Community and Consumption Towards A Definition of The "Linking Value" of Product or Services

European Journal of Marketing
Community and consumption: Towards a definition of the linking value of product or services
Bernard Cova
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Bernard Cova, (1997),"Community and consumption", European Journal of Marketing, Vol. 31 Iss 3/4 pp. 297 - 316
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Bernard Cova, Vronique Cova, (2002),"Tribal marketing: The tribalisation of society and its impact on the conduct of
marketing", European Journal of Marketing, Vol. 36 Iss 5/6 pp. 595-620 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03090560210423023
Len Tiu Wright, Bernard Cova, Stefano Pace, (2006),"Brand community of convenience products: new forms of customer
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A. Fuat Firat, Clifford J. Shultz, (1997),"From segmentation to fragmentation: Markets and marketing strategy in the
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Community and consumption
Community and
consumption
Towards a definition of the linking

value of product or services
Bernard Cova
297
European School of Management, Paris, France

Community and postmodern marketing
Many questions confront todays market researcher. But, at the dawn of the
twenty-first century, the central question seems to be: is it possible to push the
boundaries of marketing beyond the individual level of analysis in order to
increase our understanding of consumer behaviour? The last conference of the
Association for Consumer Research directed attention towards the phenomenon
of community, often considered to be of immense social importance in our
postmodern era, yet curiously neglected within our discipline. Communications
in this conference (Gainer and Fischer, 1994, p. 137) suggested that our neglect
of non-individual level phenomena stems from the biases of our dominant
perspective and theories. The goal of most consumer behaviour studies has
only been to explain how individual cognition, perception or traits influence
individual behaviour. When units of analysis other than the individual have
been considered, dominant theories have cast group level phenomena as the
product of modern self-interest maximizing behaviour. Their analyses of group
behaviour seems to be bounded by a rationale based on commendable decisions
made for reasons of interest and not emotional choices which draw their worth
from the aesthetics aspects of being together in a community context.
However, some researchers, especially in the area of services marketing, have
tried to introduce notions such as communitas (Arnould and Price, 1993) or
communality (Goodwin, 1994) in their research designs in order to get a better
grasp of emotional and communal phenomena of consumption. In doing so,
they advocate the need for ethnosociological approaches in the study of
community consumption. They argue for an anthropology of consumption
(Grafton Small, 1987; McCracken, 1990; Sherry, 1995), which can be of great
help in a postmodern era. This paper proposes to go one step further in the
understanding of the communal dimension of consumption by developing the
concept of linking value of a product or a service (Cova, 1995) a concept
which has been borrowed from recent works in anthropology and sociology
(Godbout and Caill, 1992) and which seems to be able to throw light on
postmodern consumption.
In this paper, we will try first to present a conceptual framework of the
metamorphosis of the social link, from tradition to postmodernity, while putting
the emphasis on the return of community in our Western societies, a
phenomenon usually called neo-tribalism. This conceptual framework will
European Journal of Marketing,

Vol. 31 No. 3/4, 1997, pp. 297-316.
MCB University Press, 0309-0566
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enable us to embed the current confusion in consumption in an ethnosociological

approach of societal and market changes. More precisely, it will help us to show
the potential of the tribalism and the linking value to understand phenomena of
disorder in consumption. We will conclude by an overview of marketing trends
adapted to the postmodern condition and especially the return of community.
298
Postmodernity and metamorphosis of the social link

The idea of the present as postmodern is now firmly on the agenda for debate.
Indeed, the social changes characterized by the label of postmodernity are
considered as major traits of our times by a growing number of European and
North American marketing practitioners and researchers (Badot and Cova,
1992; Brown, 1993, 1994, 1995; Cova and Svanfeldt, 1992; Firat and Venkatesh,
1993; Firat et al., 1995; Hirschman and Holbrook, 1992), and the two special
issues of the International Journal of Research in Marketing, (1993, 1994).
The term postmodernity renders accurately the defining traits of the socioeconomic condition that emerged throughout the affluent countries of Europe
and of European descent in the course of the second half of the twentieth
century. The term is accurate as it draws attention to continuity and
discontinuity as two faces of the intricate relationship between the present
socio-economic condition and the formation that it preceded and gestated. It
brings into relief the intimate, genetic bond that ties the new, postmodern
condition to modernity the socio-economic formation that emerged in the
same part of the world in the course of the eighteenth century and took its final
shape during the nineteenth (Bauman, 1992, p. 149). Postmodernity may be
interpreted as fully developed modernity; as modernity which goes beyond its
false consciousness and comes to understand what it actually was doing all
along, i.e. producing ambivalence and pluralism, and also reconciles itself to the
fact that the purposes which were originally set, e.g. rational order and
individual freedom, will never be reached (Bauman, 1992, p. 134).
From traditional communities to modern aggregations
Modernity entered history as a progressive force promising to liberate
humankind from ignorance and irrationality but one can readily wonder
whether that promise has been sustained. As long as traditional forms of
communal mediations have existed (family, village, religion ), the modern
being has constantly tried to liberate them from them in order to make the
enlightened project of the free subject come true. In this perspective, the social
link was understood, in the strict sense of the word, as something that ties
individuals, i.e. that hinders them (Farrugia, 1993). And the contract appeared
as a way to escape the condition of the bad community, the community that
enslaved people. Modernity, in this way, opposed the notion of contract, a
voluntary and reversible choice made by each individual to associate rationally
with others in a specified and limited framework, to the traditional notion of
community, an irreversible obligation imposed on each of its members to share
the same fate. In the modern view, the individual was primary, he or she existed
first as a pre-social being, relations were secondary and essentially instrumental. Differentiation, more than communion, guided the action of individuals.
In order to uproot himself or herself from the communal debris of the Middle
Ages, the modern being relied on new forms of mediation which were rational
and near universal aggregations of impersonal ties, like the nation-state or the
social-class. To achieve their freedom the modern being was supported by the
market economy that soon appeared as the strongest force behind the
destruction of old communities.
But, in fact, nous navons jamais t modernes, as stated by Latour (1991),
and the new and modern mediations have lasted as much because of their
contractual basis as thanks to the shared emotion of their members and their
natural instinct to recreate the communal link. Then, what we call class
consciousness or national consciousness, relied, beside their rational
justification, on a form of communal enthusiasm made up of shared feelings
and passions. Certain periods of history and certain regions did however come
near to attaining the modern social link. It was apparently the case in
eighteenth century England where, as Disraeli wrote in no uncertain terms in
Sybil, modern society acknowledged no neighbour, and where isolation
between individuals in big cities was extreme. The twentieth century, which put
into practice the great political and scientific utopias of the nineteenth century,
has lived out very intensively the myth of the liberation of the individual. This
tension has resulted in the breaking up and delegitimization of all forms of
contractual aggregations inherited from the last two centuries, and from the socalled uniformization of behaviour. The individual has never been so free in his
or her private and public choices as today, and never so alone and cut off from
the spirit of community.
The postmodern link: individualism versus tribalism
Consequently, and according to a first current of sociological research
(Lipovetsky, 1983, 1987, 1990), postmodernity is characterized by individualism, the logical conclusion of the modern quest for liberation from social
bonds, whether those of traditional communities or complex modern societies.
The postmodern individual, freed from the restricting limits of communities,
is restored to themself and able to become totally autonomous. In
postmodernity, the conquest of self has become inescapable and each
individual, wherever they come from, must accomplish the feat of becoming
someone by showing their difference. The right to liberty unbounded in
theory but limited in modernity to the economic, political and intellectual
field is affecting all aspects of daily life. The idea is gaining ground of a
postmodern condition where the individual, freed of the constraints of
collective ideals in matters concerning education, the family, sex, is operating
a process of personalization as a way of managing behaviour, not through the
tyranny of details, but with as few constraints and as many choices as
possible. We have now entered the age of the ordinary individual, that is to
say an age when any individual can (and must) take personal action so as to
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produce and show their own existence, their own difference. Mobility
characterizes the action of this ordinary individual both on the spatial and
social level. The postmodern individual has thus become a nomad of the
present; they have no more, or few, durable social links. The fragmentation of
society, and in particular the fragmentation (and the ephemeral nature) of
consumption are among the most visible consequences of this postmodern
individualism. This fragmentation is made possible and fostered by the
developments of industry and commerce: products and services have
progressively freed the individual of all alienating tasks left behind by
tradition, even purchasing itself. From their own home, and without the
necessity of a physical social contact (distance-purchasing), the postmodern
individual can obtain almost everything they desire. All the products and
services offered thus increase the isolation of the postmodern individual while
permitting them to be in virtual touch with the whole world (fax, TV,
telephone, CD-ROM ). The process of egocentration, induced by the
development and above all the widespread use of computers in all aspects of
human existence, thus characterizes postmodern daily life.
Postmodernity can therefore be understood as a period of severe social
dissolution and extreme individualism. But, attempts at social recomposition
can also be glimpsed: the individual who has finally managed to liberate them
from archaic or modern social links is embarking on a reverse movement to
recompose their social universe on the basis of an emotional free choice. Less
than differentiation, it is de-differentiation which seems to be guiding individual
action. Postmodernity can therefore be said, according to a second sociological
current (Bauman, 1992; Maffesoli, 1988, 1990, 1992, 1993), not to crown the
triumph of individualism but the beginning of its end with the emergence of a
reverse movement of a desperate search for the social link. In this view,
individualism corresponded solely to a short period of transition: late
modernity as described by architects, and not to postmodernity.
It is sometimes claimed that the social dynamics, characteristic of our
postmodern era, are made up of a multiplicity of experiences, of representations
and of daily-experienced emotions which are very often not properly
understood. Whilst such dynamics are, most of the time, explained by
individualism, they stress the tribalism which is developing more and more.
The word tribe refers to the re-emergence of quasi-archaic values: a local
sense of identification, religiosity, syncretism, group narcissism , the
common denominator of which is the community dimension. These tribes try to
revive the community archetype of the village or the district, but they are not
communities which are clearly definable in spatial terms; some use all the
resources of the latest technical means of communication (micro-computers,
minitels, fax) in order to form virtual tribes in which face-to-face encounters or
co-physical presence is not compulsory.
The return of community?
These postmodern communities (Maffesoli, 1993) are inherently unstable,
small-scale, affectual and not fixed by any of the established parameters of
modern society; instead they can be held together through shared emotions,
styles of life, new moral beliefs, senses of injustice and consumption practices.
They exist in no other form but the symbolically and ritually manifested
commitment of their members. They can rely on neither executive powers able
to coerce their constituency into submission to the tribal rules (seldom do they
have clearly codified rules to which the submission could be demanded), nor on
the strength of neighbourly bonds or the intensity of reciprocal exchange.
Postmodern tribes are, therefore, constantly in statu nascendi rather than
essendi, brought ever again into being by the repetitive symbolic ritual of the
members but persisting no longer than the power of attraction of these rituals
(Bauman, 1992, pp. 157-8). Postmodern society, unlike modern society
conceived as an ensemble of social groups (socio-professional categories,
classes) looks like a network of societal micro-groups in which individuals
share strong emotional links, a common sub-culture, a vision of life. In our
times, ethnic diasporas, occupational communities like computer engineers or
ballet dancers, and style-conscious youths like rastas or skinheads develop their
own complexes of meanings and symbols and form more or less stable tribes
which are invisible to the categories of modern sociology. The postmodern
communities taken as a whole are referred to by the term sociality which is
different from social as it stresses not the mechanical and instrumental
function of an individual member of a contractual aggregation, but the
symbolic and emotional role of persons within ephemeral tribes. Each
postmodern individual belongs to several tribes in each of which he or she
might play a different role and wear a specific mask; this means that the modern
tools of sociological analysis cannot classify him or her. And the fact of
belonging to these tribes has become, for him or her, more important than
belonging to a modern social class; this makes every attempt at classification
impossible. The social status, that is to say the static position of an individual
in one of the social classes of modernity, is progressively replaced by the
societal configuration, that is to say the dynamic and flexible positioning of the
individual within and between their postmodern tribes.
In fact, late modern individualism has moved to an aestheticization[1] of
everyday life (Featherstone, 1991) made up of shared emotions favouring the
concatenation of small ephemeral entities. In a sense, it can be said that there is
aesthetic enjoyment in everyday life, in the collective passions of the tribes, in
all ephemeral communions. These opportunities for communion in private life
are in opposition to the duplicity behind which individuals hide in public life
where there is less and less emotional investment. It is emotion and communion
which lead postmodern persons to the re-integration of rituals and
transcendence in everyday life. There are numerous sociological studies
(Ferrarotti, 1993) which emphasize the return of rituals, but in a profane and not
religious manifestation. Religion has often given a purely divine meaning,
whereas the basic Latin etymology is indeed the linking (re-ligare): linking
humans with the divine and thus linking humans with each other. It can
therefore be said that religion is not on the wane in our postmodern societies, it
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has changed form: less institutional, more improvised, but always present as a
factor of the social link, a sort of faith without a dogma. This new rituality
therefore expresses the creativity of postmodern society and its numerous
tribes.
So, there is no consensus as to what postmodernity is. One current of thought
declares it to be the accomplishment of the process of individualization
(Lipovetsky, 1983, 1987, 1990, 1992), while another claims it is the beginning of
a reverse movement of social recomposition on the basis of ephemeral tribes
(Maffesoli, 1988, 1990, 1992, 1993). In fact, it even seems to be the case that the
four modes of social link presented in Figure 1 coexist today: traditional
communities, modern aggregations, postmodern (or late modern) individualism, and postmodern tribes. This can explain the coexistence of different forms
of consumption: from an individualized consumption to a tribalized consumption, with in between, modern mass consumption and traditional local
consumption (founded on reciprocity of a non-economic nature). And these
different modes of consumption, like the different modes of social link, can be
experienced by the same person in the course of daily life.
Figure 1.
Metamorphosis of the
social link
Confusion in consumption
Characterized by a crisis of consumption, deconsumption, a consumer who is
more and more described as a chameleon or an ant, our postmodern era seems
to be a period of extreme disorder in consumption, and consequently, of
unpredictability in consumer behaviour.
A marketing revolution! In the coming years, consumer hunting is going to be a really difficult
sport. My target? My segment? My life-style? How simple it was when the customer
corresponded to categories, when their SPC (Socio-Professional-Category), their sex and their
age indicated the contents of their trolley and the capacity of their car. Today, panels are going
crazy, life-cycles can be counted in months, and the consumer no longer heeds the seasons
since the champions of the short circuit offer six a year At the turn of the century, the
consumer is giddy (LExpansion, 1992).
According to the above statement, the consumer appears giddy, he or she does as Community and
he or she pleases, upsetting all the modern reference systems which had
consumption
organized individuals according to categories. Furthermore, he or she appears
fickle and unreliable, buys black in the morning and white in the afternoon,
making it impossible to pin down their behaviour. Finally, they buy less, or at
least, spend less (as sales have not gone down in volume), causing confusion in a
303
socio-economic system founded on a market economy whose motor is the increase
of consumption. So, postmodern individualism (Lipovetsky, 1983) may appear to
be a powerful explanatory factor for the confused state of consumption. Indeed, it
can explain both the difficulty in classifying the preferences of consumers and the
instability of these preferences. Deconsumption, on the other hand, seems to be
more difficult to explain and is even, in a sense, in contradiction with the
individualist movement. A possible explanation for deconsumption will therefore
have to be sought in postmodern tribalism (Maffesoli, 1988).
Before exploring the links between postmodernity and confusion in
consumption, three preliminary remarks must be made.
First, sensational comments on the confused state of consumption which can
be heard on the different media with provocative headlines such as Impossible
Mr Consumer or The Breakdown in Consumption are often in tune with the
times but are not always in keeping with the facts. Numerous European
marketing managers and consultants[2] talk of the relative stability of the
majority of consumers, confusion being limited to a fringe, perhaps growing,
but still a fringe of all consumers. Some socio-economic studies conducted
among readers of the womens press (Cova et al., 1993) show that, at the
beginning of the 1990s, the percentage of women who could be called
postmodern was about 30 per cent for countries like France or Italy, 25 per cent
for The Netherlands, and down to 17 per cent for Germany, and to less than 5
per cent for Portugal. In each country a great difference has been recorded
between the increasingly postmodern urban woman and the rural woman, who
is sometimes not yet modern, but traditional.
Second, confusion and giddiness are relative. From a modernist mechanist
perspective, the fact that more and more consumers no longer fit into predefined
categories, which make their behaviour predictable, is a cause of real confusion.
From a postmodernist perspective, it is first possible to think of categories other
than those defined by modernity to classify the consumer (lifestyles are a first
attempt at this, already overtaken by events). Above all, it may be possible to
consider giving up the study and the classifying of the consumer and to take
instead an interest in consumption: by having limited the study of consumption
to the study of the customer, the research has only achieved partial results. In fact,
it has obstacled the acquisition of a real understanding of market phenomena,
because it has not been able to reflect the complex, multidimensional nature of the
process of purchasing, nor its evolution (Fabris, 1990, p. 67). Instead of pinning
down the consumer, postmodern consumer research has to take an interest in the
situations of consumption (Dubois, 1991) and their physical surroundings (Bitner,
1992), in the rituals of consumption (Wallendorf and Arnould, 1991), in
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consumption trends (Burgaud, 1994), all of which influence the mood and the
behaviour of the customer. And this does not make it necessary to hunt down the
consumer to fit them into segments or even niches.
Third, confusion and giddiness are limited to the fringe of society which is
still able to buy. While many consumers are giddy, and global trends suggest
more will be, a growing part of the consumers are not giddy, they are dispirited
and live in poverty (in 1995, between 15 per cent and 20 per cent of the European
population lives precariously according to different studies; Cova, 1995).
The age of the individual: the virtualization of the social link
Individualism seems to be able to explain, for a large part, the present confusion
of consumption. The difficulty in classifying the preferences of the consumer,
that is to say the impossibility of explaining and predicting their behaviour
according to social indicators can be explained by the determination to be a
person, in the full sense of the word, and not a number in a social class where
behaviour is supposed to be identical. The days are gone (the 1960s) when a
secretary could cause a scandal in a company because she arrived at the factory
in a car associated with another social class. At that time, no words were strong
enough to describe her behaviour: But who does she think she is?; She doesnt
know what shes doing!, and other, even crueller, remarks. Sometimes, the
scandal could even make the person go back on her choice and buy a car more in
keeping with her social status. Today, a minister can arrive at Matignon in a 2CV
and an unemployed person can drive a BMW or Mercedes without anyone
turning a hair, apart from tax inspectors. The possibility of free choice for the
postmodern individual in all aspects of daily life, without limits being imposed
by any social constraints, is totally in step with preferences which have nothing
to do with class. In fact, for the postmodern individual, the essential quality of
products and services is the zero defect and their main virtue is to serve and
satisfy their slightest needs in a personalized fashion. Their use value may be
functional (material attributes), symbolic (immaterial attributes) or a mixture of
the two, what seems always at stake is the person in their independence and
their distinction compared with others. Objects circulate from producers to
consumers who have no a priori social link (self-service); if a minimum social link
exists, it is at the service of the economic link, therefore at the service of the
independence of the person freed of their public, social obligations and who can
choose the obligations they wish in the private sphere.
In the same vein, the instability of the preferences of the consumer indicates
the free choice of the postmodern individual in every sphere of daily life. They
may purchase the same food item one day at the most basic hard discounter and
the next day at Marks & Spencer or even Fauchon. They may dress in the
morning like the concierge and the afternoon like a top model. They may adopt
several different life styles in the same day. In fact, for the postmodern person,
the leitmotiv is: It is as I wish and when I wish according to the mood of the
moment. The postmodern person is therefore in perpetual social movement,
and is unpredictable even in relation to their former behaviour. Some see in this
erratic behaviour the very ransom of liberty and of social destructuring:
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the individual is certainly freer, but he/she also pays the ransom for this liberty and for the
profusion of brands and products. Without orientation and a compass, he/she yields to the
temptation of trying everything as if consumption were a game. Therefore, he/she becomes
increasingly unfaithful to products and takes ever greater pleasure in changing the way
he/she consumes (Weil, 1994, p. 26).
305
They are so unpredictable that some think that individualism of today opens the
way for a different representation of the consciousness of the individual: not a
single consciousness, but a multiple one, thus breaking with the Cartesian
tradition. According to this idea, the conscious self is only a weaving, a
momentary coming together of functions, at times linked by a single common
thread. The extreme case of multiple personality disorder (MPD), when a person
assumed successively different personalities, is evidence of the re-emergence of
the multiple consciousness, repressed by modernity and rationality.
One of the important consequences of individualism is that the postmodern
individual, who has become their own Pygmalion, is on a never-ending identity
quest, a quest for the meaning of their life (Elliott, 1994). Everyone constructs
themself and their life like a work of art, which leads to an aestheticization of
everyday life, and consequently to an aestheticization of consumption
(Featherstone, 1991). In the absence of traditional or modern references a
consequence of the decomposition of traditional communities and modern
utopias the individual turns towards objects and services, that is to say the
system of consumption in order to forge an identity. They have a thirst for
values, reads another provocative title in the press, and this thirst for values
appears to be the consequence of a lack of community (Elliott, 1993, p. 138).
Thus, the system of consumption becomes central to the existence of the
individual (Firat and Venkatesh, 1993), and the products represent veritable
social hybrids, quasi-objects and quasi-subjects (Latour, 1991), which are
increasingly replacing the other (human) in the process of identity creation.
Thus, entire stretches of life, yesterday sheltered from the market sphere, today
become commodities that can be exchanged for cash. Consequently, by paying,
the postmodern individual can build an identity for themself with cultural
symbols and references (plays, exhibitions, films, books), humanitarian
references (The French Doctors, Bosnia, Somalia), but also sporting references
(the complete outfit of the OM supporter), and, in fact, all possible references
since, in a postmodern universe where eclecticism and the confusion of values
reign, everything can be taken and assembled according to the free choice of the
individual.
And this phenomenon is likely to expand with the development of virtual
reality where the individual will be able to build for themself successive virtual
identities (liquid selves) totally under control, without having to take all the
risks involved in the social link. All instruments invented by science and
technology, and particularly electronics, are anti-link instruments which are
likely to increase the isolation of the individual while paradoxically favouring
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communication and the circulation of people in the so-called cyberspace

(Escobar, 1994): virtual shops, working from home, E money, all-in-one
computer-fax-telephone The notion of nomad of the present adopted by
numerous technocrats in order to promote a new organization of work (the
virtual company), and the development of new technical objects (nomadic
objects) thus hides a vision of the relatively dehumanized man/woman: an
interactive communicational particle, in perpetual feedback, plugged into the
network and visualizing the podium. Taken to the extreme, this means the
individual will be able to do without direct contact with others[3].
Towards a linking value of products or services
But on the other side, a rebellion against objects is worrying observers of
society:
what strikes me most is the rebellion! Look at the number of people who let things drop. This
acute collective clumsiness is spreading like an epidemic. In everything that drops, there is
subversion. In fact, these things are dropped because there is today a relationship with objects
of hysterical rejection. Before, there was an idyllic and conjugal relationship with objects it
has become hysterical (Sarduy, 1994, p. 19).
It is possible to suppose that at the beginning of the last century, a four person
family of average means was surrounded by 150 to 200 elements at most,
including crockery and clothes. Today, the same family would have a system of
about 2,500 to 3,000 objects (Branzi, 1988), including electrical household
appliances and decorative objects excepting books and cassettes. Some even
estimate that a person is in contact with about 20,000 products in their daily life
(Norman, 1988). Throughout a slow but steady process, it has been possible to
witness a true revolution which has replaced by goods and various industrial
products the traditional presence of a community made up of neighbourhood
and extensions of the home where daily tasks were carried out (the wash-house,
washing lines, wells). Wishing to liberate the individual from their daily tasks,
modernity cut them off from their environment and isolated them in the midst
of its productions. Today, as one of the consequences of this revolution, daily
acts of clumsiness towards objects are perhaps the signal of a deep crisis of the
postmodern individual, who has not totally given up satisfying their desire for
community in a direct way rather than, in a compensatory way, through
products and services of the consumer society.
And deconsumption, at its structural level and not at its transitory level, a
consequence of the rise in unemployment and in anxiety could be linked to the
search for the satisfaction of this desire for community which could take two
forms:
(1) rejection of virtual satisfaction through the purchasing and above all the
repeated purchasing of the new which lost all its meaning with the
crumbling of the modern myth of progress;
(2) seeking for direct satisfaction through emotion shared with others, not
through consuming with them, but through being with them.
Tribalism therefore appears to be much more powerful than individualism as

an explanation of the phenomenon of deconsumption. The phenomenon of a
loss of landmarks and of meaning in daily life and of having much more free
time together with the phenomenon of rebellion against objects, reinforces the
idea of a postmodern tribalist individual who is looking less in consumption for
a direct means of giving meaning to life[4] than for a means to form links with
others in the context of one or several communities of reference which will give
meaning to their life. Then, the system of consumption is not always perceived
as first and using the social link, but often as second, and in the service of the
social link (Cova, 1995): the link is more important than the thing.
In other words, the postmodern individual values the social aspects of life at
the cost of consumption and the use of goods and services. The goods and
services which are valued are mainly those which, through their linking value,
permit and support social interaction of the communal type. The consequence
for consumption may be important. There could be a decrease in the
consumption of products and services which isolate people and an increase in
those which bring people together. But, as these last are few in number,
individuals would go back to vectors of linking not sold on the market (example:
hashish as a vector of communion and of shared emotion), or would turn the
existing vectors away from their original utilitarian finality (example: shopping
malls as favourite meeting places for urban tribes). Ephemeral tribes which
need to consolidate and affirm their union are, in fact, on the look-out for
anything that could facilitate and support the communion: a site, an emblem,
the support of a ritual of integration, or of recognition, etc. Thus, to satisfy their
desire for communities, postmodern individuals seek products and services less
for their use value than for their linking value (Godbout and Caill, 1992).
The new tribalism which characterizes postmodernity therefore seems to
necessitate a redefinition of the value of products or services, the latter having
to serve at the same time the person in their individuality and the group
togetherness, the among several, the between two. They thus play the role
of cult object or of cult place meaning the link and the interdependence between
people (link and interdependence refused and even denied by modernity). In
postmodernity, the product or the service does not isolate but is like the totem
for primitive tribes; it serves as a pole of attraction for postmodern tribes. It is
mainly the support for authoritative performances (Arnould et al., 1994)
which focus on creating and sustaining rituals and the connection between
individual and community (contrary to the late modern product or service that
is more the support for authenticating acts which emphasize self-referential
behaviours, uniqueness and individuality).
In the extreme case, if the hypothesis of tribalism + linking value comes up
against that of individualism + use value, there could be a two-speed
consumption, as in the model of the egg-timer (Wickham et al., 1994): a rise in
the consumption of basic products (but with no defects) sold in places like hard
discounters, combined with a rise in the consumption of cult objects sold in cult
places. Between the two, all products and services too burdensome for their use
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value (functional or symbolic) and with no linking value would see their sales
decline progessively. They would be the main victims of the phenomenon of
deconsumption. This outline needs to be tempered by a semiotic reflexion about
the meaning ascribed to objects (McCracken, 1988): it is not the producer who
decrees that their product has a linking value, it is the people who are going to
use it who will give it this meaning. Moreover, as the meanings of objects are no
longer fixed and connected with their functions, but free floating, each
individual may ascribe different meanings to the objects. There is therefore an
extreme relativity in the linking value of a product or a service, contrary to its
universal use value as it was perceived in modernity.
Towards a tribal marketing
Two visions of postmodern marketing
In the marketing conceptualizations applied to postmodernity, the duality
individualism/tribalism, brought to light by the ethnosociological analysis of
the social link, can be observed. This duality is even expressed geographically
as Anglo-Saxon marketing conceptualizations stem from late modern
individualism, whereas the sole marketing conceptualizations stemming from
postmodern tribalism can be attributed to authors from Mediterranean
cultures.
A feature common to the numerous Anglo-Saxon marketing approaches
which are trying to adapt to postmodern fragmentation and individualism is
the search for the proximity of the consumer. Be it one to one marketing
(Rapp and Collins, 1990), micro marketing (Hapoienu, 1990), database
marketing (Davies, 1992), after-marketing (Vavra, 1992) and above all
relationship marketing (starting with the seminal article of Gummesson,
(1987), to the handbook of Christopher et al. (1992)), their principal aim seems to
be to build, develop and maintain the relationship with the customer as an
individual, rather than to bombard a market made up of an anonymous mass
broken up into homogeneous segments. In order to do so, it is generally
recommended to give up mass marketing in favour of direct marketing with the
help of a database of clients and known prospects. The credo of marketing
practice adapted to the age of the individual can therefore be the following: a
very personal form of marketing that recognizes, acknowledges, appreciates,
and serves the interests and needs of selected groups of consumers whose
individual identities and marketing profiles are or become known to the
advertiser (Rapp and Collins, 1990, p. 36). Companies like Quaker Oats or
American Airlines adopted such an approach in the US at the end of the 1980s
(see Rapp and Collins, 1990, for detailed case studies).
These approaches are justified by the following arguments:
If the market can no longer be cut up into homogeneous and stable

segments, the only alternative is to pin down the consumer individually
(with the help of computerized information systems), with the possibility
of forming, a posteriori, small groups of consumers in order to facilitate

marketing action.
If the consumer is fickle and unpredictable it is not so important to
predict their behaviour as to be able to react immediately to their new
aspirations through the maintenance of a continuous relation.
If the consumer is individualistic, they seek everything that will permit
him/her to maintain and develop their liberty, that is to say a relationship
of trust with a supplier which guarantees the zero defect or total quality
of the material aspects of life.
If the consumer wishes to differentiate themself, they ask for personalized products and services which only a continuous, close and interactive
relationship can assure.
Taken together, these approaches do not call themselves postmodern. They are
researchers in marketing interested in postmodernity who have reintegrated
these approaches in a postmodern perspective.
The work of Firat and Venkatesh (1993), on the other hand, clearly expressed
the wish to examine the impacts of postmodernity on marketing practice.
Following on from their early works, and starting with the observation (p. 239)
that the market has become central in our societies whereas all other
institutions and forms of mediation have lost a large part of their legitimacy
(state, class, school, family, etc), they consider that the postmodern individual
gives a meaning to their life essentially through consumption and that
marketing may already be the major postmodern institution (Postmodernity:
the age of marketing). They derive seven possible consequences of this for the
practice of marketing in postmodernity:
(1) Thanks to the confusion of values and generalized eclecticism,
marketing can today penetrate areas which had so far been closed to it,
such as art, culture and ideology (the consumer increasingly becomes a
consumer of culture, and culture increasingly becomes a marketable
commodity p. 245).
(2) Because of the fragmentation, the transience and the diversity of styles,
marketing is having to constantly renew the meanings and
representations ascribed to the product which, itself, has no need to
change (the image does not represent the product, but the product
represents the image p. 244).
(3) Because of the rejection by individuals of the dominant values and of
everything that is normal (or is in the process of becoming normal), and
the desire to do ones own thing, marketing is as interested in the
diversity of marginal lifestyles as in the dominant model in society.
(4) As the postmodern individual prefers simulation to reality, they can
choose to live all their consumption activities in a virtual manner (in the
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sense of virtual images) and favour a marketing system which enables

them to shop without leaving home.
(5) As the educational system is still based on modern institutions which are
not adapted to the postmodern generation, the marketing system, which
plays the role of generating values and meanings, has therefore become
the principal vector of education in our societies.
(6) Because of the confusion of genres and particularly the blurring of
feminine/masculine bipolar categorization, marketing has to change its
representation of the ideal consumer (the housewife) both on the level
of strategic thinking and on the level of communication and of images
(both men and women thus become ideal consumers and producers
p. 244).
(7) Thanks to the globalization of culture, transnational companies are
becoming, through their marketing actions, agents of cultural change
par excellence. Firat and Venkatesh (1993, p. 246) consider that, in
postmodernity, marketing is the conscious and planned practice of
signification and representation.
Firat and Venkatesh (1993) therefore go further than the previous Anglo-Saxon
approaches which were only interested in one aspect of postmodernity: the
mechanical aspect of market fragmentation. These approaches seem in fact still
too modern for they focus on the functionality of the offer and do not manage to
take into account the postmodern movement of aestheticization of everyday life
which gives a privileged place to emotions, representations, hyperreality and
the societal aspects of the offer (van Raaij, 1993). Elliott (1993, p. 136), in the
same vein as Firat and Venkatesh (1993), considers that the meanings conveyed
by objects have, for the postmodern person, as much importance (if not more!)
as their instrumental functions. He insists on the fact that the meanings of
objects are no longer fixed and linked to their functions, but free-floating as
each individual may ascribe the meanings they desire to the objects. Finally,
Elliott (1993, p. 138) makes the hypothesis that, in a more and more
individualistic and atomized society, the lack of community has to be
compensated by the consumption of signs and symbols which reassure the
individual of their identity and give a meaning to their life[4], while giving them
the illusion of belonging to a virtual community of consumers (Belk and Bryce,
1993, p. 293). Elliott (1993) concludes from this (like Firat and Venkatesh, 1993)
that the marketing system plays a primordial role in the construction of the
identity of postmodern individuals.
Firat and Venkatesh (1993) and Elliott (1993) thus share the preoccupations
of the so-called Latin school of thought in postmodern marketing which aims to
make marketing play a societal role. But where Firat and Venkatesh (1993) and
Elliott (1993) perceive marketing as a system making it possible to fill the
postmodern vacuum caused by the lack of community, the Latin researchers
propose a view of marketing as a vector of the community link. This Latin view,
sometimes called societing (Badot et al., 1993), sees the marketing as the
activity of project and design of innovations destined to facilitate the copresence and the tribal aggregations of individuals: a kind of communal or
tribal marketing.
In a more precise way, the representatives of the Latin view (Badot et al.,
1993; Bucci, 1992; Cova, 1995; Cova and Svanfeldt, 1992; Gobbi et al., 1990, 1993)
also reproach one-to-one marketing and other individualistic marketing
panaceas of the following:
Not being completely in step with postmodern times in their desire to be
the closest to a known customer, without sharing any emotion with him
or her. They reproach them of confusing proximity and intimacy, and of
basing everything on customer service: postmodern persons do not want
to be only the object of an individualized service in terms of
customization of functions, they also wish a personalized link.
Being shortsighted in the way they look at what they call the relation.
While the individualistic approach to relationship marketing aims at
creating and developing a relation between the brand or the company
(even a member of the company) and a customer, the communal
approach to relationship marketing prefers to recreate and support the
relation between customers. Products, physical supports, employees, are
dedicated to support the communal link, not to be a substitute for it (an
often unfeasible and counterproductive task).
Thus, the credo of tribal marketing is that postmodern persons are not only
looking for products and services which enable them to be freer, but also
products and services (employees + physical surroundings) which can link
them to others, to a community, to a tribe.
Some elements for a tribal marketing
In order to grasp the specificity of the Latin approaches in postmodern
marketing, it is necessary to return to the principle underlying postmodern
tribalism: in products and services, the use value (functions and symbols at the
service of the individual as a means of distinction) is being sought as much as
the linking value (link with the other or with others and means of tribal
symbiosis). A product or a service would thus be able to play the societal role of
support of communities. It would be a support for co-presence, and effective copresence, not of solitude in a lonely crowd! Again, we can use the postmodern
leitmotif: the link is more important than the thing (e.g. the thing is only the
societal support of the link).
According to the Latin view, the marketing problem companies are facing in
postmodernity therefore seems to be that they produce goods and services
which, when placed on the market, become commodities with a certain use
value (even symbolic) for an individual taken in isolation, but are only rarely
objects or places with an aesthetic potential of linking value for a community of
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individuals. On the basis of this statement, some conceptual propositions have

been already put forward by Mediterranean representatives:
ethnomarketing for marketing research;
societal innovations for product innovation;
linking places for service design.
The idea of ethnomarketing (Arnould and Wallendorf, 1994; Badot et al., 1993),
that is to say the analysis of postmodern rituals of consumption (see also Belk et
al., 1989; Wallendorf and Arnould, 1991 for investigations on consumption
rituals) has been developed to bring together the return of rituals in their profane
form and the practice of marketing. Ethnomarketing seeks out the link between
the practices of consumption and the tribal imagination, starting with the idea
that people do not function in a social vacuum, acting on the sole impulse of
advertising impacts. The meaning ascribed to products and services is often
related to societal occasions and to social links, and rituals are one of the best
collective opportunities to affirm, evoke, assign or revise these meanings.
Consequently, the objective of ethnomarketing is to pin down elements of an
intangible nature which are imperceptible taken one by one but can be discerned
in situations taking place in an atmosphere of trust established over a period of
time. These situations, when repeatedly enacted, are in fact rituals created
around objects or places in circumstances of both functional and aesthetic use. In
modernity, a few privileged moments existed to enact rituals and many rituals
have disappeared, thus depriving the product or the service of this aura of
mystery and sacredness which used to give it a specific identity by giving it a
meaning. With the rejection of materialism and the aestheticization of everyday
life which characterizes the postmodern condition, the search for rituals and
their integration in the design of products and services can play the role of the
active memory of a society seeking the sacred. So it is that today many
businesses owe their livelihoods to their ability to supply ritual artifacts, or items
used in the performance of rituals, to consumers (Soloman, 1992, p. 529).
Ethnomarketing isolates repeated fragments of daily life in order to derive deep
significations from them, together with forms of relations between objects or
places and people. The ecology of human relations, that is to say the aptitude to
define new ritual codes of behaviour between people, particularly through
objects and places, has therefore become one of the major themes of postmodern
marketing (Badot et al., 1993).
The concept of socio-sensitive innovation (Gobbi et al., 1990) or societal
innovation (Cova and Svanfeldt, 1992) has been put forward to designate the
process through which new significations and new possibilities of emotion are
introduced in the postmodern social system. Societal innovations appear
capable of bringing together emergent socio-cultural trends and multiplied
technological possibilities. They result from the recombination of familiar
material in unconventional ways and they serve as a means by which a society
both encourages and endures change. Societal innovations completely renew
the product or the service through the more or less conscious consideration of a
new experience shared by customers (see for example the cases of the Acova
radiators and the Dcouvertes Gallimard collection in France, (Cova and
Svanfeldt, 1992, and the cases of the weekly paper Cuore and the boutiques
Max and Co. in Italy, Gobbi et al., 1993). These innovations are supported by
sociocultural trends that they reinforce and sometimes even start up;
consequently, some (Bucci, 1992; Burgaud, 1994) speak in this case of trend
marketing to qualify this postmodern marketing practice. Societal innovations
can have a trans-segmented potential (Gobbi et al., 1993) and be adopted by
several groups or have limited potential and only affect some tribes. Their
success (Gobbi et al., 1993, p. 210) seems to stem from the spontaneous
communion of the individuals they provoke and their resulting role of social
support. The conditions of this success were brought to light by research (Cova
and Svanfeldt, 1992): Japanese flavoured marketing and management methods
blended with the vision of an artist-entrepreneur. Along the same line of
thought, certain researchers (Bucci, 1992) insist on the conditions behind the
emergence and the development of innovations with a strong aesthetic
potential: a design director (or art director) capable of inspiring the company to
adopt a particular style and rhythm, thus giving the company a true
competitive advantage based on emotion.
Services marketing provides an ideal context for the concept of linking value
to be seen in action. Indeed, service places design is today still largely oriented
towards the functional maximization of space for the satisfaction of an isolated
user (Bitner, 1992). In a postmodern perspective, if service places may assume
the role of social support or communality (Goodwin, 1994) they traditionally
provided (the wash house, the town square, the pub ), they would be
perceived as the favourite places of urban tribes for the enactment of their
rituals of integration and recognition: they will become linking places. This is
already the case when shopping malls are taken over by gangs of teenagers.
This is the move certain service companies are trying to make: through the
creation of linking places they try to participate in the (re)construction of social
links and achieve a very favourable impact on customer satisfaction. Hotel
chains are now moving in this direction as they realize that postmodern
individuals are no longer seeking the cocoon-prison hotel (to borrow an
expression used in a RISC survey) where they remain cloistered in their rooms
to be able to benefit from all the personalized services of the hotel. What they
are looking for now is the contact-hotel which has an open, friendly
atmosphere where new acquaintances can be made, and where they can share
their evening meal with the hotel managers (see, for example, the development
of the Campanile chain in France).
Conclusion: the re-embeddedness of marketing
This paper investigated the phenomenon of community in postmodernity as it
influences consumption and marketing. First, it explored the consequences of
postmodernity at the level of social links and communities. Second, it derived an
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ethnosociological framework to understand the current confusion in

consumption. Third, it related this framework to postmodern marketing
conceptualizations and especially the so-called societing or tribal marketing. In
fact, the central leitmotif of societing or tribal marketing the link is more
important than the thing leads researchers not to analyse economic activity as
an independent one but as an activity embedded in a societal context which, at
the same time, encompasses it and renders it possible. Consumption can
therefore be studied as much for its functional and symbolic aspects relative to
the individual as for its emotional and aesthetic aspects relative to the
communal link between individuals.
Notes
1. Aesthetics has to be understood here, not in its restricted modern sense of superficial
beauty, but in the full sense of the word as living emotions, feelings, shared passions
(Maffesoli, 1990).
2. European Survey conducted in 1993 by the LARMM, Laboratoire dAnalyses et de
Recherches sur la Mutation des Marchs, EAP, Paris.
3. This is already happening for some computer specialists as shown in the following extract
from an interview with David Kusek, CEO of Passport Design, a pioneer in music and
personal computers (Morphs Outpost, 1994): The thing I like about computing is you
design your own world on this machine and you have total, 100 percent control of it, and
very few external things can affect what happens to you. I got attracted to that, having
played in bands for years and having to deal with people, mostly unreliable and
unprofessional people. I really was attracted to the computer environment as something I
could control and manipulate myself. I got into it.
4. Where we speak of meaning here, it is of the meaning individuals give to their social
relations, i.e. the societal meaning. And it is clearly of this meaning that people are
speaking when they discuss the meaning of their life.
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