and in
11Q10 xxxi 6, the Hebrew is rendered by ( cf.
in Sir. 43:22 and the Targ. of Isa. 18:4).
q-q . MT is supported by the majority of manuscripts, as well
as 1QIsaa and Targ. Isa. However, twelve manuscripts, LXX,89 the Syr.,
and the Vulg.90 suggest a reading of instead of . The formal
resemblance between and may explain the textual corruption, but
it is hard to say which might have been the original reading. The construction appears once more in Prov. 25:13, but
also makes perfect sense.
r . Instead of its usual meaning, harvest, is occasionally
rendered as vintage.91 However, the two texts on which this suggestion relies, Isa. 16:9 and 17:11, offer no support for this translation. In
Isa. 17:11, means bough or branches (cf. JPS). In Isa. 16:9,
is probably a textual error for , vintage, attested in Jer. 48:32, the
literary parallel to Isa. 16:9.
5 s . The verbal form means to bud, to sprout, to blossom. In Gen. 40:10, is a stage in the development of the grapes
before blossoming: as soon as it budded (), its blossom shot forth
( ) and the clusters ripened into grapes. Song 6:11 mentions
the time of budding of the vine in the spring, when everything is fresh
green and the pomegranates are in blossom. In Song 7:13,
is paralleled by the opening of buds ( ) and the blooming
( )of the pomegranates.
t-t . The reading ) ( in 1QIsaa appears to be an Aramaic
form.92 appears in Job 15:33; Jer. 31:29, 30; Ezek. 18:2 specifically
89
To avoid repetition, LXX corrects words that appear double in a parallelism.
See I.L. Seeligmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its Problems
(MVEOL, 9), Leiden 1948, 69.
90
Jeromes commentary on Isaiah implies that he was aware of both variants:
quomodo nubes roris in die messis ([ ) ]et in ferventi aestate ( )gratissima est.
91
Gesenius, 58889; Procksch, 240; Blenkinsopp, 308. The rendering of vintage
for in v. 5 is even more widespread (cf. Duhm, 139; Penna, 181; Kissane, 207).
92
Kutscher, Isaiah Scroll, 201.
159
93
I. Lw, Die Flora der Juden, Bd. 1, Leipzig 1881, 7778; G. Dalman, Arbeit und
Sitte in Palstina, Bd. 4: Brot, l und Wein, Gtersloh 1935, 303; O. Borowski, Agriculture in Iron Age Israel, Winona Lake, IN 1987, 110 n. 13.
94
Cf. Arabic busr or bisr, unripe datteln, Syr. besr, and Aramaic , with
similar meaning. The lexeme busra also appears in an Aramaic-Persian glossary (Frahang-i-pahlavik) with the meaning vine. See also HSED 7374.
95
Wildberger, 692.
96
M. Hyland Lavik, A People Tall and Smooth Skinned: The Rhetoric of Isaiah 18
(VT.S, 112), Leiden 2007, 184.
97
A.E. Rthy, Die Pflanze und ihre Teile im biblisch-hebrischen Sprachgebrauch,
Bern 1942, 6061. Cf. also Dalman, Brot, 301. appears only once, and its
meaning is debated. LXX and the Vulg. translate this term as basket (cf. Aramaic
, basket).
98
Jer. 11:16; Ezek. 17:7, 23; 19:11; 31:7, 9, 12. On see also I. Lw, Aramische
Pflanzennamen, Gtersloh 1936, 65; Dalman, Brot, 301; Rthy, Pflanze, 5657. Dalman also refers to Arabic dlie, the name of the lying vine (Dalman, Brot, 314), a term
Delitzsch also mentioned in relation to Hebrew ( Delitzsch, 353).
99
J.E. Hoch, Semitic Words in Egyptian Texts of the New Kingdom and Third
Intermediate Period, Princeton, NJ 1994, 38991; CDD d 6667; Lubetski & Gottlieb,
Isaiah 18, 379.
160
chapter four
7 w-w
. For a discussion on the vocalisation
, see note y-y
below.
x . means tribute, gift (cf. Ps. 68:30; 76:12),100 being synonymous with ( cf. Zeph. 3:10 citing Isa. 18:7). also appears in
Aramaic on the Zenjirli-Stele: , a gift
to Hadad, El, Rachabel, and Shemesh,101 designating gift offerings to
the gods, just like Ugaritic ty in KTU 2.13:1415; KTU 2.30:1314:
ty . ndr . itt, tribute, vow, generous gift.102
y-y
. . . . The present form and vocalisation of MT is difficult.
Scholars often explain Isa. 18:7 in the sense that the people will be
brought as a tribute to Jerusalem.103 This is, however, improbable in
the context (see next section) and it cannot explain the preposition
. Most often exegetes include an additional preposition before
in v. 7b: a tribute will be brought (
) from a people ( )tall and
shaved . . . (cf. also LXX, Vulg., 1QIsaa).
In the translation above I followed the proposal put forward by
Lubetski & Gottlieb to take as an emphatic conjunction. The
emphatic conjunction, to be rendered as and also, and indeed (cf.
), most likely also appears in Ruth 4:5 and Neh. 5:11 (), two
further texts which can otherwise only be clarified by emendation.104
Lubetski & Gottlieb interpret the verb as a hophal form, as in
MT. But that would imply that the foreign nation itself will be brought
as a tribute to Yhwh, which is unlikely. Taking as an emphatic
conjunction and vocalising the verb as
(hiphil) (cf. Syr.) would
perfectly fit the context.
100
Some reconstruct in Gen. 49:10 () > . The reading of this text
remains controversial, however. also appears in post-biblical Hebrew (DTTM
1556).
101
KAI 214:18; COS 2.36:18. might appear in KAI 215:6 in damaged context.
102
Strikingly, Ps. 76:12 also mentions and in one place. For itt as generous
gift, cf. G.R. Driver, Ugaritic and Hebrew Words, Ugaritica 6 (1969), 18184.
103
Delitzsch, 35354; Blenkinsopp, 309, with reference to Isa. 49:22; 60:4, 9; 66:20.
104
Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 382. This grammatical phenomenon pointed
out in Hebrew first by F. Andersen was subsequently reinforced by evidence from
Eblaite texts, discussed in three articles in C.H. Gordon et al. (eds), Eblaitica: Essays
on the Ebla Archives and Eblaite Language, vol. 1, Winona Lake, IN 1987, 2941. See
also J.P. Lettinga, Jona / Ruth: Notities bij de Hebreeuwse tekst en proeve van vertaling,
Kampen 1996, 31. Lettinga compares the construction to , and .
161
Exegetical Section
Verses 12b
Isa. 18 begins with a -cry, setting in advance the basic tone of this
prophecy as an ominous pronouncement. As mentioned in the notes
above, it is often believed that is merely a sign of the vocative in
a prophecy intended to offer a gleam of hope, express compassion
and assure the people of Yhwhs intervention in their conflict with
Assyria. The Egypto-Canaanite anti-Assyrian alliance (assumed to be
the addressees of Isa. 18) is promised that it is not their efforts but
Yhwhs intrusion and help that will bring victory against Assyria.
Beside the syntactical objections against a neutral rendering of
mentioned above, it is difficult to reconcile this view with the description of the people of the land of the beetle as a mighty and militant
nation. If Isa. 18 was delivered to offer hope, one would anticipate
here a desperate audience in need of a message of assurance. The
heroic people of vv. 12 need no compassion, no exterior divine help.
A frequent feature of judgment prophecies in general (including speeches) is the reversal of fortunes.105 Evoking sufficient danger to
pose a real threat to the land of the two-winged beetle is probably also
envisioned by this prophecy.106
The land in 18:1 is called . In Isa. 18:1 (cf. Deut.
28:42) refers to the scarabeus sacer, the holy beetle, a prominent pharaonic symbol.107 In its Egyptian setting, the scarab beetle
represents the sun-god with the sun disk symbolised by the dung ball.
105
162
chapter four
Nation-specific elements also appear in other prophecies.108 Illustrations of two- and four-winged beetles on amulets or other objects were
discovered in Phoenicia, Judah and Ammon in great number, testifying to the acquaintance with the scarab as an Egypt-related motif
beyond the borders of Africa. In view of Isa. 18, the most intriguing archaeological finds are several seal impressions of King Hezekiah
containing the two winged beetle symbol, as well as numerous scarab
impressions on the so-called lmlk-jars from Judah, generally dated to
the end of the 8th century bc.109
The addressee of Isa. 18 is an empire stretching even beyond the
rivers of Kush.110 Hebrew , etymologically related to Egyptian K,111
108
Cf. Jer. 46:78 (cf. Isa. 8:7); Ezek. 29:3; 32:2. Note also PPANE 93 describing
Elam as a snake, one of the well-known symbols of this country.
109
For the historical significance of the metaphor of the two-winged scarab in Isa.
18:1, see 4.3.3 below.
110
Cf. Schoors, 116: het land dat zich uitstrekt tot over de rivieren van Koesj. For
the semantic discussion on , see note 1 c. It may also be noted that the often
proposed translation alongside the rivers of Kush makes little sense with the pl.
. Rivers is strange if the Kushites were settled only along a single river, the
Nile, as believed. Moreover, the same African empire is described in v. 2 as divided by
, likely identical with .
111
For variant spellings, cf. K. Zibelius, Afrikanische Orts- und Vlkernamen in
hieroglyphischen und hieratischen Texten (BTAVO, B/1), Wiesbaden 1972, 16669;
L. Trk, The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilisation (HO,
1/31), Leiden 1997, 12. Other frequently used Egyptians terms are T nhsj, Southland and T stj, Bow-land. El-Amarna texts refer to Kush as Meluh h a (e.g., EA 70:19;
95:40; 108:67; etc.) or Kai / Kaa (cf. EA 49:20; 127:22, 36; 131:13; 133:17; 287:33,
72, 74. See H. Klengel, Das Land Kusch in den Keilschrifttexten von Amarna, in:
E. Endesfelder et al. (eds), gypten und Kusch (SGKAO, 13), Berlin 1977, 22732.
Meluh h a was the Akkadian name of the country, while Kai the Egyptian term (cf.
Mitanni / Nah rima in the Amarna letters). Meluh h a (with Magan) actually designated
all far southern countries whether on the east beside the Persian Gulf or on the west
in Africa (cf. D. Potts, The Road to Meluhha, JNES 41 [1982], 27988; W. Heimpel,
Das Untere Meer, ZA 77 [1987], 2291; M. Liverani, The Sargon Geography and the
Late Assyrian Mensuration of the Earth, SAAB 13 [19992001], 7071; cf. the two
A in Homer, Odyss. i 2223; Herodotus, Hist. vii 70; Josephus, Ant. i 135). The
Assyrian term Ksi, appearing first in the Nimrud Wine Lists dated to 732 (cf. J.V.K.
Wilson, The Nimrud Wine Lists: A Study of Men and Administration at the Assyrian
Capital in the Eighth Century bc [CTN, 1], London 1972, 91, 93, 138) and on a regular
bases from the time of Esarhaddon, the first king to have conquered Egypt, replaced
the formerly used Meluh h a, as implied by IAKA 76:611: On my 10th campaign
Aur [encouraged me] (. . .) and directed my attention towards the lands Magan and
Meluhha (. . .) which people call Kush and Egypt (mt Ksi u mt Musur) (. . .). For
further discussion, see Cs. Balogh, Ks fldje s ksitk az szvetsgben, Reformtus Szemle 103 (2010), 577604.
In modern literature, the geographical area under discussion is also referred to as
Nubia. It is common to distinguish between Lower Nubia (between the first and
second cataracts) and Upper Nubia (from the second cataract upwards). To avoid
163
was the name of the territory located along the Nile, south of ancient
Egypts southernmost city Aswan, beginning at the natural border created by the first Nile cataract.112
The rivers of Isa. 18:1 could refer to the Blue and White Niles and
the Atbara, a major tributary of the Nile.113 In spite of frequent assumptions to the contrary, there is sufficient archaeological evidence to
maintain that, even in the 8th century, the kingdom of Kush extended
far beyond the fifth cataract (just above the meeting point of the Nile
and the Atbara).114 References to Kushites are frequent in the Old Testament, but only Gen. 2:13 mentions a river in connection with this
country: Gihon, encircling all the land of Kush.115 The presumption
confusion with Abyssinia, the once frequent Ethiopia, taking its origin in the works
of classical authors, is to be avoided.
112
In the Old Testament, refers mostly to this African region. Cf. Gen. 10:6,
7; 2 Kgs 19:19; 1 Chron. 1:8, 9; 2 Chron. 12:3; Est. 1:1; 8:9; Job 28:19; Pss 68:31; 87:4;
Isa. 11:11; 20:3, 4, 5; 37:9; 43:3; 45:14; Jer. 13:23; 38:7, 10, 12; 39:16; 46:9; Ezek. 29:10;
30:4, 5, 9; 38:5; Dan. 11:43; Amos 9:7; Nah. 3:9; Zeph. 3:10. Exceptions are rare. In
Num. 12:1 is probably a synonym for Midian, and a variant of ( cf. Hab. 3:7).
This is supported by Egyptian texts which mention Kws in the region south of Judah
(cf. S. Ahituv, Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egyptian Documents, Jerusalem 1987,
85). For Num. 12:1, see also b. Moed Qat. 16b; A. Shinan, Moses and the Ethiopian
Woman: Sources of a Story in The Chronicles of Moses, in: J. Heinemann et al. (eds),
Studies in Hebrew Narrative Art through the Ages (Hierosolymitana, 27), Jerusalem
1978, 6678; D.M. Goldenberg, Curse, 2021. The meaning of may be the same
to Num. 12:1 in 2 Chron. 14:8, 1112; 21:16. In Gen. 10:8 probably alludes to the
Kassites (cf. the subtle difference in Amarnaic Kai / Kaa and Kau). See Balogh,
Ks, 57883.
113
These rivers were well-known in antiquity. Cf. Strabo, Geogr. iv 7; xvi 4; xvii 1;
Diodorus Siculus i 37.9; Pliny, Nat. Hist. v 8; Josephus, Ant. ii 243.
114
Mero, the city between the Nile and the Atbara, centre of the later Meroitic
Nubian civilisation, is at least as ancient as the time of the Kushite pharaoh Piye
(747717). Cf. D. OConnor, Ancient Nubia: Egypts Rival in Africa, Pennsylvania, PA
1993, 6869; Idem, Mero, OEANE 3.472; R. Morkot, Black Pharaohs: Egypts Nubian
Rulers, London 2000, 2, 5, 155, 204. According to Trk, Kush, 129, 152, 232, Mero
functioned as a government centre during the 25th Dynasty (8th7th centuries bc).
Different objects containing the name of pharaoh Shabaka (717703) were recovered
even as far as Sennar and Gebel Moya in the region of the Blue and White Niles (cf.
J. Leclant, Schabaka, L 5.500; Morkot, Black Pharaohs, 7).
115
Kush in Gen. 2:13 was located east of Mesopotamia, in Eastern Anatolia, or in
Arabia, but associating it with African Nubia is still more convincing. The river Gihon
encircling Kush is identified in LXX with , (part of) the Nile (cf. Jer. 2:18; Sir.
24:27). Cf. M. Grg, Zur Identitt des Pischon (Gen. 2,11), in: Idem, Aegyptiaca
Biblica: Notizen und Beitrge zu den Beziehungen zwischen gypten und Israel (AT,
11), Wiesbaden 1991, 1315; Goldenberg, Curse, 2021. For Pishon and Gihon as
the two rivers of Egypt and Kush, see R.S. Sadler, Can a Cushite Change His Skin:
An Examination of Race, Ethnicity, and Othering in the Hebrew Bible (JSOT.S, 425),
London 2005, 2425.
164
chapter four
behind this text, namely that Gihon, apparently the southern part of
the Nile, is a river distinctive from the upper part of the Nile (Pishon?),
corresponds to Egyptian beliefs distinguishing the Nile of Egypt and
the Nile of Kush, both originating from two caves at the border city
Aswan from the subterranean ocean Nun.116 The fact that Isa. 18:1
uses rather than , the biblical name for Egypts Nile, may
also suggest an awareness of the distinction between the Kushite and
the Egyptian Niles.117 Nevertheless, Isa. 18 is not concerned with geographical accuracy. The prophecy abounds in theologically significant
symbols dealing with a nation on the edge of the most distant horizon
of the author.118 The rivers of Kush delimit the furthest coordinates
of the earth. The northern borders of the country are not mentioned
here, but as it will be shown below, Isa. 18 may have included Egypt as
well.119 It is important to note that the two winged beetle is primarily
an Egyptian symbol, adopted subsequently by Kushite pharaohs.
Some exegetes assume that the sea ( )on which the messengers of
this far country are sent, refers to the Mediterranean Sea.120 It would
be more convincing, however, to relate to the Nile.121 While using
poetic parallelism in describing the movement of these distant messengers, the prophet refers first to their travel on the Nile. The fragile
papyrus vessels mentioned as the means of transportation were only
capable of sail on still waters.122 But can refer to the river Nile?
Some texts in the Old Testament allow this interpretation. No-Amon
(Thebes) is described by Nah. 3:8 as built by the Nile, with waters as
her wall and the as her rampart.123 Here , and refer to
the Nile encompassing Thebes. In Ezek. 32:2, is the dwelling-place
116
The two caves (qrtj) of Elephantine are mentioned in an inscription of Seti I
(ARE 3.171); Book of Dead (149 14:4); Famine Stele (AEL 3.97; COS 1.53); Dream
Stele of Tanutamani (FHN 1.29:11); etc. Cf. K.W. Butzer, Nilquellen, L 4.5067.
117
Classical authors were also aware of this tradition. Cf. Homer, Odyss. iv 477;
Herodotus, Hist. ii 28; Diodorus, i 32.1; Pliny, Nat. Hist. vi 65.
118
For Kush as the most distant southern corner of the earth, see Goldenberg,
Curse, 2325. For remote nations as a biblical symbol, cf. Deut. 28:49; Ps. 72:10; Isa.
5:26; Joel 4:8; Hab. 1:8; etc.
119
In the Assyrian inscriptions of Esarhaddon, the dominion of the Kushite King,
Taharka, is described as Lower Egypt (mt Musur), Upper Egypt (mt Paturisi) and
Kush (mt Ksi) (IAKA 57:89; 65:3738).
120
Clements, 164; Hayes & Irvine, 254; Watts, 244; G. Pfeifer, gypten im Alten
Testament (BNB, 8), Mnchen 1995, 15; Blenkinsopp, 309.
121
Cf. Gesenius, 577; Dillmann, 166; Marti, 148; Gray, 311; Kaiser 76.
122
Dillmann, 166; Gray, 311; Young, 1.475; Penna, 179; Kaiser, 77.
123
Cf. Esarhaddons portrayal of the Mediterranean kingdoms (IAKA 57).
165
of the dragon, i.e. the pharaoh.124 The relationship between Ezek. 32:2
and 29:3 suggests that in Ezek. 32:2 refers to the Nile, just like
in Ezek. 29:3.125
, emissary is a New Assyrian loan word, derived from sru and
etymologically connected to sru, first-rank, outstanding. As also
implied by the logogram form l.mah, sru was not a simple messenger, but a special, high-ranking emissary.126 The title sru is given
124
Cf. Exod. 7:9; Deut. 32:33; Ps. 74:13; 91:13; Job 7:12; Isa. 27:1; 51:9.
This symbolic identification of the Nile with appears to be restricted to the
river Nile. in Jer. 51:36 does not refer to the Euphrates as occasionally suggested.
and are here the two extremities of the Euphrates.
It is noted that the Arabic name for the Nile is al-Bahr-n-Nl. Since bahr means
sea in Arabic, this is assumed to support the connection between and the Nile.
However, and bahr belong to two different languages, having different semantic
fields. It is more helpful to compare Hebrew and Arabic yam (probably an Aramaic loanword; cf. S. Fraenkel, Die aramischen Fremdwrter im arabischen, Leiden
1886, 231) associated with the Red Sea and eventually the Nile. yamm appears in the
Quran (Sur. 20:39; 28:7) in allusions to the salvation of the baby Moses. But it remains
unclear whether the Quran really has the Nile in view here. Cf. R. Bell, A Commentary
on the Quran (JSSt.M, 14), vol. 2, Manchester 1991, 44.
By analysing a comprehensive list of Egyptian texts containing the Canaanite loanword jm (ym), Vandersleyen has argued that jm should be considered a reference to
the Nile and not the sea, or Egypts lakes, as previously thought (C. Vandersleyen,
Ouadj our, wd wr: Un autre aspect de la valle du Nil, Bruxelles 1999, 87128.).
Although the arguments of Vandersleyen are not always convincing (cf. J.F. Quack,
Zur Frage des Meeres in gyptischen Texten, OLZ 97 [2002], 45363), some of his
examples must be taken seriously. E.g., p jm n wsjr, le fleuve dOsiris (Vandersleyen,
Ouadj our, 93), p jm n Qbte, the Nile of Coptos (101; see, however, Quack, Frage,
461), Papyrus Harris 500, 2, 78 (104; but this may refer to a lake as well, cf. Quack,
Frage, 462), Papyrus Lansing 14,12 (104), etc. Making proper distinction among
various genres is essential for interpreting jm (Quack, Frage, 454). In the worst case,
the texts cited by Vandersleyen may serve as evidence that Lower Egypt and especially
the Delta region abounded in inner lakes that might have been termed as jm / by
Hebrew prophets. See also the Kushite lake jm n Niy, the jm of Niy, somewhere
around Gebel Barkal (A.H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, London 1947,
1:162*63*; Vandersleyen, Ouadj our, 108).
Herodotus (Hist. ii 97) compares the inundating Nile to the Mediterranean Sea.
Following Egyptian traditions, some classical authors connect the Nile to the Primeval
Ocean (Herodotus, Hist. ii 21; Diodorus, i 12.6, 19.4, 96.7). Egyptians associated the
inundating Nile with the all-encompassing and underground water, Nun. The river is
personified as the god Hpy, sprung from earth, dwelling in the netherworld, he controls both sky and earth (AEL 1.20410; HG, 5006). See further also R.O. Faulkner,
The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Warminster 197378: Spells 318, 362, 820, and
ARE 743.
126
In accordance with Tadmor, ITP, 178 n. 21 and opposed to P.V. Mankowski,
Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew (HSS, 47), Winona Lake, IN 2000, 132 n. 489.
For the Babylonian and Assyrian messenger designations, see S.A. Meier, The Messenger in the Ancient Semitic World (HSM, 45), Atlanta, GA 1988. mr ipri is the general
Akkadian term for messenger (cf. Hebrew ).
125
166
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Verses 2cg
127
Generally srni(l.mah.me) a mt(kur) GN, envoys of the land of GN (e.g.,
5 40:r.23; 5 75:4). Cf. l si-ra-ni-e a PN in ABL 1117:6.
128
Cf. SAA 1 32:17ff (?); 1 33; 1 110:r.417; 5 171; 7 58:2024.416; 7 127; 11 32;
11 36:15; 11 92 (?).
129
SAA 1 110:r.1517; 5 171:15; 11 31.
130
J. Vandier, Manuel darchologie gyptienne, t. 5, Paris 1969, 49394; S. Wachsmann, Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant, London 1998, 9;
L. Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World, Princeton, NJ 1971, 12;
M.-C. de Graeve, The Ships of the Ancient Near East (c. 2000500 bc), Leuven 1981,
91. In ancient iconography, passengers are often depicted as standing upon these rafts
(cf. in LXX).
131
Vandier, Manuel, 493510. For descriptions of seagoing ships, see Vandier,
Manuel, 659, and Wachsmann, Seagoing Ships, 14.
167
132
168
chapter four
138
It is unlikely that the messengers ( )of Ezek. 30:9 sent from the presence of Yhwh ( ) to terrify the unsuspecting Kushites are divine beings.
These messengers make use of ships ( / ), which cannot be emended to ,
urged or , running (contra Janzen, Cry, 60). LXX on which the emendation is
based ( ), does not display any awareness of the meaning of , nor
do Aq. ( ; siim according to Jerome), Sym. ( ) and Theod. ().
While these versions translate , the unknown word was merely transliterated.
is the contracted reading of . Cf. also L. Boadt, Ezekiels Oracles against Egypt: A
Literary and Philological Study of Ezekiel 2932 (BibOr, 37), Rome 1980, 6970.
139
See also M.S. Kee, The Heavenly Council and its Type-scene, JSOT 31 (2007),
25974.
140
Egyptian texts are obviously much clearer regarding the ethnological details of
the South. Geographically more sophisticated texts distinguish between various groups.
Beside the nhsjw, the southerners, Lower Nubia is referred to as wwt and Upper
Nubia as k. Other important names in the Nile region include Irtjet (jrtt) and Setju
(stw), possibly somewhere in Upper Nubia. Yam (jm) (related with Irem) was located
beyond the rivers of Kush somewhere in the region of later Mero (D. OConnor,
169
which probably fall outside the horizon of Isa. 18, the Old Testament
expresses familiarity with , (Lower) Egypt, , Upper Egypt
(Isa. 11:11), Kush (), and Seba ( ;Isa. 43:3; 45:15). Isa. 45:15
describes Sabaeans (and probably the Kushites) as men of stature
() .141 The same physiological characteristics struck Herodotus, who writes that
these Ethiopians to whom Cambyses sent them, are said to be the tallest
and fairest ( )142 of all men [. . .] they deem worthy
to be their king that townsman whom they judge to be tallest and to have
strength proportioned to his stature (Hist. iii 20).
The Locations of Yam and Kush and Their Historical Implications, JARCE 23 [1986],
3940). A more distant and often-mentioned legendary region is Punt, somewhere to
the (south-)east of Kush (ARE 2.134 [321]). The people of mdjw inhabited the region
between the Nile and the Red Sea, appearing in later texts as a general term for various tribes of the desert, like q, wbt-spt, brhm, hs (Zibelius, Vlkernamen, 134). Amu
(mw or m) seems to designate the eastern desert somewhere in the neighbourhood
of the third cataract. See G. Posener, Lor de Pount, in: E. Endesfelder et al. (eds),
gypten und Kusch (SGKAO, 13), Berlin 1977, 33941); F. Hommel, Ethnologie und
Geographie des alten Orients, Mnchen 1926, 641; A.H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian
Onomastica, London 1947; Zibelius, Vlkernamen; OConnor, Nubia.
141
Cf. Num. 13:32; 2 Sam. 21:20; 1 Chron. 11:23; 20:6.
142
Some regard the resemblances between the two texts more than coincidental
and tend to interpret the word pair in 18:2 as a Hebrew counterpart
of (Dillmann, 166; Van Hoonacker, 105; Schmidt, 119). But
while Herodotus concern is to present his readers with a sympathetic picture of the
Ethiopians, the intention of Isa. 18:2 is clearly different (see below). For Herodotus
Kush-related traditions, cf. Homers Il. i 42324; xxiii 2057; Odyss. i 2224; iv 84;
v 282, 287. See Trk, Kush, 6973.
143
Cf. Gen. 41:14. L.S. Fried, Why Did Joseph Shave?, BAR 33.4 (2007), 3641,
argues that the pharaonic palace was considered a temple, so that those entering it
should be pure like a priest. When Sinuhe returns to Egypt from Retjenu, he was
clothed in royal linen, he was plucked and his hair combed. In Egyptian iconography,
the Egyptians and Nubians are represented as beardless people, in contrast to their
neighbours. See Vandier, Manuel, 3.11011, 4.574; W. Helck, Fremdvlkerdarstellungen, L 1.317; J. Vercoutter, Limage de noir dans lEgypte ancienne (ds origines
la XXVe dyn.), in: Africa in Antiquity: Meroitica 5 (1979), 1922; A. Leahy, Ethnic
Diversity in Ancient Egypt, in: CANE, 22627; cf. Herodotus, Hist. ii 36; iii 12. Selfrepresentations of the Kushite king of the 25th Dynasty (748656) display a darkbrown body colour and a face of the Upper Nubian physical type, while for non-royal
representations Twenty-Fifth Dynasty monumental art in Kush adopted the Egyptian
170
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beyond the one mentioned in v. 2d, an even more fearful one, whose
land is divided by rivers (v. 2eg), may refer either to the southern
Kushites or their neighbours, the Sabaeans, even further to the south.
( to be distinguished from in Arabia; cf. Gen. 10:26; 25:3;
Ps. 72:10) is the firstborn of Kush in Gen. 10:7. Isa. 43:3 promises Egypt,
Kush and Seba as ransom for the king of Persia in place of Israel. The
three names also reappear together in Isa. 45:15, suggesting that Seba
must be located in the neighbourhood of Kush. This assumption is also
supported by Ps. 72:10, where Tarshish, Seba and Sheba represent the
three furthest located descendants of the three sons of Noah (Japhet,
Ham and Shem). A legend in Josephus Ant. ii 24849 retells that
was a royal city of , called Mero by Cambyses, after the name
of his sister. The place is described as surrounded by Astapus, Astaboras
and the Nile. The name of the third river, the Nile, is actually Astasobas, the White Nile (cf. Strabo, Geogr. xvii 4), which has also preserved
the name of Soba (=Seba).144 The town Sabai and the harbour Saba on
the Red Sea coast mentioned by Strabo, Geog. xvi 4.810 probably also
reflect the reminiscences of maritime contacts with the Sabaeans.
Descriptions of mighty foreign nations in the Bible fulfil two different
rhetorical purposes: the intention is either to proclaim Yhwhs judgment upon famous peoples145 or to invoke them as means of punishment in pronouncing Yhwhs sentence on a different nation.146 The
rhetorical intention of 18:2dg complies with the first possibility, an
interpretation corroborated by the following verses of the prophecy.
4.2.3
3a
3b
3c
3d
Verses 36
New Kingdom iconography of the exaggeratedly tall, slender Nilotic type (Trk,
Kush, 37). In regard to Isa. 18:2, one may note that a distinctive hair dress typifies the
Kedarites in Jer. 9:26; 25:23; 49:32.
144
The common element of these rivers names, asta, probably means water or
river. Cf. Diodorus i 37.9; R. Pankhurst, The Ethiopian Borderlands: Essays in Ancient
History from Ancient Times to the End of the 18th Century, Lawrenceville, NJ 1997, 27.
Similarly, the name Astaboras (present day Atbara) preserved the name of the (mega)
bari/bareya tribe, settled in this region. For further discussion regarding ancient Seba,
see Balogh, Ks, 59496.
145
2 Chron. 16:8; Isa. 10:515; 14:521; 17:1214; 23:114; Ezek. 2832.
146
Deut. 28:4950; Isa. 5:2630; 13:35; Jer. 4:13; 5:1517; Hab. 1:611.
171
Isa. 18:3 reveals that the concern of the prophecy is much larger than
just the fate of Judah. The way Yhwh is about to step into history
would have implications reaching far beyond the interests of a single
nation. The place of this verse in the prophecy has been questioned on
different occasions (cf. 4.3.1). However, this worldwide perspective is
anticipated, since the foregoing verse indicates that the messengers are
sent to the most distant nations of the earth known to Israel.
Blasting horns and raising signals appear often (though not exclusively) in military accounts.147 Martial imagery also provides the most
likely background in this case.148 As soon as the time has come, the
moment signals are given, all eyes and ears should be opened (cf. Isa.
6:9), for Yhwhs final verdict will enter history.
logically connects v. 4 to v. 3, but it may also function as an
emphatic particle. These verses describe the preparations in the heavenly realm for a war that the world is planning. According to the word
and the vision received, Yhwh stays calm ( )until the appropriate
moment. There is much unrest and upheaval in the background of Isa.
18. Yet while fast moving messengers arrive to form strong alliances,
147
Sounds and signals may signify the beginning (Isa. 5:26; 13:2; Jer. 4:21; 6:1;
51:27) or end (1 Sam. 13:3; 2 Sam. 2:28; 18:16; 20:22; Jer. 50:2) of battles.
148
Clements, 165, maintains that in 18:3 these motifs are not a sign of an impending battle, but an emphatic assertion that Yhwh is announcing his plans to the world.
However, in the present context it is not the summons itself (v. 3cd), but the looming events (vv. 46) that will request the attention of the audience. Blenkinsopp, 310,
pointed to other texts where is related to the beginning of the repatriation of the
Jews from the diaspora. This he assumed could also be the case in Isa. 18. Nevertheless,
the issue of repatriation is not the subject of this prophecy.
172
chapter four
God is staying calm as if in times of peace.149 This impression of quietness and calm is also underlined by the verb ( Hab. 1:13). In
Ps. 83, God is asked not to be silent nor stay calm when alliances of the
neighbouring people threaten Jerusalem. The opposite of is active
intervention (cf. Ps. 68:2). Clearly, Yhwh is not indifferent to what
is going on. He is not merely a spectator, but a concerned observer,
following the events closely, while waiting for the right moment to
intervene.150
Gods in v. 4 does not refer to the temple in Jerusalem, but
to his heavenly dwelling (Ps. 33:1314; cf. 80:15; 102:20; Isa. 63:15).151
Yhwh is said to leave his dwelling place in order to take action
(Isa. 26:21; Mic. 1:3; Ps. 68:2); he ceases acting when he returns to his
abode (Hos. 5:15).
The comparative phrases of v. 4cd are interpreted in different ways.
The Targum explains both images as blessings that God grants his people.152 Some exegetes stress the natural character and the necessity of
both heat in daylight and dew during harvest time. Like them, Yhwhs
stillness will help to cultivate the plans of the Assyrians, whom he will
ultimately defeat.153 According to Duhm and Clements, Yhwhs calmness is compared to the still clouds of dew in the sky and the gleaming
heat in sunshine.154 Fohrer took the verb to be the key motif of the
comparison, arguing that just as clouds look down on the earth from
aloft, so does Yhwh as well.155 Hffken suggests that the short term of
the meteorological phenomena constitutes the essence of the message.156
For Schmidt, the emphasis falls on Yhwh distancing himself from
the people.157 This is also how Hyland Lavik interprets the simile of
the dew that vanishes in the morning. In contrast to most exegetes,
however, she considers the two similes semantically distinctive. In her
149
E.g., Josh. 11:23; 14:15; Judg. 3:11, 30; 5:31; 8:28; 2 Chron. 13:23; 20:30.
characterises a nation in times of peace.
150
Vitringa, 859; Delitzsch, 353; Gray, 313. See Ps. 33:1319. In contrast, lack of
concern, abandonment, or negligence is expressed in the Bible by turning away the
face of someone, by not looking at a person. Cf. Ps. 80:15; 91:8; 92:12; 102:20; Isa. 5:12;
63:15; Lam. 4:16; 5:1; Amos 5:22.
151
Cf. also Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 133.
152
Cf. also Jerome and Vitringa, 86162.
153
Dillmann, 167; Young, 1.477; Van Hoonacker, 106; Motyer, 162.
154
Duhm, 138; Clements, 165.
155
Fohrer, 1.205.
156
Hffken, 154.
157
Schmidt, 120.
173
view, the quietness and the gazing of Yhwh is likened to the intensity
of the shimmering heat. The simile of the vibrating hot air alludes to
the invisible yet real presence of Yhwh in this world.158
The parallel use of the comparative preposition makes it unlikely
that the two similes would refer to different things. Both meteorological images are related here with the idea of Yhwh sitting calmly and
looking down on earth, so their allusion must also be a semantic parallel. At the same time, meteorological imagery can be applied in biblical texts for various purposes, with different aspects of the metaphor
being exploited. For example, the metaphor of dew can be used in a
negative or a positive sense, depending on the context. In Hos. 13:3,
the dew represents something that vanishes quickly. In Prov. 25:13,
cold snow on the day of harvest is compared to the refreshing message of a faithful messenger. However, the imagery of snow and rain in
summer has negative connotations in Prov. 26:1 (cf. Prov. 28:3).
It is difficult to interpret , scorching heat as a positive experience.159 The grammar of the comparative construction in 18:4 requires
that either or is taken as the key reference of the comparison. This means that ideas like the necessity of the phenomenon, its
fresh and beneficial character, its short termed nature, its invisible and
inevitable presence are unlikely to be the vehicle of the association.
One of the possibilities discussed in the semantic notes is that the
comparisons enhance the imagery of God staying calm in his place:
like scorching heat on daybreak and like a cloud of dew in the heat
of the harvest. The sense of the verse would be then that just as gleaming heat stays calm in its place at daybreak until the sun rises to its
zenith, and just as the cloud of dew sits still in its place in the heat of
the harvest, waiting for the night or cooler days to moisten the ground,
Yhwh also remains still while waiting for the right moment to step
forward and take action. The two pictures are complementary: in the
first the heat stays calm in the cool of the morning; in the second, the
cool cloud of dew remains at rest when there is heat outside. The message is not one of neutrality, of not engaging oneself in the course of
158
174
chapter four
160
Isa. 5:7; 14:27; 21:16; 30:15; 31:4; Jer. 4:3. Cf. W. Dietrich, Jesaja und die Politik
(BEvTh, 74), Mnchen 1976, 12829; Blenkinsopp, 311.
161
Procksch, 241; Fisher, 138; Kaiser, 78; Wildberger, 692; Oswalt, 362; Kilian, 119;
Beuken, 169. In the Gezer calendar, the month of second pruning ( ) is placed
between the harvest ( ) ][and the month of summer fruit (( ) TSSI
1.3; on , see Lev. 25:3, 4; Isa. 5:6).
162
The harvest time extended from April until early June. See Song 2:13, 15;
L. Turkowski, Peasant Agriculture in the Judean Hills, PEQ 101 (1969), 101.
163
Cf. Dalman, Brot, 31213; O. Borowski, Agriculture in Iron Age Israel, Winona
Lake, IN 1987, 3337. Qimchi describes the stages as follows: when the vine drops
its , a will come, and the becomes , and the develops ( )slowly
until it ripens into mature grapes ().
175
designate the fruit bearing branches of the vine.164 Cutting them off as
described in 18:5 would destroy the vine itself. At the very moment
that the harvest looks so promising and the success of the vintage can
be estimated based on the development of the fruit, Yhwh intervenes
with unforeseen power and complete destruction.165
A similar motif is used in Jer. 5:10b, according to which the
nations will destroy the vine-rows and strip away the branches (
)of the vine of Israel (cf. Isa. 5:5). In Ezek. 19:1014, a fruitful vine full of branches is a symbol for Israel. Gods anger burned
its shoots and caused it to be uprooted.166 The destruction of trees,
vineyards and orchards is a prominent theme in descriptions of Assyrian warfare.167 Many of the Assyrian reliefs depict soldiers cutting off
fruit-trees in conquered territories. An inscription of king Tiglathpileser III describing the attack against Damascus and its king, Rezin,
reads: his gardens, [grapevin]es, orchards I cut down. I did not leave
a single one.168 Similarly, Sennacherib mentions that when conquering the land Elippu, their orchards I cut down, over their fertile land
I poured out misery.169 Isa. 18:5 makes good sense if read against this
background (cf. Isa. 9:9).
Isa. 18:6 transposes the imagery from the symbolic to the real world.
The text does not speak about cutting tendrils, but the dead bodies of
slain people, around which birds of prey gather.170 The beasts will stay
there for a long time, implying that there are a great number of dead
164
Cf. also Dalman, Brot, 301, 330; A.E. Rthy, Die Pflanze und ihre Teile im
biblisch-hebrischen Sprachgebrauch, Bern 1942, 59.
165
Cf. Gesenius, 59091; Duhm, 139; Dalman, Brot, 331; Kissane, 207; Young,
1.47778; Fohrer, 1.206; Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 167.
166
Cf. Ps. 80:914; Jer. 49:9 (| Obad. 1:5); Ezek. 17:910.
167
Cf. S.W. Cole, The Destruction of Orchards in Assyrian Warfare, in: S. Parpola,
R.M. Whiting (eds), Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of
the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, September 711, 1995, Helsinki 1997,
3436. See also Deut. 20:19; 2 Kgs 3:25.
168
Annals of Tiglath-pileser 23 1112: kirte [kar]nu sippte a nba l
akkisma itn ul zib (ITP, 7879). For reading [kar]nu, cf. W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign to Judah: New Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden 1999, 133. Cf. also
SI 7 24: I cut down the orchards and the sissoo trees around the city walls, and did
not leave a single one. I destroyed the date palms, throughout his land. I ripped off
their fruit and filled the meadows.
169
D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, Chicago 1926, B1 lns 2730.
170
See Deut. 28:26; 1 Sam. 17:44; 2 Sam. 21:10; Ps. 79:2; Jer. 7:33; 12:19; 15:3; 19:7;
Ezek. 29:5; 32:4; 39:4; Rev. 19:17.
176
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Verse 7
177
176
Pss. 48:3, 12; 74:2; 78:68; 125:1; Isa. 4:5; 8:18; 10:12; 18:7; 24:23; 29:8; 31:4; 37:32;
Lam. 5:18; Joel 3:5; Obad. 1:17, 21; Mic. 4:7.
177
Wildberger, 696; Kaiser, 79. Cf. Deut. 12:5, 11, 21; 14:23, 24; 1 Kgs 8:16; etc. For
the temple as , cf. 1 Kgs 3:2; 5:17, 19; 8:17, 20; Jer. 3:17.
178
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4.3 Isaiah 18 in Context
4.3.1
178
Marti, 14849; Gray, 313; Fohrer, 1.205; Kaiser, 80; Wildberger, 681; Vermeylen,
1.319; Clements, 165; Kilian, 11819; Berges, 16263.
179
Isa. 11:12; 13:2; 27:13 (cf. Wildberger, 681; Berges, 19293).
180
Synonymous parallelism: with ( 1 Sam. 2:8; 1 Chron. 16:30; Job 34:13; Ps.
19:5; 24:1; 33:8; 77:19; 89:12; 90:2; 96:13; 97:4; 98:9; Prov. 8:26; Isa. 14:21; 24:4; 26:9,
179
that are normally absent from everyday speech. This poetic context
adequately explains the appearance of in Isa. 18:3.181
With regard to the late origin of and , Wildbergers suggestion would carry some weight only if there were other
syntagmatic constructions in which and appear. However,
is the verb generally used with ,182 and appears exclusively
with .183
Regarding the universalistic view of v. 3, it would be misleading
to say that there is only one type of universalism in the Bible deriving from the post-exilic period. It is hard to imagine that an Assyrian
Empire whose ruler generally introduces himself as the king and judge
of the entire world (ar kite) and to whom the god Assur submitted the universe (kippat erbetti;184 PPANE 85 ii 3), would not give rise
to a universalistic vision in the deepest sense of the word that did
not infect the Hebrew prophets, who so often talk about this world
power. In several judgments pronounced through Judaean prophets,
Yhwh appears to stand behind this king of the universe (cf. Isa. 10:5).
Each prophecy directed against a foreign nation is in itself evidence of
some kind of universal perspective.185 The main problem in this case
is that some exegetes consider v. 3 a pronouncement of an eschatological judgment regarding all nations of the earth. However, this is
clearly not the case in v. 3, whereas comparable texts suggestthe
rhetorical intention is different.186 Although the prophet addresses the
world, his concern is to deliver the message to those listening to him.
The world is not summoned to take action, but to look, listen, and witness (1 Kgs 22:28). Assuming that the prophets audience was a multinational community (cf. ), including those living in the distant
Kush, such a rhetorical address line is certainly in its place.187
In conclusion, there is no convincing evidence that would urge us to
treat v. 3 as a later addition. Isa. 18:3 makes explicit what is implied by
the FNPs in general, namely that the implications of Yhwhs judgment
181
appears to be an Akkadian loanword (tbalu, dry land, field; cf. also
ablu), attested in the Akkadian since the Amarna period.
182
Isa. 5:26; 11:12; 13:2; Jer. 4:6; 50:2; 51:12; 51:27. in Isa. 49:22; 62:10.
183
Josh. 6:4, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20; Judg. 3:27; 6:34; 7:18, 19, 20, 22; 1 Sam. 13:3.
184
Cf. Hebrew in Job 37:3; 38:13; Isa. 11:12; 24:16; Ezek. 7:2.
185
Cf. Duhm, 138.
186
E.g., Ps. 2:10; 33:8; 49:2; Isa. 1:2; Mic. 1:2 (cf. 1 Kgs 22:28).
187
Sargons Hymn to Nanaya also begins as follows: Hear, o world (kibrti), the
praise of queen Nanaya! (SAA 3 4:rev. ii 13).
180
chapter four
and salvation are far reaching. They entail more than simply local
interventions in the life of one nation in the worlds history. This is
even more the case when the life and political affairs of that particular
nation are inseparably linked with the destiny of many others.
Isa. 18:7 is more commonly viewed as a secondary attachment to
the prophecy, mainly in order to introduce a scene of salvation after
judgment, or so the argument goes. This opinion appears to be supported by the fact that v. 7 merely repeats v. 2 with some variations.
Finally, verses beginning with are also generally regarded
as later additions. A few exegetes contest this view, however, noting
that the defeat of Assyria by Yhwh may have encouraged the Kushites
to bring tributes to him.188 Nevertheless, according to the conclusion
of the exegetical section above, this last view can hardly correspond to
the intention of Isa. 18.
The connection between 18:7 and the previous verses is established
in two ways. First, is considered a synonym for
in 18:4. Second, the image motif of the mount in Zion connects v. 7
with the judgment scene of v. 6. It must be noted, however, that the
viewpoint of v. 7 is slightly different. As argued, refers to Yhwhs
heavenly dwelling from where he is seen and heard by the prophet.
Furthermore, Zion is not the location where the judgment of v. 6 is
issued.189 Do these slight differences allude to the later origin of v. 7?
Isa. 18:7 contains an important motif well-represented in other sections of the book of Isaiah: foreign treasures are brought to Jerusalem
(cf. 23:18; 45:14; 60:516; 61:56). Of course, not all these texts are
written with the same concern. The interchange between Yhwh and
Zion concerning the site where tributes are to be brought is more than
simply a matter of style. The specific theme of 18:7, tributes brought
to the King of Jerusalem, also appears in royal psalms, especially
Ps. 72:1015, as well as in cultic poems, like Ps. 68:2931, singing
about the kingship of Yhwh. Such tribute scenes have countless parallels in Mesopotamian literature. The New Assyrian kings generally
accentuate the vast extent of their dominion and their fame in the
188
Knobel, 125; Dillmann, 170; Procksch, 24243; A. Feuillet, tudes chronologique
des oracles quon peut dater, in: Idem, tudes dexgse et de thologie biblique. Ancien
Testament, Paris 1975, 51; Oswalt, 363. One often points to 2 Chron. 32:23, which
mentions the tributes of foreigners. This episode, however, seems to be a shortened
assessment of the story in 2 Kgs 20. In Sadlers view, Isa. 18:7 is concerned with proselytism (see Sadler, Cushite, 49, 53).
189
For the mountain as a place of judgment, see 1 Kgs 22:17 and Isa. 14:25.
181
190
Among the many examples, see for instance the encounter between King Shilkanni of Egypt and Sargon II described on his Assur prism (lns 111). An account
of Shalmaneser III from shortly after 841 retells how the Assyrian king crossed the
Euphrates for the 16th time. He defeated Hazael of Damascus and erected his royal
statue on Mount Baali-raasi, a cape jutting into the Mediterranean Sea. Then we
read: At that time (ina meuma) I received tribute from the people of Tyre, Sidon,
and from Jehu of the House of Omri. (RIMA A.0.102.8 2427). ina muma can be
compared to in Isa. 18:7. The Erra and Ishum epic summons the god Erra
to show his might so that those above and below quake (. . .), so that kings hear and
kneel beneath you, so that countries hear and bring you their tribute (. . .) (S. Dalley,
Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others, Oxford 1989,
287). After Marduk is returned by a Babylonian king from exile and retakes his place
in his temple, he speaks as follows: Then I carried myself back to my city Babylon and
to the Ekursagil. I called all the goddesses together. I commanded: Bring your tribute,
o you lands, to Babylon [. . .] (Marduk prophecy ii 1; cf. i 23). Dynastic prophecy ii
17 reads: All the lands will bring tribute to him (i.e. to the divinity) (T. Longman III,
Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study, Winona Lake,
IN 1991, 23334, 239).
182
chapter four
191
183
192
B. Gosse, Isae 13,114,23 dans la tradition littraire du livre dIsae et dans la
tradition des oracles contre les nations (OBO, 78), Freiburg 1988, 9697; Ohmann, 73;
Clements, 161.
193
Kaiser, 70; Kilian, 11617.
194
Cf. M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies
(VT.S, 117), Leiden 2007, 16869.
184
chapter four
195
As we shall see below, Isa. 20, which appears in a collection concerned with
Egypt but which is primarily concerned with the shame of the prophets own people,
is a similar case.
196
Sweeney, 254, 260. Cf. also Beuken, 149.
197
Blenkinsopp, 3067, and Beuken, 149, 152, contest the view that these texts
would have been written for their present context. Agricultural imagery is very frequently used by the prophets, including Isaiah (see Isa. 1516).
185
chaff (17:13). The branches of Israel (as the context implies) will be
cut down (cf. 18:5). Similarly to vv. 56, the metaphor of seed and
twig that will be shaken on that day of incurable pain according to
Isa. 17:911 (cf. 3.2.4) recalls once again the images of grain (17:12
14) and tree (18:17). Isa. 17:1214 and 18:17 which follow these
predictions appear to be editorial illustrations regarding the fulfilment
of those earlier prophecies in 17:56 and 911. From this editorial
viewpoint, the alliances with the northern Aramaeans against Assyria
and Jerusalem (17:1214) during Peqah (cf. 2 Kgs 16:5; Isa. 7) and
with southern Egyptians (Africans) against Assyria (18:17) during
Hoshea (cf. 2 Kgs 17:3) were two fatal steps in an Israelite policy ultimately leading to the deportation and total destruction of the Northern Kingdom and its ally. In this reading of the editors, the messengers
of Isa. 18:2 could have been related to those of Hoshea in 2 Kgs 17:4.198
Although this reinterpretation of Isa. 18 did change the original meaning of the prophecy, insofar as Isa. 18 implicitly also addressed all
those who chose to ally with Egypt against Assyria, one could hardly
claim that the editors new reading was entirely strange to the prophecys original objective.
To conclude, although 17:1214 and 18:17 are two originally independent prophecies, from an editorial point of view they appear as
constitutive parts of the . In a contextualised reading, they
serve as illustrations for the fulfilment of the earlier prophecies in
17:111. This appears to be the rationale behind including Isa. 18 on
its current location of the book.199 This editorial reinterpretation which
regarded Israel rather than the Kushito-Egyptian Empire as the focus
of the prophecy must be distinguished from the original intention of
Isa. 18, the historical setting of which will be discussed below.
The Intertextual Connections in Isaiah 18
Three texts need to be investigated in relation to Isa. 18, viz. Isa. 45:14;
Ps. 68:30 and Zeph. 3:10. Clements asserted that Isa. 18:7 was formulated in response to Isa. 45:14, suggesting that 18:7 was added to the
book later than Isa. 40 and following.200 Isa. 45:14 promises Zion that
198
Isa. 18:7 had probably been added to 18:16 already before the prophecy was
included into its present context.
199
On a literary level, the cloud standing still in 18:4 may also be related to the
swiftly moving cloud that brings judgment to Egypt in 19:1.
200
Clements, 166.
186
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the produce of Egypt, and the profit of Kush and the Sabaeans, men of
stature, will come over to you, will belong to you, and will follow you;
they will come over in fetters. They will bow down towards201 you, and
they will pray towards you. Only in you is there a God, and nowhere else
is there any divinity.202
The function of Isa. 45:14 in its present context is not totally clear,203
but there seems to be a certain parallel between Yhwhs dealing with
Cyrus in 45:113 and with Zion in 45:14.204 The final sentence in which
Cyrus reappears again (45:13) should perhaps be regarded as a closing utterance in the Cyrus oracle (45:16?; note the suffix ).
Beyond the above noted parallel, other important terms appear that
further emphasise the relationship between the Cyrus-prophecy and
the utterance addressing Israel: , wage, value and , gift,
bribe, in v. 13 and , produce and , profit in v. 14. The only
other location in Isaiah where Egypt, Kush and Seba are mentioned is
Isa. 43:3, a prophecy which asserts that the three nations will be given
to Cyrus as a ransom ( )for Zion. In Isa. 45, the prophet steps
beyond 43:3 maintaining that Cyrus will do the work for Yhwh even
without being paid. For this reason, the profit of Egypt, Kush and Seba
will be transferred to Zion; she will receive the tribute of foreigners. If
this reading is correct, the tribute description of 45:14 is a parallel to
the Cyrus-texts, and is less clearly related to 18:7.205 In 45:14 (cf. also
Isa. 60:317), many nations bring their wealth to Zion and not specifically to Yhwh living in Zion as in 18:7. This concern with Zion and its
people rather than Yhwh or the king in Jerusalem distinguishes Isa.
45:14 (and Isa. 60:317) from 18:7.
The relationship between Isa. 18:7 and Ps. 68:30 is more significant. The verse division of Ps. 68:2930 in MT is probably erroneous,
and one should read as so you have
done to us from your temple in Jerusalem.206 Ps. 68:30b, parallel to Isa.
18:7, may be an independent sentence: let the kings bring tribute to
187
you. But it may also form a causal relationship with the former lines:
Because ( ) = you have done this to us (. . .), kings will bring
tribute to you. The appearance of the rare word in Ps. 68:30 (cf.
Ps. 76:12) and the description of the Kushites and Egyptians bringing
tribute to Yhwh in 68:32 may point to a close relationship with Isa.
18:7.207
A text clearly influenced by Isa. 18:1.7 is Zeph. 3:10:208 From beyond
the rivers of Kush, my suppliants, the daughter of my dispersed ones,
will bring tribute.209 The sense of this sentence is modified insofar as
it describes tribute brought to Jerusalem by Jews. However, the expression is most likely a gloss (as often noted). By the time Zeph.
3:10 was composed, Isa. 18:7 was part of the present collection. It is
even possible that Zeph. 3:9 was formulated in view of Isa. 19:18.
To sum up, the texts mentioning the tribute of the nations to Jerusalem do not all reflect a similar theology. In one case, the nations come
to serve Zion and contribute their wealth to the well-being of the city
(Isa. 45:14). Secondly, the tribute of foreigners is brought to Yhwh,
or his king in Zion (Ps. 68:30; Zeph. 3:10), an idea which is close to
Near Eastern cultic and royal theology. The tribute scene so prominent in the second half of the book of Isaiah, which puts the people of
Zion at the centre, is probably a later development of this cultic and
royal theology. This development is similar to the process by which
the same author (Deutero-Isaiah) also adapted the language of former
royal oracles to address the people of Zion in a way that was formerly
typical for addressing a king (cf. PPANE 69 ii 57; 82 iii 2425).
4.3.2
Isa. 18 is one of those cases where the prophecy concerning the fate of
a foreign nation is directly related to the political developments of the
207
It is also possible that the metaphors in Ps. 68:31 refer to Egyptians and their
expansionary policy in Canaan. The term is particularly suitable for Egypt
of the Delta marshes (cf. M.E. Tate, Psalms 51100 [WBC, 20], Dallas, TX 1990, 183).
Egypt is the , beautiful heifer in Jer. 46:20, and its mercenaries
, fatted calves in Jer. 46:21.
208
Kissane, 208, and Berges, 162, suggest that Isa. 18:7 was built on Zeph. 3:10. But
Zeph. 3:10 obviously combines Isa. 18:1 and 7, as noted by Wildberger, 695; Blenkinsopp, 311; L. Perlitt, Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja (ATD, 25), Gttingen
2004, 140.
209
Note , , and as a synonym of .
188
chapter four
210
Allusions to Egypt in 7:18; 10:20, 24, 26; 11:11, 15, 16; 23:5; 27:12, 13 and to
Egypt and Kush in 11:11 are beyond the scope of the present discussion.
211
Isa. 20 will be discussed below.
212
Wildberger, 1150; Clements, 243; J. Barthel, Prophetenwort und Geschichte: Die
Jesajaberlieferung in Jes 68 und 2831 (FAT, 19), Tbingen 1997, 278.
189
likely built on literary considerations, as a collection of -words telling us little about the actual date of the oracles it contains. Indeed, it is
probable that in its earliest form 30:15, 67, 817 originally addressed
an Israelite and not a Judaean audience.213 The messengers appearing
here are sent to the pharaoh of Egypt (( )30:23). But the city
referred to is Zoan / Tanis, a major town of the Eastern Delta.214 It is
clear and strange at the same time that Isa. 30 makes no mention of
Memphis, the imperial capital of the Kushite pharaohs Shabaka and
Shabataka. One may infer that the messengers arrived in Egypts Eastern Delta before 716. Shortly after this moment, East Egypts King
Osorkon IV, possibly to be identified with the expected supporter of
Israel, King So, in 2 Kgs 17:4,215 disappears from the scene, and Shabaka takes his seat in Memphis. Since Isa. 28:14 addresses Northern
Israel, one must leave this possibility open for 30:15 as well. The prophetic summons to consult Yhwh in taking decisions not only applied
to Judah but also to Israel (cf. 9:7, 12).216
No historical clues help us to date 30:67. Apparently this is a thematically related secondary attachment to 30:15. The formulation of
30:8 suggests that the setting of 30:67 is Judah rather than Israel. The
213
Cf. Hayes & Irvine, 33839; J.K. Hoffmeier, Egypt As an Arm of Flesh: A Prophetic Response, in: A. Gileadi (ed.), Israels Apostasy and Restoration: Essays in
Honor of Ronald K. Harrison, Grand Rapids, MI 1988, 8889.
214
Tanis was the second capital, a northern Thebes during the 21st and 22nd
Dynasties. Hanes ( )is often connected to Heracleopolis Magna (ht-nn-nswt) or
Heracleopolis Parva (hn-n-stnj, Assyrian h inini) (cf. Wildberger, 115455). Kitchen
suggests that is the transcription of the Egyptian hwt-nswt, the palace of the
king (Hanes, NBD 504). It is more likely, however, that the messengers arrive at
one city rather than multiple locations. is phonetically close to the name of the
Egyptian god, H nsw (Khonsu), one of the most prominent deities of Zoan, to whom
Shoshenq V dedicated a great temple (M. Romer, Tanis, L 6.198, 202). During the
New Kingdom, Khonsu came to be known as Khonsu the advisor and especially as a
healing god of salvation and a helper in need (W. Helck, E. Otto, Kleines Wrterbuch
der gyptologie, Wiesbaden 1956, 76). The Isaianic text is concerned with looking for
advice ( ;30:1) and protection ( ;30:2). ( 30:1) may eventually also
refer to building political coalitions.
215
See B.U. Schipper, Wer War So, Knig von gypten (2 Kn 17,4), BN 92
(1998) 7184; K.A. Kitchen, Egyptian Interventions in the Levant in Iron Age II, in:
W.G. Dever, S. Gitin (eds), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past: Canaan,
Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors, from the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaestina, Winona Lake, IN 2003, 126.
216
R.G. Kratz, Israel in the Book of Isaiah, JSOT 31 (2006), 10328, argued that
the term Israel in the book of Isaiah only refered to the Northern Kingdom in texts
that explicitly deal with Samaria as a threat to Judah. But Kratzs very selective use
of scholarly literature on Isaiah (and relying too often on the controversial study of
Becker) in dating the discussed passages makes most of his conclusions doubtful.
190
chapter four
217
191
192
chapter four
(cf. 37:14 and 37:1420). Such recognition would explain why Judah,
though allied with Egypt, will be saved, while Israel allied with Egypt
will be destroyed (2 Kgs 1718).225
As the texts above make it clear, the southern African neighbour
appears consistently in a negative light in two respects. Alliance with
Egypt represents a rebellion against Assyria, the vassal lord and the
agent of Yhwh, and thus indirectly against Yhwh himself.226 Egypt
was wrongly esteemed as a source of confidence, the power on which
Israel and Judah were tempted to rely. Egypt was believed to play
the role of Yhwh (Isa. 30:2; 31:1, 3; 36:6; cf. 2:22). Instead Isaiah
repeatedly emphasises quietness and trust in Yhwh ( hiphil /
hiphil in 7:14; / in 30:15) as the
only way to escape the disaster, a motif that returns in Isa. 18:4 as
well.227 The prophecies in 30:117 and 31:13 predict doom to Israel
and Judah in the first instance, but they also hint at the destruction of
Egypt (cf. 30:3, 5; 31:3). The case with Isa. 18 is presumably similar,
with a reversed emphasis.
The alliance with Kush and Egypt against Assyria seems to provide
the most fitting background for Isa. 18. The picture of the emissaries
sent from the land beyond the rivers of Kush evokes a rather concrete,
real life situation personally experienced by the prophet, an experience that recalls Isa. 14:32 to mind. In this situation, the prophet may
have been asked for a prophecy by political leaders about to attend a
summit. The attitude of Yhwh in 18:45 is a pertinent message pointing right at the hesitant heart of Judahs precipitate political attitude.
The future holds no secrets for those who trust Egypt. When everything looks so perfect, when time is ripe, Yhwh will intervene with
surprising power and destroy both the helper and those helped.228 In
225
A combination of a negative deed and a positive Hezekiah-image also appears in
Isa. 39. According to Isa. 9:12 Israels collapse was caused not so much by its depraved
morality but by its repeated rejection of prophetic summons to return to God.
226
Cf. , ( 30:1) as treaty terminology in Hayes & Irvine, 33839. Such
unethical political behaviour is also rejected by Isa. 33:8 and Ezek. 17. Cf. J. Blenkinsopp, The Prophetic Biography of Isaiah, in: E. Blum (ed.), Mincha. Festgabe fr Rolf
Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2000, 22; Cs. Balogh, He Filled
Zion with Justice and Righteousness: The Composition of Isaiah 33, Bib. 89 (2008),
48586.
227
Cf. H.W. Hoffmann, Die Intention der Verkndigung Jesajas (BZAW, 136), Berlin 1974, 73; Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 146.
228
Contrary to Dillmann, 167; Clements, 165; Dietrich, Politik, 130; Blenkinsopp,
310, I doubt that Isa. 18 would propagate a policy of neutrality.
193
229
Dating Isa. 18 based on its present context (Sweeney, 25657, 260; Wildberger,
690) is misleading, so far as this context is secondary.
194
chapter four
230
The Khorsabad Annals of Sargon (lns 5357) and the Great Display Inscription
(lns 2527) mention Ree, the turtannu of the unnamed king of Egypt, as a prominent figure (cf. A. Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad, Gttingen 1994).
However, several reliefs in Room V of Sargons palace at Khorsabad give evidence of
significant Kushite involvement. On Slab 2 Lower Register, Nubians defend the border
city Raphia. On Slab 4 Lower Register, a Nubian warrior (Ree?) faces two Assyrian
soldiers (Sargon and his eunuch?). For the iconographic material, see N. Franklin,
The Room V Reliefs at Dur-Sharrukin and Sargon IIs Western Campaigns, TA 21
(1994), 25575, esp. 26467; J.E. Reade, Sargons Campaigns of 720, 716, and 715 bc:
Evidence from the Sculptures, JNES 35 (1976), 99102; N. Naaman, The Historical
Background to the Conquest of Samaria (720 bc), Bib. 71 (1990), 218 n. 37. Slab 5
Lower Register depicts the siege of Gibbeton in northern Philistia, apparently also
defended by Nubians. Cf. Reade, Sargons Campaigns, 95104; K.L. Younger, Recent
Study on Sargon II, King of Assyria: Implications for Biblical Studies, in: M.W. Chavalas et al. (eds), Mesopotamia and the Bible: Comparative Explorations, Grand Rapids,
MI 2002, 293, 316.
231
In Nimrud Inscription ln. 8, originating from 717 or early 716 (Fuchs, Annalen,
83; K.L. Younger, The Nimrud Inscription, COS 2.118I), Sargon is called muakni
mt Yadu a aaru rqu, the subduer of Judah, which lies far away (COS 2.118I).
Roberts is probably right, however, that this title for Sargon does not imply an actual
campaign against Judah. Cf. J.J.M. Roberts, Egypt, Assyria, Isaiah, and the Ashdod
Affair: An Alternative Proposal, in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew (eds), Jerusalem in
Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period (SBL.SS, 18), Atlanta, GA 2002, 271;
contra M.A. Sweeney, Sargons Threat against Jerusalem in Isaiah 10,2732, Bib. 75
(1994), 45770.
195
232
Cf. Sargons Nineveh Prism fragments 1668+ IV lns 2533 in A. Fuchs, Die
Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach Prismenfragmenten aus Ninive und Assur (SAAS,
8), Helsinki 1998, 4446, 7274; Younger, Recent Study, 31314. On another occasion, the rebellious Lower Egyptian prince seeks the help of Taharka by sending messengers to him (cf. Borger, BIWA, 211, 213).
233
For discussions of the troubled history of Egypts Third Intermediate Period in
general, including Shabatakas era, see, e.g. J. Yoyotte, Les principauts du Delta au
temps de lanarchie libyenne, Mmoires publies par les membres de lInstitut Franais
dArchologie Orientale du Caire 66 (1961), 12181; M.L. Bierbrier, Genealogy and
Chronology of the Late New Kingdom (c. 1300664 bc), London 1975; F.J. Yurco, The
Shabaka-Shebitku Coregency and the Supposed Second Campaign of Seennacherib
against Judah: A Critical Assessment, JBL 110 (1991), 3545; J.K. Hoffmeier, Egypts
Role in the Events of 701 bc in Jerusalem, in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew (eds),
Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period (SBL.SS, 18), Atlanta,
GA 2002, 21934; K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period, London 21986; L.
Trk, The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilisation (HO,
1/31), Leiden 1997; D.B. Redford, A Note on the Chronology of Dynasty 25 and the
Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var, Or. 68 (1999), 5860; J. Taylor, The Third
Intermediate Period (1069664 bc), in: I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient
Egypt, Oxford 2000, 33068; R.G. Morkot, The Black Pharaohs: Egypts Nubian Rulers,
London 2000; D. Kahn, The Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var and the Chronology of Dynasty 25, Or. 70 (2001), 118. Cf. 5.3.
234
Trk, Kush, 170.
196
chapter four
235
Cf. G. Frame, The Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var, Or. 68 (1999), 3157.
Ln. 20 reads m-pa-ta-ku-[u] ar mt Meluh h a, Shabataka, king of Meluhha (Kush).
Based on this inscription, Kahn presents a detailed case for dating the ascension year
of Shabataka to 707/706 and excludes co-regency with Shabaka (cf. D. Kahn, Tang-i
Var, 118). It is interesting to note, however, that Yamanis hiding place from where
he is brought to Assyria appears in the Great Display Inscription and the Display
Inscription of Room XIV as (ana) it mt Musri a pt mt Meluh h a, the neighbourhood of Egypt, which is bordered on Meluhha. The Tang-i Var Inscription has ana
pt mt Meluh h a, to the border of Meluhha. This ar mt Meluh h a identified with
Shabataka in the Tang-i Var Inscription appears to live in Upper Egypt and not in
Memphis, which was presumably the centre where Shabaka reigned by this time.
236
Contra Kahn, Tang-i Var, 8.
237
Hezekiah pushed the Philistines back to Gaza and captured some of their cities.
The kings of Ashdod, Ekron (Padi) and Gaza had been loyal to Assyria, so Hezekiahs
actions may have been directed against those unwilling to participate in the rebellion
(cf. Isa. 7). It is likely that Padi was handed over to Hezekiah in order to save the city
Ekron from the Judean king, otherwise the imprisonment of Padi in Jerusalem rather
than in Ekron with the other pro-Assyrians (mentioned by Sennacherib) is difficult to
explain. Some of the 46 cities that Sennacherib took away from Hezekiah, giving them
to his loyal vassals, may have been among those previously conquered by Judah.
238
For Hezekiahs active role, see A. Spalinger, The Foreign Policy of Egypt Preceding the Assyrian Conquest, Cd 53 (1978), 35; Younger, Assyrian Involvement, 253;
Roberts, Egypt, 272; contra Hoffmeier, Egypts Role, 23334; S. Dalley, Recent Evidence from Assyrian Sources for Judaean History from Uzziah to Manasseh, JSOT 28
(2004), 39398. The Assyrian sculptures of the siege of Lachish in 701 apparently also
illustrate Nubians punished by the Assyrians. Dalley, Evidence, 391; cf. K.A. Kitchen,
Egypt, the Levant and Assyria in 701 BC, in: M. Grg (ed.), Fontes atque pontes: Eine
Festgabe fr Hellmut Brunner (AT, 5), Wiesbaden 1983, 24849.
197
239
198
chapter four
beetle, pushing the dung ball (symbolising the sun) between its forelegs (cf. Figure 1).242 Six bullae are known to contain this impression,
which according to Robert Deutsch, go back to more than one royal
seal. Two other bullae with the same inscription preserved another
related Egyptian symbol, the two winged sun-disk with two ankh
signs. Four-winged beetles and two-winged sun-disks243 appear on a
large number of jar handles containing the inscription , belonging to the king. These so-called -jars are dated by archaeologists
to the late 8th century and supposedly functioned as storage jars of
Hezekiah on the eve of his war with Sennacherib.244
The Judaean religious and political connotations of these symbols remain a matter of dispute, but it is most likely that they were
adopted as Egyptian motifs without foreign mediators.245 The ties with
Egypt were particularly strong on every level in the latter half of the
8th century. Hezekiah may not have imported the ideological background of the beetle symbol, but his choice for the scarab and the
242
On the scarab seal of Hezekiah, see F.M. Cross, King Hezekiahs Seal Bears
Phoenician Imagery, BArR 25.2 (1999), 4245, 60; Idem, A Bulla of Hezekiah, King
of Judah, in: P.H. Williams, T. Hiebert (eds), Realia Dei: Essays in Archaeology and
Biblical Interpretation in Honor of Edward F. Campbell, Jr. at His Retirement, Atlanta,
GA 1999, 6166; M. Lubetski, King Hezekiahs Seal Revisited: Small Object Reflects
Big Geopolitics, BArR 27.4 (2001), 4451, 59; R. Deutsch, Lasting Impressions: New
Bullae Reveal Egyptian-Style Emblems on Judahs Royal Seals, BArR 28.4 (2002),
4251, 60, 62. The winged scarab seal impression on Figure 1 is currently held in the
Shlomo Moussaieff collection in London. The picture and the drawing are adapted
from BArR 25.2 (1999), 4243, and are republished here with the kind permission of
Dr. Robert Deutsch, author of the drawing.
243
The image is sometimes erroneously identified as a flying scroll (cf. discussion
in Deutsch, Impressions, 4950).
244
D. Ussishkin, Lachish, NEAEHL 3.909; A. Mazar, Archaeology and the Land of
the Bible: 10.000586 bce, New York 1992, 45558; J.A. Balkely, J.W. Hardin, Southwestern Judah in the Late Eighth Century bce, BASOR 326 (2002), 1213.
245
In accordance with Lubetski and in contrast to Cross. Lubetski also argues that,
by adopting the scarab symbol by which the pharaoh expressed his rule over Upper
and Lower Egypt, Hezekiah presents himself as king of Judah and Israel (Beetlemania, 2426). This is not likely, however. Note that Hezekiah is explicitly called king
of Judah on the scarab seal impressions. Detaching Judah from king in the upper
part of the bulla, as Luebetski argues, would seem an unnecessary distortion (cf. also
Deutsch, Impressions, 50). While the scarab can be considered a royal symbol, the
specific Egyptian design of monarchy, as consisting of two countries, is not inherent
to the symbol itself. The beetle symbol also appears on a seal of Manasseh, son of
the king, most likely the son of Hezekiah. Four-winged beetle stamps were used by
various individuals in Judah: e.g., a certain Ahimelek living around 701 bc (Ussishkin,
Lachish, 909), and another official called Shaphat (Mazar, Archaeology, 507). The
winged beetle is also attested beyond the borders of Judah in Israel, Phoenicia and
Amon.
Figure 1
199
246
In agreement with O. Keel, C. Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses and Images of God in
Ancient Israel, Minneapolis, MN 1992, 259; contra Deutsch, Impressions, 5051.
247
Another royal symbol of Assyrian origin, the eight-petalled rosette appearing on
Judaean royal jars dating from the 7th century bc, betrays the Assyrian influence on
the Judaean kings owning these rosette jars. Chemical analysis has shown that these
jars were made in the same production centre as the lmlk-jars. Cf. J.M. Cahill, Royal
Rosettes: Fit for a King, BArR 23.5 (1997), 4857, 68.
200
chapter four
The final verse of the prophecy does not contain much historical
information. The claim of v. 7 is, as argued, theological in the first
instance. The idea of bringing tributes could, however, be historicised
as describing the relation between the Egypto-Kushites of the 7th century and Assyria, the instrument through which Yhwh established his
worldwide rule. I shall argue for such a case in my following discussion
of Isa. 19. The motif of tribute brought to Jerusalem by foreigners may
be compared to the Assyrian kings tribute scenes on royal inscriptions. But Isa. 18:7 can also function as an ahistorical pronouncement
well-attested to in other passages from Near Eastern literature, such
as Erra and Ishum, the Marduk prophecy, or the Dynastic prophecy
mentioned above.
As we have seen above, this original intention of Isa. 18 came to
be modified when the editors inserted the prophecy into its present
literary context. On this new location the prophecy dealing primarily
with the Kushito-Egyptian alliance in the time of Hezekiah of Judah
was reinterpreted as a text concerned with the causes of the collapse
of Israels kingdom.
4.4
In 3.4, I suggested that Isa. 1323 imitates the structure of Assyrian royal inscriptions. The victory stele erected by the great king
proclaimed for the world the supremacy of Assyria above all nations
of the earth by enumerating the subjugated countries and recounting
the campaigns of the Assyrian army against those nations. Read in
the context of the stele of Yhwh (Isa. 1323), King of kings, Isa. 18
describes a campaign against the most distant nations of the earth.
The worldwide perspective of Isa. 18:3 addressing all nations of
the earth connects this prophecy to the boasting of Assyrian kings
when they claimed to have defeated and ruled the entire world, from
the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea (3.4). The King of Isa. 18 moves
the boundaries of his empire beyond these seas: he subdued nations
from beyond the rivers of Kush, the remotest zone of the planet. For
an audience cherishing the idea of Yhwh as a national and regional
deity, whose territory (and sphere of influence) has been diminished
drastically by the incursions of the New Assyrian army, such a mighty
affirmation of the real boundaries of the kingdom of Yhwh must have
sounded appealing indeed.
201
248
The / in Isa. 3:1 recalls the support of Egypt and Kush described
with similar terms in Isa. 30:15; 31:1 ( ;)36:6 ().
202
chapter four
4.5 Conclusion
The prophecy in Isa. 18 addresses the Kushite Empire of the 25th
Dynasty (Egypt and Kush) by means of its messengers sent to Judah.
It proclaims the defeat of the Africans (and not the Assyrians), typified
as the land of the winged beetle. As this prominent symbol was also
adopted by King Hezekiah, the judgment against the foreign nations
contained an implicit message of warning for the Judaeans as well,
one that is further recognised in other FNPs. The theological view of
the Nile lands as a temptation to Israels faith in Yhwh is consistent
with Isaiahs other prophecies, including those against Egypt in Isa.
3031. In the wider context of Isa. 1323, the depictions of emissaries of distant nations who arrive in Jerusalem bearing tribute in 18:7,
the universal perspective of 18:3 and the destruction of vineyards in a
manner reminiscent of Assyrian warfare techniques make this prophecy a particularly fitting inclusion on the stele of Yhwh. By presenting
the humiliation of mighty warriors, Isa. 18 is also well-suited for the
-edition of this book.
From a literary perspective, Isa. 18:7 apparently derives from a date
later than the rest of the prophecy. But despite a few arguments to
the contrary, 18:3 may be regarded as part of the original text. The
primary function of Isa. 18 was modified when it was connected to
Isa. 17. In the context of a against Aram and Israel, its implicit
message against Israel, the people of the covenant with Yhwh, was
placed more emphatically in the foreground.
249
203
As to the date of its composition, arguments taken from the prophecy and from extra-biblical sources point to the years shortly before
701 bc, when the Kushite pharaoh and his Egyptian subordinates successfully recruited Hezekiah as an ally in a battle against their common
foe, Assyria.
CHAPTER FIVE
Isa. 19 bears the title: the Egypt pronouncement. Its Egypt related
message is clear, as is also for the most part the Hebrew text of the
prophecy. However, two crucial verses have given rise to a great deal
of controversy. First, , which appears in most Massoretic
manuscripts at 19:18 is most often considered an erroneous variant
of or . Second, a significant translational problem
is caused by the phrase in 19:23. From a lexical point of view, the most obvious meaning of this phrase is Egypt
will serve Assyria. It is assumed, however, that this translation does
not suit the context of the salvation prophecy in which it occurs, and
scholars generally render this phrase as Egypt will serve Yhwh with
Assyria. Both issues have far-reaching implications for understanding
the prophecy, its theological concept, as well as the historical background of the text.
From a literary critical point of view, Isa. 19 is considered a text
composed over a long period. Scholars observe a break between vv.
115 and 1625, but closer analysis of both pericopes makes the literary integrity of either of them questionable. In 19:115, the thematic
divergence of vv. 510 is said to distort the literary structure of the
poem. As for 19:1625, opinions differ on how many stages of development one should distinguish in the formation of this pericope.
Theologically speaking, 19:115(1617) is regarded as a prophecy
of doom against Egypt, while 19:1825 is believed to pronounce salvation for this nation. The function of this message of judgment is
debated, and scholars vacillate between considering 19:115 a learned
theological treatise and a prophecy delivered as implicit warning for
Israelites or Judeans relying on the support of Egypt against Assyria.
In the opinion of some scholars, the salvation prophecy in 19:1825
is an unparalleled utterance in the Old Testament. Others compare its
universalist theology to texts of the Persian or Hellenistic period.
While a few exegetes find nothing in 19:115 that would contradict
Isaianic authorship and an 8th century setting, others bewail the lack
206
chapter five
5.1
1a
1b
1c
1d
1e
2a
2b
2c
2d
3a
3b
3c
3d
4a
4b
4c
5a
5b
6a
6b
6c
7a
7b
7c
8a
8b
8c
9a
9b
207
208
23
24
25
chapter five
On that day there will be a highway from Egypt to Assyria, and
Assyria will go to Egypt and Egypt will go to Assyria, and the
Egyptians hwill serve Assyriah.
On that day Israel will be the third beside Egypt and Assyria,
blessing in the midst of the earth, iwhom Yhwh of hosts will
blessi saying:
Blessed be jmy people, Egypt,
and Assyria the work of my hands,j
and Israel my inheritance.
209
3 d-d . is a niphal of , a rare verb.1 In other contexts, the qal and piel forms of mean to lay waste, to devastate. The object of the verb is a country,2 the vine,3 andof particular
importance( Jer. 19:7) that may appear in parallel to outside
Isa. 19:3. The translation to destroy, to devastate, to break off is
supported by Sym., , pass. to be broken (corresponding to the
Greek translation of in LXX), Theod., , to break, to split
(also translating in LXX), the Vulg., disrumpetur, to break apart,
to split, and Syr., psq, to be cut/broken. appears to be treated
as a synonym of . As for paradigmatic relationships, appears
with , to destroy (Job 17:1), , to break (Ps. 51:19; Prov. 15:4;
Isa. 65:14), , to crush (Ps. 34:19).
e-e . Lexical studies of distinguish the meanings to swallow, to engulf; to destroy; to confuse; to announce. It is, however, uncertain if all these senses could derive from one single root
(cf. BDB; J. Schpphaus, , ThWAT 1.659), or whether two (GesB),
three (HALOT) or four homonymous roots (DCH 2.17981) should
be sought. The qal of always means to swallow, to engulf either
literally, or in a metaphorical sense.4 The piel of , however, generally means to destroy, to devour, to strike, often used in connection
with verbs possessing these connotations.5 The subject by which the
action ( )is performed, or the object that it affects, makes it often
impossible to render otherwise.6 Nevertheless, some texts suggest
that the meaning to devour, to destroy in piel is connected to the
same root from which the qal to swallow derives (cf. Ps. 21:10; Eccl.
10:12; Isa. 25:78). In other texts piel means to confuse (Ps.
55:10; Isa. 3:12; 9:15; cf. Ps. 107:27; Isa. 28:7; cf. , to confuse).
In Isa. 19:3, both translations (to confuse, to destroy) are possible.
See GKC 67dd; BL 58t; Young, 2.17 n. 10; cf. Gen. 17:11; Judg. 5:5.
Isa. 24:1 | , to lay waste; 24:3 niphal | ni, to be plundered; Jer. 51:2 piel.
3
Nah. 2:3 | , to ruin, to destroy.
4
For the literal sense, see Gen. 41:7, 24; Exod. 7:12; 15:12; Jon. 2:1. For the metaphorical meaning, see Job 20:15, 18; Ps. 124:3; Prov. 1:12.
5
, piel to ruin (Lam. 2:5; cf. 2 Sam. 20:20 hiphil), , hiphil to cause to
die (2 Sam. 20:19), , to break down (Lam. 2:2).
6
Cf. Lam. 2:5 (, palace), 2:8 (he restrained not his hand ). See also
Hos. 8:8, where Israel is compared to a useless vessel, suggesting that in niphal
means here to be destroyed in the manner of a useless clay vessel (cf. Jer. 19:11), and
not to be swallowed up (contra NRSV, NASB, NIV).
2
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chapter five
7
Lev. 19:31; 20:6, 27; Deut. 18:11; 1 Sam. 28:3, 9; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 2 Chron. 33:6;
Isa. 8:19; 19:3. appears separately in 1 Sam. 28:7, 8; 1 Chron. 10:13; Isa. 29:4.
8
J. Ebach, U. Rterswrden, Unterweltsbeschwrung im Alten Testament, UF 9
(1977), 5770; UF 12 (1980), 20520; J. Tropper, Spirit of the Dead, DDD 8069.
9
The necromancer is called and ( 1 Sam. 28:7; Deut. 18:11; cf.
1 Chron. 10:13; Ezek. 21:26 [)] . The connection with Hittite a-a-p, ritual
pit argued by H.A. Hoffner, Second Millennium Antecedents to the Hebrew b, JBL
86 (1967), 385401, is questionable.
10
Exod. 34:15; Lev. 17:7; Judg. 2:17; 8:33; Ezek. 6:9; etc.
11
Gen. 35:2; Josh. 24:14, 23; Judg. 10:16; 1 Sam. 7:3.
12
For examples, see HALOT ( I). Tropper compared to the Sumerian l gidim.ma, lit. man of the spirit of the dead, and the Akkadian a etemmi,
one of the spirit of the dead (Spirit of the Dead, 808). It is better, however, to relate
the Sumerian and Akkadian expressions to Hebrew constructions like ,
or .
211
13
One of the Egyptian techniques of oracular inquiry was to address questions
to the statue of the divinity. The priests answered the questions of the inquirer from
inside the statue or from a secret chamber, but it was the statue that was believed to
have spoken (L. Kkosy, Orakel, L 4.6006).
14
Cf. Tropper, Spirit of the Dead, 807.
15
Deut. 23:16; 32:30; Josh. 20:5; 1 Sam. 17:46; etc. Cf. Eshmunazors inscription
(KAI 14:21): wysgrnm hlnm hqdm t mmlkt dr ml bnm lqstnm, may the holy gods
deliver them to a mighty king, who will rule over them to destroy them. Cf. Gray, 325;
J.C. Greenfield, Scripture and Inscription: The Literary Rhetorical Element in Some
Early Phoenician Inscriptions, in: S.M. Paul et al. (eds.), Al Kanfei Yonah: Collected
Studies of Jonas C. Greenfield on Semitic Philology, Leiden 2001, 71416.
16
Cf. thskrhm bydy, you must surrender them into my hands (KAI 224:2); yhskr
lbry, he must surrender (them) to my son (KAI 224:3); , I closed up
the man (DJPA 378). Cf. also Akkadian sekrum (sakrum), to shut off (CDA 320).
17
GKC 53p; WO 27.4c and n. 30 on p. 445.
18
Gesenius, 610.
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chapter five
19
The meaning of was not recognised by the versions. LXX left the word untranslated (so also ). translates ( cf. Isa. 38:14) and not .
20
See also Jewish Babylonian Aramaic , to become degenerated / diminished
(DJBA 339). In Isa. 38:14, derives from a different verb. Cf. Syriac dl, to lift up
(CSD 92; G.R. Driver, Linguistic and Textual Problems: Isaiah ixxxix, JTS 38 [1937],
47). in Isa. 38:14 has further parallels in Jewish Babylonian Aramaic.
The verb derives from and not ( should be corrected to ) , cognate
to Aramaic , to lift up (b. Yom. 87a: , he raised up his eyes and
saw him; b. BQam. 117a: , raise my eyelids up for me).
21
P.J. Calderone, The Rivers of Masor , Bib. 42 (1961), 42332 (channels of
rock or cataracts); H. Tawil, The Historicity of 2 Kings 19:24 (= Isaiah 37:25): The
Problem of yer msr, JNES 41 (1982), 197200 (mount Musri [Jebel Bashiqah]).
The Assyrian texts which Tawil refers to in support of his thesis allude to agricultural
activity in the region of Jebel Bashiqah, while 2 Kgs 19:24 (bringing in connection with the Assyrians) presupposes military activity.
22
Mic. 7:12 (LXX, Vulg., Syr., Targ.); Isa. 19:6 (Vulg., Syr., Targ.); 37:25 (Vulg., Syr.).
213
k-k . 1Q Isaa has with a larger space before this word, indicating the beginning of a new sentence. The subject of is seemingly not as in MT, but of v. 7. However, this reading
makes no sense of . MT has further support in 4QIsab. LXX
has . The word , marsh,
meadow corresponds to ( cf. Isa. 33:9). The final from was
attached to of v. 7 ( ).
The verb appears only once more in Isa. 33:9 in the phrase
. Syriac qml means to become mouldy (CSD 508) and Aramaic qml appears in the Sefire inscription, as a plant disease (KAI
222A:31). Arabic qamila refers to a disease affecting plants after rain.
Akkadian qummlu (qummnu, qummru) appears both as a skin
complaint (a kind of rash) and a disease affecting grain and fruit
(CAD q 305). In view of these cognates, is rendered as to become
mouldy.
7 l . Some explain this lexeme as a pl. of , bare place, related
to the verb or , to be bare, to be naked.23 But in Hebrew
bare place is ( Judg. 20:33; Nah. 3:5) or , nakedness (Gen.
42:9, 12). Moreover, the verbs and in v. 7 do not make sense
with or as subject. As Herz has pointed out, it is preferable to relate to the Egyptian r, bulrush, papyrus.24 LXX rendered by , a translation/transliteration of , sedge, grass,
meadow (Gen. 41:2, 18; cf. Job 8:11). In the Syr. is interpreted as
a water plant.25 Targ. Isa., which has , also supports
the view that is a kind of plant.26 ( or )is a synonym of
, , and ( or more generally of , , , ).
23
214
chapter five
215
S. Israelit-Groll, The Egyptian Background to Isaiah 19.18 in: M. Lubetski et al. (eds),
Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon (JSOT.
S, 273), Sheffield 1998, 3003. However, of the almost 50 verses containing , Isa.
19:7 would be the only one where the assumed Egyptian definite article appears.
is the general (only?) designation for the Nile in the Bible, with or without the definite article. It is noteworthy that when loaned into Hebrew, Egyptian proper names
and geographical names originally containing definite articles (p or t) were always
written in contracted form ( / p-t-rsj). Cf. Muchiki, Proper Names, entries p
and t.
32
Herz, Isaiah 19, 7, 497. Cf. Isa. 51:20; Ezek. 31:15; Amos 8:13; Jon. 4:8.
33
A. Guillaume, A Note on Isaiah xix. 7, JThS 14 (1963), 382.
34
Cf. in Ps. 133:2, where may specify , a function that beside may also possess. Note also Isa. 23:4:
.
35
Cf. Akk. bt mrei. Chiltons a place where they sow (Isaiah Targum, 38) is
imprecise.
36
Akkadian zru means both seed and sown land (CDA 446; cf. also Isa. 23:3).
37
Cf. Lw, Pflanzennamen, 2.233.
216
chapter five
tile made of the flax, not the plant itself. All versions render a noun
here. LXX has , treating as a synonym of and ,
much like Latin subtilia, fine stuff . The Targumic is an allusion to a related word , net-work (DTTM 439; cf. also
in DTTM 23).40 The Syriac h dwt is unclear, it could be a misspelling of h rwt. If the reading in MT is accepted, v. 9 can be rendered
as ashamed will be those working with combed flax / and the weavers of white linen (LXX; Vulg.; cf. JM 121k). However, 1QIsaa and
4QIsab presuppose the verbal form here (, qal perf. of , to
become pale). which is also attested in v. 9a, turns up in parallelism with in Isa. 29:22 as well,41 making the reading of 1QIsaa
attractive: those working with combed flax will be ashamed / and the
38
217
weavers will grow pale. This latter variant is adopted here with some
hesitation.
10 r-r
. Connecting it to , to drink, Jerome (inrigua eius)
treats as a technical term referring to Egypts irrigation system.
He considered the parallel a phonetic variant of , dam. The
Syr. reformulates the verse as wntmkkwn kl dbdyn kr lmty dnp, all
those preparing beer as drink for someone will be humiliated.
is not translated directly, but it is echoed in lmty, which is a translation for both and ( see below).
Others take their lead from LXX ( ) and Targ. Isa. (cf.
) , and consider a derivate of , to weave, relating
v. 10 to v. 9.42 This would require reading
or
, apparently a qal part. fem. pl. Since the fem. form is incompatible with the
masc. part. , Eitan believed was an Egyptian word (cf.
Coptic tit, weaver).43 However, v. 10a obviously introduces a new
idea, addressing a group of Egypts society different from the one
addressed in v. 9.
most likely derives from and means her pillars. The
related verb is also used with , a synonym of in Job 4:19.
In v. 13, the leaders of Egypt are called , the cornerstones
of her tribes. , another synonym of , is also used figuratively of
people (cf. Ps. 11:3?). forms a parallelism with , those
working for wages (see below), providing a description of the entire
Egyptian society, from top to bottom (cf. 19:15).
s-s
. LXX () and Syr. (kr) read , some kind of
intoxicating drink. Vulg. and Targ. Isa. recall Egypts famous waterengineering skills.44
appears further only in Prov. 11:18 with the meaning wage,
reward. It may thus be identical with the more frequent . For
the syntagmatic construction , one may note Prov. 11:18: the
wicked works for false earnings () , but the one who
sows righteousness (works for) a true reward (). is comparable to in Isa. 19:10. Prov. 11:18 may use elliptically,
42
HALOT; I. Eitan, An Egyptian Loanword in Is 19, JQR 15 (19241925), 41920;
Wildberger, 702. appears in Lev. 13:48ff, designating some kind of textile.
43
KHw 333; Eitan, Egyptian Loanword, 419.
44
Cf. qui faciebant lacunas, those building pools (?) and , those building dams (cf. I, and in DTTM 993 and DJPA 378).
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chapter five
45
, or rather would have to follow in that case. Exceptions
are few and of a different character (cf. WO 14.3.1b).
46
Driver, Problems, 40. Cf. Targ. Isa. rendering and the
Syr. h kym dmlkyn lprwn, the wise men who advise the pharaoh [a stupid counsel].
47
Wildberger, 702.
48
I.e. the wise men (of the pharaoh) and the counsellors of the pharaoh. For
, cf. ( Prov. 9:3), ( Ezek. 6:11),
, ( Ps. 132:3), ( Ps. 26:8). Cf. Ibn Ezra, 89.
49
Significant examples are: ( 1 Sam. 9:21), ( 1
Chron. 9:13). Cf. also , the wisest of her princesses (Judg. 5:29) and
see further GKC 133h; Dillmann, 174; WO 14.3.3b.
219
220
chapter five
221
61
A different etymology is, however, also possible. Cf. Akkadian agammu, marsh,
swamp (Sumerian loanword [a g a m ]), Jewish Palestinian and Babylonian Aramaic
, and Syriac gm with the same meaning.
62
For an uncertain Akkadian cognate, see kup, reed thicket (?) (CDA 168).
63
Cf. Akkadian kippatu, tendril, twining stem (CDA 159). Cf. Job 8:16 (also using
instead of ;cf. Job 14:79; 18:16; Ps. 52:810; Ezek. 17:810; Hos. 14:57).
64
GKC 80h, 95d; cf. Duhm, 144. Note also in Num. 11:20 and in Ezek.
36:5. 1QIsaa has and several other manuscripts .
65
, ring, circle is used to translate in LXX (cf. Job 22:14; Isa. 40:22).
66
Cf. A. Penna, La Volgata e il manoscritto 1QIsa, Bib 38 (1957), 383; VL 45657.
In his Isaiah-commentary Jerome writes: . . . festivitate in hebraico legitur agga, quod
interpretari potest et festivitas, unde et Aggeus in festivum vertitur et timor . . .
67
yh gh was translated as to go around, to take refuge, or to encircle (cf. KAI).
222
chapter five
68
223
224
chapter five
77
Cf. S.H. Steckoll, The Qumran Sect in Relation to the Temple of Leontopolis,
RdQ 6 (1967), 5569, esp. 62, 6768; R. Hayward, The Jewish Temple at Leontopolis: A Reconsideration, in: G. Vermes, J. Neusner (eds), Essays in Honour of Yigael
Yadin (= JJS 33 [1982]), 44142; see also J.E. Taylor, A Second Temple in Egypt: The
Evidence for the Zadokite Temple of Onias, JSJ 29 (1998), 31114. The connection
between Qumran and Leontopolis is rejected by M. Delcor, Le temple dOnias en
gypte, RB 75 (1968), 19699; R. de Vaux, Post-Scriptum to Matthias Delcor, Le
temple dOnias en gypte, RB 75 (1968), 188203, RB 75 (1968), 2045.
78
Rowley has also argued for the identification of the Teacher of Righteousness
with Onias III (The Zadokite Fragments and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Oxford 1952, 67),
but his theory was questioned by others.
79
Steckoll, Temple, 6768.
80
The Jewish apologete from Egypt, Artapanus, cited by Eusebius, attributed the
building of the temple at Leontopolis to Syrians, who arrived with the family of Jacob
in Egypt (Eusebius, Prep. Ev. ix 23). The city of the sanctuary in CD 12:12 in the
mysterious land of Damascus may refer to Leontopolis. Egyptian Jewish papyri mention Syrian villages (like Arsinoe) in Egypt (cf. A. Kasher, The Jews of Hellenistic and
Roman Egypt: The Struggle for Equal Rights, Tbingen 1985, 14446).
81
Cf. also my note on in Isa. 19:20 and in Isa. 20:6, two readings, which
reveal the Egyptian connections and attitude of the author of 1QIsaa.
225
82
Gesenius, 635; Marti, 157; A. van der Kooij, Die Alten Textzeugen des Jesajabuches:
Ein Beitrag zur Textgeschichte des Alten Testaments (OBO, 35), Gttingen 1981, 55.
83
Gray, 335; Van Hoonacker, 111; Idem, Deux passages, 3036; I.L. Seeligmann,
The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its Problems (MVEOL, 9), Leiden
1948, 68; W. Vogels, Lgypte mon peupleLuniversalisme dIs 19, 1625, Bib. 57
(1976), 5023; Kaiser, 88; Feuillet, Sommet, 266; J.F.A. Sawyer, Blessed Be My People, Egypt (Isaiah 19.25): The Context and Meaning of a Remarkable Passage, in: J.D.
Martin et al. (eds), A Word in Season: Essays in Honour of William McKane (JSOT.S,
42), Sheffield 1986, 62; A. Deissler, Der Volk und Land berschreitende Gottesbund
der Endzeit nach Jes 19,1625, in: F. Hahn et al. (eds), ZionOrt der Begegnung: Festschrift fr Laurentius Klein zur Vollendung des 65. Lebensjahres, Bodenheim 1993, 15.
84
Delcor, Temple, 201.
85
Van der Kooij, Textzeugen, 55.
86
L. Monsengwo-Pasinya, Isae XIX 1625 et universalisme dans la LXX, in: J.A.
Emerton (ed.), Congress Volume: Salamanca 1983 (VT.S, 36), Leiden 1985, 201.
226
chapter five
name of the city.87 Disregarding the textual variants for the Greek version, the problem is that one would expect here a transliterated
as well, which was also part of the name of the city. The name of the
city is not , but , as clear from the formulation
.88
It is not only curious that has not survived in any manuscript or other ancient translations, but even is not a
uniformly attested variant of the LXX manuscripts. Ziegler gives the
variants (ms. 301), but even more important is Codex Sinaiticus reading . The double (conflated) reading is here
clearly distinguishable, but the provenance of is unclear. Detailed
studies on transcriptions in LXX revealed that misspellings in transliterations are very common. As Burkitt put it, of all the corruptions
in LXX none is commoner than the misreading of transliterations.89
This evidence should advise more vigilance when reconstructing the
Hebrew Vorlage of a geographical name attested in LXX.
Ephrem working with the Syriac version and Eusebius commenting
on the Greek of Isa. 19:18 arrived at the retroversion ( not ),
corresponding to in Greek. Burkitt regarded to be a misspelling for , (city of ) mercy.90 Vaccari argued that was
a corrupted form of .91
In my view, could be the earlier Greek reading, which presupposes either or in the Hebrew original. may stand for
both and . The Greek text presupposes two further changes compared to the Hebrew: the substitution of with , and the interchange
of the root consonants /, both of which are common spelling errors,92
87
A. van der Kooij, The Old-Greek of Isaiah 19:1625: Translation and Interpretation, in: C.E. Cox (ed.), VI Congress of the International Organisation for Septuagint
and Cognate Studies: Jerusalem 1986 (SBL.SCS, 23), Atlanta, GA 1987, 137.
88
Cf. the Greek names Leontopolis, Heliopolis, etc.
89
F.C. Burkitt, On Isaiah xix 18., JTS 1 (1900), 569. See especially F. Wutz, Die
Transkriptionen von der Septuaginta bis zu Hieronymus, Stuttgart 1933.
90
Burkitt, Isaiah xix 18, 569. See also T.K. Cheyne, Heres, the city of, EB 2.2018;
Fischer, 144; Baruq, Lontopolis, 15.36869.
91
A. Vaccari, . Isa. 19, 18, Bib. 2 (1921), 35356; also Wutz, Transkriptionen, 43, 17778. The idea that might have been a corrupted form of
was noted long ago by Qimchi (mentioned by Procksch, 251).
92
In the book of Isaiah, there are about twenty cases where and were substituted
(Vaccari, , 35455; see further also Wutz, Transkritpionen, 19396, 37093; F.
Delitzsch, Die Lese- und Schreibfehler im Alten Testament, Berlin 1920, 1056).
227
93
E.g., in Isa. 16:7 was transliterated as (the was taken to be a
, ) . In Jer. 31:31, 36 (MT 48:31, 36) is transcribed as .
For the interchange of root consonants, see ( ) in Judg. 2:9,
which appears as in Josh. 19:50 (, also in the Greek text after
228
chapter five
Second, is often assumed to be a deliberate change by Palestinian scribes intolerant of Egyptian Judaism and more specifically
the temple of Leontopolis.99 Scholars compare the textual change to
Beth-El / Beth-Aven, Baal / Boshet, or / ( Ezek 30:17).100 It is,
consequently, presupposed that the copyists were aware of the fact
that , which was modified to , referred to Heliopolis. This
is again, highly questionable. Aq. and Theod., both familiar with the
meaning of and , do not translate the expression (cf. LXX and
Syr. as well). None of the ancient texts actually identifies the city with
Heliopolis, or connects v. 18 with Onias.101 It is noteworthy that while
showing reservations towards the temple of Onias, early Jewish texts
nevertheless often read ( b. Men. 109b). Onias temple in Egypt
is connected to Isa. 19:19 (the altar building) rather than to
in v. 18 (so also Josephus). In b.Men. 109b, we even find a different tradition according to which Onias built his altar in Alexandria.
Clearly, this verse did not have the significance for Jewish copyists
that exegetes assign to it. If such ideological factors did not influence
authors even long after the temple at Leontopolis was destroyed in 73
ad, why would later massoretes have engaged themselves in outdated
apologetics for issues which were no longer of concern? As a matter of
fact, Isa. 19:18 is not even the most challenging section of the prophecy for a Palestinian scribe. V. 25 contains considerably more serious
assaults against a view privileging the Palestinian form of Judaism,
testing even the tolerance of LXX and the Targ. (see below). There is
thus absolutely no evidence that the textual change could be explained
by apologetic motives.
The third argument is that City of destruction would hardly fit the
context of the salvation prophecy concerning Egypt in v. 18. Further
analysis of the prophecy will show that the problem is much more
99
229
complicated. The real salvation for Egypt comes only after v. 21, that
is after Yhwh turns to Egypt.
To conclude, the reading goes back to a very old tradition.
Indeed, as the note below will hopefully make it clear, this was most
likely the more ancient variant for Isa. 19:18. The reason for correcting to might have been to remove a negative reference in
a context considered to be a positive prophecy about Egypts conversion to Yhwh102 and to substitute the hapax legomenon with the
relatively well-known . At the same time, it cannot be excluded
that the development > was a copyists error, but one that
appeared very early in the history of the Isaianic text.
. Discussions of Isa. 19:18 concentrate on .
is almost unanimously rendered as one of them will be
d-d
called. The problem with this translation is that the other four cities
mentioned in this passage are left out of consideration. Why is only
the name of one city mentioned and the four others left anonymous?
Although commentators assign little significance to this phrase, it
holds, in my view, the key to the interpretation of v. 18.
Translating as one of them will be called is only one
option, and it even seems to be the wrong one. The meaning of ,
to be told to someone, to be called is clear.103 But occurrences of
/ with the preposition must be distinguished from
occurrences without , as the meaning varies according to the syntagmatic construction.
(a) / with the preposition
In cases where the preposition appears, / may have
both undetermined and determined meaning. The following texts may
be mentioned as examples of undetermined meaning. In Lev. 5:45
refers to someone who committed a sin, in (lit. from) anyone of these. in Num. 36:3 alludes to Israelite maidens who
married anyone of the sons of other tribes of Israel.
in Num. 36:8 refers to an Israelite woman who had to marry
anyone from the clans of her fathers tribe. Similarly
102
230
chapter five
in Deut. 28:55 means anyone of them, i.e. the fellows of a certain Israelite. In Ezek. 46:17, means anyone of his servants. As
for cases with a determined meaning, in some texts /
refers to one specific person from a group, like , one
of the servants of David (2 Sam. 1:15), or , one
of the (sons of the) prophets (2 Kgs 9:1).104
(b) / without the preposition
There is a different group of textsto which Isa. 19:18 also belongs
where the preposition is missing.105 In these texts, /
does not have the meaning one of, but each one, or one by one.
in Exod. 16:22 means each one of them [receives]
two omers, or two omers per person. Num. 7:3 retells the offerings
of Israels twelve leaders. In this connection, it mentions six carts
and twelve oxen: one cart for every two of the leaders (
), and one ox for each one of them () . In Num.
15:12, alludes to how the various types of offered animals
had to be similarly handled, each one according to their number, i.e.
the number of animals (cf. Num. 15:11). In Isa. 6:2,
means that each one (of the seraphim) had six wings. According
to Ezek. 1:6; 10:14, 21, each one (of the cherubim) had four faces
( ) and four wings each one of them (
) .106
We may conclude therefore that in Isa. 19:18 should be
translated as each one of them (i.e. those cities) will be called . . .. This
gives additional arguments for reading instead of
in v. 18 as outlined above. Since not all five cities can bear the same
geographical name, would not provide a fitting translation.107
104
There are many examples where + are found without the preposition
and which follow the same pattern as the one outlined here, i.e. the meaning is either
anyone of , or one of (Gen. 2:21; 3:22; etc.). Note also that the preposition can
be substituted by a constructive relationship: ( Gen. 26:10) is the same as
* .
105
The preposition is included in Syr Isa. 19:18: wh d mnhyn hrs ttqr, and one of
them will be called hrs. Similar is also Targ. Isa.: , one of them.
106
/ can have a similar sense as above without the preposition ( Exod.
36:30; Judg. 8:18; 2 Kgs 15:20). In a few cases should be translated differently
(cf. 1 Kgs 3:25; Eccl. 4:11; 7:27; Isa. 27:12; Zech. 11:17).
107
Dillmann, 177, and Procksch, 250, refer to Bredekamp, who thought could
have a partitive meaning, each one. They reject his suggestion arguing that five cities
cannot bear a single name. However, if the name is not geographical but symbolic
231
(city of destruction / ruin), this counter-argument loses its force (cf. Isa. 48:2, where
different persons are called by one symbolic name). Gray gave a short but unsatisfactory assessment of the translation each one of them, rejecting it with the motivation
that in cases where one seems to have such a meaning . . . the distributive idea is suggested by repetition, or by a distributive preposition, or by the context (Gray, 334).
The repetitive use of / forms a different group which I did not include to
support my arguments. Cases with distributive preposition ( )are likewise a different case, as seen above. The subjective nature of Grays third argument, the context,
makes any explanation possible. Van Hoonacker, Deux passages, 306, also follows
the translation each one of them, though not entering into details.
108
Cf. the Vulg.; the Syr.; Targ. Isa.; Gesenius, 656; Dillmann, 178; Oswalt, 373.
109
Duhm, 146; Marti, 157; Gray, 340; Kissane, 214; Kaiser, 86; Wildberger, 729.
110
So Wildberger, 729; Wodecki, Heights, 176.
111
Cf. Hayward, Jewish Temple, 44041. Cf. also textual note 18 c-c above.
112
Contra Alexander, 362; Dillmann, 179.
113
Exod. 10:25; Num. 15:3, 8; Josh. 22:23; 1 Kgs 12:27; 2 Kgs 5:17; 10:24; Jer. 33:18
(cf. Gesenius, 656; Ehrlich, 72). See the Aramaic bdn hm qrb, they are preparing a
sacrifice (DNWSI 811), or the syntactically and lexically even closer Egyptian Aramaic
text mnh h wlbwnh wlwh l bdw bgwr zk, meal-offering, incense and sacrifice they
do not offer in that temple (DNWSI 811), or wqn twr nz mqlw l ytbd tmh, sheep,
oxen, goats will not be offered as burnt offering there (DNWSI 815). LXX probably
understood the text this way ( ; Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 143).
232
chapter five
The LXX , the Vulg. plaga, the Syr. mh wt, and Targ. Isa. .
Contra Wildberger, 727: schlagen mit heilendem Schlag, and 743: es ist ein
Schlagen, das weh tut und zugleich zur Heilung fhrt; similarly also Kaiser, 86.
116
Ibn Ezra, 91; A. Schenker, Jesaja 19,1625: die Endzeit Israels rekapituliert
seine Ursprnge, in: A. Schenker (ed.), Studien zu Propheten und Religionsgeschichte
(SBAB, 36), Stuttgart 2003, 89; Sweeney, 270.
117
In Job 36:11, which is sometimes compared to Isa. 19:25 (Gesenius, 65657),
appears without an object and in relation to God. Nevertheless, in the phrase
the verb does not seem to have the sense to serve (Yhwh),
but it is synonymous to , to listen; to obey. This comes close to the usual sense
of intransitive , namely to work (cf. H. Ringgren, , ThWAT 5.988), to perform (cf. Num. 4:26). The sense of Job 36:11 is that if they listen to what was told
and perform what was requested, they will complete their days in prosperity. has
nothing to do with serving God in a cultic sense, or with Isa. 19:23.
114
115
233
(someone) and not to serve with. A third argument that makes the
translation to serve Yhwh together unlikely is that is not in itself
a cultic term. One has to disagree with Wildberger that the meaning
of would have undergone an evolution from a transitive general
to an intransitive cultic meaning.118 The cultic aspect needs to be made
explicit. Especially in a context in which the world power, Assyria, is
mentioned, the author would certainly be expected to include clearer
indications of any possible cultic connotation. Indeed, had this verse
not appeared in the context of a salvation prophecy, hardly anyone
would strive to show that referred to the cultic
service of Yhwh. The analysis below will argue that the context can
also be interpreted in a different manner.
Hayes and Irvine make use of a different translation for ,
understanding in terms of to work together rather than to worship (in a cultic sense).119 Although can mean to work, is
not generally used in such a context. definitely cannot mean to
co-operate, to trade, a meaning that they propose for its occurrence
in v. 23.
25 i-i . The 3rd masc. sg. suffix poses some problem. If we
assume that it refers to Israel, it is strange that v. 25 mentions all three
nations as blessed and not Israel alone. If it refers to in v. 24,
one would anticipate a fem. form of the suffix. Some exegetes have
proposed emending to .120 Others argue that the sg. suffix
reflects the idea that the three nations would become one.121 However,
it is most convincing to correlate the suffix with , which may occasionally be referred by a masc. grammatical form (suffix, verb, etc.).122
Procksch translated ) ( as der Segen,
mit dem Gott gesegnet hat.123 The problem with this is that Israel
cannot be both the instrument and the object of blessing. must
refer to and not .
118
Wildberger, 744. The noun that Wildberger uses as a paradigm, assuming
that its sense evolved to designate the service of Yhwh, is not an appropriate analogy.
( like )does not mean the service of Yhwh alone (cf. Gen. 29:27; 30:26;
Exod. 1:14). It simply means service, the nature of which is clarified by the context.
119
Hayes & Irvine, 266.
120
Duhm, 147; Procksch, 254; Clements, 172. Cf. in the LXX.
121
Alexander, 365; Sawyer, Blessed, 61; Deissler, Gottesbund, 8.
122
Cf. Gen. 13:6 (masc. ;)Isa. 18:2 ( . . . ;)37:11, 12; 66:8; Ezek. 21:24.
123
Procksch, 254. Cf. Gen. 27:41; Deut. 33:1.
234
chapter five
Verses 14
The Egypt-pronouncement
Look! Yhwh is riding on a swift cloud
and comes to Egypt.
And the idols of Egypt will tremble in front of him,
and the heart of Egypt will melt in its inside.
And I shall stir up Egypt against Egypt
and they will fight,
each against his brother, and each against his neighbour,
city against city, kingdom against kingdom.
And the spirit of Egypt will be broken in its inside,
and its plan I shall destroy.
And they will inquire by the idols, and by the ittm-spirits,
and by the b-spirits, and by the yiddn-spirits.
And I shall deliver Egypt into the hand of a tough master,
and a powerful king will rule over them,
utterance of the lord Yhwh of hosts.
This prophecy chiefly concerned with Egypt differs from Isa. 18 in its
form as well as its content. The name appears not less than 26
times in Isa. 19 (once as ).125 Though it cannot be excluded that in
19:115, alludes to all of Egypt, the two cities mentioned, Tanis
( in 19:11, 13) and Memphis ( in 19:13), are located in the Delta.
In 19:1, God steps off his throne and is on the move.126 The cloud,
serving as Yhwhs chariot (cf. Ps. 18:1011; 68:5;127 104:3) is not
124
means in Assyria not among the Assyrians, as Van der Kooij
translates (Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 151; see Brenton; cf. Tob. 14:4 [S]; Hos. 8:13;
9:3; Amos 3:9). See on the other hand in Isa. 19:24.
125
The dispersion of in the first (vv. 115) and second (vv. 1625) half of
the chapter is balanced. As a comparison, the name of Moab appears 16 times in Isa.
1516 and 34 times in Jer. 48.
126
Judg. 5; 2 Sam. 22:716; Ps. 68:78; Isa. 30:2728; Mic. 1:24; Hab. 3:314.
127
For cf. Gen. 41:43; 1 Kgs 22:35. is probably a phonetic variant of
Ugaritic rpt, cloud. Based on Judg. 5:4 and Isa. 40:3, Green argued that interpreting
in Ps. 68:5 as desert would also make sense (A.R.W. Green, The Storm-God
235
standing still as in Isa. 18:4 but moving swiftly (), towards Egypt.
Exegetes often point to the Canaanite origin of the imagery in v. 1.
One of the frequent titles of Baal is the rider of the clouds (rkb rpt).128
It should however be noted that, in Ugaritic, rkb rpt is a title for Baal,
often used parallel with his other names, unlike in the Bible, where
riding on a cloud is a theophany element, appearing with other poetical
pictures, like stepping on the mountain hills, riding on the winds, etc.129
From a strategical and military point of view Egypt was located on
favourable territory, being guarded by sea and desert from all powers of the East and these natural barriers may have given the country
an enhanced feeling of security (cf. Nah. 3:8). Nevertheless, Isa. 19:1b
proclaims that the God of Israel arrives on the clouds and enters the
land without obstacles. Egypts decline begins not by outside intervention of an Asiatic country, but from within as a result of the confusion
caused in the divine and human world by Yhwh. Recalling the time
during the ten plagues when Yhwh brought judgment on all the gods
of Egypt (Exod. 12:12), Egypts gods again tremble in front of him.
The name given the gods of Egypt reflects their feebleness: ,
the noughts, the vanities. , also appearing in Isa. 2:8, 18, 20
(31:7) and 10:11,130 is a theologically loaded term presenting foreign
gods as powerless, falling short of every characteristic of a real divinity.
According to Ps. 96:5 (| 1 Chron. 16:26), there is a clear discrepancy
between of Israel, who is in the heaven, and man-made and
hand-made , who cannot help and are not worthy of their name.131
Like their gods, Egypts inhabitants will lose their courage when
Yhwh arrives in Egypt. Their heart melts ( )in fear, their courage
in the Ancient Near East [BJS, 8], Winona Lake, IN 2003, 240, n. 91). However, the
pl. of appears only in geographical constructions like ( Jer. 52:8);
( Num. 22:1).
128
rkb rpt appears 16 times in the Ugaritic texts. On this title for Baal, cf. N. Wyatt,
The Titles of the Ugaritic Storm-God, UF 24 (1992), 420.
129
This imagery is also attested elsewhere in the Near East. Cf. Enuma Elish iv
5051; K. Tallqvist, Akkadische Gtterepitheta (StOr, 7), Helsinki 1938, 175; M. Weinfeld, Rider of the Clouds and Gatherer of the Clouds , JANES 5 (1973), 42225. In
the Ugaritic context, rkb rpt apparently refers to Baal as the god of natural phenomena, particularly the master of the rainy season (M.C.A. Korpel, A Rift in the Clouds:
Ugaritic and Hebrew Descriptions of the Divine, Mnster 1990, 598). This aspect is
important for Isa. 19:57.
130
Cf. Lev. 19:4; 26:1; 1 Chron. 16:26 (| Ps. 96:5); Ps. 97:7; Ezek. 30:13; Hab. 2:18.
Ezek. 30:13 was inspired by Isa. 19. In Isa. 10:10, means vanity. When used in
connection with gods, appears always in plural.
131
Contrast Isa. 36:1920 and 37:12 with Isa. 10:11, two apparently related texts
with and interchanged.
236
chapter five
132
The verb also has this sense in Deut. 1:28; 20:8; Josh. 2:11; 5:1; 7:5; 2 Sam.
17:10; Ps. 22:15; Isa. 13:7; Ezek. 21:12; Nah. 2:11.
133
Nimrud Prism iv 44. Cf. C.J. Gadd, Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud, Iraq 16 (1954), 19192. The same inscription states that the Cypriots hearts
palpitated, fright fell upon them (iv 35). Cf. also FHN 1.9:30.
134
LXX interpreted as the Hebrew term for Egyptian nomes. For administrative divisions, Hebrew has ( 1 Kgs 4:13), ( Neh. 3:9), ( frequent, only
in late texts). may allude to areas with a king as leader.
135
Cf. Judg. 7:22; 9:23; 1 Sam. 14:20; 2 Kgs 3:23; 2 Chron. 15:6; Ezek. 38:21; Hag.
2:21; Zech. 14:13. See also Mt. 10:21; 12:25; 24:7.
136
Cf. W.H. Hallo, Akkadian Apocalypses, IEJ 16 (1966), 23142; R. Borger, Gott
Marduk und Gott-Knig ulgi als Propheten: Zwei prophetische Texte, BibOr 28
(1971), 324; T. Longman III, Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study, Winona Lake, IN 1991, 16778. In Babylon, these compositions show
significant similarities with omen-literature (A.K. Grayson, W.G. Lambert, Akkadian
Prophecies, JCS 18 [1964], 7). Some of these predictive texts were recovered from
omen text archives, probably belonging to libraries of magicians (cf. H. Hunger, S.A.
Kaufman, A New Akkadian Prophecy Text, JAOS 95 [1975], 371, 373). This kind of
predictive literature is also known in Egypt. Cf. N. Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy and
Biblical Prophecy: Did the Phenomenon of Prophecy in the Biblical Sense, Exist in
Ancient Egypt?, JEOL 31 (19891990), 541. Egyptian scholars (hartib) and scribes
(a.ba.me) were present at the Assyrian court in the 7th century (SAA 7 1 rev. i 12ii 7),
explaining why there is such a close relationship between these literary types.
137
This text is variously dated between the 14th (Von Soden) and the early 7th cen-
237
tury (P.F. Gssmann Oesa, Das Era-Epos, Wrtzburg 1955, 89; cf. L. Cagni, Lepopea
di Erra [SS, 34], Roma 1969, 3745, esp. 44). Citations from this poem have been
found on wall inscriptions of Sargon II and Merodach-baladan II, testifying to its
popularity (S. Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, The Flood, Gilgamesh, and
Others, Oxford 1989, 282).
138
tmtim probably alludes to mt tmti, the Sea-land, in the south.
139
The Akkadian text is constructed as a list of accusatives and nominatives (subarta
subartu aura auru [. . .] mtu mta etc.).
140
Text B 1516 (Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1617). Cf. also ln. 26: kuss
kuss idarris, one throne will overthrow the other.
141
Cf. Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1216; Longman, Autobiography, 15263,
24042.
142
Cf. Borger, Gott Marduk, 513, 1620; Longman, Autobiography, 13242,
23335; COS 1.149; and Text D of Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 22. The Marduk
prophecy possibly derives from the time of Nebuchadnezzar I (11251104; Borger,
Gott Marduk, 2122; Longman, Autobiography, 13839).
238
chapter five
behind: ahu ahu ikkal ra ru ina kakki irassib, brother consumes
brother, friend strikes his friend with a weapon (ii 34). After returning from exile he predicts that a king of Babylon will arise, and he will
renew the house of announcement (. . .) (ii 19). The restoration-section
reverses the images applied earlier for portraying the chaotic situation:143
brother will love his brother (iii 14). In view of Isa. 19, it is important
to note the abundance in nature that the installation of a pious king will
bring about (iii 121).144
These texts are strongly reminiscent of omen texts. umma Izbu i 82,
one of the birth omen series, states that a certain type of birth will cause
the reign of Nergal (= Erra) to befall the land: a fierce attack; there will
be a mighty person in the land; pestilence; one street will be hostile to
the other; one house will plunder the other.145
Description of a reversed social order is common in Egyptian literature as well. The Admonitions of Ipuwer (COS 1.42) mentions the chaos
caused by the insurgence of foreigners into the Delta: the man looks
upon his son as his enemy, the poor have become owners of wealth,
the noblemen are in mourning and the poor man is full of joy, a man
strikes his maternal brother, etc. (cf. COS 1.42:1.110.5). Even more significant in view of Isa. 19 is The Prophecy of Neferti (COS 1.45). In an
extensive passage (COS 1.45:2071), Neferti, the lector priest of Bastet,
bewails the turbulent situation depressing the land of Egypt.146 It is particularly important in these descriptions that social anarchy is paralleled
by chaos in nature.
143
239
Perplexed Egypt will look for help from the gods, the ghosts, and
the spirits of the dead. Egyptians were familiar with various ways of
inquiring about the future, though their methods seem to have been
less sophisticated and exhaustive than those in Canaan or Mesopotamia.149 Amon was the lord of oracles, who foresees the future before
it happens (FHN 1.26). Egypt became first acquainted with oracles
during the 18th Dynasty, but a renaissance in their popularity took
place between the Ramesside and the Saite era.150 Frequent contacts
with Asia in this period possibly account for a Semitic influence.
Most frequently, the gods were interviewed in dreams, although direct
questioning of divinity is also known. The statues of the god moving forwards or backwards represented a positive or negative answer.
Necromancy is ubiquitous in the Semitic world, and its practice was
also known in Egypt. Kings Ahmose, Amenophis I and Ramses II are
mentioned in connection with this form of divination.151 Letters were
sent to dead relatives in order to settle family disputes, assist in matters of everyday life, or mediate on behalf of the living.152
Isa. 19:3 maintains that Egypt will exhaust all its spiritual resources
in its effort to gain insight.153 During critical situations, the gods and
spirits of another world, who are assumed to have been responsible
for everything that happens on earth, were expected to make sense
of history.154 What is hidden from the eyes of Egypt and their gods is
revealed to Judah.
149
Kkosy, Orakel, 4.6006; J.F. Borghouts, Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination in
Ancient Egypt, CANE 3.177585; J.D. Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament,
Grand Rapids, MI 1997, 21928; Herodotus, Hist. ii 83.
150
L. Kkosy, Az kori Egyiptom trtnete s kultrja, Budapest 1998, 202.
151
Kkosy, Orakel, 4.603.
152
Currid, Ancient Egypt, 222.
153
Cf. 1 Sam. 28:5. The Hittite King Murshili requests dream information from
the storm-god by means of an oracle, prophecy, or incubation oracle (COS 1.60A rev.
4144).
154
According to The Admonitions of Ipuwer, the chaotic situation will lead Egyptians to look for god, but the hot-tempered man says: If I knew where god is, then
I would serve him. In the description of a deep political crisis in Isa. 8, Yhwh is
said to have hidden his face from the house of Jacob (8:17). The prophet and his
sons, whose names have symbolic significance, are left as the only signs regarding the
divine will (8:18). Yet instead of looking at the signs, the people inquire of the dead
( ) on behalf of the living (8:19).
240
chapter five
In this chaotic circumstance, a hard master () , a powerful king ( ) will take over the rule over the country. As already
observed above, social and political disorder ending by the emergence
of a new king supposed to restore order was a familiar literary topos.
The Erra and Ishum Epic foretells the advent of a man of Akkad who
brings peace after upheaval. The king of Babylon from the Marduk
prophecy leads history towards a promising future. In the Prophecy
of Neferti, the disorder caused by foreigners will end when a king
will come from the south (COS 1.45:5859). In Isa. 19:4, however, the
arrival of the new king is not a comforting prediction (cf. Isa. 3:4, 67).
The new leader will be cruel and harsh,155 expressing divine disfavour
towards Egypt.
5.2.2
5a
5b
6a
6b
6c
7a
7b
7c
8a
8b
8c
9a
9b
10a
10b
Verses 510
And the water will be exhausted from the sea
and the river will dry up and be parched.
And the rivers will stink,
and the streams of Egypt will grow lean and dry up.
The reed and the papyrus will get mouldy.
The sedge on the Nile, on the brink of the Nile,
and all the sowing of the Nile
will be dried up, driven away and be no more.
And the fishermen will be moaning,
and mourning all those casting hook in the Nile,
and those who spread nets upon the water languish.
And those working with combed flax will be ashamed
and the weavers will grow pale.
And its pillars will be crushed,
all those working for wages will be distressed.
241
The emergence of another king will change the existing situation (ii
918). During the reign of a prince who will rule for 13 years, Elam
will attack and defeat Akkad. This event is described as follows:
The sanctuaries of the great gods will be confused. The defeat of Akkad
will be decreed. There will be confusion, disorder, and unfortunate
events in the land. The great will be made small. Another man whose
name is not mentioned will arise. As a king he will seize the throne and
will put to death his officials. He will fill the lowland of Tuplia, plain
and level ground, with half the massive army of Akkad. The people will
experience severe famine. (. . .)
156
According to the Marduk prophecy (i 18ff ), akkan and Nisaba were forced to
leave and go to heaven after Marduk had cut off the nindab offering.
157
Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1214; Longman, Autobiography, 24041. See
also the Marduk Prophecy iii 5-20 (Longman, Autobiography, 235).
158
Cf. Text B 2223 describing the arrival of Erra in the land, i.e. pestilence, famine,
and starvation (Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1718).
159
Cf. in the Admonitions of Ipuwer (COS 1.42:11.111.6).
160
On the Famine Stele, god Khnum, the guardian of the caves of Elephantine,
which the Egyptians held to be the source of the Nile (cf. 5.2), is described as follows:
It is he who governs barley, [emmer], fowl and fish and all one lives on (COS 1.53:10).
242
chapter five
Isa. 19:510 projects these foreseen calamities into an Egyptian context. The Nile was the source of life in Egypt, providing fertile soil for
its agriculture.161 From June to September every year, the Nile rose to
up to eight times its normal level throughout the rest of the year. The
Egyptians sang about the river bringing food and life to the land in
hymns.162 It was well known in most cultures of antiquity (Herodotus,
Hist. ii 5), including Judah, that Egypt was dependent on the periodic
inundation of the Nile.163
Egypt worshipped Nile River in a personified form as the god Hapy.
Quite early in Egyptian thought, Hapy was connected with Nun, the
primeval waters, and Osiris.164 The king of Egypt was the guarantor of
the fruitfulness of the river.165 He may appear as the beloved of Hapy
or even Hapy himself. It was his task to cause the Nile to rise by performing cultic rituals and procession ceremonies (cf. COS 1.53:1718;
Ezek. 29:3, 810) and thus guaranteeing fertility and prosperity to the
land.166 Among other pharaohs, Taharka considered the abundant Nile
as a favourable sign sent by the divinity confirming the legitimacy of
his kingship.167 The emergence of a cruel despot on the throne of Egypt
will be followed by the unfavourable signs in the world of nature
(Isa. 19:4), such as the drying up of the Nile.168
The Prophecies of Neferti which combine social and natural turbulences give a picture from Egypt that is close to Isa. 19:510. The
cause of calamity is mentioned in lns 2526 and 5154: Re, the sun is
For cosmic catastrophe as the result of divinities leaving their dwelling places, see J.F.
Quack, Ein neuer prophetischer Text aus Tebtynis, A, 262.
161
The close parallel between Isa. 19:5 ( ) and Job
14:11 ( ) is striking. But the expressions and
are commonly used in reference to water (Isa. 42:15; 44:27; Jer. 50:38; 51:36; Nah. 1:4),
and there is nothing peculiar in this expression that would suggest that Isa. 19:5 cites
Job 14:11 (contra W. Werner, Studien zur alttestamentlichen Vorstellung vom Plan
Jahwes [BZAW, 173], Berlin 1986, 48).
162
Currid, Ancient Egypt, 24045.
163
Cf. the more detailed descriptions of Tyre and Egypt in Ezek. 2532, testifying to
a thorough knowledge of these countries. See also S. Ahituv, Egypt that Isaiah Knew,
in: I. Shirun-Grumach (ed.), Jerusalem Studies in Egyptology (AT, 40), Wiesbaden
1998, 37.
164
D. Bonneau, Nilgott, L 4.48687; Currid, Ancient Egypt, 24243.
165
B.B. Williams, Nile, Geography, ABD 4.1115.
166
Bonneau, Nilgott, 4.486.
167
FHN 1.26:9. See further Currid, Ancient Egypt, 243.
168
The Nile is low when Thutmosis III dies (Currid, Ancient Egypt, 244).
243
covered and does not shine for the people to see, no one can live when
the clouds cover (the sun) (cf. Isa. 19:1).
The river of Egypt is empty, one can cross the water on foot. One will
seek water for the ships to sail on. Its course has become a riverbank, a
riverbank will be water (?) (. . .) Perished indeed are those good things,
those fish ponds (where there were) those who clean fish, overflowing
with fish and fowl. All good things have passed away. The land is burdened with misfortune because of those looking (?) for food, Asiatics
roaming the land. Foes have arisen in the east, Asiatics have descended
into Egypt (. . .) The land has perished, laws are destined for it, deprived
of produce, lacking in crops (. . .) (COS 1.45).169
169
See also H. Marlow, The Lament over the River NileIsaiah xix 510 in its
Wider Context, VT 57 (2007), 22942. On such events during the Ptolemaic era, see
L. Koenen, Die Apologie des Tpfers an Knig Amenophis oder das Tpferorakel,
A, 13987, esp. 144 [P2 2, 7; P3 13, 1819], 147 [P2 4347; P3 7279], 17279; Quack,
Ein neuer prophetischer Text aus Tebtynis, A, 25373, esp. 25657.
170
Contrast this with Deut. 11:10.
171
Note the wordplay in / . Cf. also Jer. 51:36
244
chapter five
Verses 1115
Ah, foolish are the officials of Zoan,
the wisest counsellors of the pharaoh!
The counsel turned out to be stupid.
How can you say to the pharaoh:
I am (a son) of wise men,
(a son) of eastern/ancient kings?
Where then are your wise men? Let them inform you and let you know
what Yhwh of hosts has planned for Egypt!
Silly are the officials of Zoan,
and the officials of Noph deceive themselves,
and the cornerstones of its tribes have led Egypt astray.
And Yhwh has mingled in it the spirit of perversion, so that they make
Egypt stagger in all it is about to do, as the drunken staggers in his
vomit. And there will be no work that Egypt can do, either the head or
the tail, the shoot or the stalk.
172
Most commentators consider to refer to the Nile. This opinion is based on
the parallelism between and ( cf. Isa. 11:15). However, it is more likely that the
prophecy enumerates all water supplies of Egypt, including its sea(s) (the Delta lakes,
the Fayyum, the Yam Suph, etc.).
173
The verbs appear together in Job 14:11; Isa. 42:15; 44:27; Jer. 51:36;
Hos. 13:15; Nah. 1:4; cf. Jer. 50:38; Zech. 11:17 (read ).
174
For this terminology, cf. Isa. 2:9, 11, 17; 5:15; 7:20; 9:13, 15, 16; etc.
245
175
It should be noted, however, that the Egyptian sr is composed of two syllables
(cf. the Egyptian personal name p sr, transcribed into Akkadian as Pa-i-ia-ra), and is
reconstructed as *sayyaraw or *seyaro. I am indebted to Dr. Jaap van Dijk, for calling
my attention to this issue. For Egyptian sr as Frst, Herrscher, see WS 4.188. Cf.
also G.P.F. van den Boorn, The Duties of the Vizier: Civil Administration in the Early
New Kingdom, London 1988, 80, 20912.
176
WS 4.18990; Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 25.
177
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 2528.
246
chapter five
178
The eastern origin of Neferti is made explicit in the Egyptian text: one belonging
to Bastet . . . a child of the Heliopolitan nome (COS 1.45).
179
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 25 n. 46; Muchiki, Proper Names, 245.
appears in connection with foretelling the future. In Gen. 41:48, and
are expected to reveal the pharaohs dream. In contrast to Joseph, the Hebrew
prophet, they cannot decipher the significance of the dream-oracle (41:24).
appear as opponents of the prophet Moses (cf. Exod. 7:11 with , wise men and
, magicians; 7:22; 8:3, 14, 15; 9:11). Cf. also the Chaldaean in Dan.
1:20; 2:2, 10, 27; 4:4, 6; 5:11.
180
The Eloquent Peasant (COS 1.43); The Admonitions of Ipuwer (COS 1.42); The
Complaints of Khakheperre-Sonb (COS 1.44). Like Neferti, Khakheperre-sonb also
appears as a Heliopolitan priest (COS 1.42: recto 1; but he is called an wb-priest, as
also noted by Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 25). According to The Famine Stele (COS
1.53), on a similar occasion when the Nile failed to arrive in time for seven consecutive years, King Djoser inquired after the causes by consulting the chief lector-priest
Imhotep (!).
181
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 26. Cf. also The Instructions of Merikare (COS
1.35:69). For the connection between sages and prophecy, refer to Hos. 14:10 (cf.
Khakheperre-sonbs complaint in COS 1.44: verso 34).
182
For the rhetoric of the passage, cf. Isa. 47:1213; Jer. 8:8; 48:14; 49:7.
183
Shupaks translation in COS 1.45:26 suggests that an inability to foretell future
is mentioned in ln. 26 of Nefertis prophecy. However, the line I cannot foretell (sr)
what has not yet come, should be rendered I shall never foretell what is not to come
(so correctly Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 27).
247
cf. Hos. 14:10). In Isa. 19:11,13, the sages appear as foolish (), silly
( niphal), deceived ( niphal), misleading the people.
The rhetorical question addressed to Egypts wise men fits well into
Egyptian traditions, in particular the one associating prophecy with
high-ranking officials ( )and wise man (). makes
a great deal of sense in an Egyptian context. The family background of
an Egyptian sage holds the secret to his personality. The provenance of
sages is usually mentioned when their literary work is being presented.
in Isa. 19:11 can be translated in three ways. (1) First, may
mean ancient. An Egyptian prose narrative which deals with prophecy, Papyrus Westcar, specifically refers to the ancient King Kheops
and the magicians. Hardedef, one of the sons of pharaoh Kheops,
appears in the Chester Beatty Papyrus IV as one of the eight famous
ancient sages, who foretold the future (cf. ).184 Following
this interpretation, v. 11 questions the boasting of Egypts sages who
claim to derive from eloquent families of ancient heritage. (2) Second,
may also be rendered as former (kings), the possible historical
significance of which I shall explore in 5.3.3. (3) Third, can also
have a geographical connotation, referring to the eastern Delta. The
advisors of Zoan present themselves as descendants of eastern kings.
Neferti, the famous sage, also originated from the east, from the Heliopolitan nome, as mentioned in his prophecy.185
Zoan ()186 is one of the Egyptian cities frequently mentioned in
the Old Testament (Num. 13:22; Ezek. 30:14). It is the city from where
the exodus originated (Ps. 78:12, 43),187 and to which Israel sent messengers (Isa. 30:4). It was a relatively young city, the capital of the 19th
184
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 78. A similar tradition appears in Assyria where
the scholars of the royal court were seen as the successors of the mythical antediluvian
sages, the apkallu (M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A
Comparative Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian
Prophecies [VT.S, 116], Leiden 2007, 317). The relation between and
is illuminated further by one of Assurbanipals texts, SAA 10 174:79:
Assur, in a dream, called the grandfather (Sennacherib) of the king, my lord (Assurbanipal ), a sage (apkallu). The king, lord of kings (Assurbanipal), is an offspring of a
sage and Adapa (= the ancestor of all sages): you have surpassed the wisdom of the
Abyss and all scholarship.
185
The sages origin is also mentioned in The Eloquent Peasant (COS 1.43 r1).
186
Greek , Egyptian D nt, Assyrian Snu, today San el-Hagar. Cf. Num.
13:22. Zoan was formerly erroneously identified with Avaris and Pi-Ramesse. Cf.
W. Wycichl, gyptische Ortsnamen in der Bibel, ZS 76 (1940), 9193; M. Romer,
Tanis, L 6.19495.
187
, Egyptian sht D nt, the place where the sea was split (Ps. 78:13)?
248
chapter five
188
Romer, Tanis, 6.196. According to K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period,
London 21986, 129, Shoshenq II, Osorkon II, Takeloth II and Shoshenq III were buried in Tanis, and there are major building works by Osorkon II, Takeloth II, Shoshenq
III and V.
189
Cf. Assur prism lns. 111 (A. Fuchs, Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach
Prismenfragmenten aus Ninive und Assur [SAAS, 8], Helsinki 1998). Osorkon IVs
predecessor, Shoshenq V, was probably the king to whom the rebellious Philistine
Hanunu had fled. It was likely Shoshenq V or Osorkon IV who brought gifts to
Tiglath-pileser III as mentioned on three fragmentary Summary Inscriptions of the
Assyrian king (SI 8:2021; SI 9: rev. 2325; SI 13:12). Cf. H. Tadmor, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, King of Assyria, Jerusalem 1994; Kitchen, Period, 37274.
190
R.G. Morkot, The Black Pharaohs: Egypts Nubian Rulers, London 2000, 232,
274, 28485.
191
Egyptian Mn-nfr, Assyrian Mimpi or Mempi. In Hos. 9:6, the name of the city is
written as . For cf. Jer. 2:16; 44:1; 46:14, 19; Ezek. 30:13, 16.
192
The seat of Necho I was Sais (cf. Assurbanipals Prism A ii 1618).
193
Akkadian H ikuptah (EA 84:37; 139:8), Ugaritic H kpt (KTU 1.17 v 21).
249
The term may remind one of the sages and wisdom literature
for which Egypt was famous (1 Kgs 4:30). But as noted above, in Egypt
Egyptian wisdom sometimes implies a prophetic capability. Biblical
probably refers to prediction in Num. 24:14; Isa. 45:21; Jer. 38:15.
certainly has a political undertone as well, as in 2 Kgs 18:20; 2
Sam. 15:22; 16:23.
In Judg. 20:2 and 1 Sam. 14:38 is used for the chiefs of Israels tribes.194 The term mentioned in Isa. 19:13 is of particular
interest. The Targ. Isa. understood this as a reference to the Egyptian
nomes, or administrative divisions, but both and may hint
at the Lybian-type structure of Egypts ruling society and its nomadic
background.
V. 14 reveals that Yhwh mingled ( )the spirit of perversion and
twisting in Egypt ( ; cf. 1 Kgs 22:1923; Isa. 28:7; 29:910).
is used in connection with drinking (Prov. 9:5; Isa. 5:22), a context that fits the images of staggering and confusion in our prophecy. The verb from which derives means to pervert, to
twist, likewise appearing in the context of wisdom (Prov. 12:8).
hiphil is semantically close to . The prophet reproaches the leaders for leading Egypt astray (19:13, 14). They make Egypt stagger as a
drunken man (Job 12:25; Isa. 28:7), twisting its paths. A similar charge
is brought against Manasseh (2 Kgs 21:9 | 2 Chron. 33:9), leaders in
general (Isa. 3:12; 9:15; Jer. 50:6), or prophetic advisors (Jer. 23:13, 32;
Mic. 3:5).
V. 15 emphasises once again the failure of Egypt to undertake anything. may be simply translated as to do anything.
does not refer to specific jobs that Egypt would not be able to
do, but it is probably a synonym of .195
refers to the leaders and to those being led (Deut. 28:13, 44;
Isa. 9:13). The parallelism of with suggests that
the two expressions refer to similar things. Eventually may designate the stalk as opposed to the leafage. If has anything to
194
Note also in Isa. 19:10 and in Isa. 31:9. Cf. in Gal 2:9. The
assumption of A. Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx from an Egyptological Perspective, VT
48 (1998), 218, that alluded to the symbolic name of Memphis (Noph),
mht-twj, balance of the two lands, is not convincing.
195
Cf. and in 2 Sam. 16:20; 17:6; Isa. 5:19. For in the sense of ,
see J. Fichtner, Jahwes Plan in der Botschaft des Jesaja, in: Idem, Gottes Weisheit:
Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testament, Stuttgart 1965, 29.
250
chapter five
Verses 1617
On that day Egypt will be like women, and it will shiver and tremble
because of the raising of the hand of Yhwh of hosts that he raises against
it. And the land of Judah will become a dizziness for Egypt. Everyone
to whom one mentions it (Judah) will tremble because of the plan that
Yhwh of hosts plans against it.
196
Although the word appears in connection with sacrifices (Exod. 29:24;
Lev. 7:30), is void of ritual connotations in Isa. 19:16. The object of is not an
offering, but the hand of Yhwh (cf. 2 Kgs 5:11; Job 31:21; Isa. 10:32; 11:14; 13:2; Zech.
2:13). does not mean the waving of hands like with an offering, but simply
waving or lifting up (see Auvray, 191, in contrast to Fohrer, 1.229; Wildberger, 732;
Deissler, Gottesbund, 14).
197
See especially in 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20; 10:4; 14:26, 27; 23:11. For the parallel
sense of and , cf. Isa. 11:15 and Exod. 14:16, 21, 26, 27, or Isa. 10:32; 13:2 and
Josh. 8:19; Isa. 23:11. See further 5.3.2.
198
Cf. in Gen. 47:20. See H.H. Schmid, , THAT 1.58.
199
Cf. Deut. 29:28; 2 Kgs 17:23; 25:21; 2 Chron. 7:20; Ps. 137:4; Isa. 14:1, 2; Jer.
12:14; 16:15; 23:8; 27:10, 11; 52:27; Ezek. 34:13, 27; 36:17, 24; 37:14, 21; 39:26, 28;
Amos 7:11, 17; 9:15; Jon. 4:2; Zech. 2:16; 9:16. The most frequent idea is the exile of
Israel from its homeland () , in which the metaphor of uprooting recalls
the agricultural connotations of .
200
The distinction between homeland and foreign country is common in the
Ancient Near East. Cf. G. Steiner, Der Gegensatz eigenes Land, Ausland, Fremdland, Feindland in den Vorstellungen des Alten Orients, in: H.J. Nissen, J. Renger
(eds), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehun-
251
On that day there will be five cities in the land of Egypt speaking the
language of Canaan and swearing to Yhwh of hosts. City of destruction
will be called each one of them.
gen im Alten Vorderasien vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (BBVO, 1/2), Berlin 1982,
63364.
201
Note the Victory Stele of Piye: It is your valor that gives strength of arm; one is
frightened when your name is called to mind (FHN 1.9:15).
202
Fohrer, 1.230. Pesikta De-Rab Kahana 7:5 and Pesikta Rabbati 17:4 identified the
five cities as No (Alexandria!), Nof (Memphis), Tachpanes (Chupianas), ()
and .
252
chapter five
203
Cf. the Vulg.; Aq.; Sym. ( the pillars of the house of the Sun)
is paired in MT with , just as is paralleled by . For
, cf. also in 2 Kgs 16:2021.
204
The possibility that specifically alludes to the military colony at
Elephantine is questionable, given the fact that there were more Jewish settlements in
Upper Egypt than Elephantine.
205
V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews, Peabody, MA 1999 (repr.
from 1959), 28486.
206
Kissane, 21819. Cf. Feuillet, Sommet, 26466; N.K. Gottwald, All the Kingdoms of the Earth: Israelite Prophecy and International Relations in the Ancient Near
East, New York 1964, 226; Vogels, gypte, 503; S. Erlandsson, The Burden of Babylon: A Study of Isaiah 13:214:23 (CBOT, 4), Lund 1970, 78; Sawyer, Blessed, 5960;
Berges, 16768; Wodecki, Heights, 18889.
207
Joseph chooses five of his eleven brothers to appear before the pharaoh on behalf
of his family (Gen. 47:2).
208
A handful (five people) can chase a hundred (Lev. 26:8). See also Judg. 18:2, 7,
14, 17; 2 Kgs 1:9.
253
or the idea of totality can be expressed by this number.209 Accordingly, the five cities of Isa. 19:18 may represent the many thousands of
Egyptian settlements, i.e. the entire land of Egypt, which according to
the following verses will share the same experience.210 A different possibility is to take into account the contrast between a large and a small
number, as in Lev. 26:8 or Isa. 17:46. From the hundreds of Egyptian
cities and thousands of villages, only five towns (a few) will be left after
execution of the previously described judgment (cf. 2 Kgs 13:7). When
Ezek. 29 pronounces judgment over the Egyptians, it proclaims that
Egypts cities will be destroyed, its inhabitants scattered among the
nations (Ezek. 29:12). When they will gather again after forty years
(note again the numeric symbolism), they will form a small kingdom,
( Ezek. 29:14).
As a consequence, the number five may be understood symbolically, in addition to its literal sense. Notably, the number five appears
frequently in the Egypt-related Joseph-narratives (Gen. 41:34; 43:34;
45:22; 47:2, 24, 26) and it may have been deliberately chosen in these
passages.211
How and why will these Egyptian cities speak Canaanite? Under
the influence of Jer. 4344, it is often believed that Isa. 19:18 refers
to Canaanite-speaking Jews of Egypt rather than to native Egyptians.212
Yet, beyond the problems noted above with respect to connecting
these texts with each other, the religion of the immigrants of Jer. 44
could have hardly served as a model for Isa. 19:18 (cf. Jer. 44:1530).213
Isa. 19:18 was clearly written as an extension to the previous prophecy, 19:117, which is concerned with Egyptians, rather than Jews. I
doubt therefore that would have a different meaning in v. 18.214
209
254
chapter five
The fact that Egyptians (not Judeans in Egypt) will turn to Yhwh also
seems evident in the closing verses (compare them in LXX and the
Targ.).
The name Canaan is used variously in the Bible, a full discussion
of which is neither possible nor necessary at this time. The geographical Canaan could include the whole region of the Mediterranean coast
(Philistia, Phoenicia), but it can also refer to the territories of Judah
and Israel on the left side of the Jordan. In view of in
19:17, it is probable that the language of Canaan is to be identified
here with the language of Judah. Although this name for Hebrew is
unique,215 it may be explained in relation to the Egyptian element in
this prophecy: this is how Egyptians referred to the language spoken
by Judeans.216 The language of Canaan is not Aramaic, which was the
common language in the Near East and not specific to Canaan.
This verse which is usually understood as a salvation prophecy concerning Egypt reveals how problematic this categorisation can be. In
antiquity language is one of the important elements by which ethnicity
and foreignness are defined (Gen. 10:5, 20, 31).217 According to Herodotus, the Egyptians (as many other nations, indeed) called everyone
speaking a foreign language barbarian.218 Therefore, it is important
to pay particular attention to Isa. 19:18 noting that Egypt (from its
point of view) will speak a barbaric language. There is nothing in Isa.
159 n. 14; J. Kraovec, Healing of Egypt Through Judgment and the Creation of a
Universal Chosen People (Isaiah 19:1625), in: I. Shirun-Grumach (ed.), Jerusalem
Studies in Egyptology (AT, 40), Wiesbaden 1998, 299.
215
For , cf. 2 Kgs 18:26 (2 Chron. 32:18); Neh. 13:24; Est. 8:9.
216
Cf. Marti, 156. On the Israel stele of Merneptah, Canaan is mentioned with
Lidya (Anatolia), Hatti (North-Syria), Ashkelon, Gezer, Yenoam (south of the Galilean Sea), Hurru (Syria) (cf. COS 2.6). p knn designates the territory of the later land
of Judah (cf. J.K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the
Exodus Tradition, Oxford 1996, 2729). The name used in Isa. 19:18 from the
viewpoint of a foreign nation can be compared to as an ethnic identifier in Exod.
3:18; 5:3; 7:16; 9:1, 13; 10:3.
217
For language as ethnic identifier in Assyria, see C. Zaccagnini, The Enemy in
the Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: The Ethnographic Description, in: H.J. Nissen,
J. Renger (eds), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorderasien vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (BBVO, 1/2),
Berlin 1982, 41415.
218
Hist. ii 158. For The Story of Sinuhe as an example of how ethnicity and language
played a role in Egyptian life, see K.L. Sparks, Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel:
Prolegomena to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expression in the Hebrew
Bible, Winona Lake, IN 1998, 7879; cf. also W. Weinberg, Language Consciousness
in the Old Testament, ZAW 92 (1980), 185204.
255
19:18 which would suggest that Egypt opts for Canaanite language on
its own free will. This is rather a language imposed on the Egyptians
by an overlord. This verse reminds one of similar threats uttered to
Israel if they disobey Yhwh. In such event, they will have to listen
to (and speak) a language they do not understand, namely that of an
occupying force whose vassal the nation will become.219 The adoption
of the Canaanite language should therefore be seen as a political necessity after Yhwh, the Canaanite-speaking overlord, has conquered and
subdued the country (cf. 19:1). That is, in contrast to how this passage
is usually interpreted, I believe that from Egypts point of view the
adoption of the foreign Canaanite language by Egyptians has negative
rather than positive connotations. It is not a development that Egypt
itself has long been looking for. This conquest of Egypt is presented as
an analogy to the conquest of Canaan by Israel (cf. 5.3.2). The language of Canaan may have even evoked this past.
The political overtone mentioned above becomes particularly
emphatic when oaths are sworn to Yhwh in Canaanite. Although
some scholars pay little attention to this phenomenon,220 two different prepositions can be used in connection with niphal, with
different connotations. means that the oath is made by (the
life of ) a particular person or concept.221 The preposition indicates
the person to whom the oath is addressed.222 Again, this aspect of Isa.
19:18 is also understood as part of a salvation oracle, in which the
swearing of oaths implies that the Egyptians are converted to Yhwh.
However, it is not until 19:20b21 that the text begins to describe the
favour that Yhwh grants to Egypt by making himself known to them.223
The self-revelation of Yhwh is essential to religion (cf. Exod. 3 and 6),
so that one may speak of Egypts adoption of the cult of Yhwh only
after he has made himself known to Egypt (19:21). If one can speak of
a turning point in Isa. 19:1625, it comes no earlier than v. 20b, with
Yhwhs change of attitude concerning Egypt. For the moment, swearing to Yhwh only means that Egypt has become subdued as his vassal,
219
Cf. Deut. 28:49; Jer. 5:15; Pss 81:6; 114:1; Isa. 28:11; 33:19.
E.g., Deissler, Gottesbund, 15; Berges, 168.
221
E.g., , he swore by (the life of ) God, i.e. uttered ( Jer.
12:16; cf. Gen. 21:23; 31:53; Lev. 19:12; Deut. 6:13; Isa. 45:23; 62:8).
222
E.g., , he swore to me, etc. (e.g., Gen. 21:23; 24:7, 9; 25:33; 26:3; Deut.
9:5; Josh. 9:19; Judg. 15:12; for an oath between God and men as in Isa. 19:18, cf. 2
Chron. 15:14; Ps. 132:2; Zeph. 1:5).
223
Cf. Schenkers view of v. 21 as Achse und Wendepunkt (Jesaja 19, 6).
220
256
chapter five
The idea that Egypt will submit itself to Yhwh standing on the ruins of
its cities is not unique. A notable example appears in Isa. 25:23: For
you have made the city a heap, / the fortified city a ruin; the palace
of aliens is a city no more, / it will never be rebuilt; therefore strong
peoples will glorify thee, / the city (sg!) of ruthless nations will fear
thee. The destruction of the city of the ruthless nation will lead its
inhabitants to praise Yhwh while dwelling amidst its ruins. Likewise,
after Yhwh punishes Egypt, the survivors will subject themselves to
Yhwh.
224
Even though the term is not mentioned explicitly in these texts (cf.,
however, in Ezek. 17:13), the act of taking an oath was part of covenant ( )ceremonies in general to which these texts refer. See in this respect Gen.
21:23; 31:53; Josh. 9:15, 18, 19, 20, and 5.3.3 below.
225
Cf. P. Machinist, Assyria and Its Image in First Isaiah, JAOS 103 (1983), 72526.
257
Verses 1922
On that day there will be an altar of Yhwh in the midst of the land of
Egypt, and a stele of Yhwh beside its border. And this will be asign and
a witness of Yhwh of hosts in the land of Egypt.
For they will cry to Yhwh before their oppressors, and he will send them
a saviour and he will strive and save them. And Yhwh will make himself
known to Egypt, and the Egyptians will recognise Yhwh on that day.
And they will prepare sacrifice and food offering, and they will make
vows to Yhwh and they will fulfil them. And Yhwh will smite the Egyptians, but heal (them), and they will turn to Yhwh and he will respond
their plea, and heal them.
226
Cf. B. Pongratz-Leisten, Toponyme als Ausdruck assyrischen Herrschaftsanspruchs, in: B. Pongratz-Leisten et al. (eds), Ana sad Labnni l allik: Beitrge zu altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen (Festschrift fr W. Rllig) (AOAT, 247),
Neukirchen-Vluyn 1997, 32543; I. Ephal, Esarhaddon, Egypt, and Shubria: Politics
and Propaganda, JCS 57 (2005), 10910.
258
chapter five
as a symbol similar to the altar built near the Jordan in Josh. 22:10, 25,227
sacrifices are explicitly mentioned in v. 21.228 However, in a context
echoing motifs common in Assyrian royal inscriptions (cf. v. 18 above),
a foreign altar should probably be understood as a sign of submission
(cf. 2 Kgs 16:1014): the altar of Yhwh in Egypt was the symbol of
Egypts submission to Yhwh after Egypt became Yhwhs territory.
The altar gifts represent the tributes brought to the vassal overlord.
When Esarhaddon conquered Egypt and established the rule of the
god Assur there, Assyrian authority was symbolised in various ways.
He installed new heads of the nomes and cities and changed the names
of several cities. One of its inscriptions (IAKA 65:4853) states that
I established regular offerings (sattukku) and cultic offerings (gin) for
Assur and the great gods, my lords, forever. I imposed upon them tribute and obligation of my lordship, every year continually. I let a stele
(nar) be made with my name, and the praise of the heroism of my
lord, Assur, my mighty deeds (that I accomplished when I was) walking
in reliance upon Assur, my lord, and the victorious achievements of my
hands I let be written on it. I let (it) be erected to the wonderment of all
the enemies forever after.
This is close to what we read in Isa. 19, where Yhwh takes on the role
of god Assur from the Assyrian texts, to whom offerings are made.
can have a cultic function in the Bible (cf. Exod. 23:24; Lev.
26:1), but does not mean a cultic pillar; the cultic connotation
is not inherent to the word itself.229 may also refer to a memorial stone marking a grave (Gen. 35:20) or reminding onlookers of a
person or an event (2 Sam. 18:18; cf. 1 Sam. 15:2). The story of Gen.
31:4354 is particularly interesting for Isa. 19:19. This text recounts the
making of a covenant between Laban and Jacob. The and a heap
( )of stones set up at the border between the territories of Laban and
Jacob are the visible evidence of and witness ( )to a treaty restating
certain regulations agreed by Jacob and Laban (Gen. 31:5152).230 It
is most likely that the function of the in Isa. 19:19 is similar to
such a commemorative treaty-stele. It has cultic dimensions insofar
227
259
260
chapter five
232
H. Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit (FRLANT, 129), Gttingen 1982, 33144, enumerates several examples of treaty ceremonies celebrated by
Assyria and its vassals in which there were festal meals and offers brought to the
Assyrian gods as a sign of submission.
233
Cf. Van Hoonacker, Deux passages, 302. Van Hoonackers view that the altar
and the stele refer to the same object is, however, unconvincing.
234
Prism A i 6062; Prism B i 6162; Prism C i 1315; cf. Isa. 10:13. It is not likely
that Isa. 19:20 would allude to the temple of the Jewish colony of Elephantine, as suggested by B. Porten, Settlement of Jews at Elephantine and the Arameans at Syene, in:
O. Lipschits, M. Oeming (eds), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period,
Winona Lake, IN 2006, 461.
235
For a discussion, cf. Monsengwo-Pasinya, Isae XIX 1625, 19495. See Gen.
9:13; Josh. 24:27. See also Isa. 8:2 and 55:4.
261
among its ruined cities, Egypt will request the help of Yhwh, its new
overlord.236
The conjunction in v. 20b is not temporal,237 but explicative, illuminating how the stele will function as a witness. Reminding the reader
of Egypts oppression, (19:115), Yhwh shall heed the cry ( )of its
vassals suffering oppression (), and he will send them a saviour.238
God will plead their cause and he will save them. The language adopted
here alludes to narratives from Israels early history (5.3.2).239
Yhwh will fulfil the commitments of a vassals overlord in lending support to Egypt. The coming will bring salvation from the
oppressor of Isa. 19:4. The emergence of a saviour in time of need is
an extensively wide-spread theme in Near Eastern literature but is also
evidenced throughout the Bible (cf. 5.3.2).
means to quarrel, to dispute; to strive, to fight (but not to
wage war). Among its many occurrences in Hebrew, is related
to conflicts between nations only in a few texts: Judg. 11:25 (cf.
Ps. 35:1); 12:2, and perhaps 1 Sam. 15:5. In these cases, designates the dispute (negotiation) preceding a battle. This is most clear in
Judg. 11:25 and 12:2, where is used in connection with a debate
concerning the ownership of Ammonite territories (Judg. 11:13). In
1 Sam. 15:5, marks the dispute taking place between Sauls army
and the Amalekites preceding the military conflict described in the
following verses. It is probably this sense of which is used in
Isa. 19:20. In this case, Yhwh is the one leading the dispute (cf.
1 Sam. 24:16; Ps. 18:44; Isa. 63:1).
Egypts cry for help was motivated by fear, in response to which
Yhwh will reveal himself to Egypt, who will get to know him. The
relatively rare form of the niphal of is being used in connection
with a foreign nation.240 Most often, nations recognise Yhwh only as
236
262
chapter five
their judge,241 but Egypt will, in this case, get to know Yhwh as a
deliverer (contrast Exod. 5:2). Yhwh will reveal himself to Egypt as he
has previously done only to his own people.242 The parallel experience
of Egypt and Israel is particularly interesting. Egypts history bears all
the hallmarks of the history of Gods people. The way is paved here to
becoming an ( cf. v. 25).
The recognition of Yhwh as God by the Egyptians in v. 21 results
in preparing offerings ( ) and fulfilling vows (
). This activity resembles the reaction of Jonahs travel companions after recognising the power of Yhwh and being delivered from
the sea (Jon. 1:16). The vows indicate that Egypt not only expresses its
thankfulness to Yhwh for its deliverance, but commits itself to him
in the future.243
The precise role of Isa. 19:22 is disputed. This verse mentions the
smiting and healing of Egypt, its turning to God, who listens to its
prayers. What is meant by smiting the Egyptians and healing them?
Undergoing a process of punishment in the form of being smitten
by Yhwh and healing in the form of restoration to well-being is a
prominent theme in prophetic books as well as in the exodus narratives.244 The disobedient Judah is often told to be sick. According to
Isa. 6:10, seeing, hearing, turning to Yhwh (), and grasping the
prophetic word would bring healing ( )to Gods people.245 may
refer to some kind of plague as a form of punishment (1 Sam. 25:38;
2 Chron. 13:20), to illness (2 Sam. 12:15; 2 Chron. 21:18), but it can
signify military defeat as well. This last option makes the most sense
in Isa. 19:22.246
A significant number of scholars understand the events of 19:22
as temporally following those previously described. Yhwh will smite
241
Ezek. 28:22; 30:8; 32:15; 33:29; 39:6; see also Exod. 7:5; 14:4, 18.
1 Kgs 20:13, 28; 2 Chron. 33:13; Isa. 45:3; 49:23; 60:16; Ezek. 16:62; 20:42, 44. Cf.
also Monsengwo-Pasinya, Isai xix 1625, 198; Goldingay, 120.
243
H. Tita, Gelbde als Bekenntnis: Eine Studie zu den Gelbden im Alten Testament (OBO, 181), Freiburg 2001, 204. For in the Latter Prophets, cf. Jon. 1:16;
Jer. 44:25; Nah. 2:1; Mal. 1:14.
244
Cf. Jer. 3:22; 30:17; 51:89; Hos. 5:13; 6:1; 7:1; 11:3:14:4. See Z. Kustr, Durch
seine Wunden sind wir geheilt: Eine Untersuchung zur Metaphorik von Israels Krankheit
und Heilung im Jesajabuch (BWANT, 154), Stuttgart 2002.
245
See Deut. 32:39; 1 Kgs 8:3334; Isa. 9:12; 30:26; 57:1719; Jer. 30:17; 33:6; Lam.
2:13; Hos. 5:13; 7:1; 11:3; 14:5; cf. also Jer. 3:22; Hos. 6:1.
246
Deut. 1:42; Judg. 20:35; 1 Sam. 4:3; 2 Chron. 13:15; 14:11; Ps. 89:24. For in
the sense of restoration, cf. Jer. 30:17; 33:6; 51:89; Hos. 5:13; 6:1; 7:1.
242
263
Verse 23
On that day there will be a highway from Egypt to Assyria, and Assyria
will go to Egypt and Egypt will go to Assyria, and Egypt will serve
Assyria.
247
Wade, 131; cf. Kissane, 22021; Hffken, 159; Wodecki, Heights, 184.
Motyer, 169; cf. Z. Kustr, Ein Gottesvolkoder mehrere Vlker Gottes? Ein
Konzept aus der Peripherie der biblischen Eschatologie in: E. Noort, W. Wischmeyer,
Europa, Minderheiten und die Globalisierung: Theologische berlegungen zu der sich
erweiternden Welt, Groningen 2006, 29.
249
Clements argues that punishment after conversion is inadequate and seems to
represent the work of an expansive editor, who felt that the Egyptians should not be
let off without punishment (Clements, 172). The problem with his reading is that the
editor should have already noted the punishment of the Egyptians mentioned in the
preceding verses.
250
Cf. Gesenius, 656; Cheyne, 121.
251
D.A. Dorsey, The Roads and Highways of Ancient Israel, Baltimore 1989, 228.
252
E.g., Blenkinsopp, 319. is indeed frequently used in this sense (Isa. 11:16
[cf. in Isa. 51:10]; 40:3; 49:1112; 62:10).
248
264
chapter five
peace-treaty between these powers will turn the world into a safer
place. A similar motif is used on the Dream Stele of the 7th century
Kushite king, Tanutamani:
(And from that time on) the southerners have been sailing northwards,
the northerners southwards, to the place where his Majesty is (i.e. Memphis), with every good thing of South-land and every kind of provision
of North-land (. . .) (FHN 1.29:4142)
Motyer calls attention to the fact that vv. 1625 inverts ideas from
vv. 115.253 Instead of chaos (vv. 115) the order is restored, instead
of cruel kings (v. 4) a just saviour arrives, social disorder (vv. 23) is
replaced by prosperity. The restored route between Egypt and Assyria
may be considered the reversal of the chaos scene of 19:115.
While is most often translated as Egypt
and Assyria will serve Yhwh (see note), this widespread agreement
is regrettably based on theological and literary critical premises and
not sound linguistic arguments. Three crucial points make this reading
highly unlikely: is not intransitive, always means to serve
someone and is not a religious term which could refer to the
service of Yhwh without any further clarification. One would expect
a clear formulation in order to avoid misunderstanding, especially
in a context where the world power Assyria is mentioned. While the
context of v. 23 is argued to cast doubt on the translation Egypt will
serve Assyria, it is strange that none of the ancient versions follow the
above-proposed translation (LXX; Syr.; Vulg., Targ. Isa.). After all, is
the representation of a new world under Assyrian control (cf. 5.3.3)
difficult to reconcile with the promised salvation of Egypt in the previous verses?
A particularly interesting text, 2 Kgs 13:45, contains many terms
and themes familiar from Isa. 19:1923 (cf. 5.3.2). After Jehoahaz,
king of Israel, prays to Yhwh ( )to deliver his country from Aramaean oppressors (), Yhwh heeds his prayer and sends ()
Israel a deliverer, a ( cf. Isa. 19:20). This can historically
be identified as a foreign king, the Assyrian Adad-nirari III, who was
the overlord of the Israelite Jehoahaz, since Jehu, the latters father
253
Motyer, 167.
265
266
chapter five
5.2.8
24
25
Verses 2425
On that day Israel will be the third beside Egypt and Assyria, blessing in
the midst of the earth, which Yhwh of the hosts will bless saying:
Blessed be my people, Egypt,
and Assyria the work of my hands,
and Israel my inheritance.
254
I. Wilson, In That Day: From Text to Sermon on Isaiah 19:2325, Int. 21
(1967), 82; Gro, Israel, 157.
255
Isa. 14:12; 49:23; 60:3, 10, 16; 66:12.
256
Kilian, 125.
257
Cf. also Gen. 18:18; 22:1718; 28:14.
258
The niphal form of should better be rendered in the reciprocal sense and
not as a passive, as usually done, which corresponds to the pual. Cf. K. Berge, Die
Zeit des Jahwisten: Ein Beitrag zur Datierung jahwistischer Vtertexte (BZAW, 186),
267
The great nation ( ) that Abraham will become does not only
refer to the increased number of his descendants, but also to political
significance (cf. Deut. 4:7, 38; 9:1; Jer. 6:22; 50:9, 41), a point made
even more explicit by use of the expression , and I shall
make you famous. This agrees with Isa. 19:24 when it mentions Israel
as the third member of the most powerful nations on earth. However,
this power will not be misused at anybodys expense. The verse refers
to peaceful cohabitation, as was Abrahams sojourn in Canaan. Blessing is nation-friendly and not militant.259
What does it mean to be(come) a blessing? It is assumed that Israel
will become the beneficiary,260 the source,261 or the channel262 of blessing, through which blessing is poured out on nations. These interpretations are unlikely, however. While becoming a blessing is a rarelyused expression in the Bible, Zech. 8:13 suggests that )(
is the antonym of )(, to become a curse. This second
phrase is used more frequently, and its analysis may help us elucidate
the meaning of the first.263 As the texts suggest, becoming a curse
(individually or collectively) does not mean that an individual or a
community becomes a source of a curse, nor that others would curse
the respective individual or group. Becoming a curse means that a person or group will be mentioned in cursing formulas, songs, proverbs,
or oaths as an individual or a community with an undesirable fate.264
The person who has become a will be sung of, as in a prophets
song.265 The names of those who become a curse are mentioned in
Berlin 1990, 50; Cs. Balogh, Mit grt Isten brahmnak? Megjegyzsek 1Mz 12,3b
rtelmezshez, Reformtus Szemle 102 (2009), 16585.
259
This intertextual hint at the blessing of Abraham is perhaps the reason why the
name Israel rather than Judah is used here (cf. v. 16). The promise to Abraham was
realised in the empire of David, with its borders reaching from Assyria on the Euphrates to the Nile of Egypt, with Moab, Ammon, Edom, Philistia, and Aram as its vassal
kingdoms. Cf. Gen. 15:18; 2 Sam. 8:3; 1 Kgs 4:21; 1 Chron. 18:3; 2 Chron. 9:26.
260
in the LXX means blessed, but not blessing as does the Hebrew
( also in Gen. 12:2; Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 149).
261
Deissler, Gottesbund, 11, 18.
262
Gro, Israel, 156; Wildberger, 745.
263
Cf. Num. 5:21, 27; 2 Kgs 22:19; Jer. 24:9; 25:18; 26:6; 29:18; 42:18; 44:8, 12, 22;
49:13. The verb is occasionally interchanged with .
264
Cf. K.N. Grneberg, Abraham, Blessing and the Nations: A Philological and Exegetical Study of Genesis 12:3 in its Narrative Context (BZAW, 332), Berlin 2003, 170.
265
Num. 24:20, 21; Isa. 14:4; Joel 2:17; Hab. 2:6; see also Ps. 44:15; 69:12.
268
chapter five
curse formulas,266 as Jer. 29:22 shows: And from them (the two false
prophets) will take a curse ( . . . )all the exiles of Judah in
Babylon: May Yhwh make you like Zedekiah and Ahab, whom the
king of Babylon has roasted in fire.
Conversely, becoming a blessing ( ) means that an individual (Gen. 12:2) or a nation (Isa. 19:24) is mentioned in a blessing
formula as people with a desirable fate, as exemplified in Gen. 48:20
(cf. Ruth 4:1112): So he (Jacob) blessed ( )them (the sons of
Joseph) that day, saying: By you Israel will bless each other (
),267 saying, God make you as Ephraim and as Manasseh (. . .).
Accordingly, in Isa. 19:24, when blessing each other, the people from
different nations will utter the formula: may dn (=Yhwh?) make you
like Israel!268 This is indeed the fulfilment of a promise specific to
Israel.
In the famous blessing formula of Isa. 19:25, Egypt is called , my
people, a term usually reserved for Israel.269 During Israels sojourn
in Egypt, God distinguished his people by treating them with love
and care (cf. Exod. 8:21, 22, 23). In the future, Egypt will also become
the people of Yhwh. Being the people of someone implies a strong
(family) relationship (1 Sam. 5:10; 15:30). As 1 Sam. 26:19 makes it
clear, the unity of worship (cf. Isa. 19:1922) means the unity of the
nation.
Assyria is blessed as , the work of my hands, an expression attested in the Bible in connection with Israel.270 Similarly to
, means ownership. Yhwh made Assyria, it is the work of
his hands, it belongs to him. In Assyrian texts, the king often appears
as the work (creation) of the hands of Assur (bint qtu), Mulissu,
or Istar, a motif particularly favoured in the texts of Assurbanipal.
Assurbanipals coronation hymn celebrates his enthronisation with
the words: Assur is king, indeed Assur is king! Assurbanipal is the
representative of Assur, the creation of his hands (SAA 3 11).271 While
266
Cf. Sodom/Gomorrah in Isa. 1:9, 10; 3:9; Jer. 23:14; Lam. 4:6.
Reading niphal, not piel. Cf. Berge, Zeit, 4950; Balogh, Mit grt, 170.
268
Cf. H. Gunkel, Genesis, Gttingen 1966, 164; Gro, Israel, 156. This interpretation questions Berges opinion that Assur und gypten haben als eigenstndige
Jhwh-Vlker nicht nur Anteil an der , sie sind selbst ein Segen inmitten der
Welt (169).
269
Israel is first called in Exod. 3:7. Cf. Exod. 5:1; 7:4; Isa. 1:3; 3:15; etc.
270
Cf. Isa. 29:23 (= ;)60:21; 64:7.
271
Cf. Assurbanipals Prism A vii 9596.
267
269
Conclusion
272
270
chapter five
presented in the form of a Yhwh theophany (v. 1), which will negatively affect the divine (vv. 23), natural (vv. 57) and social world
of the land of the Nile (vv. 24, 810). The leaders and wise men on
which society relies are described in a way that resembles the Egyptian
perception of the upper stratum of society (v. 11). As v. 4 makes clear,
beyond the divine dimension of Yhwhs arrival to Egypt, there is also
a historical human element at which the prophecy hints in recounting
the supposed arrival of the unnamed tough master and powerful king.
The fulfilment of this ominous prophecy is alluded to in Isa. 19:18,
which mentions five ruined cities, each one of those called .
Vv. 1820 strongly resemble Assyrian literature. Swearing allegiance,
speaking a foreign language, renaming the cities, establishing an altar
and stele for a foreign god in the land of Egypt reflect the view that
Egypt has become a subdued vassal of Yhwh. The turning point in
the prophecy appears at v. 20b when Yhwh changes his mind with
regard to Egypt and the name of Yhwh is revealed to the Egyptians.
By submitting to Yhwh, the Egyptians will share the benefits of being
the vassal of Yhwh. The experience of Egypt (vv. 20b22) is similar
to that of Israel in the days of Moses. When Egypt is adopted into
the family of God, to which Assyria, its human master (cf. in
v. 23) and staff in Gods hands (Isa. 10:5), as well as Israel also belong,
peace will be restored on earth, which will share the blessing of the
one God.
R.D. Weis, A Definition of the Genre ma in the Hebrew Bible (Ph.D. diss.),
Claremont, CA 1986; Idem, Oracle, ABD 5.2829. Cf. also M.H. Floyd, The
(Maa) as a Type of Prophetic Book, JBL 121 (2002), 40122; cf. also Sweeney in
his Isaiah-commentary.
271
original form coincide are problematic points in his thesis.278 Furthermore, Weis contention that a is not a Yhwh word also remains
doubtful.279 The characteristics he considers specific for the -texts
are vague and without much practical relevance when defining specific
types of prophetic texts. The assumption that -prophecies reinterpret earlier divine oracles (which are included in the same prophecy)
remains another matter of debate if one is reluctant to treat all contradictory examples as exceptions.280 In fact, the -compositions
diverge from each other to such a large extent that a common literary
form for these prophecies remains unlikely.
The Integrity of Isaiah 19
Isa. 19 contains several significant structural markers: (a) the change
from 3rd person to 1st person in 19:2; (b) the oracular formula,
, closing the section 19:24; (c) Isa. 19:111, 13
being written as poetry, unlike vv. 12, 1415, 1625; (d) the five
-formulas in 19:1625; (e) the negative predictions in vv. 120a,
and the proclamation of salvation in vv. 20b25. Due to these divergences, it is difficult to read Isa. 19 as an original unified composition
written on one particular occasion.281 Most exegetes separate either
vv. 115 and 1625 or vv. 117 and 1825 into two distinctive textual
blocks.282 Nevertheless, 19:(1617)1825 is not treated as an independent prophecy (cf. Isa. 20), but as an expansion of 19:115(1617)
written for its present position.
Beyond the caesura at v. 16 or 18, the coherence of the two great
constitutive parts of Isa. 19 has also been questioned. Isa. 19:115 is
usually divided into three subsections: vv. 14, 510, 1115: vv. 14
deal with Yhwhs arrival in Egypt and the chaos caused in the life of
278
For the criticism of Weis, see also B. Jones, Howling over Moab: Irony and Rhetoric in Isaiah 1516 (SBL.DS, 157), Atlanta, GA 1996, 6574; M. Boda, Freeing the
Burden of Prophecy: Ma and the Legitimacy of Prophecy in Zech 914, Bib. 87
(2006), 34750.
279
and Yhwh are connected in Jer. 23:3340 and and El are related in
the Deir Alla-text. Ezek. 12:1016 is also a Yhwh-speech, and not a prophetic exposition (contra Weis, ma, 14748). Similarly, in 2 Kgs 9:2526 is the
alternative to , a Yhwh-speech.
280
In contrast to, e.g., Weis, ma, 229.
281
Delitzsch, 240; Ridderbos, 13738, 143; Young, 2.48; Oswalt, 27475; Hayes &
Irvine, 263; Motyer, 167.
282
For the former, see Gray, 318; Procksch, 244; Wildberger, 7034; Schoors, 118.
For the latter, see Watts, 255.
272
chapter five
Egyptians; vv. 510 describe the desiccation of the Nile and its consequence; vv. 1115 present Egypts leaders as incapable of dealing
with the chaotic situation. Loretz considered these three sections of
different origin, brought together by a final author living in Egypt.283
More often, however, it has been argued that vv. 510 are secondary
interpolations between 19:14 and 1115.284 The concern of vv. 510
for nature and economy rather than politics is assumed to support
this opinion.
It is indeed remarkable that the otherwise frequently-occurring
does not appear in vv. 510 (though cf. in v. 6b). Nevertheless, the reference to typically Egyptian realia (e.g. the Nile) may
explain why the name is missing in 19:510. Second, the imagery of Yhwh as riding on a cloud and arriving in Egypt (19:1) already
introduces a divinity of nature, ruling over rain and drought (cf. Ps.
104). The effects of his coming are portrayed in vv. 510.285 Third, theophanies are often coupled with massive changes in nature.286 Fourth,
given that v. 1 describes Yhwhs arrival in Egypt as a source of confusion among the Egyptian gods, the drying up of the Nile (Hapy),
whose inundation is regarded as a divine gift of Nun, Amon, or Aton,
may symbolise a further aspect of this conflict among the divinities.
Sixth, as remarked in 5.2.2, the installation of a harsh ruler is often
paralleled by decay in the natural habitat. In Egyptian religion, the
person of the king (pharaoh) is strongly connected to welfare in the
land and the inundation of the Nile. This belongs to the basic Egyptian
concept of mt, social order and justice, but the notion is not typically
Egyptian (cf. Ps. 72; SAA 3 11). Seventh, Isa. 19:10, by mentioning the
ordinary men (wage workers) and the leaders (pillars) of Egypt, forms
an excellent bridge between vv. 510 and 1115, which deal with these
leaders in more detail.
283
O. Loretz, Der Ugaritische Topos bl rkb und die Sprache Kanaans in Jes 19:1
25, UF 19 (1987), 11011.
284
T.K. Cheyne, The Nineteenth Chapter of Isaiah, ZAW 13 (1893), 127; Marti,
155; Vermeylen, 1.322; Wildberger, 703; Clements, 168; Hffken, 143.
285
Yhwhs drying out the rivers and seas seems like a historicised version of Baals
fight with Yam / Naharu in Ugarit. Baal (Seth) was particularly well-known in the
eastern Delta.
286
Judg. 5:45; 2 Sam. 22:716; Ps. 68:78; Mic. 1; Hab. 3.
273
We may conclude that vv. 510 can hardly be considered an independent text.287 These verses fit well the current context in which they
stand. Nevertheless, the possibility that this passage was taken over
as a fragment from an earlier source cannot be excluded (see further
discussion below). The case might be comparable to Isa. 15, which
also appears to include an earlier lamentation concerning Moab with
metaphors strikingly similar to Isa. 19:510 adapted for the purposes
of a prophecy (cf. 3.2.3). But even so, vv. 510 could have been interpolated by the same author who wrote 19:14, 1115. This process
may eventually explain both the foreignness and the coherence of
the present passage.
Attention also needs to be paid to the peculiar character of vv. 24.
These verses contain a speech by Yhwh spoken in the 1st person using
a typical oracular formula () .288 Vv. 1, 12, 14 on
the other hand are formulated in the 3rd person. As we have seen in
Isa. 18, such changes are typical when prophetic comments are added
to a received revelation. It cannot be excluded that the first-person
formulation and characteristic closure of vv. 24 indicate that an earlier prophecy was integrated into Isa. 19, but this view is again conjectural. It is nevertheless important that the name
is typically Isaianic, appearing in passages commonly ascribed to the
8th century prophet.289
The prosaic Isa. 19:15 is occasionally considered to be a later addition to 19:114.290 However, if poetry is considered a sign of earlier origin, then vv. 12 and 14 must also be regarded as secondary additions.291
Parallelism is mostly absent in these verses (cf., however, v. 15b).
To conclude, Isa. 19:115 forms a literary unit that also includes vv.
510. If the prose-poetry distinction is taken to be a sign of editorial
intervention in the text of Isa. 19, then vv. 12, 1415 can be regarded
as later additions, though this remains uncertain.
Opinions also differ regarding the integrity of vv. 1625. There is
some dispute about whether this was attached as a unit to 19:115 or
287
Hffken, 143. On the coherence of 19:510, see W. Werner, Studien zur alttestamentlichen Vorstellung vom Plan Jahwes (BZAW, 173), Berlin 1986, 4041, 4849;
Sweeney, 269.
288
Duhm, 141, Loretz, Ugaritische Topos, 105, and Hffken, 143, are suspicious
about the change of speaker in these verses.
289
Cf. Isa. 1:24; 3:1; 10:16, 33.
290
For instance, Procksch, 248; Wildberger, 72425; Clements, 169; Schoors, 120.
291
Loretz, Ugaritische Topos, 109, believes that 19:12b, 14b15 is prose.
274
chapter five
292
Exegetes distinguish two (19:1617, 1825; Kilian, 123; Sweeney, 27071; Kustr, Ein Gottesvolk, 27), three (19:1617, 1822, 2325; Procksch, 249; Schoors, 121),
or five paragraphs (according to ; Fohrer, 1.211; Kaiser, 86; Hffken, 146;
Blenkinsopp, 318). Some argue that one author composed 19:1625, but elaborated it
in five steps (Duhm, 144; Wildberger, 730; Feuillet, Sommet, 262; Vogels, gypte,
497; Berges, 165).
293
Kaiser, 86; Kilian, 122.
294
J.W. Olley, Hear the Word of Yahweh: The Structure of the Book of Isaiah
in 1QIsaa, VT 43 (1993), 32; O.H. Steck, Die erste Jesajarolle von Qumran (1QIsaa)
(SBS, 173), Stuttgart 1998.
275
295
276
chapter five
297
E.g., Judg. 20:15, 21, 26, 35, 46 (5x); 1 Sam. 6:15, 16 (2x); 1 Sam. 14:23, 24, 31
(3x); 2 Sam. 18:7, 8 (2x); 19:3, 4 (3x).
298
Contra Wildberger, 730, and Clements, 170.
299
Contra Sweeney, 270. His distinction between singular forms in 19:16-17 and
plural forms in 19:1825 is problematic. Cf. ( v. 18), ( v. 19), ( v. 23),
( v. 24), ( v. 25). For the interchange of sg. and pl., see also vv. 115.
277
Vogels, gypte, 513, deciphered a chiastic structure in 19:1625: (a) curse (vv.
1617) (b) peace (v. 18) (c) covenantal promise (vv. 1921a) (c) covenantal promise
(vv. 21b22) (b) peace (v. 23) (a) blessing (vv. 2425). But his scheme is often problematic, especially at 19:18 and 22.
278
chapter five
301
See also L. Boadt, Ezekiels Oracles against Egypt: A Literary and Philological
Study of Ezekiel 2932 (BibOr, 37), Rome 1980, 174. Note also in the context of Ezekiels Egypt-related prophecies the expressions in Ezek. 29:6, alluding
to Isa. 36:6 and in Ezek. 30:3, which appears only once more in Isa. 2:12
( is never used in Ezekiel).
279
Exegetes who believe that Isa. 19 was composed in the 8th century
argue thatlike most oracles dealing with Egyptthis one also criticises Judah on the subject of anti-Assyrian alliances. The fall of Egypt,
which the text announces, implicitly predicts doom for Judah.303 Given
that Isa. 19 nowhere refers to 8th century freedom movements, Kilian
and Werner consider 19:115 an implicit salvation prophecy addressed
to Judah, formulated against the background of a later conflict between
Judah and Egypt. Werner admits though that this is not made explicit
either.304
Isaiah 19:115
One of the recurring motifs in 19:115 is in 19:3, 11 (cf. v. 17) and
its verbal form in 19:11, 12 (cf. v. 17). While and appear
302
The selective citation of judgment passages can be one reason why the prophecies deemed to be positive about Egypt in Isa. 19:1625 were left out in Ezekiel.
303
Kissane, 210; Erlandsson, Burden, 76; G.R. Hamborg, Reasons for Judgement
in the Oracles against the Nations of the Prophet Isaiah, VT 31 (1981), 148; Sweeney,
271.
304
Kilian, 12223; Werner, Plan Jahwes, 52. Cf. also P.E. Dion, Dieu universel et
peuple lu: luniversalisme religieux en Isral depuis les origines jusqua la veille des
luttes maccabennes (Lectio Divina, 83), Paris 1975, 108, on 19:1617.
280
chapter five
outside the FNPs, we find them at key places in Isa. 1323.305 Fichtner
distinguishes between a plan of Yhwh against his people (5:19; 30:1)
and a plan against other nations (7:5; 8:910; 10:515; 14:2427; 19;
23).306 It is important to observe, however, that the plan of Yhwh constitutes a divine intention prevailing over human endeavours. Whether
this appears in relation to Israel or a foreign nation is less important.
The plan of Yhwh is a counter-plan against human undertaking. As
far as these human plans have concretemostly politicalobjectives
in view, the plan of Yhwh is also related to his concrete historical
manifestation in the near future. It refers to an occasional rather than
a well-fixed, century-long determined, consistent and unchangeable
divine project.307
This motif also appears in the Assyrian inscriptions. When Assurbanipal discloses the plans of his Egyptian enemies, he writes: they
(the three leaders of Egypt) talked false speech, and discussed profitless counsels (milik l kuri imlik) among themselves [. . .].308 The
contrast between the intentions of Egypt and Yhwh in Isa. 19:3, 11,
12 might be the theologised version of a historical conflict, similar to
the clash between Egypt and Assurbanipal.
As for the context of the -motif in the FNPs of Isa. 1323, one
should note close formal similarities, such as the use of rhetorical
questions in Isa. 14:27; 19:12 and 23:89:
Isa. 14:27
Isa. 19:12
Isa. 23:89
305
appears in 14:26; 16:3 (cf. 5:19; 8:10; 11:2; 25:1; 28:29; 29:15; 30:1; 36:5),
in 14:24, 26, 27; 23:8, 9 (cf. 1:26; 3:3; 7:5; 8:10; 9:5; 32:78). Note also the synonyms
, , . Werners suggestion that all plan of Yhwh texts (Jer. 49:20; 50:45;
etc.) imply a common origin is unconvincing (see his comments on, e.g., Isa. 5:19, or
30:15 in Werner, Plan Jahwes, 20, 9293).
306
Fichtner, Jahwes Plan, 37.
307
Cf. G. Fohrer, Wandlungen des Jesajas, in: Ibid., Studien zu alttestamentlichen
Texten und Themen (19661972) (BZAW, 155), Berlin 1981, 1112. However, Isa.
37:26 and 46:1011 presuppose a more enhanced view of the plan.
308
Fragment 82-5-22,10 (BIWA, 2627); Prism E iv 2980. Cf. also below.
281
In 3.1, it was argued that the connection between the prophecies concerning Egypt (Isa. 19) and Tyre (Isa. 23) was more evident before
Isa. 2122 was inserted into its present context. The ties between the
two countries were particularly strong throughout history. They were
allied against Assyria during the rebellion of 701, as well as during the
reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. The stele of Esarhaddon from
Zenjirli (IAKA 65) pictures the crown prince of Kush and Egypt,
Ushanhuru, and Baal, king of Tyre, kneeling before the colossal figure of Esarhaddon, who holds the two small-sized monarchs on ropes
(Figure 2).309 Isa. 23:5 seemingly connects the destruction of Tyre with
Egypt. This pair of prophecies in Isa. 19 and 23 is paralleled by a similar Tyre-Egypt-structure in Ezek. 2632.
The presumption that Isa. 19:115 warns against allying with Egypt
is not positively confirmed by the prophecy. However, even in other
prophecies, this background is rarely mentioned explicitly, since it
would have been apparent to the community reading or hearing those
texts.310 The intertextual relationship between Isa. 19:115 and 2:22
3:7, 12, which probably also addresses the theme of political support
from Egypt, might point to this function of Isa. 19:115.311 If this latter
is assumed to derive from the 8th century bc, this explanation would
make the most sense.
However, it is also possible that Isa. 19:115 addresses the theme
of Egypt from a different angle. The text may sound like a theological
treatise dealing with Egypts role in the unfolding plan of Yhwh concerning all the worlds nations, especially if v. 12 is seen as integral to
the text. From this point of view, the text may reflect on attempts to
subdue Egypt by one of the Assyrian monarchs without any particular
309
Cf. also AOB 144 Tafel LXIII. For the identification of the kneeling Kushite figure with Ushanhuru, see D. Kahn, Taharqa, King of Kush and the Assyrians, JSSEA
31 (2004), 116.
310
While Egypt offered support for the Judaean kings against Babylon, most prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel against Egypt fail to mention this fact in their prophecies. Cf. Jer. 46:112, 1323; Ezek. 29:16a, 9b12, 1720. Egypt as a false source of
hope is mentioned in Jer. 46:2526a; Ezek. 29:6b9a, 16.
311
Isa. 2:22 questions the attitude of the people of Yhwh in relying on man ()
instead of God. That is exactly the point made in Isaiahs early anti-Egyptian prophecies (31:3). in 3:1 (glossed by: ) recalls
Israels reliance ( )on Egypt (Isa. 10:20; 30:12; 31:1). It is therefore tempting to
relate the two pericopes not only with regard to their common vocabulary, but also
in terms of their rhetorical intention.
282
chapter five
Figure 2
283
312
Concordance-like comparison of the vocabulary of 19:1625 is only meaningful
if the parallel occurrences involve a similar context.
313
For other expressions of fear, cf. Exod. 1:12; 14:25; 15:1416; Deut. 28:10; Josh.
2:911; 5:1; 9:24; 2 Kgs 7:6; Neh. 6:16; Ps. 48:56.
284
chapter five
26, 27; cf. Josh. 8:19),314 but also a recurrent theme in Jeremiah, Ezekiel
and Zephaniah.315
As noted in 5.2.5, may have been chosen because it
reminded the reader of the Judaean history, the conquest and the settlement of the land. Canaan appears rarely after the book of Judges.
When it does, it refers either to Israels past (Ezek. 16:3; Hos. 12:8)
or to the Phoenicians on the seacoast (Isa. 23:8, 11; Obad. 20; Zeph.
2:5).
The need to make an offering (Isa. 19:19) was the primary reason
for which the Israelites in Egypt asked permission from the pharaoh
to leave for the desert (Exod. 5:3; 8:2526). Sacrifices performed by
foreigners are described in 1 Sam. 6; 2 Kgs 5:17; Jon. 1:16. As for the
function of the altar and the stele as a sign and witness, Isa. 19:20a can
be compared to Josh. 22, with its altar built near the Jordan as a witness to the faith of the Transjordanian tribes (22:27, 28, 34).
Nowhere is the literary parallel to Israels history as strong as in Isa.
19:20b21.316 The cry for help by Egypt ( )echoes Israels cry ()
when suffering under its Egyptian oppressors in Exod. 2:23. Both
and appear together in Exod. 3:9 (cf. Isa. 19:20), where Moses (cf.
in Isa. 19:20), is told: The cry ( )of the Israelites has come
to me. I have also seen how the Egyptians oppress ( )them. The
verb appears in Exod. 3:8 and in 3:10 (cf. Judg. 6:14). The
cry of suffering under oppression and the call for a deliverer (judge/
king) is particularly favoured by Deuteronomy and related literature.317
I already mentioned above the interesting case of 2 Kgs 13:45, where
Jehoahaz, king of Israel, is delivered from Aramaean oppressors ()
byan Assyrian .
The revelation of Yhwh to Egypt recalls Exod. 3 and 5:2. The idea of
serving Yhwh in Isa. 19:21 is also close to the promise and sign ()
given to Moses in Exod. 3:12.
314
For , cf. Exod. 6:6; Deut. 4:34; 5:15; 7:19; 9:29; 11:2; 26:8; 1 Kgs 8:42; 2
Kgs 17:36; Ps. 136:12. is used in, e.g., Exod. 3:20; 9:15; (24:11).
315
Against his people: Isa. 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20; 31:3; Jer. 6:12; 15:6; Ezek. 6:14; 14:9,
13; 16:27; Zeph. 1:4. Against other nations: Isa. 10:4; 14:26, 27; 23:11; Jer. 51:25; Ezek.
25:7, 13, 16; 30:25; 35:3; Zeph. 2:13.
316
See also Vogels, gypte, 5058.
317
Note Deut. 26:7 ( / ;)Judg. 2:18 ( / / ;)4:3 ( / ;)6:7, 9
( / / ;)10:12 ( / / ;)Ps. 106:4244 ( / / ).
appears again in a Deuteronomistic context in 1 Sam. 10:18; 2 Kgs 13:22, or otherwise
in Amos 6:14. Cf. also Ps. 42:10; 43:2; 44:25.
285
The verb ( 19:22) in connection with Egypt appears in the Exodus narratives (Exod. 7:27; 12:13, 23, 27; Josh. 24:5), while Yhwh as
the healer of Israel, who will not bring the diseases of Egypt upon his
people, is found in Exod. 15:26 (cf. Deut. 28:27, 35).
Israel becoming a blessing amidst the earth in 19:24 appears as the
fulfilment of a promise given to Abraham in Gen. 12:3. The name of
Israel appearing in 19:2425 as the third between Egypt and Assyria,
may be reminiscent of the land promised to Abraham, reaching from
the river of Egypt to the Euphrates (Gen. 15:18; cf. 1 Kgs 4:21).
This portrayal of Egypts future based on Israels past reminds anyone reading the book of Isaiah of the theology expounded in other
passages of this book where future vision is constantly formulated by
analogy to the past. Isa. 8:239:6 mentions Yhwh breaking the rod
of the oppressor of Israel as he did in the days of Midian, alluding
to Judg. 7. The child ruler of 9:56 will reign on the throne of David.
Isa. 10:20 alludes to Israels servitude in Egypt, which is called the
one who struck them. Similarly, Isa. 10:24, 26 compares the defeat of
Assyria to the defeat of the Midianites in Judg. 7:25 and to the humiliation of the pharaoh by Yhwh in the stories of Exodus. The exodus
story also provides the background for Isa. 11:1112:6, as does 14:1
4a, which we have already discussed in 3.2.1. One may also observe
a close relationship with the theology of Assyrian prophecies, which
promise Esarhaddon that the future shall be like the past (urkte l
k pnte),318 that is, as glorious, as the past.
Since Isa. 910 focus on the deliverance from the oppression of
Assur while Isa. 11:1112:6 on the return from the exile, one may
conclude that this presentation of the future by analogy to the past
appears in both pre-exilic and post-exilic literature. Because the idea
of the new exodus is emphatically present in exilic and post-exilic literature, scholars often tend to date Isa. 19:1625 to after the exile.319
It is, however, important to note that at least the core of the story of
Israels deliverance from Egypt is earlier than the exilic era. Furthermore, while the deliverance from Egypt is seen as an analogue to the
return from Babylon for the exilic and post-exilic authors, 19:1625
has little to do with the deliverance from Egypt (i.e. a second exodus)
but is far more concerned with the stories of Exodus (among others)
318
319
286
chapter five
as such. This means that Isa. 19:1625 is more closely related to Isa.
910, than to 11:1112:6.
To conclude, the theological investigation of Isa. 19:1625 has led
thus far to two significant conclusions. First, Isa. 19:1625 makes use
of expressions and words that remind the reader of Israel-related texts.
By this presentation of the future of Egypt, the author underlines that
Egypt will get to know Yhwh in the same way as Israel did. Second,
making use of the analogy of the past in order to present the future
is a characteristic of several pericopes in Isaiah, one of which is Isa.
19:1625.
The second problem is the universalistic perspective of this prophecy.
Universalism in the Bible is often related to the exilic and post-exilic
periods. For this reason, Isa. 19:1625 is frequently dated to the Persian or Hellenistic era. Parallel texts frequently mentioned include Isa.
66:1821; Jon. 1:16; 34; Zech. 14:20; Mal. 1:11.320 It must be emphasised from the start that, while the Babylonian captivity facilitated the
development of universalistic ideas (cf. Isa. 4055),321 the idea of the
supremacy of Yhwh over all other gods and nations originated in an
earlier period. To avoid unhelpful generalisations, we should consider
more closely the type of universalism expounded in 19:1625. I am not
so interested in universalism in the sense of Yhwhs universal rule, but
in the direct relationship between foreigners and Yhwh. The texts to
be investigated can be subdivided into three groups.322
(a) Foreigners acknowledging Yhwhs awesomeness. On different
occasions, we find foreigners implicitly or explicitly acknowledging
Yhwh:323 the Egyptians (Exod. 8:19; 9:20, 27; 10:7), the foreign travel
mates of Jonah (Jon. 1:16), Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 2:47; 3:2833), Darius (Dan. 6:2427). These texts mostly deal with specific individuals or
groups, rather than entire nations. A close parallel to Isa. 19 appears
in 1 Sam. 56, a story proclaiming the superiority of Yhwh above the
god Dagan. Essentially the same is suggested by Zeph. 2:11, which
mentions nations bowing down before Yhwh each in its own place
() . The cause for this reverence of Yhwh is,
320
287
288
chapter five
(cf. Jon. 1:9; 4:1011), not through covenant.326 It is the same concept
as the one underlying the book of Job.
(c) In order to get to know Yhwh, one has to go to Israel. The cases
of Rahab (Josh. 2:913) and Ruth (Ruth 1:16) are also mentioned in
connection with Isa. 19:1625. However, these texts can be considered
universalist only insofar as Israel is the centre of the universe. The stories of Rahab and Ruth convince the reader that experiencing the benefits of worshipping Yhwh is only realised by leaving former national
and religious identities behind and joining the people of Yhwh. This
is also the idea reflected in the story of Naaman (2 Kgs 5:15, 17), and
more importantly in the Israel-centred texts concerned with foreign
nations (Isa. 66:2023; Jer. 12:1417; Zech. 2:1516; 14; etc.). Zeph.
3:910, which is closest to Isa. 19:1625, may also be seen as part of
this group. According to v. 9 Yhwh will gather the foreign nations
for judgment, he will change the lips of the nations into pure lips
( ) so that they may call on the name of Yhwh
( ) and serve him with one accord (
). Isa. 19:1625 may have been the source of Zeph. 3:9, as Zeph.
3:10 is also clearly built on Isa. 18:7 (cf. 2.4.4; 4.3.1). A notable difference between the two texts is, however, that according to Zeph.
3:10, the other nations will worship Yhwh in Jerusalem and not in
their homeland, unlike in Isa. 19:1625.
Therefore, the above mentioned texts hardly represent complete
parallels for the ideas raised in Isa. 19:1625, and they are unlikely to
have played a role in the formation of this text. Isa. 19:1625 is not
merely about the fear of Yhwh characterising foreigners but the particular experience of Egypt with Israels God, who will be revealed to
Egypt as he was revealed to Israel. Egypt will honour Yhwh, not Elohim; not the creator of the world, but Yhwh, who had smitten them,
and healed them. They will not worship him in Jerusalem, but in their
own land. Despite claims to the contrary, this type of universalism has
no parallels in the texts mentioned above.
In my view, it is an essential point that Isa. 19:1625 does not present
an eschatological scene in which nations stand in front of the throne
of Yhwh but a scene set on historical soil, with actions that may have
326
I doubt that Jon. 34 would have had any influence on Isa. 19:25 in describing
Assyria as the creation of my hands, as Feuillet assumes. As argued, this literary topic
connects Isa. 19:25 to Assyrian theological conventions, where the king appears as
the creation of Assurs or Istars hands. This does not allude to a creation story, but it
expresses strong relationship with the divinity.
289
327
This is most obvious in Ps. 72:8, which describes the empire of the Israelite king
as reaching from one sea to the other, a motif similar to the one appearing in texts
impregnated by Assyrian royal ideology which present the empires boundaries as
bordered by the Upper Sea and the Lower Sea (cf. 3.4).
328
Shalmaneser III writes: when Assur, the great lord, chose me in his steadfast
heart and with his holy eyes, and named me for the shepherdship of Assyria, he put
in my grasp a strong weapon, which fells the insubordinate [. . .]. (RIMA A.0.102.2 i
12). The same god he maintains placed in my hands the sword, scepter, (and) staff
appropriate for (rule over) the people, and that Assur and Ninurta placed firmly
in my hands all lands (and) mountains (RIMA A.0.102.5 ii 12; cf. also A.0.102.9
1517). Essentially the same is assumed by Esarhaddon according to his Zenjirli Stele
(IAKA 65:3037).
290
chapter five
While one could argue that, in Isa. 19:19, Egypt serves Yhwh
directly by presenting him offerings (eschatological explanation),
there is another more convincing historical reading of this text: Egypt
serves Yhwh in an indirect way by subjecting itself to Gods appointed
human king and by presenting offerings on the altars prepared by the
Assyrians, for instance (vv. 19, 21). As the ultimate over lord of the
Assyrian ruler, Yhwh regards these offerings as actually presented to
him. Although serving Assyria does not appear explicitly in a positive sense elsewhere in Isaiah, this is certainly neither foreign to nor
incompatible with the theology of this book. When Isaiah strongly
and repeatedly rejects attempts to rebel against Assyria, he implicitly
acknowledges the supremacy of this empire. Judahs commitment to
paying tribute as a faithful vassal coincides with Yhwhs present purpose ( )for the world: all nations should serve Assyria. Moreover,
as I noted above, this idea is clearly present in other prophetic books
as well. Jer. 25 and 27 consider the actual plan of God to entail the subordination of all nations to Nebuchadnezzar, while rebelling against
Babylon is no lesser offence than rebellion against Israels God. This
explanation has the advantage that it makes sense of Isa. 19:23 and
of a world under Assyrian supremacy without forcefully assigning a
meaning to v. 23 which is not supported philologically.
To conclude, the Hebrew Bible version of Isa. 19:1625 has some
very particularthough not uniqueviews on the relationship
between Yhwh and the foreign nations that must be carefully considered in order to avoid hasty conclusions unwarranted by the text of
the prophecy. The manner in which vv. 1625 describe the relationship between Egypt and Yhwh, as well as the fact that they allude to
episodes in human history (vv. 20, 23) in which human agents act as
Yhwhs instruments suggest that Isa. 19:1625 is most closely related
to the universalism of the royal psalms and those sections of the Bible
which present a foreign ruler as the means by which Yhwh exercises
his dominion (2 Kgs 13:45; Isa. 45:1; Jer. 27; etc.).
5.3.3
291
329
292
chapter five
In the north, Tanis and Memphis become the centres of the 21st
Dynasty, but the gradual deterioration of the relations with Thebes
contribute to the further fragmentation of Egypt, including the Delta
region, between the pharaohs of 23rd and the 22nd Dynasties ruling
in parallel.333 By the end of the 8th century, a further 24th Dynasty of
Libyan origin was claiming royal titulature in Lower Egypt (Sais). By
the time the Kushite Piye arrived in Memphis around 728, the country
was divided among more than a dozen kings, princes and Mashwash
chiefs (a Libyan tribe).334
It has been argued though that this political situation should not be
characterised as chaotic or anarchic. The 22nd24th Dynasties were of
Libyan origin. To a certain extent, they had assimilated and adopted
Egyptian culture, but the Libyans clearly retained a significant measure of authentic tradition. Their names were Libyan, even after several generations. Libyan statues and funerary objects preserved large
lists of genealogies, atypical for Egyptian pharaohs and characteristic
of non-literate societies of nomadic or semi-nomadic origin.335 The
boasts by the pharaohs counsellors concerning their descent from
historic royal families in Isa. 19:11 can also be understood against this
background.336
This internal situation proves to be particularly fragile whenas a
third important factor in shaping the history of Egyptthe Nubian
kings of Napata, the city founded once by Egyptians as the seat of
their administration in Kush, invade and take over the entire Egypt.337
I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford 2000, 339. Cf. also F.
Goma, Die Libyschen Frstentmer des Deltas, vom Tod Osorkons II. bis zur Wiedervereinigung gyptens durch Psametik I (BTAVO, B6), Wiesbaden 1974.
333
Manetho calls the 22nd Dynasty Bubastite because it originated with Bubastis,
while the 23rd Dynasty is called Tanite, since it derived from Tanis, though seated in
Leontopolis (Tell-Moqdam) (K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period, London
2
1986, 12830).
334
Cf. Piyes Victory Stele (FHN 1.9); see also R.G. Morkot, The Black Pharaohs:
Egypts Nubian Rulers, London 2000, 19195.
335
Taylor, Third Intermediate Period, 34041.
336
Note, however, prism fragment Bu 9159, 218 (col. a ln. 6), which also mentions the descendants of his [Taharkas] fathers house, sons of former kings (zr bt
abu mr arr mahrte). H.-U. Onasch, Die assyrischen Eroberungen gyptens, Bd.
1 (AT, 27), Wiesbaden 1994, 20.
337
See, e.g., K.-H. Priese, Der Beginn der kuschitischen Herrschaft in gypten,
ZS 98 (1970), 1632; D. OConnor, Ancient Nubia: Egypts Rival in Africa, Pennsylvania, MA 1993; L. Trk, The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the NapatanMeroitic
Civilisation (HdO, 1/31), Leiden 1997; Morkot, Black Pharaohs; K. Jansen-Winkeln,
293
The Great Triumphal Stele (or Victory Stele) of Piye (747717), the
first pharaoh of the 25th Dynasty, gives a detailed account of the
political history of Egypt around 728 bc.338 According to this text,
the rulers in the small kingdoms of Egypt acknowledged the supremacy
of the Kushite Piye mostly voluntarily. Memphis, which was the seat
of one of the most powerful kings of the Delta, Tefnakht of the 24th
Saite Dynasty, refused to do so and was taken by force, although the
rebellious prince managed to flee. While Piye returned to Napata after
this incident, his brother and successor, Shabaka, chose Memphis, the
balance of the two lands, as the seat of his large Egypto-Kushite
Kingdom.
Indeed, the sphere pictured in Isa. 19:2 complies well with the situation in Egypt in the late 8th century. However, the following elements
need serious consideration before driving presuppositions further
than v. 2 actually permits. First, it is far from certain that Isa. 19:115
is a post-eventum prophecy.339 If it is read as a predictive text (I shall
stir up Egypt against Egypt . . .), then the 8th century historical situation may have served in the best case as an inspiring terminus post
quem. Second, as mentioned in the exegesis, the civil war setting is so
common in ancient literature that it cannot be tied to one particular
moment in Egypts history. What we can at most say is that Isaiah
seems to have favoured this motif (cf. Isa. 3), and the fact that it is a
literary topos does not exclude the possibility of it having some historical reality, as indeed the texts mentioned in this connection often
go back to real historical situations. Third, the scenario in 19:2 was not
just typical for the period before the campaign of Piye in 728, but it
reappeared on different occasions. The conflicts between the princes of
Lower Egypt with Taharka and Tanutamani, the last two Kushite pharaohs of the 7th century, are particularly important. Nevertheless, the
use of expression in a domestic Egyptian context is
striking. Unless it belongs to stereotypical phraseology, it may point to
an era of relative independence for and conflict between the Egyptian
nomes (), which was the case before 664 bc, when Psametik I,
Alara und Taharka: zur Geschichte des nubischen Knigshauses, Or. 72 (2003),
14158.
338
Cf. N. Grimal, La stle triomphale de Pi(nkh)y au Muse du Caire (JE 48862 et
47086 47089): tudes sur la propagande royale gyptienne (MIFAO, 105), Caire 1981;
R.H. Pierce, Great Triumphal Stela of Piye, Year 21 (FHN 1.9); M. Lichtheim, The
Victory Stela of King Piye (Piankhy) (COS 2.7).
339
Contrast Hayes & Irvine, 260 (ex eventu); Procksch, 246 (pre-eventum).
294
chapter five
340
For Piye, cf. Hayes & Irvine, 260; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 218. For Shabaka,
cf. Currid, Ancient Egypt, 240. For Sargon II, cf. Procksch, 246; A. Feuillet, tudes
chronologique des oracles quon peut dater, in: Idem, tudes dexgse et de thologie
biblique: Ancien Testament, Paris 1975, 51. For Nebuchadnezzar, cf. Vermeylen, 1.321.
For Cambyses, cf. Dillmann, 17071. For other Persian rulers, cf. Kilian, 121.
341
Kissane, 215; Penna, 184; Young, 2.16; Oswalt, 368.
342
Cf. C.J. Chimko, Foreign Pharaohs: Self-Legitimization and Indigenous Reaction in Art and Literature, JSSEA 30 (2003), 2328.
343
The term is particularly suited to the Assyrian king, Esarhaddon, who is
called lord rather than king on his ascension treaty tablet fragments from Nineveh.
295
296
chapter five
346
347
297
The in Isa. 19:1625 introduce a series of pronouncements which appear to be related to concrete and imminent historical situations. This is especially obvious in v. 23, where the described
subordinate relationship between Assyria and Egypt reflects the political realities of the authors time, when the world was subjected to
Assyrian supremacy. Unlike other proclamations which envisage the
destruction of the Assyrian superpower, this verse is more neutral
about this empire. Further, the conclusion that we are at least partially
dealing here with already evident historical situations is unavoidable
if vv. 1622, 1623 or 1625 are regarded as one literary unit. Such a
view of the composition would imply that the transition from judgment to salvation occurs at a moment when judgment has been passed
and salvation is available. It should also be noted that, occasionally,
the text pays great attention to specific details in a way suggestive of
historical description.348
At the same time, there is a certain amount of the text that is not
historically true. The Egyptians never trembled on hearing the name
of Judah; there never were five Canaanite-speaking towns in Egypt
swearing an oath to Yhwh; there never was a Yhwh altar in Egypt,
nor a stele dedicated to Yhwh on its border, at least not in a literal
sense. Questions may also arise concerning the ordaining of the ,
and the pledges and offerings of the Egyptians. Finally, vv. 2425 are
also far from any basis in historical reality.
The question is whether Isa. 19:1625 should be understood literally
or should we rather assume that any underlying historical facts are
veiled here in prophetic-poetic language? In discussing the theological
background of vv. 1625 (5.3.2), I suggested that this text may be
read as a Judaean view of Egypts history. Assyria, Babylon, Persia, or
whoever enters Egypt, does so under the guidance of Yhwh, just as
his cloud chariot in Isa. 19:1 was drawn by flesh and blood Assyrian
horses. If we approach this passage with these considerations in mind,
they could reveal some historical information to us.
As mentioned in 5.2.56 above, Isa. 19 coincides with other
texts of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal at some striking points.349 The
Babylonian Chronicle reports that after heavy fighting, Memphis was
348
Cf. Procksch, 254; Fohrer, 1.229 (for Isa. 19:1822); Wildberger, 730.
Isa. 19:1625 is dated to the 7th century by Gottwald, Kingdoms, 22428
(between 660609); R. Nelson, Realpolitik in Judah (687609 bce), in: W.H. Hallo
et al. (eds), Scripture in Context II: More Essays on the Comparative Method, Winona
349
298
chapter five
Lake, IN 1983, 185 (era of Josiah, 627622); Sweeney, 270, 272 (era of Manasseh
[687642]).
350
IAKA 64:25 (e.g., Sais became Kr-bl-mtti); Onasch, Eroberungen, 1.3037,
9495; BIWA, 211 (Assurbanipals Prims E iii 1617).
299
351
Cf. Spalinger, First Invasion, 325. Later texts of Assurbanipal concerning the
anti-Assyrian uprising of Egyptian kings mention the good deeds (tbtu) of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal towards the Egyptians (BIWA, 211).
352
For the list, cf. Prism A i 90109 and Prism C ii 8792.
353
The list of participating kings appears on Assurbanipals Prism C ii 3767.
Prisms E, A, and LET 2933 only mention the involvement of 22 kings giving no
further details. The list of Assurbanipals Prism C is similar to Prism B of Esarhaddon from Nineveh, which also mentions 12 kings of the sea-shore (arrni a kidi
tmtim), among others Manasseh, king of Judah, and 10 Cypriote kings in connection with the kings building operations at Kar-Esarhaddon, on the Phoenician coast
(IAKA 27:5476). Jewish soldiers appear in the Egyptian army of Psametik I (?) in
a war against Kush and in the army of Cambyses, when he invades Egypt (cf. Letter
of Aristeas 13).
354
Prism C ii 85100; Prism B i 8795; Prism A i 90116.
355
Fragment 82522,10 (BIWA, 2627); Prism E iv 2980. Prism A i 118ii 6; C
ii 105130; LET 37-69. Cf. SAA 4 88; Onasch, Eroberungen, 1.151.
300
chapter five
Afterwards, Necho, Sarru-lu-dari, and Paqruru, kings whom my father
has installed in Egypt, transgressed the treaty sworn by Assur and the
great gods, my lords, and broke their oath. They forgot the good deeds
of my father, their heart planned evil (ikpud lemuttu), they talked false
speech, and discussed profitless counsels (milik l kuri imlik) among
themselves as follows: If they drive out Taharka from Egypt, how then
can we stay? They sent their messengers to Taharka, the king of Kush,
to make a treaty and peace (ana akan ad u salme) saying: Let us
make peace with each other, and let us agree with each other. We shall
divide the land among ourselves, so that there is no other (anmma)
lord among us. (Prism E iv 2946).
356
According to Prism A i 130 and ii 57, all 20 kings of Egypt were taken to
Nineveh. Prism C iii 69 mentions only Necho and Sarru-lu-dari, while Prism B ii 36
refers solely to Sarru-lu-dari being taken to Nineveh. While Prism A is generally considered late and less reliable, we have some evidence that Assurbanipals actions were
directed against several rebellious kings. Paqruru is mentioned several times as one of
the rebels. Moreover, the Assyrian texts assign the throne of Athribis later to Nechos
son, Nab-zi-banni. Earlier Bukunranipi occupied the same position (Prism C ii
85109; A i 9095), so that he must have been removed from the throne. The rebellious cities punished by Assurbanipal also include Mendes, whose king, Puyama is
likewise not named whith Necho, Sarru-lu-dari and Paqruru.
357
Prism C ii 130iii 5; Prism A i 134ii 4. Prism B i 95 refers to Tanis (Snu),
which might be a scribal error for Pelusium (Snu) (cf. BIWA, 214).
358
In the Egyptian tradition the ruler of Athribis was the hereditary prince of Egypt
(Spalinger, First Invasion, 320).
301
The son of Necho, the crown prince Psametik (I), bears an Assyrian name (Nab-zi-banni) as an expression of his subordination
to Assyria. The Egyptian kings appointed by Assyria are constantly
referred to as servants (urdu) of Assyria. The cities occupied by Esarhaddon are given Assyrian names in expression of their status. As
argued, this Assyrian practice may underlie the renaming of the five
Egyptian cities as cities of ruins in Isa. 19:18.
Whether the five cities are symbolic or whether 19:18 refers to five
historical cities will remain a riddle. Let it be noted, however, that
the kings of five cities were implicated more than others in the rebellion against Assurbanipal, and they were severely punished thereafter:
Isanti of Paqruru, Sais of Necho, Mendes of Puyama, Pelusium of
Sarru-lu-dari, and possibly Athribis of Bukunranipi, who was replaced
by Psametik I.
Judaeans were well-informed about the political developments not
only as neighbours but even as eyewitnesses.359 As seen above, Judaean
contingents joined the Assyrian forces in their activities in Africa.
However, if Isa. 19:1625 refers to Egypt serving Assyria, how can we
interpret the liberation of Egypt in Isa. 19:20b21? Does it refer to an
Egyptian prince, who will throw off the Assyrian yoke and drive away
the Assyrians? According to Assurbanipals Prism A ii 114, sometime
after Psametik I (Piamilki) (664610) consolidated his force in Egypt,
he allied with King Gyges of Lydia and threw off the Assyrian yoke.
Nevertheless it is difficult to combine this event with Isa. 19:2325.
Another alternative which fits v. 23 (2425) much better is to assume
that Isa. 19:2021 deals with the liberation of Egypt from Kushite
and not Assyrian supremacy. The could refer to Necho I or
Psametik I who drove away Taharka and his successor, Tanutamani,
with Assyrian (and Judaean) support. It is also possible that
can also refer to the Assyrian king himself. It is true that Isa. 19:4
speaks negatively about the Assyrian occupation of Egypt. However,
since vv. 1625 were composed on a different occasion, it is possible
that vv. 1625 reinterpret vv. 115 in a new way. It is particularly
striking that Isa. 19:1625 is strongly related to the Assyrian ideology
on the issue of the legitimacy of Assyrian domination of Egypt. Yet
the same cuneiform texts also present the kings Esarhaddon and
359
Isa. 37:25, composed in the post-Sennacherib era, also refers to the capture of
Egypt and alludes to the desiccation of Egypts rivers () .
302
chapter five
5.4
303
texts, the approach of the Assyrian king also causes hearts to palpitate
and people to melt in fear. The portrayal of Egypt as a land losing
its mind when confronted by Yhwh (vv. 3, 11, 13) reminds one of
the effects of the appearance of the glory (namrru) and awesomeness (melamm) of Assur which, according to Assurbanipals Prism B
i 8082, caused Taharka to become frenzied (illika mahhtta).
The reference to the plan against Yhwh is reminiscent of the
Assyrian descriptions of rebellion of subordinated kings. In this sense
( his plans I shall destroy; v. 3) can be compared to the
account concerning the planned evil (ikpud lemuttu) and profitless counsel (milik l kuri) of Egypts leaders against Assurbanipal
(Prism E. Stck 11 110). The related gesture of the raised hand over
the nations (v. 17) was already noted as a recurring motif in Assyrian literature (cf. 3.4). Isa. 10:32 connects this act explicitly with the
Assyrian king.
The harsh lord and powerful king (v. 4) reminds one of the impression made by a salmu-stele, most likely familiar to the audience, which
represented the Assyrian king as an authoritative and powerful ruler.
The desiccation of the Nile (vv. 57) reappears in Isa. 37:25 in a
speech cited from the Assyrian monarch. The Judaean author is
obviously a master of Assyrian rhetoric. It is not only the expression
, which is of particular interest here, but also the fact that
this speech is specifically related to the post-Sennacherib era (Isa. 37:
3738), i.e., the age of the Egyptian campaigns of Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal.
A long list of motifs typical to Assyrian stele literature appears in
vv. 1822: the change of city names into Assyrian names; comparison
of destroyed cities to ruined hills (cf. here , city of ruins);
the swearing of allegiance to the overlord; the establishment of an altar
to Yhwh on which offerings and tributes are presented ( ,
v. 21); the erection of the stele ( )in the border zone and its
dedication to Yhwh; the offering of support against enemies by the
benevolent overlord. These are clear indications that the author of
these verses was familiar with the literary customs and royal ideology
of Assyrian royal inscriptions.
As for Isa. 19 in the context of the -edition, the chaos caused
by Yhwh among Egypts gods can be compared to Isa. 2:18 (
; cf. 2:8, 20). The inability of the Egyptian leaders to endure
the day of their visitation (19:1114) is similar to Isa. 2:1112, 17.
304
chapter five
5.5
Conclusion
CHAPTER SIX
NAKED TRUTH:
THE ANALYSIS OF ISAIAH 20
The introductory phrase of Isa. 20:16 ties the events it narrates, a symbolic act of Isaiah concerning Egypt and Kush, to a concrete historical
period, the capture of Ashdod by the commander of Sargon II in 711
bc. Although the focus on Egypt and Kush relates this text to Isa. 19,
its location among the FNPs remains unusual in several respects. First,
Isa. 20:16 is a narrative about Isaiah in the 3rd person. Second, Isa. 20
is separated from the preceding prophecy by a new heading, though not
one of the -type as in Isa. 19:1 or 21:1. Third, Isa. 19 ends with
a pronouncement of salvation concerning Egypt. Consequently, the
renewed proclamation of judgment against Egypt and Kush in Isa. 20
would seem to necessitate re-evaluation.
Despite the short and relatively well-preserved text, several issues
in this passage need clarification. First, one should note the cumbersome structure of the introductory sentence, which presents the following verse as the words of Yhwh spoken through Isaiah. However,
the present form of vv. 2 and 3, which use the 3rd person to refer to
Isaiah, raise questions concerning their logical connection to v. 1. Second, the original relationship between the symbolic act of Isaiah and
the fall of Ashdod is subject to debate. Because v. 1 mentions the city
Ashdod and v. 6 speaks about the inhabitant of this coastland, many
scholars believe that the symbolic action of the prophet was originally
intended as a warning to the Philistines and that its connection with
Egyptians and Kushites is a secondary development. Third, it is unclear
whether the three years in v. 3 constitute the interval during which
Isaiah has been walking naked and barefoot or are part of the symbolism itself. Fourth, the retrospective narrative form of the text dealing
with Isaiah presupposes temporal distance from the narrated events.
Consideration therefore needs to be given to the extent to which the
literary form of Isa. 20 as a later-constructed narrative influenced the
meaning of eventually postulated earlier Isaianic oral utterance and
symbolic act.
306
chapter six
The answers to these questions have a direct bearing on discussions concerning the literary integrity of Isa. 20, which has often been
questioned in exegetical literature. From a theological point of view,
it remains to be seen how this text functioned rhetorically and what
message it intended to convey. As for the historical background, the
primary question concerns the manner in which historical information is retold in the narrative and the extent to which any historical
context underlying the written text can be used to explain the text.
6.1
1 In the year when the tartanb came to Ashdod (abeing sent by Sargon
2 the king of Assyriaa) and he attacked it and took it, at that time
Yhwh spoke throughc dIsaiah, son of Amosd. He said: Go, and
loose the sackcloth from your loins and take off the shoes from
3 your feet. And he did so, walking naked and barefoot. And Yhwh
said: Just as my servant, Isaiah, has walked naked and barefoot efor
three years (or: three years is)e as a sign and portent concerning
4 Egypt and Kush, so shall the king of Assyria lead off the captives of
Egypt and the exiles of Kush, young and old, naked and barefoot,
5 fwith the buttocks and the genitalia of Egypt uncoveredf. And they
will be dismayed and ashamed of Kush, gtheir expectationg, and of
6 Egypt, their pride. And the inhabitant of this coastland will say on
that day: Look, this has happened to our expectation where hwe
had fledh for help to be delivered from the king of Assyria. How
then shall we escape? .
1 a-a . . . . Literally this would be when Sargon the king of
Assyria sent him (cf. D 91a; GKC 115k). For further discussion, see
the exegesis.
b . The variant in 1QIsaa probably reflects a different
orthography particular to this scroll.1 is a loanword from
1
For the > change before the , see E.Y. Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1 Q Isaa), Leiden 1974, 122, 49697.
307
308
chapter six
3 e-e
walked naked and barefoot only once but for three years this symbolic act was a sign and a portent for Egypt and Kush.10 The more
5
Cf. further examples of the interchange of and in Jer. 50:1: and
, however Jer. 49:34 (cf. 47:1) has and .
6
See Jer. 25:1 and 2; Jer. 46:1 and 2; Hag. 1:1 and 3. This broader view is likely
the explanation for Hag. 2:1012, where is used in the same manner as the
earlier . For instead of the expected , see other examples in Jer. 11:1;
21:1; Zech. 1:1. In some texts, the later addition of an introduction either resulted in
a double heading or an introduction that had little to do with the immediately following passage to which it was attached (Jer. 27:1[2]; 32:1[6]; 34:8[12]; Obad. 1; Zech.
1:7; 7:1; cf. also Hos. 1:2). Note also Josh. 10:12 ( followed by an
imperative addressed to and ).
7
See also Kennicott nr. 150 as well as 2 Kgs 19:2; 20:1; 2 Chron. 26:22; 32:20, 32.
8
Note, however, Codex Vaticanus and the Lucianic recension, which also mention
the prophet.
9
is absent in Jer. 1:1. As part of a superscription is attested in Jer. 25:2;
45:1; 46:1, 13; 47:1; 49:34; 50:1; 51:59, remarkably concentrated in the headings of the
collection of FNPs, and Jer. 45:1, which is the only heading where a translation of
appears in LXX (= Jer. 51:31). This is striking in view of countless other superscriptions in Jer. where the name Jeremiah is used without the qualifier . Cf. Ezek. 1:3;
Hos. 1:1; Joel 1:1; Amos 1:1; Obad. 1:1; Jon. 1:1; Mic. 1:1; Nah. 1:1; Zeph. 1:1; Mal. 1:1,
missing . appears in Hab. 1:1; 3:1; Hag. 1:1, 3; Zech. 1:1, 7.
10
Cf. also Alexander, 368; Delitzsch, 242; Oswalt, 382.
309
widely held opinion is that Isaiah performed the symbolic act for three
years, arguing that logically belongs to what precedes the
expression.11 For a comprehensive analysis, see the exegesis.
4 f-f
. Procksch considered
an
Aramaism,12 but I adopt the often proposed revocalisation to
(qal part. pass.).13 is often regarded as a gloss.14 Wildberger
considered the entire phrase a later addition, but his arguments are
hardly convincing. Note that all other descriptions of the exiles in v. 4
appear in pairs: | , | , | . The
syntactic pair of is .15
Scholars who try to make sense of in its present location arrive at the translation (with buttocks uncovered) to the shame
of Egypt. This shows the influence of LXX:
, having exposed the shame of Egypt.
generally stands for , but also for .16 However, the Greek is
rather imprecise.17 The constr. state of appears in Gen. 9:22, 23;
Lev. 18:7; 1 Sam. 20:30; Ezek. 23:29. While may be rendered as the nakedness of Egypt, the phrase to [an implicit ]the
nakedness of Egyptmakes no sense.
It seems more likely to me that is related to both and
through an implicit . refers to the buttocks of Egypt, while
to the front, the genitalia from which the covering has been stripped
off.18 and form the pair of words that is so characteristic for
the other expressions in the list of Isa. 20:4. Accordingly, I render Isa.
20:4 as: with the buttocks and genitalia of Egypt uncovered.
5 g-g .
appears once more in Zech. 9:5, in a sentence similar
to Isa. 20:5. 1QIsaa reads in Isa. 20:5, i.e. their trust (not so,
however, in v. 6, where 1QIsaa follows MT). It has been argued (cf. the
11
See, e.g., Duhm, 148; Knig, 208; Schoors, 124; Wildberger, 748; etc.
Procksch, 258. Delitzsch also kept the vocalisation (Delitzsch, 243).
13
GKC 87g, 89d; Gray, 348; Wildberger, 748; Blenkinsopp, 321; etc.
14
Procksch, 255; Fohrer, 1.216; Kaiser, 92; Clements, 175; Schoors, 125.
15
Note also the grammatical parallelism of constr. state endings in and
on the one hand, and and on the other.
16
Isa. 47:3; Ezek. 16:36; 22:10; 23:10, 18, 29; stands for in Nah. 3:5.
17
LXX probably omitted as it also has either or ( cf. in 2 Sam.
10:4, which is however close to at least in form).
18
For in reference to genitalia (and not nakedness in general), see Gen. 9:22,
23; Exod. 28:42; Lev. 18:6; Isa. 47:2; Lam. 1:8; Ezek. 16:8; etc.
12
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chapter six
6.2
Exegetical Section
Isa. 20:12 provides the historical coordinates for a symbolic act and
one of Isaiahs prophecies. The formula followed by a detailed
description is common in historical works and superscriptions, appearing twice more in the book of Isaiah as well (Isa. 6:1 and 14:28).19
The campaign of Sargons commander against Ashdod is welldocumented in extra-biblical sources (see 6.3.3). As the leader of the
army the ( tartn) appears beside other high-ranking royal magnates (ngir kalli, palace herald, masennu, administrator, sartinnu,
chief judge, rab q, chief cupbearer, rab a ri, chief eunuch,
etc.). The tartn owned vast provinces in the Assyrian Empire,20 and
19
E.g., Gen. 7:11; 1 Kgs 15:28, 33; 16:8; 2 Kgs 12:2, 7; 17:6; Dan. 10:1; Hag. 1:1.
The Assyrian system of dating that includes mention of an eponymous official was
unknown in Judah. However, Judaean authors did, in fact, date according to important events of one particular year in a manner reminiscent of the Eponym Chronicles.
See further Z.J. Kapera, Biblical Reflections of the Struggle for Philistia at the End of
the Eight Century B.C. Part II: Analysis of the Chapter xx of the Book of Isaiah, FO
12 (19811984), 27980.
20
For instance, Belu-lu-balat, the tartn of Samsi-adad V, is the governor of
Tabitu, Harran, Huzirina, Duru, Qipani, Zallu, and Balihu. Samsi-ilu, the tartn of
311
Salmaneser IV, is the ruler of Hatti, Guti and all Namri (cf. Isa. 10:8). See Mattila,
Magnates, 114.
21
Cf. 2 Kgs 16:56; 1 Chron. 21:2730. See further A. Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx
from an Egyptological Perspective, VT 48 (1998), 224 n. 17.
22
Cf. Slotki, 93; Oswalt, 385; Blenkinsopp, 323.
23
Wildberger, 757; Hayes & Irvine, 271. Bronner suggested that Isa. 20 actually
consisted of two different symbolic actions, one performed by a prophet walking in
sackcloth, related to the replacement of Azuri in 713, and another one by removing
the sackcloth, related to the events in 711 (L. Bronner, Rethinking Isaiah 20, OTWSA
2223 [19791980], 36).
24
Duhm, 148; Gray, 34546; Ehrlich, 73; Ridderbos, 147; Hayes & Irvine, 271;
Kaiser, 93; Schoors, 124; Watts, 264; Hffken, 140.
25
Isa. 15:3; 22:12; 32:11; Jer. 4:8; 6:26; Ezek. 7:18; Joel 1:8, 13; Amos 8:10.
312
chapter six
26
Elijah, the prophet, is called in 2 Kgs 1:8, which probably corresponds to , one with a hairy robe (cf. Gen. 25:25). His ,
robe (1 Kgs 19:13, 19; 2 Kgs 2:8, 1314) may denote any type of robe, including
those worn by prominent people. It is rather the , hairy robe, which seems
to have been typical for the prophets (Zech. 13:4). Extra-biblical texts make no distinction between a type of prophetic garment and the dressing of other persons (cf.
PPANE 54, 55, 56, 58, 59).
27
For a short analysis of Isa. 22, see 3.2.8 above.
28
For the first, see Gen. 2:25; Job 1:21; Eccl. 5:15; Hos. 2:3, for the second, 1 Sam.
19:24 (?); Job 22:6; 24:7, 10; Isa. 58:7.
29
For ( Isa. 20:2) as a synonym of ( Isa. 32:11), see Isa. 11:5.
313
30
Knig, 210.
E.g., Jer. 13:111 (note the temporal distance in 13:6); Ezek. 4:117 (Ezekiel has
to prepare and eat his food while being bound and unable to move [4:89]). Jer. 18:1
10 reveals the theological message of a symbolic act to the prophet which he would
retell later to an audience. Jer. 19 contains the report of the prophets personal experience, yet 19:14 presents it as an accomplished mission. Jeremiahs unmarried state is
a message that becomes theologically significant to the prophet (Jer. 16:19) and to
those reading the narrative in the future. The symbol is not physically performed but
formulated in writing. Some accounts of symbolic action function similarly to the
prophetic descriptions of visions (e.g., Amos 7).
32
E.g., 1 Kgs 14:18; 15:29; 2 Kgs 9:7; 10:10; 14:25; 17:13; Jer. 7:25; 25:4; 26:5; 35:15;
Zech. 1:6; Amos 3:7. See also J. Blenkinsopp, The Prophetic Biography of Isaiah, in:
E. Blum (ed.), Mincha. Festgabe fr Rolf Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, NeukirchenVluyn 2000, 19.
31
314
chapter six
33
Duhm, 148; Gray, 342; Ridderbos, 147; Fohrer, 1.255; H. Donner, Israel unter den
Vlkern: Die Stellung der klassischen Propheten des 8. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. zur Aussenpolitik der Knige von Israel und Juda (VTS, 11), Leiden 1964, 114; Clements, 173.
315
that the three years in Isa. 20:3 refers similarly to the fulfilment of the
message related to the symbolic action. In this case, may be
considered a parenthetic reference or a gloss to v. 3b (cf. Isa. 7:8b).34
It may allude to a very near future and not necessarily to 36 months
(cf. Jer. 28:3).35
Another feature that brings Isa. 20 close to the Isaianic tradition is
the function of signs. Walking naked and barefoot is called a sign and
portent ( ) with regard to Egypt and Kush. Isaiah with his
sons bearing symbolic names functioned as ( 8:18) for
a generation unwilling to listen. During the reign of King Ahaz, signs
( )also played an important role in transmitting the divine message (Isa. 7:11, 14). In Isa. 37:30, the events of three years similarly
function as a sign ( )for Hezekiah. As a sign ( )referring to the
redemption of the city from the Assyrian king, the shadow went back
ten steps on the dial (?) of Ahaz ( ; Isa. 38:8). Unlike his
predecessor, Hezekiah asks for a sign ( )to rely on during his illness (38:22). Isa. 38:7 gives the theological background to in these
narratives: Yhwh shall carry out what he has promised.
Isa. 20:4 explains the sign act. Here it becomes obvious that the
nakedness of the prophet symbolises the nakedness of the Egyptian and
Kushite captives led away by the Assyrian king. The sentence
emphasises that the Assyrians will take away the exiles
totally naked, a practice confirmed by iconographic evidence.36
implies that the prophet envisages not only the deportation of
prisoners of war but the inhabitants of the land of Egypt and Kush.37
Hebrew appearing in v. 6 means shore, coastland (Isa. 23:6;
66:19; Jer. 25:22), but also isle (Jer. 47:4; Ezek. 27:6). Most exegetes
understand v. 6 as announcing judgment against the Ashdodites, supposedly underlying the term . This interpretation implies
that an earlier and still unfulfilled prophecy of Isaiah regarding the
34
Wildberger, 283, and Clements, 85, argue that the sixty-five years in Isa. 7:8 may
hint at the era of Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal in the 7th century.
35
Duhm, 148, suggests that Isa. 20 remained unfulfilled, which was for him a major
reason to consider the prediction authentic.
36
Cf. AOB 128 (Tafel lvii) portrays captives taken away by Salmaneser V, totally
naked apparently with their heads shaved, as also alluded at in Isa. 7:20.
37
Cf. Gen. 19:4; Exod. 10:9; Deut. 28:50; Josh. 6:21; Judg. 7:11.
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chapter six
38
Procksch, 258; Donner, Israel, 115; Kaiser, 95; Clements, 17374; Schoors, 125;
Sweeney, 266.
39
Likewise, Isa. 20 cannot be interpreted as a prophecy about capturing Egypt
before Ashdod (contra Gray, 342; Kaiser, 95).
40
Burney argues that referred specifically to the Philistine ruler
Yamani, whose name is mentioned in relation to the revolt of Ashdod in Assyrian
inscriptions. He understood Yamani as a gentilicum, alluding to the isle of Cyprus
(C.F. Burney, The Interpretation of Isa, xx 6, JTS 13 [1912], 423). The Cypriot origin of Yamani is, however, uncertain (cf. 6.3.3). The plural , which is logically
identified with , throws further doubts on his proposal. Seitz, 144, believed
that refers here to the peoples of the coastland, as in Isa. 41:5; 42:4, representing
the nations at the limits of the known world. The difficulty with Seitzs suggestion
is that appears in sg. and not in the pl. that one would expect if the term
denoted nations far off. Of all recorded occurrences, appears in sg. only in Isa.
23:2, 6 (Phoenician coast); Jer. 25:22 (isle of Cyprus or eventually Crete); 47:4 (isle of
Crete). Further evidence against Seitzs proposal is provided by the definite article
and the demonstrative pronoun .
317
41
Salmaneser III refers to the 12 kings on the shore of the sea (12 arrnu a
iddi tmti) (RIMA 3 A.0.102.6 iii 28; A.0.102.8:17, 33, 38; A.0.102.10 ii 19, iii 23,
19), which also included King Jehu of Israel. In A.0.102.14:6061, the kings of Hatti
are mentioned separately as arrnu a mt Hatti u aht tmti, the kings of the land
of Hatti (Syro-Palestine) and the seashore. Other texts, such as A.0.102.14:88 (cf.
A.0.102.16:7879, 152153), imply that mt H atti and ah t tmti refer to the same
territory. Esarhaddons Nineveh Prism includes Manasseh, king of Judah, among the
12 kings on the bank of the sea, 12 arrnu a kisdi tmti (IAKA 27 Episode 21:63).
This gives sufficient evidence to assume that Judah is the addressee of Isa. 20:6.
42
For and , cf. also Jer. 8:9; 17:18; 48:1, 20. For in Isaianic context,
cf. Isa. 1:29; 30:5, and for , see Isa. 7:8; 8:9: 30:31; 31:4, 9.
43
A striking parallel to this rhetorical question is found in the annals of Assurbanipal dealing with the rebellion of Egyptian kings, Necho, Sharru-lu-dari, and Paqruru.
318
chapter six
6.3 Isaiah 20 in Context
6.3.1
Some authors have found various parts of Isa. 20:12 difficult to reconcile with 20:34, preferring to treat vv. 12 as secondary. As noted
in the exegesis, such critical conclusions have been guided not only by
textual difficulties resulting from the syntax of 20:12 but also by premises concerning the prophetic message. Huber, for instance, thought
that the symbolic act of the prophet Isaiah was a warning against forming alliances with the Philistines in order to face the Assyrians, arguing that the people must have been aware of the meaning of Isaiahs
symbolic action even before Ashdod actually fell. Accordingly, Huber
reconstructed the original text by dropping vv. 1b-2: In dem Jahr,
als der Tartan nach Asdod kam, sprach Jahwe: Wie mein Knecht . . ..44
Other scholars consider v.1 or v. 2 a secondary interpolation.45 Nevertheless, as argued above, the form of the introductory sentence is
not unique to Isa. 20. Clearly, the explanation of the symbolic action
in v. 3 would appear out of place if v. 2 was removed. It is characteristic of such reports of symbolic action that they also include Yhwhs
commandment to the prophet concerning the symbolic act. The main
problem with eliminating v. 1 is that the text would be stripped of
its relation to the capture of Ashdod. Wildbergers assumption that
the Ashdod-events referred to in v. 1 could have still constituted the
background of the prophecy with some other more original heading
demonstrated the fragile nature of this presupposition.
As suggested above, the apparent logical difficulties raised by the
complex structure of vv. 12 derive from the fact that Isa. 20 is not
contemporary with the events it narrates but originated at a later time.
Isa. 20 is not (or at least not just) a historical documentary concerning the symbolic act of Isaiah in 711, but it (also) addresses a different
community, living after 711. In such a case, our attempts to recover
a presumably more original form of the text are futile indeed. For
They are quoted as saying: If Taharka has been driven out of Egypt, how then can we
stay? (BIWA, 213; ANET, 215).
44
F. Huber, Jahwe, Juda und die anderen Vlker beim Propheten Jesaja (BZAW,
137), Berlin 1976, 107 n. 92.
45
For v. 1, cf. Wildberger, 750. For v. 2, see Duhm, 14849; Marti, 160; Schmidt,
85; Fohrer, 1.234; Kaiser, 9394; Vermeylen, 1.325.
319
Isa. 7:1246
Isa. 20:12
Isa. 36:12
[. . .]
[. . .]
consequences
[. . .]
[. . .]
In all cases the introductory sentences mention the date, the events,
the persons and the places involved, including the success or failure
of the action taken. These similarities make it highly unlikely that Isa.
20:12 would be an edited secondary version of an earlier text.47
Exegetes occasionally treat either v. 5 or v. 6 as superfluous. They
argue that the message of one verse duplicates the other, so that v. 5
is regarded as commentary on v. 6, or vice versa.48 This duplication is,
however, artificial, as the emphasis of the two verses is clearly different. According to 20.5, after Kush and Egypt have been taken away
naked and barefoot, those relying upon them will feel shame due to
the vanquishing of their hope. Isa. 20:6 develops this idea further by
46
Barthel also argues for the secondary origin of Isa. 7:1b in relation to the rest of the
story, but the motivation supporting his view is quite meagre (historisch erluternde
Bearbeitung). Cf. J. Barthel, Prophetenwort und Geschichte: Die Jesajaberlieferung in
Jes 68 und 2831 (FAT, 19), Tbingen 1997, 13234, 155.
47
For the relationship with Isa. 7 and 3639, see also Blenkinsopp, Biography,
1624. Blenkinsopp argues for the Deuteronomistic origin of the historical formula
as well as the narratives. See further discussion below.
48
For Isa. 20:5 as secondary, cf. Marti, 160; Fohrer, 1.234; Kaiser, 96; Huber, Jahwe,
107; Clements, 17475; on Isa. 20:6, see Wildberger, 750.
320
chapter six
49
321
54
322
chapter six
Isa. 20 is related to and it is consistent with the view of Isaiah concerning the role of Egypt in the politics of Judah (cf. 4.3.2). The sign
act of Isaiah was performed when one of its key partners, Ashdod, fell
and was intended as a warning against entanglement in the political
55
Cf. 6.3.2. This does not imply, however, that 16:15; 17:78; 19:1625 should
be traced back to exactly the same period. The role Assyria plays in 16:4 is clearly different from its role in 19:1625. Common to this 7th century edition is mainly the
form of the compositions (judgment followed by salvation) and the positive attitude
towards foreign nations, Egyptians and Moabites.
56
Bosshard-Nepustil argues that Isa. 20 was not only relocated to but actually composed for its present context. He points to various lexical connections between Isa.
20 and Isa. 139 (E. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen von Jesaia 139 im Zwlfprophetenbuch [OBO, 154], Freiburg 1997, 12025). However, Bosshard-Nepustils list of
vocabulary consists of randomly selected and often irrelevant words, which fail to
provide convincing support for his thesis.
323
57
Wildberger, who aims to restore an Isaianic core in Isa. 20, is only interested in
the original function of Isaiahs symbolic act (760), as are most other exegetes of this
text.
58
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 18.
59
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 19.
324
chapter six
60
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 21. It seems that by assuming a temporal distance
between the inclusion of these narratives into 2 Kgs and Isa. Blenkinsopp wishes to
uphold his view that Isa. 3639 derive from 2 Kgs 1820, and not directly from the
prophetic legends, although his view on this point is not clearly stated.
61
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 21.
62
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 25.
63
Blenkinsopp appears to interchange these terms without assigning them any difference in meaning (see, e.g., Biography, 24).
64
The absence of writing prophets elsewhere in 2 Kgs (the problem which is discussed to some extent by Blenkinsopp) also strengthens the opinion that 2 Kgs is not
the original context for which the Isaiah narratives were written.
325
is most clear in the case of Isa. 20, which is not mentioned at all in the
Deuteronomistic history (2 Kgs). Given the focus and interest of these
prophetic stories, as well as the positive presentation of the prophets as servants of Yhwh, one would probably not miss the point in
regarding these authors as prophets or circles closely related to them.65
Finally, one would also readily agree with Blenkinsopp that these narratives were written by someone who was indeed familiar with the
prophecies of Isaiah. Yet that would again plead for the book of Isaiah
(rather than 2 Kgs) as the original context of these prophetic stories.
In this respect, the comparison of the Isaiah-stories with similar prophetic accounts in the book of Jeremiah (rather than 2 Kgs) would
provide a more adequate context to evaluate their function.66
To conclude, terming Isa. 20 as a Deuteronomistic-prophetic account
would mean that this text was written in the theological milieu characteristic to the intellectual history of Judah from the second half of
the 7th century (and onwards), the period to which the emergence of
the Deuteronomistic movement is usually dated. Nevertheless, since
Blenkinsopps hypothesis, which assigns a function of neutralisation
of previous judgment speeches to these prophetic narratives, proves
to be problematic in the context of the book of Isaiah, it still remains
to be seen what role Isa. 20 could have played around this period.
However, in defining the message and function of this text the clarification of some historical questions plays a significant role. Therefore, before taking position with regard to the possible function of this
narrative, the following section will look at Isa. 20 from a historical
viewpoint first.
65
Of course, one could still term this group and their language as Deuteronomistic. However, the usefulness of this is to me a question insofar as the only form
of history-writing from Judah from around this period is Deuteronomistic, i.e. we
have no other material which could be used as reference when analysing a text like
the superscription in Isa. 20:12. One could also argue that the appearance of dating
formulas akin to Isa. 20:12 in 12 Kgs (cf. 1 Kgs 14:25; 15:17; 20:1; 22:29; 2 Kgs 6:24;
12:18; 17:3, 5; 18:9, 13; 24:10) testifies to its widespread use in historical accounts
rather than to its Deuteronomistic character in particular. The fact that Isa. 20:12 has
preserved a unique reference to a concrete historical event suggests that the author of
this narrative had access to various sources, perhaps even royal annals.
66
While Blenkinsopp considers the Isaianic picture of Ahaz in Isa. 7:117 deliberately contrasting 2 Kgs 16 (Biography, 18), it is still more convincing to regard
Isa. 7 as the negative counterpart to Isa. 3637, and evaluate their relationship in an
inner-Isaianic setting (see P.R. Ackroyd, Isaiah 3639: Structure and Function, in:
Ibid, Studies in the Religious Tradition of the Old Testament, London 1987, 10520).
The practice of enhancing royal chronicles from prophetic sources (rather than the
reverse) is referred to in 2 Chr 20:34.
326
6.3.3
chapter six
The Historical Background of Isaiah 20
67
The Nimrud Inscription labels him the subduer of Judah between 720 and early
716. Sargon met the Egyptian Shilkanni in 716 and Piru in 715. Two more appearances are known in 713711, during the Ashdod-campaign.
68
The precise beginning of Hezekiahs reign is still subject to dispute. The view that
his rule should be counted from 715/714 (cf. J. Bright, A History of Israel, London
1972, 261; E.R. Thiele, The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings, Grand Rapids,
MI 2000, 17376) has proven to be unconvincing. Cf. A.K. Jenkins, Hezekiahs Fourteenth Year: A New Interpretation of 2 Kings xviii 13xix 37, VT 26 (1976), 28498;
G. Galil, The Chronology of the Kings of Israel and Judah (SHCANE, 9), Leiden 1996,
99101; N. Naaman, The Historical Background to the Conquest of Samaria (720 bc),
Bib. 71 (1990), 20625; B. Becking, The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeological Study (SHANE, 2), Leiden 1992; J. Goldberg, Two Assyrian Campaigns against
Hezekiah and Later Eighth Century Biblical Chronology, Bib. 80 (1999), 377. We have
no convincing evidence for a co-regency of Ahaz and Hezekiah.
69
Cf. Becking, Fall, 54. Sennacherib, a prominent Assyrian functionary, appears
as the expeditor of a letter describing the receipt of tribute from Azuri of Ashdod,
the king who rebelled a few years before the deportation of Ashdod in 711. Cf. H.
Tadmor, The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-Historical Study,
JCS 12 (1958), 79 n. 211. As crown prince, Nebuchadnezzar was also the leading his
fathers army.
70
See, e.g., B. Childs, Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis (SBT, 3), London 1967; F. Gonalves, Lexpdition de Sennachrib en Palestine dans la littrature hbraque ancienne
(PIOL, 34), Louvain-la-Neuve 1986; C. Seitz, Zions Final Destiny: The Development of
the Book of Isaiah, Minneapolis, MN 1991; W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign
to Judah: New Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden 1999.
327
71
Cf. A. Fuchs, Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach Prismenfragmenten aus
Ninive und Assur (SAAS, 8), Helsinki 1998, 4446, 7374; ISK, 13235, 326, 21922,
308, 34849; COS 2.118A; COS 2.118E; COS 2.118F.
72
Note that other Gath or Gittaim (Gimtu) and Ashdod-Yam (possibly Ekron)
also fell during this Assyrian campaign, but we are only informed of their falls by the
stone slabs of Sargon. Similarly, the capture of Lachish in 701 was not mentioned on
328
chapter six
Sargon sent his troops against the city and, in 711, Ashdod was captured and its inhabitants deported.75 Piru ar mt Musri mentioned
in the Nineveh Prism76 is probably identifiable as the Kushite Pharaoh Shabaka, who was expected to help the rebels. For one reason
or another, these expectations remained unfulfilled, and Ashdod was
captured, although its king, Yamani managed to flee. He was handed
over to the Assyrians sometime around 706 by Shabataka, the prince
of Kush.77
Sargon claims to have defeated Ashdod personally. Since the
description of this event in Isa 20:1 only mentions that the turtannu
of Sargon laid siege to Ashdod, the kings contention may be, as usual,
ideologically motivated. It is also possible that during the campaign in
Sennacheribs prism describing his defeat of Judah. Yet, the conquest of Lachish is a
prominent episode on the wall-decorations of the king.
73
In the Khorsabad Annals 246, he is called Yadna instead of Yamani, the name
used in all other inscriptions. There is some dispute whether this would refer to
Yamanis ethnic origin (i.e. the Greek or the Cypriot; cf. Tadmor, Campaigns, 80
n. 217). Cf. ky (= ; 1 Sam 21:11), son of Padi (COS 2.42), the ruler of Ekron
in the 7th century. Note biblical , , etc.
74
Nineveh Prism fragments Sm 2022, II and K 1668+ IV (Fuchs, Annalen, 4446,
7274). The citation corresponds to lns 2533 of K 1668+ IV.
75
For dating this event in agreement with the Annals of Sargon to 711 instead of
above-argued 712, see Fuchs, ISK, 381. In the Assyrian Eponym Chronicles, the entry
for the year 712 is ina mti, in the land. This does not refer to the position of King
Sargon alone but, according to the conventions of the Chronicles, to the position of
the army. Cf. A. Millard, The Eponyms of the Assyrian Empire: 910612 b.c. (SAAS,
2), Helsinki 1994, 5.
76
Cf. also the Annals of Sargon for the year 715 (5.3.3).
77
On this episode and Shabatakas title, ar mt Meluhha, king of Meluhha (cf.
Piru ar mt Musri, Piru, king of Egypt, as the title of Shabaka), see the Tang-i Var
inscription mentioned in 4.3.3.
329
711, Sargon was indeed present on the battlefield, even if he was also
engaged in the siege of other cities in the area (cf. Isa 37:8).
Isa. 20 provides accurate detail about the capture of Ashdod. The
author was not only aware of the name of the king (this is the only
place where Sargons name is stated), but he also knew that the campaign was coordinated by a commander. Similarly, Isa. 7 or 3639
also include details about the political situation in the 8th century.
Like these texts, Isa. 20 may be based on a prophetic narrative or biographic material written not long after the events, or else other reliable
sources (such as royal archives material) must have been available to
the author.
In spite of the reliable historical account in Isa. 20 and given the
fact that some temporal distance separates this text from the narrated
events (cf. ) , the primary concern of the narrative should
be considered theological. Together with Isa. 7 and 3639, Isa. 20 was
also written as a 3rd person account. Unlike 1st person narratives
(Isa. 6; 8; 18:4; 21:6; 22:14, 15; 30:8; 31:4), these texts are not directly
derived from the prophet but from those responsible for the preservation of the Isaianic prophetic material. By means of a narrative, Isa.
20 instructs a later audience on how to interpret the prophets words
and deeds, or how to adapt his earlier messages to new historical circumstances. The indicated literary and logical irregularities in this passage can be reasonably explained by the temporal gap between the
composition of the existing text and the events of 711. For later reading communities, these irregularities were subordinated to the overall
message of the text regarding Isaiah and his actions. For these readers,
it was less important how walking naked or the three-year period was
to be understood. Everything belonged to the (remote) past. It is not
the details of the symbolic action itself that should be the exegetes
focus, but the symbol and the message it was intended to communicate. Years ago, the prophet Isaiah foretold how all those relying on
Egypt would be put to shame. This message was still valid during the
lifetime of the author of Isa. 20 and remained valid as long as successive generations failed to revise their misconceptions and repair blunders in foreign politics.
Given that Isa. 20 addresses the attitude of Judah towards Egypt,
there are three periods in the Judaean history in which the message
of this prophecy would be especially pertinent. The first involves the
preparations for war with Assyria at the instigation of Egypt in the
330
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years preceding 701. In this pre-701 context, Isa. 20 may have warned
against relying on a power that has recently proved to be so unfaithful
to its allies.78 However, the close connections of Isa. 20 with Isa. 7 and
3639, written in the post-Isaianic era (cf. Isa. 7:8; 37:38), mean that
701 is probably a date too close to 711.
The second option is to place Isa. 20 in the 7th century, in the context
of the anti-Egyptian wars of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal (5.3.3).
During this period, Isa. 20 may have testified to the authenticity of
Isaianic tradition and the fulfilment of earlier Egypt-related prophecies
(Isa. 30; 31).79 However, this dating has at least two crucial problems.
First, it presupposes a date similar to the one proposed above for Isa.
19:1623(2425), which is much more positive about Egypt. Second,
the ultimate concern of the prophecy for the salvation of the seacoast,
i.e. Judah, (Isa. 20:6) is difficult to explain in relation to this era.
A third and most likely option is to place the composition of Isa.
20 in the final years of the kingdom of Judah. After Assyria retreated
from Egypt around 650, it took a relatively short time for Egypt to
consolidate its power in Canaan (2 Kgs 24:7).80 King Josiah was killed
by Necho II (2 Kgs 23) probably because he became anti-Egyptian
in his later years. The heir of his ideology, his son, Jehoahaz, was set
on the throne by the ( 2 Kgs 23:30) and also removed by
Necho. The Egyptian pharaoh made Jehoiakim, another son of Josiah,
his vassal on the throne of Judah. Except for the three years (604601)
of nominal servitude under the yoke of Nebuchadnezzar, Jehoiakim
always remained loyal to his Egyptian overlord, and always counted
on his support against Babylon. The same was essentially the case with
78
331
Jehoiachin (598), his son, and especially Zedekiah (598587), the last
king of Judah, installed by Nebuchadnezzar.81
According to Lachish ostracon 3:1416, dated to Zedekiahs time,
Konyahu, son of Elnatan, the commander of the army ()
was sent to Egypt.82 Though the context does not clarify his mission,
it certainly reflects on the political commitments of Judah, as illustrated by the prophetic criticism of Jeremiah (2:18, 3637; 27; 37:510)
and Ezekiel (16:26; 17; 23:1921, 27). However, Pharaoh Psametik II
(595589) died before having any chance to fulfil his promises to his
allies. In 587586, Jerusalem was burned down, and Zedekiah sent
into exile.
Isa. 20 can be dated to the era of these three final kings, as a challenge to the pro-Egyptian and anti-Babylonian policy of Judaean
leaders. The history of the late pre-exilic period closely parallels the
era of Isaiah. Indirect evidence suggests that the critical message of
the prophets of the 8th century played an important role in forming
the visions of prominent political and religious figures belonging to the
last pre-exilic generation. According to Jer. 26:1819, the prophecies
of Micah of Moresheth addressed to King Hezekiah were supposed to
urge Jehoiakim to repent after hearing the harsh words of the prophet,
as his forefather had done. It cannot be excluded that the parallels
between the stories of Ahaz and Hezekiah in Isa. 7 and 3639 were to
provide a royal model for one of Judahs last kings.83 In the same manner, Isa. 20 was supposed to serve as a warning to those kings.84
To conclude, while Isa. 20 may go back to real historical events and
records important details of the Assyrian campaign against Ashdod in
711, the ultimate concern of the narrative is the people of Judah in the
years between 605587, the era of anti-Babylonian alliances.
81
Several ostraca from the fortress of Arad (notably 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 10, 11, 14, 17) refer
to Cypriots (soldiers) posted there under the command of the Judaean Eliashib. These
were probably mercenaries hired by Egypt and sent to guard the southern borders of
Judah, its vassal, against the Edomites. These texts come from either Jehoiakims or
Zedekiahs period.
82
According to Jer. 26:22, an individual called Elnathan, son of Achbor, is said to
have gone to Egypt at the command of Jehoiakim.
83
For the intertextual relationship between Isa. 7 and 3639, cf. Ackroyd, Isaiah
3639, 10520.
84
If the relationship between Isa. 20 and the Deuteronomistic circles discussed
above at 6.3.2 is taken into further account, one may also mention here the antiEgyptian stance of this group (Deut. 17:16; Jer 4344), which coincides with the focus
of Isa. 20.
332
chapter six
6.4
85
Cf. K.L. Younger, Ancient Conquest Accounts: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern
and Biblical History Writing (JSOT.S, 98), Sheffield 1990.
86
For in connection with Egypt, see Ezek. 29:19; 30:4; 32:12; etc.
333
6.5 Conclusion
Isa. 20 refers to a symbolic act of the prophet connected with the fall of
Ashdod in 711. This symbolic act was supposed to reveal how after the
fall of Ashdod, Egypt and Kush will also be deported. Implicitly this
was threatening news for those inhabitants of Judah who expected their
salvation from Egypt. Ultimately, it is Judah with whom the prophecy
is concerned and which is tacitly addressed in 20:6 as .
The integrity of Isa. 20 need not be questioned, neither is there any
support to assume that this text is a rewritten (updated) version of a
previous one. The fact that the text includes retrospective accounts of
some temporally distant events explains some irregularities that were
formerly regarded as signs of literary unevenness.
From a contextual point of view, Isa. 20 is part of the on
Egypt. Although it was originally an independent text, it was placed
in its current position by the editors of Isa. 1323 for a specific reason.
The sequence of salvation on Egypt in Isa. 19 followed by judgment
in Isa. 20 is not unique in Isa. 1323, as this editorial technique and
conception are also present in Isa. 1516 and 17. The concern of the
editors is the day of Yhwh, mentioned in the introduction to the
revised collection of Isa. 1323. Two significant motifs that Isa. 20
exposes, the fruitlessness of Judahs reliance on human agents and the
downfall of Judahs earthly glory, are prominent themes in the day of
Yhwh texts (cf. Isa. 2:621; 13).
The views concerning Egypt ascribed to Isaiah in the narrative is
consistent with other Isaianic texts. The historical information provided by Isa. 20:1 can be confirmed by non-biblical traditions related
to 711 bc. However, the events of 711 are not the most important
context in explaining the function of this narrative. Since Isa. 20 acts
as a warning against alliances with Egypt, it can be related to the antiBabylonian movements of the late pre-exilic period. Jer. 26:1819 suggest that prophecies from the 8th century often gained a new life and
a new sense during this era.
CHAPTER SEVEN
CONCLUSION
7.1
Like most prophecies of Isa. 1323, the Egypt and Kush-related pericopes were composed in several stages, exhibiting the effects of a complex redactional history. The history of composition of the individual
pericopes can only be understood in the greater context of the formation of the book of Isaiah, in particular chapters 139.
7.1.1
336
chapter seven
conclusion
337
discussing literary unity, the prosaic vv. 12, 1415 might be considered
secondary interpolations.
With regard to the unity of vv. 1625, the repeated use of the
formula is not a sufficient argument for distinguishing
various stages in the literary development of this pericope (5.3.1).
Vv. 1625 contain linearly developed ideas and hardly any contradictions. It appears that the prophecy was written by someone living at
the historical moment described in v. 23, from which he looked back
to the past for a basis on which to foresee both doom and salvation
(vv. 1622) and to make corresponding predictions (vv. 2425). Eventually, vv. 2425 may be regarded as later expansions of the earlier text,
vv. 1623.
There can be little doubt concerning the literary integrity of Isa.
20. The awkward structure of 20:12 need not hint to a more original version of Isa. 20, which would have only contained part of these
introductory verses. Scholars who consider part of vv. 12 as secondary pay insufficient attention to the fact that the irregular structure
of vv. 12 has significant parallels in the Bible and apparently reflects
literary conventions different from those of modern readers (6.1 n. 2
c; 6.3.1). Furthermore, the assumption that vv. 12 must be partially
secondary is based on unwarranted premises concerning the meaning
and function of the symbolic act of the prophet Isaiah (namely that this
was supposed to serve as a warning against Philistia or Judah before
the campaign of Sargon II in 711 and not after it, as stated in v. 1)
and the unsustainable conviction that would refer to the
Philistines. Both views have been contested in this study.
There is even less support for excluding either v. 5 or v. 6 from any
pre-existing Isaianic text. Some problems regarding the interpretation
of Isa. 20 can be ascribed to the fact that this text is not contemporary
with the events it narrates but derives from a later period (cf. 6.3.3).
To put it bluntly, Isa. 20 is a unified pericope dealing with the relationship between Judah (not Philistia) and Egypt in the aftermath of (not
before) the actual fall of Ashdod in 711.
7.1.2
338
chapter seven
editorial principles can be discerned not only for the present arrangement of the various collections of FNPs in the prophetic books but
also with regard to the organisation of utterances addressed to specific
nations. Multiple prophecies addressed to one specific nation tend to
be collected into thematic text blocks (cf., e.g., Jer. 48; 5051; Ezek.
2628; 2932; cf. Chapter 2).
Given the several concepts according to which the FNPs were collected and arranged, it can be concluded that they were composed
over a longer period and subsequently revised, enlarged and redefined
according to new criteria imposed by later editors. This is particularly
well illustrated by the two versions of Jeremiah in LXX and MT.
Evidence derived from biblical collections substantiates the view
that the FNPs were not compiled at a late stage in the redactional history of the prophetic books, but early collections were expanded and
reorganised on different occasions. The formation of book-level collections of FNPs cannot be dissociated from the development of the books
themselves. The general principles governing the composition of the
FNPs can also be found in the prophecies related to Israel, while the
FNPs also have numerous connections with the prophecies addressed
to Judah. This means that the nations are important only insofar as
they appear in relation to Israel. The language, themes, motifs and
expressions appearing in the FNPs are strikingly book specific. Yet, at
the same time, certain themes and concepts reach beyond the borders
imposed by individual books, presupposing that, at some stage, the
editors in the background were working simultaneously on the legacy
of several prophets.
The analysis of the larger literary context of Isa. 1820, the FNPs
in 1323, has led to the conclusion that the -superscription is
the most important editorial guideline structuring the collection. In
general, introduces texts dealing with one specific nation. All
other individual prophecies must be subordinated to this heading
(14:2427; 17:1214; 18:17). That does not mean, however, that the
-superscriptions all derive from the same period. Three distinctive types of -headings can be discerned (cf. 3.1): (a) a geographical name is attached to ( 13:1; 15:1; 17:1; 19:1; 23:1); (b) some
superscriptions refer cryptically to the addressee (21:1, 11, 13; 22:1);
(c) a distinctive type of superscription is attested in 14:28. These three
types of superscriptions suggest that there are at least three different concepts at work in the composition of Isa. 1323. The text of
Isa. 2122, with its specifically formed -headings, was inserted in its
present position as an already existing independent collection. This
conclusion
339
also explains how Isa. 23 came to be separated from Isa. 19, to which
it was originally more closely related. Moreover, the previous coherence of Isa. 2122 clarifies why there are now two Babylon-related
prophecies in Isa. 1323, why we find a prophecy against Jerusalem
among the FNPs, and, quite strangely, why some oracles are addressed
to specific individuals from Jerusalem.1
The is usually associated with a composition of several originally independent prophecies and not just a single prophecy.2 This
observation is most important for Isa. 18 and 20. Isa. 18 has often
been considered a unity in itself. With the exception of a few scholars,
most have analysed it as a distinctive passage inside the FNPs of Isaiah,
whether or not connected to the word in 17:1214 (cf. 1.2; 4.3.1).
However, the originally independent oracles in Isa. 1323 are generally related to a -collection. Therefore, Isa. 18 must be considered
another example of this phenomenon.
In general, collections contain important thematic links
between subordinated passages, as well as connections based on catchwords.3 Isa. 17:1 is introduced as . However, Damascus is
mentioned in the book of Isaiah only in relation to Israel (the AramIsrael alliance) and the planned attack against Judah during the reign
of Ahaz (Isa. 78; cf. 4.3.1). In this sense, the role of Damascus in
Isa. 17 is marginal or partial, and the prophecy is rather concerned
with the Kingdom of Israel. Whatever was the original concern of
17:1214, this text should now be read in its present position as part of
and therefore related to the Aram-Israel alliance (cf. Isa.
8:910). The prophecy in 18:17 underwent a similar reinterpretation
when connected to Isa. 17. When taken independently of its context,
Isa. 18 is a prophecy addressing the Kushite Empire of the 8th century. In its present literary setting, however, it functions as a prophecy
against Israel, i.e. Samaria.4
1
If Isa. 2122 is removed from the FNPs, we are left with six -collections. It is
striking that Isa. 2833 also contains six collections (Isa. 28,1; 29,1, 15; 30:1; 31:1;
33:1). These two collections of prophecies are reminiscent of the posited earlier form
of Amos, containing five prophecies against the nations and five parallel visions at the
end of the book (cf. 2.4.1).
2
Exceptions are Isa. 14:28; 21:1, 11.
3
Cf. in Isa. 13 (3.2.1) or in Isa. 22 (3.2.8).
4
Compare this with the function of Isa. 20, which was originally a text addressing
Judah. Nevertheless, this purpose is modified in its present context where Isa. 20 can
be read as a text concerned primarily with the future of Egypt.
340
chapter seven
conclusion
341
7.2
342
chapter seven
conclusion
343
As part of a -collection, the theological focus of Isa. 18 addressing the Kingdom of Kush and Isa. 20 addressing Judah shifted partially because of the relocation of these passages in the context of the
Damascus, Israel and Egypt collections respectively.
When summarising the theological role of Isa. 1820 in the context
of Isa. 1323, one has to refer to the motifs of Yhwhs plan and his
raised hand, which figure prominently in Isa. 1323 but also in the
broader context of the book of Isaiah. The two motifs are connected in
14:2627; 19:1617 and 23:11, but most striking resemblances appear
in 14:27; 19:12 and 23:89 (cf. 5.3.2).
The motif of Yhwhs raised hand originally connected two parts of
an earlier version of the book of Isaiah (one focusing on Israel / Judah
and the other on foreign nations). The hand raised over Israel / Judah
plays an important role in 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20, over Assyria in 10:4, and
over other nations in 14:2627. The judgment on Israel and Judah in
the first part of the book is brought to a culmination by the destruction of Assur (cf. 3.2.1). As soon as Yhwh has finished his work in
Jerusalem (Isa. 10:12), he will punish Assyria, who formerly eliminated
the boundaries of many nations (10:1314). Yhwh will redraw the
boundaries, which means that the fall of Assyria will have implications not only for Jerusalem but for all other nations formerly bearing
the Assyrian yoke. In this manner, the hand raised above Assyria will
ultimately bear a positive message for Jerusalem and all nations. It
is probably this editorial point of view that explains the judgment to
salvation transition in the prophecies in Isa. 1323.6 This edition of the
book is more directly related to Isa. 10, and contained the prophecies
14:4b21, 2427, 2832; 15:116:5; 17:18; 19; 23. The structure of
these FNPs corresponds to the basic shape of a royal inscription (see
7.4 below).
The editorial concern for Yhwhs plan and his raised hand first
by means of and then against Assur is the motivation for an initial
collection of FNPs, which subsequently shifted to the theme of the
the day of Yhwh. This theme appears at key locations in the book
of Isaiah, namely in 2:621 (the introduction of the first part of the
book) and 13:122 (the first chapter of the present collection of FNPs).
6
Although this does not presuppose that the salvation enhancements have all been
written by these editors. As I noted, the role of Assyria in Isa. 19:23 is obviously different from the imagery of the vanished oppressor in 16:15. Consequently, the two
texts definitely derive from different periods.
344
chapter seven
Previous research on the function of FNPs has shown that prophecies concerning the nations are often related to states of war, where
these texts often bring comfort to a group threatened by external enemies (2.2; 2.3). However, Isa. 18 is not an implicit salvation oracle
for Judah but rather the contrary. It conveys a negative message to a
nation preparing for war (cf. 4.3.1). There is no explicit hint that Isa.
18 would be a prophetic response to an inquiry (cf. Isa. 14:32), but
that is a serious possibility. The message given to the mysterious messengers in v. 2 can be interpreted as a response to an inquiry addressed
to Isaiah by his public. The close connections with a similar oracle in
1 Kgs 22 (cf. 4.3.2) give additional support for this assumption.
The case is probably different, however, with Isa. 1920. The manner in which Judah is implied in the pronouncement of judgment
in 19:115 remains questionable, but we find here no evidence for
7
I am uncertain about 16:1314, which seems to have been composed still later (cf.
3.2.3). Note the relationship with 21:1617 (3.2.7). For a contrasting opinion, see
P.R. Raabe, Why Prophetic Oracles Against the Nations, in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds),
Fortunate the Eyes that See: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration
of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand Rapids, MI 1995, 245; I doubt that Isa. 16:1314 or
21:1617 could be considered prophecies of (limited) salvation.
conclusion
345
considering this text an oracle of war. In fact, the second part of this
prophecy, vv. 1625, cannot be a war oracle. This is also true for Isa.
20 in its present narrative form. Nevertheless, as I suggested above, the
political significance of Isa. 20 should not be underestimated. The text
of Isa. 1820 provides no evidence that it could in any way be related
to an eventual identity crisis in the Judaism of the post-exilic era.8
The presumed positive stance of Isa. 18:7 and 19:1625 towards
foreign nations is another often-discussed feature. Yet, unfortunately,
scholars are reluctant to make the necessary distinctions between the
different types of attitudes concerning foreign nations that these texts
convey. Although many scholars relate Isa. 18:7 to Deutero-Isaiah,
especially 45:14 (occasionally even assuming that 18:7 would rely on
Deutero-Isaiah), closer analysis suggests that making Jerusalem instead
of Yhwh the main beneficiary of the tributes of foreign nations, essentially distinguishes Isa. 18:7 from 45:14, and indeed from DeuteroIsaiahs view on the relationship between Israel and other nations.
Isa. 18:7 is closer to religious poetry (cf. Ps. 68:30) and royal oracles.
On the other hand, the human or divine king as the central figure of
the pre-exilic Zion-theology is reinterpreted in Isa. 45:14 as a reference to Zion, in full accordance with the theology of Deutero-Isaiah
(cf. 4.3.1).
As for the universalism of 19:1625, this text is often connected with
passages assumed to derive from the late Persian or Hellenistic periods,
such as Isa. 66:1821; Jon. 1:16; 34; Zech. 14:20; Mal. 1:11. The validity
of this view must be questioned, for 19:1625 differs from these passages in major ways. Isa. 19 exposes a different type of universalism.
The revelation of the name of Yhwh to the Egyptians distinguishes Isa.
19 from Jon. 1 and other related texts, in which the foreigners experience of Yhwh is restricted to the fearful appearance of Israels God.
The Jerusalem-centred worldview of Isa. 66:1821 or Zech. 14:20 is an
essential difference between these texts and Isa. 19:1625. The inclusive monotheism behind Jon. 34 and Mal. 1:11 is also absent from
Isa. 19:1625 (5.3.2). Isa. 19:1625 does not presuppose an eschatological scene in which foreign nations stand in front of the throne of
Yhwh (contrast Zeph. 3:89). Instead, the text is thoroughly rooted
8
Contra Ch. Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprchebei Amos und Jesaja (BBB, 136), Berlin 2002, who wished to treat FNPs in Amos 12 and Isa. 1316 as products of postexilic authors searching for identity.
346
chapter seven
9
In opposition to Hayes & Irvine with regard to Isa. 1323, or Gallagher with
regard to Isa. 2122.
conclusion
347
addresses Hezekiah, who adopted the scarab beetle as his royal symbol, a symbol well-known to archaeologists from the seal impressions
of this Judaean king. The (four) winged beetle also appears on the
lmlk-jar handles from the period of 705701 bc (4.3.3).
A closer look at 19:115 suggests that this text derives from between
716 and 671 bc. When scholars date these verses to the Isaianic era,
they mostly rely on the conflict scene in v. 2, which describes the antagonism among the nomes of Egypt. However, the language adopted
here in the prophecy is stereotypical (cf. 5.2.1; 5.3.3). Neither is the
imagery of the harsh lord specific enough to be identified with a concrete historical figure, even if the possibility that the author did have a
historical figure in his mind cannot be excluded. Attention was called
to the fact that Isa. 19:115 may be a predictive description of Egypts
near future. This would question the identification of the statements of
the prophecy with the actual historical facts. At the same time, the use
of the term in connection with the nomes of Egypt, presupposing kings as leaders, points to the Assyrian era, when the nomes
were indeed subjected to the supervision of kings with a more or less
limited power. As for the harsh ruler ( ) and the powerful king () , it is unlikely that a Judaean prophet would have
referred to the Kushites who would probably not be known to him
as a significant military power before they conquered Egypt. In later
times, however, the Kushite pharaohs proved to be Egypt-friendly rulers. Consequently, the imagery in Isa. 19:4 alludes rather to Assyrian kings.10 The principle role of the advisors from the eastern region
of the Delta (19:11, 13; cf. 5.2.3) would suggest that the enemy is
expected from the east rather than from the south. Isa. 19:13 mentions
one pharaoh probably ruling from Memphis, with counsellors from
Zoan. This information fits well the era of Shabaka, the Kushite king
who moved his throne to Memphis in 716. Since the deliverance of
Egypt into the hands of a harsh lord is predicted as a new experience
for the Egyptians, it is likely that the prophecy predates 671, when
Esarhaddon, king of Assyria invaded Egypt.
Isa. 19:1623 is not a prediction, but it describes actual historical
events, which the author interpreted in a theological way. Isa. 19:23 is
10
Although this image of the king would also suit with Babylonian or Perso-Median
rulers, other considerations have led to the conclusion that Isa. 19:115 must be earlier
than the Babylonian era (cf. 5.3.1; 5.3.3).
348
chapter seven
a key verse in this respect. Contrary to the most often followed interpretation of this verse, which considers v. 23 to be an expression of the
common worship of Yhwh by Assur and Egypt, I argued that it alludes
to a world in which Egypt is subservient to Assur. The translation to
serve Yhwh is not supported by the present form of the Hebrew text
(cf. 5.1 n. 23 hh; 5.2.7). Egypts experience with Assyria is viewed
in this passage through the looking glass of an author who regards
Assyria as the tool in the hand of Yhwh. As such, whatever Assyria
brings about in Egypt is actually triggered by Yhwh. In this way, the
oath by Egypt sworn to serve Assyria can be understood as Egypts
commitment to Yhwh. Egyptian offerings to Assyrian gods in expression of their vassal status can be regarded as offerings to Assyrias chief
overlord, Yhwh (5.3.3). If we look at the historical circumstances
from this point of view, the theological message of the Judaean author
seems to assume a date during the early years of Assurbanipal for
19:1623. According to v. 20 (cf. 5.2.6; 5.3.3), this Assyrian king was
regarded as a liberator sent by Yhwh, a view that complies with historical texts reporting on the Assyrian invasion of Egypt. In this way,
it becomes clear how a Judaean author could have had such detailed
insight into the history of Egypt. During the days of Manasseh, Judah
assisted the Assyrians by providing a Judaean contingent to help free
the Egyptians from Kushite rule. It is not surprising that this Egyptexperience of Judah has left its marks on the pages of the Bible.
Isa. 20 complies with the known facts concerning the fall of Ashdod
in 711 bc, and presents historical information that is unique in the
Bible. This may suggest that the author of Isa. 20 based his narrative
on a reliable source. Nevertheless, the narrative in its present form
derives from a later period, written under circumstances similar to
711. It addresses a different audience, most probably one of the last
kings of Judah, who was pursuing a dangerous pro-Egyptian policy
under the imminent threat of a Babylonian invasion (6.3.3).
7.4
conclusion
349
350
chapter seven
conclusion
351
The Assyrian term for stele is nar or salmu. The latter refers specifically to a stone monument containing an iconographic representation of the Assyrian king. This image of the king is often referred to as
salam arrtya, my royal image, or salam bltya, my lordly image
(5.2.6). Such steles were usually set up in important cities or border
regions and were used to mark the extent of the Assyrian Empire.11
Beyond this, however, a stele is far more than a border stone or an
instrument of political propaganda. In her study on Mesopotamian
steles, Zainab Bahrani argues that the salmu is not a portrait of the
king in the modern sense, not his natural replica. The salmu (which
may contain both image and text) is a representation of the person
of the king. She compares the function of the salmu to that of the ar
phi, the substitute of the king, who was supposed to take the place
of the king on days in which omens predicted a dangerous fate for the
Assyrian monarch. By means of a certain ritual, this person, the substitute king, who during the ritual ceremony is referred to as salmu, is
transformed into the real king.12 The stele representing the king also
functions as a substitute of the Assyrian ruler, taking his place in his
absence.13
The stele which the Assyrian king erected in Egypt commemorating the heroic deeds and victorious actions of the god Assur and his
servant is presented in Isa. 1323 as a stele of Yhwh, because he and
not Assur is the ultimate divine overlord for the Assyrian ruler. The
king of Assyria is like a tool in his hand (Isa. 10:5). The basalt steles
11
A stele could have been used for different purposes and could have, accordingly,
contained texts of various lengths. CAD n, 36466 gives the following definitions for
nar: stone monument inscribed with laws and regulations (e.g. Hammurapis stele);
boundary stone; memorial monument set up by a king, which is mostly (though not
always) accompanied by reliefs (cf. the Mesha stele or Salmaneser IIIs Black Obelisk).
It is frequently noted that after the conquest of a country, a stele is constructed, and
the achievements of the Assyrian king are written on it.
12
Z. Bahrani, The Graven Image: Representation in Babylon and Assyria, Philadelphia, PA 2003, 12930.
13
Bahrani argues that an integral part of all substitution rituals was the act of naming. The image was first fashioned and then given a specific persons name in order
to function as a valid substitute for the person in question. (. . .) The name was so
consequential because Babylonian theological thought held the basic doctrine that the
naming of a thing was tantamount to its existence and that a thing did not exist unless
it was named. (. . .) The removal of the name from the image could also invalidate that
image as an immortalization of the represented. (Graven Image, 179). Compare this
with the stele of Esarhaddon, referred to as nar itir umya, a stele with my name
written on it (IAKA 65:50) and the biblical [ . . .] in Isa. 19:19.
352
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(Isa. 6:3)
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354
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bibliography
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Ackroyd, P.R. 7, 325, 331
Ahituv, S. 163, 242
Ahlstrm, G. 330
Alexander, J.A. 112, 113, 122, 123, 153,
155, 156, 227, 231, 233, 308
Alonso Corral, M. 56
Auld, A.G. 2
Auvray, P. 250
Backersten, O. 4
Bahrani, Z. 351
Balkely, J.A. 198
Balogh, Cs. 5, 7, 20, 21, 79, 88, 99, 115,
162, 163, 170, 192, 267, 268
Barr, J. 156, 157
Barth, H. 10, 18, 84, 85, 93, 190
Barth, J. 157
Barthel, J. 13, 15, 18, 19, 188, 190, 319
Barthlemy, D. 227, 228, 307
Barton, J. 11, 40, 46, 47, 48
Baruq, A. 222, 226
Baumann, E. 156
Becker, J. 7
Becker, U. 2, 5, 9, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19,
28, 31, 89, 90, 93, 291
Becking, B. 326
Beentjes, P.C. 45
Begg, C.T. 78, 82
Bell, R. 165
Bentzen, A. 40
Ben Yehuda, E. 145
Ben Zvi, E. 5
Berge, K. 266, 268
Berges, U. 2, 11, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26,
29, 30, 92, 93, 95, 98, 123, 178, 187,
252, 255, 274, 286, 320
Bergmeier, R. 219
Berlin, A. 64
Beuken, W.A.M. 5, 7, 21, 24, 84, 113,
167, 174, 184, 320
Bierbier, M.L. 195
Blasius, A. 238
Blenkinsopp, J. 28, 30, 49, 58, 60, 61,
75, 80, 82, 84, 85, 91, 93, 96, 99, 105,
110, 141, 150, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158,
160, 167, 171, 174, 176, 184, 186, 187,
372
index of authors
index of authors
Graeve, M.-C. de 166
Gray, G.B. 28, 29, 80, 99, 108, 113, 116,
123, 141, 143, 147, 149, 153, 155, 164,
167, 172, 176, 178, 211, 222, 223, 225,
228, 231, 253, 261, 271, 309, 311, 316
Grayson, A.K. 236, 237, 238, 241
Green, A.R.W. 234
Greenberg, M. 61
Greenfield, J.C. 211
Gressmann, H. 29, 42
Grimal, N. 293
Grimme, H. 80
Gro, W. 253, 258, 266, 267, 268
Grneberg, K.N. 267
Guillaume, A. 215
Gunkel, H. 42, 268
Hagedorn, A.C. 41
Hallo, W.H. 236
Hamborg, G.R. 97, 132, 279
Haran, M. 50, 52
Hardin, J.W. 198
Hardmeier, Chr. 2, 13, 14
Hayes, J.H. 22, 28, 29, 35, 37, 40, 41,
42, 75, 96, 105, 106, 149, 152, 164,
167, 176, 189, 192, 233, 271, 293, 294,
296, 311, 346
Hayward, R. 224, 231
Heimpel, W. 162
Helck, W. 169, 189, 214
Hermisson, H.-J. 18, 186
Hertz, N. 213, 215
Hillers, D.R. 141
Hitzig, F. 147, 148, 251
Hoch, J.E. 159
Hoffmann, H.W. 28, 192
Hoffmann, Y. 37, 42, 43, 55
Hoffmeier, J.K. 189, 191, 195, 196, 254
Hoffner, H.A. 210
Holladay, W.L. 52, 53, 54
Hommel, F. 169
Hoonacker, A. van 153, 156, 169, 172,
176, 223, 225, 231, 260
Hffken, P. 2, 24, 29, 30, 37, 38, 41, 42,
44, 77, 101, 107, 172, 253, 263, 272,
273, 274, 307, 311, 320
Hgenhaven, J. 4, 18, 98, 104
Hyland Lavik, M. 159, 161, 172, 173,
175, 176, 192
Huber, F. 4, 89, 318, 319
Hunger, H. 236
Huwyler, B. 37, 38, 45, 49, 50
373
374
index of authors
Kckert, M. 15, 18
Khler, L. 154
Knig, E. 1, 28, 86, 99, 112, 114, 118,
141, 143, 155, 222, 227, 258, 309,
31213
Kszeghy, M. 86
Kraovec, J. 29, 254, 258
Kratz, R.G. 17, 189
Kraus, H.-J. 141, 287
Krauss, S. 145
Kuhrt, A. 291
Kustr, Z. 10, 29, 262, 263, 274
Kutscher, E.Y. 143, 158, 216, 306
Ockinga, B. 220
OConnor, D. 161, 163, 168, 169, 292
Ohmann, H.M. 22, 29, 80, 104, 183
Olley, J.W. 274
Olyan, S. 84
Onasch, H.-U. 197, 292, 295, 298, 299
Orelli, D.C. von 150, 152, 155, 253
Oswalt, J.N. 28, 29, 71, 86, 112, 116,
122, 133, 144, 167, 174, 180, 228, 231,
271, 294, 308, 311
Otto, E. 189
Machinist, P. 3, 256
Macintosh, A.A. 70, 71, 103, 105, 106,
109
Maier, J. 154
Mankowski, P.A. 165, 307
Mansoor, J. 154
Margulis, B. 42
Marlow, H. 243
Marti, K. 9, 20, 28, 30, 111, 143, 149,
153, 156, 164, 178, 225, 231, 253, 254,
272, 318, 319
Mattila, R. 307, 311
Mattingly, G.L. 101
Mazar, A. 198
McCarter, P.K. 117
McKinion, S.A. 228
Meier, S.A. 165, 167
Millard, A.R. 328
Miscall, P.D. 8
Monsengwo-Pasinya, L. 225, 260, 262
Pankhurst, R. 170
Parpola, S. 39, 135, 137, 259, 295
Paul, S.M. 48
Peels, H.G.L. 49, 50, 53
Penna, A. 156, 158, 164, 216, 221, 223,
253, 258, 294
Perlitt, L. 62, 63, 65, 187
Pfeifer, G. 164
Pierce, R.H. 293
Pinker, A. 150
Pitard, W. 114
Pohlmann, K.-F. 49
Pongratz-Leisten, B. 257
Porten, B 144, 260
Posener, G. 40, 169
Postgate, J.N. 295
Potts, D. 162
Premstaller, V. 56
Priese, K.-H. 197, 292
Procksch, O. 28, 29, 30, 31, 70, 80, 86,
89, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 121, 143,
149, 153, 154, 155, 158, 167, 174, 176,
180, 222, 226, 230, 233, 253, 258, 269,
271, 273, 274, 293, 294, 297, 307, 309,
316
Qimchi, D. 71, 105, 118, 152, 155, 167,
174, 227
Quack, J.F. 164, 242, 243
index of authors
Raabe, P.R. 22, 344
Rashi 118, 144, 156, 159, 167
Reade, J.A. 194
Redford, D.B. 195, 291, 330
Rendsburg, G.A. 108, 123
Rendtorff, R. 7, 10
Reventlow, H.G. 42
Ridderbos, J. 29, 152, 271, 311, 314
Ringgren, H. 148, 232
Roberts, J.J.M. 28, 29, 194, 196
Romer, M. 189, 247, 248
Rowley, H.H. 224
Rudolph, W. 71, 96, 97, 99
Ruppert, L. 219
Rterswrden, U. 210
Rthy, A.E. 159, 175, 214
Ryou, D.H. 62, 63
Saadya (Gaon) 105, 150, 157
Sadler, R.S. 163, 180
Salonen, A. 144
Sawyer, J.F.A. 29, 225, 233, 252, 253
Schenkel, W. 238
Schenker, A. 29, 232, 255
Schipper, B.U. 167, 189, 197, 238, 330
Schmerl, C. 42
Schmid, H.H. 250
Schmidt, H. 150, 169, 172, 176, 318
Schoors, A. 3, 29, 30, 112, 116, 120,
143, 162, 253, 271, 273, 274, 286, 309,
311, 316
Schultz, R.L. 6
Schpphaus, J. 209
Schwally, F. 42
Seeligmann, I.L. 158, 225
Seitz, Chr. 21, 71, 316, 326
Seybold, K. 50, 52, 53, 55
Sharp, C.J. 49, 55
Shemesh, Y. 190
Shinan, A. 163
Shipp, R.M. 83, 84, 85, 86
Shupak, N. 236, 245, 246, 247
Slotki, I.W. 227, 311
Smothers, T.G. 96, 97, 99
Soggin, J.A. 156
Sommer, B. 11
Spalinger, A. 196, 197, 295, 300
Sparks, K.L. 254
Spickermann, H. 260
Spronk, K. 150
Stansell, G. 21
Sthli, H.-P. 146, 219
Steck, O.H. 7, 10, 274
Steckoll, S.H. 224
Steiner, G. 250
375
Steiner, M. 101
Sweeney, M.A. 2, 3, 4, 6, 21, 23, 26, 28,
29, 30, 62, 63, 71, 72, 75, 82, 83, 84,
93, 96, 105, 106, 108, 128, 141, 167,
184, 193, 194, 232, 270, 273, 274, 276,
279, 291, 298, 316, 320, 330, 340
Tadmor, H. 165, 248, 326, 328
Tallqvist, K. 235
Tate, M.E. 2, 187
Tawil, H. 212
Taylor, J. 195, 291, 292
Taylor, J.E. 224
Tcherikover, V. 252
Tengstrm, S. 238
Thacker, T.W. 213
Thiele, E.R. 326
Tigchelaar, E.J.C. 154
Tita, H. 262
Torzyner, H. 147
Trk, L. 162, 163, 169, 170, 195, 292
Tropper, J. 210, 211
Turkowski, L. 174
Uehlinger, C. 199
Uffenheimer, B. 71
Ussishkin, D. 198
Vaccari, A. 226
Vanderhooft, D.S. 71, 82, 105, 107, 136
Vandersleyen, C. 165
Vandier, J. 166, 169
Vaux, R. de 224
Vercoutter, J. 169
Vermeylen, J. 9, 10, 20, 21, 25, 30, 45,
62, 67, 73, 75, 80, 82, 85, 89, 124, 127,
167, 178, 182, 272, 294, 318, 340
Vitringa, C. 116, 144, 147, 148, 150,
152, 157, 172
Vlaardingerbroek, J. 62
Vogels, W. 29, 225, 252, 253, 274, 277,
284, 285
Waard, J. de 227
Wachsmann, S. 166
Wade, G.W. 263
Wanke, G. 141
Ward, W.A. 125
Watts, J.D.W. 8, 49, 52, 54, 75, 86, 112,
116, 145, 149, 153, 164, 167, 271, 307,
311
Weinberg, W. 254
Weinfeld, M. 235
Weippert, M. 39
Weis, R.D. 270, 271, 340
376
index of authors
Wong, G.C.I. 79
Worrell, J. 219
Woude, A.S. van der
Wutz, F. 226
Wyatt, N. 235
47, 287
Yannay, I. 143
Yardeni, A. 144
Yamauchi, E. 167
Young, E.Y. 28, 29, 72, 86, 112, 114,
116, 122, 141, 147, 149, 151, 155, 164,
172, 175, 176, 258, 271, 294
Younger, K.L. 4, 191, 194, 195, 196,
197, 332
Yoyotte, J. 195
Yurco, F.J. 195
Zaccagnini, C. 254
Zadok, R. 295
Zapff, B.M. 19, 20, 25, 26, 28, 76, 77,
80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 320
Zibelius, K. 162, 169
Zimmerli, W. 60, 61
Zobel, H.-J. 141
12
15
19
25
31
32
40
41
43
45
46
47
48
49
13: 163
25: 64; 5: 253;
610: 168; 6: 64;
812: 1, 86;
8: 163; 10: 253;
14: 64; 22: 64;
31: 253
23: 266, 285
18: 285
2: 109
8: 118; 14: 71;
17: 118
260; 4354: 25859;
54: 109; 14: 110
22: 110
10: 158
14: 169; 24: 246;
34: 253; 45: 223;
48: 246; 50: 223
34: 253
8: 120; 22: 253
20: 223
2: 253; 24: 253;
26: 253
20: 268, 269
10: 160; 33: 118
15
16
18
19
Leviticus
5
13
19
20
21
23
26
45: 229
4041: 149
4: 210; 31: 210
6: 210; 27: 210
5: 149
40: 221
8: 253
Numbers
6
7
12
13
15
16
21
23
24
27
32
36
Exodus
2
3
3
5
6
7
8
9
10
12
13
1415
23: 284
255
8: 284; 9: 284;
10: 284; 12: 284
2: 262, 284; 3: 284
255
11: 246; 22: 246
3: 246; 1415: 246;
18: 275; 19: 286;
2123: 268;
2526: 284
11: 246; 20: 286;
27: 286; 35: 307
7: 286
12: 235; 21: 148;
38: 83
17: 166
83, 87, 88
Deuteronomy
2
3
4
14
15
17
18
23
25
28
30
31
32
285
2426: 269
3: 230
1: 163
22: 247
12: 230
31: 154
18: 77
7: 38
14: 249; 17: 114
23: 307
19; 146; 32: 164;
34: 101
3: 229; 8: 229
25: 283
8: 146; 12: 101
4647: 146; 48: 101
1: 149
18: 218
16: 331
922: 40
19: 128, 302
18: 114
102; 13: 220; 27: 285;
35: 285; 42: 142, 145,
161; 44: 220; 49: 77;
55: 230
4: 77
1718: 275, 276
89: 269; 15: 101;
18: 102
378
Joshua
3
4
5
6
8
9
10
13
19
22
24
Judges
1
2
4
5
7
8
9
11
12
19
20
Ruth
1
4
1 Samuel
3
56
6
8
10
14
15
16
18
20
25
26
28
2 Samuel
1
6
268
12: 275
261, 286
284
18: 275
3: 104, 150
4: 146; 15: 283;
38: 219, 249
5: 261; 2829: 119
6: 121
6: 121
21: 150; 22: 150, 151;
37: 151
33: 121
19: 268
3: 210; 5: 239;
7: 210; 13: 211
6: 113; 15:
5: 142
230
7
12
17
18
24
1 Kings
1
4
7
10
11
14
16
18
19
22
2 Kings
1
3
4
5
6
7
9
10
12
13
15
16
1718
17
1820
1819
18
19
20
21
22
30: 71
4043: 296
24: 106
33
36
Ezra
1
2
9
1: 136
68: 121
3: 149
Nehemiah
1
2
5
8
9
13
9:
8:
11:
15:
30:
25:
Psalms
2
22
36
39
40
44
45
46
48
60
62
68
69
77
109
160
221
148
149
72
74
76
78
82
83
85
86
87
89
95
96
97
104
107
109
110
127
133
150
Job
1
3
4
379
9
11
12
14
15
21
24
28
30
36
37
38
40
41
20: 149
9: 157
12: 151; 15: 104;
16: 71; 19: 217
26: 166
20: 151
24: 263
11: 242
32: 221
12: 208; 33: 148
12: 113
10: 154
24: 113
11; 232; 19: 113
11: 157; 15: 157
28: 158
22: 144; 31: 142, 144
10: 157
Proverbs
11
13
15
23
25
26
28
18: 217
12: 148
13: 173
11: 81
13: 158
1: 173; 6:
3: 173
154
380
Ecclesiastes
2
12
Song of Songs
5
10: 156
6
11: 158
7
12: 109; 13:
158
8
Isaiah
166
139
112
1
2
4
5
78
7
7, 11
7, 10, 12, 20
10, 21, 56, 91, 131
9, 24, 47; 1: 3, 70, 308;
2126: 18; 24: 111;
26: 223, 225
24, 132; 1: 70, 308;
24: 10; 621: 132,
136, 333, 344; 7: 132;
8: 235, 303; 10: 136;
1112: 303; 11: 332;
12: 132; 16: 132;
17: 303, 332; 18: 235,
303; 19: 136; 20: 132,
235, 303; 21: 136;
2:223:7: 277, 281,
341, 342; 22: 132, 192,
281
293; 15: 119; 1: 111,
201, 281; 4: 240;
5: 236; 67: 240;
7: 208; 12: 277, 281,
342; 15: 95, 111
26: 97; 2: 323;
4: 98; 5: 98, 173
102, 176; 1: 127; 8: 9;
12: 115; 19: 65,
90, 280; 2529: 10;
25: 89, 90, 131, 343;
2630: 37; 26: 77;
28: 104
9, 14, 15, 329;
6:19:6: 24; 18: 9,
15; 1: 70, 93, 310,
322; 2: 230; 3: 287;
5: 15; 910: 14, 115,
171; 10: 262; 13: 14
322, 339, 342
329, 330, 331; 117: 5,
9, 13, 185, 323, 325;
12: 319, 322; 1: 323;
4: 317; 58: 35;
56: 317; 5: 90, 280;
911
910
9
1012
10
1112
11
12
1327
1323
1319
1317
1314
13
1422
14
381
382
Isaiah (cont.)
1523
1516
15
16
17
1821
1820
18
1920
19
20
2127
2123
2122
21
22
383
384
Isaiah (cont.)
23
2435
2427
24
2527
25
26
27
2839
2835
2831
2833
28
29
3031
30
31
32
33
34
35
3639
3637
36
37
38
39
4066
4055
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
55
56
58
60
61
62
65:13
66
Jeremiah
145
1
224
2
385
386
Jeremiah (cont.)
5
10: 159, 175; 14: 76
6
4: 144; 9: 159;
2224: 37, 79; 22: 76,
77; 26: 105
7
20: 57
9
2425: 35
10
12: 151
12
4: 243; 1417: 35,
288
13
111: 313; 3: 57;
8: 57; 22: 114;
26: 114
14
96; 1: 50; 56: 123
16
19: 313; 1: 57;
6: 149
18
110: 313; 5: 57
19
313
21
13: 112
23
9: 50; 10: 243;
3340: 108, 271;
3536: 108
24
4: 57
25
52, 290, 313
25
12: 70, 308; 1: 52,
53, 54; 9: 52,
78; 11: 52, 127;
12: 71; 13: 50,
51; 1517: 313;
1826: 52, 53;
22: 316; 24: 72;
23: 110; 29: 52, 54,
56; 3038: 55; 34: 97,
128; 36: 97
2645
55
26
1819: 331, 342;
18: 17, 202; 22: 331
2728
107
27
50, 290, 331; 2: 265;
6: 289, 352; 11: 265
28
24: 6; 3: 315;
8: 36; 9: 16
29
10: 127; 22: 268
31
3: 148
36
54, 55; 2: 51, 52, 53,
54; 23: 55; 32: 55
37
510: 331; 13: 121
38
15: 249
41
7: 121
4344
253, 331
43
813: 35; 13: 251,
252
44
253; 1: 251, 252;
17: 121; 21: 121;
2930: 54
45
4651
4649
46
47
48
49
5051
50
51
52, 54
35, 43, 45, 4956, 61
50, 52
54; 112: 36, 281;
1: 51, 53, 70, 308;
2: 51, 53, 308; 9: 105;
10: 111, 121; 11: 105;
1324: 36, 281;
13: 51; 2021: 186;
23: 109; 2526: 36,
281; 25: 76; 26: 19,
279; 52: 50
1: 51, 53; 2: 76;
4: 127, 316
5, 73, 98, 99, 234;
1: 51; 5: 99;
16: 128; 20: 128;
24: 97; 28: 99;
2930: 99; 31: 99,
227; 3233: 99;
32: 158, 159;
35: 99; 36: 99, 227;
37: 99; 38: 99, 113;
39: 128; 4042: 128;
4547: 50; 47: 19,
53
16: 55; 12: 128;
1: 51; 5: 76, 111;
6: 19; 7: 51;
2327: 36, 101;
23: 51; 2833: 110;
28: 51, 53, 72, 110;
3439: 50, 107;
34: 51, 53; 35: 76;
38: 52, 56, 289;
39: 19
50, 52, 73, 88
1: 51; 8: 80, 97;
15: 79; 1617: 80;
1718: 89, 91; 18: 76;
21: 71, 105, 114;
23: 88; 25: 111;
26: 88; 28: 53, 82;
29: 88; 31: 111;
33: 88; 34: 81, 88;
3537: 243
1: 76; 6: 80; 8: 128;
11: 53, 81, 106;
12: 108; 2023: 78;
28: 81, 106; 33: 105;
3637: 71; 36: 165;
40: 97; 4143: 37,
79; 45: 80; 5964: 52;
59: 52, 53; 60: 53;
64: 54
424
4
5
6
10
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
21
23
24
2532
2528
25
2632
2628
26
6: 97; 15:
26: 71
7: 156
126
60
2: 60; 6: 230
60; 1516: 60;
15: 60; 1621: 60;
17: 108; 21: 60;
26: 60
60
117: 313; 6: 60
5: 60; 6: 60; 7: 60;
14: 60; 15: 60
2: 58
14: 230; 21: 230
1016: 271;
2125: 104, 107;
25: 148; 28: 148
14: 122; 17: 58
21: 110
35: 87
3: 284; 26: 331;
3141: 82; 59: 110,
256
106, 331; 13: 256;
16: 256; 18: 256;
19: 256
60; 25: 61; 29: 61
1014: 175
2: 58; 7: 58;
1416: 149; 17: 128;
2832: 35; 3337: 61;
33: 149
9: 82; 11: 115;
1921: 331;
2224: 82;
2324: 114; 23: 113;
27: 331; 31: 115
60, 314; 1: 60;
24: 314; 27: 60
35, 43, 45, 5662
56
57, 58; 1: 57;
26: 58; 2: 58;
3: 57; 814: 36;
8: 57; 1214: 61;
12: 57; 1517: 63;
15: 57
281
57, 73
129; 16: 59; 1: 57;
27: 57; 714: 59;
27
28
2932
29
3032
30
3132
31
32
387
4: 122; 7: 57;
14: 122; 15: 57;
1621: 59; 19: 57
136: 59; 1: 57;
3: 57, 121; 7: 145;
21: 72; 31: 149;
32: 71
84; 110: 37, 59;
1: 57; 210: 85;
2: 57; 6: 57; 7: 295;
1119: 85; 11: 57;
1219: 59; 12: 57;
2023: 57, 58;
20: 57; 21: 58;
22: 57; 2426: 58;
24: 58, 60; 25: 57;
26: 60
56, 57, 73, 74
16: 59, 281; 1: 57;
2: 58; 3: 57, 165,
242; 5: 85; 616: 59;
612: 59; 69: 58,
281; 6: 59, 278;
810: 242; 8: 57;
912: 58, 281; 9: 58;
12: 253; 1316: 59,
279; 13: 57; 14: 59,
253; 16: 58, 59, 281;
1720: 59, 99, 281;
17: 57, 61; 1820: 5,
128; 18: 149; 19: 57;
20: 218; 21: 58, 59,
60
59
295; 119: 59, 278;
1: 57; 2: 57, 128;
3: 278; 6: 57;
9: 167, 168;
1012: 243; 10: 57,
295; 1112: 295;
12: 211; 13: 57;
14: 247; 17: 223, 248;
2026: 59; 20: 57;
23: 59; 26: 59
84
85, 86; 118 59;
1: 57; 10: 57;
1213: 85; 12: 87;
15: 57
37; 116: 59;
110: 85; 1: 57;
2: 164, 165; 3: 57;
46: 85; 78: 80;
11: 57; 12: 295;
1732: 59, 85;
388
Ezekiel (cont.)
3348
33
34
35
36
3839
38
39
46
Daniel
1
2
3
4
5
7
8
9
11
Hosea
1
2
4
8
9
12
13
14
Joel
12
2
3
4
127
276; 20: 276;
276
243; 5: 157
209; 14: 101
248
284
173
246, 247
6
79
7
8
9
Obadiah
1
6
16
20
57
108
123
284
1
2
36
3
Jonah
1
34
4
Micah
1
2
3
4
5
Nahum
2
96
1: 80; 2: 80; 6: 80;
10: 80; 1827: 36;
20: 36, 212
48: 36
13: 36; 2: 112;
7: 76; 917: 36;
3
Habakkuk
1
5: 145; 9: 288;
16: 262, 284, 286, 345
286, 287, 288, 345
1011: 288
6: 114, 122, 149;
89: 312; 1015: 6
14: 35
5: 16; 12: 17
814: 36; 1112: 36
18: 36; 45: 36;
5: 86; 14: 36;
12: 212
1: 76; 2: 105;
2:43:19: 43; 9:
8: 164, 235
150
Haggai
1
2
Zechariah
12
2
4
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
389
82
517: 36; 67: 94;
9: 94; 10: 80, 142;
11: 80; 1316: 83;
13: 36, 283;
1516: 288; 16: 83
8: 57
9: 57
5: 127
13: 267
1: 113; 5: 309;
10: 136, 349
3: 97; 4: 219;
14: 120
97; 2: 128
3: 276; 4: 276;
6: 276; 8: 276;
9: 276; 11: 276;
1: 276; 2: 276;
4: 276, 312
288; 4: 276; 6: 276;
8: 276; 9: 276;
13: 276; 20: 276, 286,
345; 21: 276
Malachi
1
11:
1 Maccabees
11
32:
120
Sirach
11
24
43
44
12: 212
27: 163
20: 156; 22:
5: 152
Matthew
3
4:
312
158
Fragment 82-5-22,10
Warka Cylinder
280, 299
136
Babylonian Chronicle
298
331
169
165
299
299
269, 299
300
260, 298
299
299
300
299
300
300
248
121
301
268
135
236, 299
260
303
299
300
300
260
300
299
299
299
300
300
236, 23839,
280, 299
298
299
300
303
COS
1.35
1.42
1.43
1.44
1.45
1.60
1.149
2.6
2.7
2.36
2.42
2.54
2.70D
2.70R
2.117
2.118A
2.118E
2.118F
2.118I
2.119B
246
238, 241, 246
246, 247
246
238, 240, 243,
24546
164, 241, 242,
246
239
237
254
293, 154
160
328
117, 118
120
117, 118
125
327
327
327
194
197
136
271
Dynastic prophecy
ii 17
200
181
El-Amarna Tablets
49:20
70:19
84:37
95:40
108:67
127
131:13
162
162
248
162
162
162
162
1.53
235
Esarhaddon,
Nahr-el Kelb Relief
135
FHN
1.9
1.26
1.29
Gezer calendar
174
IAKA
8:27
11 Ep. 10
21:114
24:23
27:5476
27 Episode 21:63
44:15
57
57:89
64:25
65
65:3037
65:3034
65:3738
65:40
65:4853
65:5053
65:50
76:611
295
127, 302
134
295
299
317
295
164
164, 253
298
281, 295, 350,
351
289
135
164
253
258, 298
259
260
162
KAI
14:21
191B
202B:5
214:18
215:6
211
118
221
160
160
391
224:23
278:5
211
221
KTU
1.3 i 2225
1.3 iii 58
1.17 v 21
2.13:1415
2.30:1314
157
157
248
160
160
Lachish ostracon
3:1416
331
Marduk prophecy
i 23
ii 1
200, 23738,
240, 241
181
181
Nabonid
Adad-guppi Stele i 4044
Harran Stele i 3944
Harran Stele iii 18
136
135
136
Nebuchadnezzar
Etemenaki Cylinder
136
PPANE
1:1328
4
4:3243
5
7:1119
9:2950
10:1720
17:1517
17:3134
18:114
19
19:618
19:810
19:1518
20:1116
24:818
38:939
38:2439
38:3239
5456
5859
6877
69 ii 57
71 ii 37
7883
79 i 1718
80:310
16
39
39
39
39
38
39
39
38
39
39
39
39
39
38
39
38
39
312
312
40
187
285
40
285
190
392
PPANE (cont.)
82 iii 2425
85
85 ii 32
93
94
100 iii 47
101:2931
137 A 1117
RIMA 3
A.0.102.1:19
A.0.102.1:1112
A.0.102.1:35
A.0.102.1:5758
A.0.102.1:63
A.0.102.1:7377
A.0.102.1:76
A.0.102.2 i 510
A.0.102.2 i 13
A.0.102.2 i 4950
A.0.102.2 i 49
A.0.102.2 ii 8
A.0.102.2 ii 3435
A.0.102.2 ii 44
A.0.102.2 ii 6263
A.0.102.5 i 16
A.0.102.5 i 6ii 1
A.0.102.5 ii 12
A.0.102.6 iii 28
A.0.102.8:17, 33, 38
A.0.102.8 2427
A.0.102.9 1517
A.0.102.10 ii 19
A.0.102.10 iii 23, 19
A.0.102.10 iv 2234
A.0.102.11
A.0.102.14:1517
A.0.102.14:6061
A.0.102.14:7879
A.0.102.14:88
A.0.102.14:13435
A.0.102.16:7879
A.0.102.16:152153
A.0.102.16:21920
A.0.102.16:22122
A.0.102.16:285
A.0.102.17:4344
A.0.103.1 i 2633
A.0.104.1:19
A.0.104.20:10
A.0.105.1:12
187
40
40
40, 161
269
40
269
40
134
135
259
135
259
256
259
134
135
259
259
259
257
259
259
134
134
289
317
317
181
289
317
317
259
135, 352
134
317
136
317
136
317
317
136
136
259
136
134
134
311
134
SAA
2 6:11617
3 4:rev. ii 13
3 11
4 88
5 168:r.4
7 1 rev. i 12ii 7
10 174:79
Sargon
Assur Prism
Basalt Stele from Cyprus
Great Display Inscription
Khorsabad Annals
Nimrud Inscription
Nimrud letter ND 2765
Nimrud Prism
Nineveh Prism
Tang-i Var Inscription
16
179
268, 272
299
166
236
247
181, 248
135
194, 295
194, 295, 328
194, 317,
326, 327
295
122, 236
195, 328
135, 19596,
328
Sennacherib,
Annals B1
Bull Inscription 4
Rassam Cylinder
ii 45
ii 2526
Taylor Prism
i 1016
i 45
ii 4855
ii 3464
259
257
197
136
113, 114
127
129
umma Izbu
238
144
144
144
Text A
Text B
237, 241
237, 241
Tiglath-pileser III
Summary Inscription 4
Summary Inscription 7
Summary Inscription 8
Summary Inscription 9
Summary Inscription 13
Annals 23 1112
295
175
248, 259, 295
248, 295
248, 295
175
175
125
393
165
165
165
253
164
163, 170
Heliodor, Aethiopica
viii 16.4
167
Herodotus, Histories
ii 5
ii 17
ii 21
ii 2223
ii 28
ii 36
ii 83
ii 97
ii 15455
ii 158
ii 177
iii 12
iii 20
iv 183
vii 70
242
148
164
148
164
169
239
165
214
254
253
169
148, 149, 169
167
162
Homer, Ilias
i 42324
xxiii 2057
169
169
Homer, Odyssey
i 2224
i 2223
iv 447
iv 84
v 282
v 287
169
162
164
169
169
169
163
164
Strabo, Geography
ii 2.3
ii 5.37
iv 7
vii 4
xvi 4
xvii 1
144
144
163
170
163, 170
163
Theocritus
xvii 8284
253
163
170
223
224
ix 28387
125
223
Letter of Aristeas 13
299
Mishna
m. Kel. 16:6
m. Sotah 9:5
215
216
Pesikta de-Rab
Kahana 7:5
Pesikta Rabbati 17:4
223, 251
223, 251