Aboriginal Placenames in Sydney

ABORIGINAL PLACENAMES SHOULD BE USED TO SIT ALONGSIDE NONINDIGENOUS

PLACENAMES IN SYDNEY

Name:

Course + Code:
Professor:
Institution:
City + State:
Date:

Aboriginal Placenames in Sydney

Aboriginal Placenames Should be Used to Sit Alongside Non-Indigenous

Placenames in Sydney

Introduction
Being the homeland of the Eora people, Sydney is often referred to as the Eora
Nation. The name Eora means from this place (Heiss 2002, p. 8). Research indicates that the
Eora people comprised twenty- nine (29) clans that were associated with specific areas of land,
different cultural practices like body decorations, hairstyles, dances, weapons among others, and
different language groups. There were four major language groups: Dharug, Dharawal or
Tharawal, Gundungurra, and Kurringgai that were distinguished by their coastal or inland
dialects (Heiss 2002, p. 10).
The Central Business District (CBD) in Sydney was heavily inhabited by the Gadigal or
Cadigal clan and as such, the CBD is often called the Eora Country (Heiss 2002, p. 8). The
Dharug (Darug) people occupied the inland area from Parramatta to the Blue Mountains while
the Dharawal lives in the region south of Botany Bay, which extends far south to the Nowra area,
across the Georges River to the west of Sydney. The last group, the Guringai (Kuring-gai) clan
occupied the area north of Port Jackson along the coast (Heiss & Gibson, 2015).
With the arrival of the British colonizers at the Australias South-eastern coast in January
1788, the local inhabitants were threatened. The colonizers first settled in Port Jackson (former
name of Sydney Harbor) in a small bay called Sydney Cove and later expanded the colony
during the 1790s (Attenbrow 2003, P. 12). Due to the fear of displacement, the natives initiated

Aboriginal Placenames in Sydney

resistance activities that resulted in the death of a few people. However, in 1789, there was a
smallpox outbreak that killed almost half of Sydneys population (Heiss 2002, p. 12). Due to the
epidemic, the warfare and colonial dispossession of lands, the inhabitants migrated to other
regions leaving a few remnants, who formed a group of remnant tribes (Attenbrow 2003, p.12).
Attenbrow (2003, p. 11) contends that it was after the epidemic that the remnant tribes
forged associations with the colonialists that represented the end of the local inhabitants
independence and self-reliance. The population of the Aboriginal people was further decreased
through dispossessions and by 1996, only 2% of the national population was Aboriginals (Heiss
2002, p. 13). Despite a high population of settlers in Sydney, there is clear evidence showing that
the Aboriginal people have continuously resided in Sydney and contributing to its cultural,
economic and social fabric.
The use of Aboriginal placenames
Presently, there have been numerous debates concerning the renaming of the Australian
landscapes and locations. Before the British invasion, the locals had an established system of
livelihood and as such, they had named all important landmarks. Such named places included
Woolloomooloo, Bondi, Coogee, Maroubra, Parramatta, and Toongabbie (Koch & Hercus 2009,
p. 13). However, the settlers renamed these areas assigning them English placenames while the
Aboriginal names remained known only by the few natives, historians, researchers, and linguists.
In 2005, the New South Wales Geographical Names Board Dual Naming Project initiated a
scheme to rename regions around Port Jackson that have only been known through their English
placenames since colonization (Koch & Hercus 2009, p. 13). This paper discusses whether the

Aboriginal Placenames in Sydney

dual naming initiative should be implemented allowing the Aboriginal placenames to be used
alongside the English placenames
According to Turnbridge (1987, p.4), the use of Aboriginal names is a means of cultural
preservation. She argues that, by renaming these locations, the Europeans contributed to the
erosion of peoples identity. Preserving these names is a means of conserving what is left of the
Aboriginals culture, life, and traditions. As indicated by Heiss (2002, p.15) Only eight
Aboriginal sites are recorded within the City of Sydney Council boundaries including one rock
engraving, two middens, three open campsites, one historic site, and one burial site. Other sites
such as engravings have been lost beneath office towers, shopping malls, residential houses, and
hotels. Wurm (2012, p.132) contends that the method used by the native inhabitants in naming
locations often depended on the characteristic nature of the area. As such, a given name could
indicate directions or fertile lands among others. Tourists and travelers can now quickly identify
water sources, bridges and other essential resources that are marked out in Aboriginal names
when they inquire from the locals. To correct this historical injustice, adopting names from the
Aboriginal language is necessary to reflect the cultural identity and the historical background of
the Australian people.
In his review of J. Hobson, K. Lowe, S. Poetsch and M. Walshs book on Re-awakening
languages theory and practice in the revitalization of Australias indigenous languages,
Thieberger (2010, p.129) claims that renaming locations using Aboriginal names is a process of
language revitalization. Following the colonization and displacement of the Aboriginal people,
their cultures and languages were denigrated for generations. Consequently, the Aboriginal
languages are not often spoken. Renaming locations using these Lingoes is an opportunity to
revive Aboriginal dialects. People can learn new words and sounds and master the diverse

Aboriginal Placenames in Sydney

grammar of an Aboriginal dialect. Nick Thieberger also suggests that mastery of these languages
is an economic opportunity (Thieberger 2010, p.129). More people will be employed in the
tourism sector as tour guides and customer service executives while others in the Education
Department as teachers, linguists, and translators.
Additionally, using Aboriginal placenames is a step towards ending marginalization and
exclusion of the Aboriginal people. Due to the decrease in population as a result of the epidemic
and the lack of involvement in Sydneys administration, the local natives were considered as a
minority group. They also failed to participate in census recording. In 1996, the Australian
Bureau of Statistics reported that 386,000 Aboriginals were living in Sydney (Heiss 2002, p. 13).
The number has since increased. Using Aboriginal names is the recognition of the important part
the natives play in the cultural heritage of Sydney. Consequently, the government must enact
laws that protect the minority groups and preserve indigenous languages and cultural practices in
light of democratic principles. Enacting group representation rights to protect the Aboriginal
people is a step towards achieving equality and non-discrimination. Equality will foster good
relations between the Aboriginals and non-Aboriginal community and instill a sense of
decolonization among the Aboriginals (Ryan, 2007 p. 6)
Despite the positive implications derived from reviving the Aboriginal languages, critique
has been leveled against this decision. Furphy (2000, p.76) heavily criticizes the use of the
Aboriginal names by the Europeans as a means to establish a settler-Australian identity. He
argues that for people to form a National Identity, they must reconcile their landscape
(geographical locations, climate, cultures, languages, and heritage (Furphy 2000, p.71). As such,
the dual renaming process is an attempt by the settlers to reconcile their landscape by reviving
the original cultures. He calls this indigenization. A process of Aboriginality performed for the

Aboriginal Placenames in Sydney

benefit on non-Aboriginals. Furphy further adds that reviving Aboriginal languages and cultures
do not result in any sensitive or meaningful cultural exchange because the appropriated words
have little or no reference to their linguistic or historic meaning (Furphy 2000, p.76). He
contends that these names should not be used because they are a reflection of a superficial
attention and hidden realities of Imperialism and invasion (Furphy 2000, p.76).
According to Wurm (2012, p. 134), it is phonetically impossible for an English speaker to
adopt these Aboriginal languages efficiently. First, the issue of pronunciation arises. Native
words are difficult to pronounce due to the difference in the nature of the sounds between the
English and the Aboriginal languages. How one articulates some words may be considered
offensive by a local. Secondly, it is hard to spell and write down Aboriginal words (Wurm 2012,
p. 135). Early sources that have documented Aboriginal placenames are illegible due to indistinct
handwritings and as such, it is challenging to determine the proper spelling. Further, different
sources present different spelling for the same placename. For instance, explorers Collins Cove
and Manly Bay wrote Kay-ye-my and Kay-yee-my respectively denoting the same placename
(Attenbrow 2003, p.22). Wurm (2012, p.134) points out that it is better to use English names,
however unattractive, rather than using a corrupted form of the Aboriginal names.
Lastly, placement names provided by the early manuscripts such as the Vocabulary of
the language of N. S. Wales in the neighborhood of Sydney (Native and English) written by
Second Lieutenant William Dawes in 1791, are not reliable. Attenbrow (2009, p.1) argue that
despite having identified some locals such as a woman named Patyegorang and a man called
Manly' by the British, other sources of these names are not accounted for. In fact, some
locations share the same recorded names; for instance, Gomora and Tumbulong were used to
describe the Darling Harbour while Pannerong and Ginnagullah for Rose Bay (Attenbrow

Aboriginal Placenames in Sydney

2003, p.22). Additionally, some descriptions inscribed by the Europeans regarding certain
regions fail to match the current places. Following the advice of Wurm (2012, p.134), it is
imperative to use correct English place names rather than corrupt Aboriginal languages. The
opinion is based on the uncertainty that the existing Aboriginals have sustained the original
languages amidst the changes (Attenbrow 2003, p.21).
Conclusion
Despite the hefty critique raised against the use of Aboriginal names in renaming
locations in Sydney and the rest of Australia, I think it is a necessary evil. Arguing that reviving
these languages will be phonetically problematic for the English speakers is simplistic. New
programs and initiatives can be implemented to promote the development of these languages.
Further, notwithstanding the National dereliction of the Aboriginal languages, the local natives,
linguists, researchers, and historians can offer dependable information regarding those dialects.
As such, the unreliability of the early manuscripts should not be relied upon to discredit the use
of Aboriginal names.
The decision to use Aboriginal names is essential in reviving the Aboriginal languages
that were diminished by the colonization and displacement of the local natives at the end of the
18th century and during the 19th century. Reviving these languages will eliminate group
marginalization by creating representative group rights to promote and protect indigenous
languages, cultures and communities. As a result, there will be equality and National unity in
Sydney. Lastly, it will promote cultural preservation. These names reflect the historical
background and the cultural heritage of the original occupants of Sydney. The settlers are non-

Aboriginal Placenames in Sydney

Aboriginals and as such, using English place names is a disregard of the National identity of the
people of Sydney, the Aboriginals.

Aboriginal Placenames in Sydney

Reference List
Hercus, L & Koch, H 2009, Aboriginal Placenames: Naming and re-naming the Australian
landscape, ANU E Press, Acton ACT.
Furphy, S 2000, Aboriginal place names and the settler Australian Identity, Melbourne
Historical journal, Vol.21, No.1, pp. 71-78.
Wallace, NM 1988, Aboriginal place names, Australian Aboriginal Studies, No. 2, pp.111113. Available at:
http://search.informit.com.au/documentSummary;dn=190897346555135;res=IELAPA
[Accessed 16 October 2015]
Tunbridge, D 1987, Aboriginal place names, Australian Aboriginal Studies, No. 2, pp. 2-13.
Available at:
http://search.informit.com.au/documentSummary;dn=178320090955850;res=IELAPA
[Accessed 16 October 2015].
Attenbrow, V 2003, Aboriginal placenames around Port Jackson and Botany Bay, New South
Wales, Australia Sources and uncertainties, ANU Press Library Available at: <
http://press.anu.edu.au/apps/bookworm/view/Aboriginal+Placenames/10521/ch01.xhtml
> [Accessed 16 October 2015]
Attenbrow, V 2009, Aboriginal place names around Sydney Harbour and Botany Bay,
Australian Museum Available at: < http://australianmuseum.net.au/aboriginal-placenames-around-sydney-harbour-and-botany-bay> [Accessed 16 October 2015]

Aboriginal Placenames in Sydney

10

Wurm, S 2012, The question of aboriginal place names, Cartography, Available at:
http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tjss19 [Accessed 16 October 2015]
Heiss, A 2002, An introduction to the Aboriginal people and place of Gadigal Country,
Gadigal Information Service, Available at: < http://www.gad1gal.org.au> [Accessed 16
October 2015]
Heiss, A, & Gibson, M 2015, Aboriginal people and place, Barani, Available at: <
http://www.sydneybarani.com.au/sites/aboriginal-people-and-place/> [Accessed 16
October 2015]
Ryan, J S 2007, Australian place namesa neglected study, Cartography, Available at :<
http://www.tandfonline.com.wwwproxy0.library.unsw.edu.au/doi/pdf/10.1080/000491864
08702424> [Accessed 16 October 2015]
Nick, T 2012, Re-awakening languages Theory and practice in the Revitalisation of Australias
Indigenous languages [Book Review] Australian Review of Applied Linguistics, Vol. 35,
No. 1, pp. 128-131. Available at: <
http://search.informit.com.au.wwwproxy0.library.unsw.edu.au/documentSummary;dn=19
3865675175323;res=IELAPA [Accessed 16 October 2015].