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The American
Political Science Review
VOL. LII
DECEMBER,
1958
NO. 4
When the turnof fate bringsto a man the honor of speaking on this
occasion, he is likely to review the remarksof his predecessors.Their
practice,I find,has been, in the main, to address themselvesto one or
the otherof two kinds of themes.They discourseeitherupon a substantive problem withintheir own specialty or upon a matter of common
concernto us as membersof the same profession.As our interestshave
becomemorediverse,the second alternativeseemsto have been followed
withgreaterfrequency.My decisionto considerin my remarksthe state
of our disciplinehas, therefore,
the supportofprecedentifnot the merit
of prudence.
The burden of my argumentmay be stated brieflyand bluntly.It is
that the demandsupon our professionhave grownmorerapidlythan has
the contentof our discipline.We are, in a sense, the victimsof our own
success. The achievementsofour professionarouse expectationsthat our
disciplineenables us to meet only imperfectly.If we are to narrowthe
gap between our knowledge and our responsibilities,we must devote
greaterresourcesin manpowerand ingenuityto the systematicanalysis
ofthe phenomenaofpolitics.
I
The weight of the demands on our disciplinemay be sensed froma
quick reviewofthe growthofthe activitiesof our profession.As each of
us concentrateshis energiesupon his own narrowinterests,we do not,
I believe,commonlyappreciatethe rangeand extentofour concernsas a
profession.An incidentalbut incontestableinferencefroma broad view
of our professionmust also be that its accomplishments,whateverour
misgivingsabout themmay be, have been impressive.
* Presidential
address, delivered at the annual meetingof the American Political
Science Association,St. Louis, Missouri,September4, 1958.
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apply the materialsof our disciplinein staffrolesforcongressionalcommitteesand state legislatures.All this is in marked contrastwith the
rarityofpublic employmentofpoliticalscientistsonlya fewdecades ago
and is a measureofthe enlargedrole of our profession.
We contributea steady flowof recruitsto the public service.In other
ways,too, the applicationsofpoliticalsciencein public policyand public
administrationhave multiplied.Members of our professionhave moved
in considerablenumber into the staffsof research organizationsconcernedwithnational and internationalaffairs,bureaus of municipalreresearch,taxpayersassociations,and otherlike private agencies.
The demands upon those of our numberin these applied phases of
political science are quite as diverse as are those that vex the teaching
branchof the profession.Yet the applied politicalscientistmust be possessed ofan outlook,ofskills,and perhaps ofsubstantiveknowledgenot
relevant,or at least not essential,in teaching.There can be no doubt
that we have opportunitiesto develop our discipline better to meet
these needs. Nevertheless,over the long run our impact upon public affairshas been far more powerfulthan we commonlyrealize. Many well
settledgovernmentalpracticeswere but a few decades ago regardedas
impracticalschemesemanatingfromthe ivorytower.
II
These commentstouch only the broadest aspects of the responsibilities in teachingand in application that have been assumed by our professionas it has grownin stature.They involve problemsof the gravest
import; and they involve matters of endless variety and puzzling intricacy.
The natureof our fulfillment
ofall theseresponsibilities
restsupon the
nature of our discipline. Ultimately the quality of our teaching, our
efficacyas public servants,and the wisdom of our work as consultants
and advisors in the applications of political science depend upon the
quality of the contentof our discipline.A bit of artistryand devotionis
helpfulin teaching; courage and a sturdystomachfortify
a public servant; and a modicumofcunningcontributesto the makingofan effective
applied political scientist.Yet all these characteristics,useful as they
may be, do not enable us to rise far above the body of knowledgewith
whichwe are equipped.
Our most urgentproblemconsistsin the enlargement,improvement,
and refinement
of that body of knowledge.In that respect ours may be
only the common lot of all branches of learning.Yet the primacy of
politicsin the determinationof the conditionsof lifegives warrantfora
criticalrating of our needs. Advances in our disciplinecan be quickly
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4The following characterization of our discipline could not have been made a few
decades ago: "Allowing for local variants, political science in the United States today may
be said to focus on political behavior in the widest sense of the term. And this is true in
varying degree of all contemporary political scientists, whatever their own specialized
H. Odegard, "A New Look at Leviathan," in Frontiers of
field may be. . .."-Peter
Knowledge in theStudy of Man, edited by Lynn White, Jr. (New York: Harper, 1956).
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the thesis that we are doomed to ignorance of the ways of man. Our
analytical schemesmust, to be sure, make provisionforthe accidental,
the erratic,the unique. And we must be foreveralert to the possibility
that the verifiedgeneralpropositionof one era may not hold at a later
time. Political systemshave a plasticity;they also have an inertia.We
have demonstratedwell enough that political knowledgethat retains a
validity even for a generationor so has great utilityas mankind endeavors to elevate itselfby its bootstraps.
These commentsshouldnot be' regardedas a reiterationofthe ancient
complaintthat we have too much "mere description."Perhaps the advance ofknowledgein all fieldsis associated withthe contrivanceofways
and means to achieve moreperfectdescription.We have, in fact,ample
reason for dissatisfactionwith our techniques of observationand descriptionas well as with the tenuous relationshipof descriptivework
to theoreticalendeavors.
It seems to be requiringan inordinateamount of time forus to develop techniquesof observationsupplementaryto the skillsin legal and
documentaryanalysis which for so long sufficedto meet our needs.
When we began to ventureout of the librariesand to studypoliticalaction at firsthand we went equipped with nothingmore than whatever
commonsense and native ingenuitywe possessed. Those qualities are
admirable,and always in shortsupply,but theyare not enough.
Our colleagues in other social sciences, notably in sociology,social
psychology,and culturalanthropologyhave farsurpassedus in the contrivanceof techniquesof observation.Many of those techniquesreadily
adapt themselves to problems traditionallythe concern of political
scientists. That adaptability has been turned to advantage by our
colleaguesin otherfieldsas theirinterestshave led theminto the study
of politicalbehavior and institutions.The consequence has been that a
goodly proportionof the significantadvances of recentyears in several
of our specialties have been the contributionof men not professionally
political scientists.
The surveyresearchtechniqueprovidesan example ofa handy means
forcopingwithquestionsabout whichwe have been limitedto excogitationforlack ofa workablemethodofobservation.Yet fewindeed are the
politicalscientistswho have a commandofsurveytechnique.The problems of its adaptation to the study of political questions have by no
means been completelysolved, but politicalscientistsare slow to exploit
its possibilities.-Consider,for example, what mightbe done with this
r I have touched upon some of the problems of adaptation of such techniques to the
traditional problems of politics in "Strategy in Research on Public Affairs," Items, Vol.
10 (1956), pp. 29-32.
THE STATE
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instrumentin that fieldto whichwe have most ready access but about
whichwe probablyknowleast, namely,local governmentand politics.
On the whole we close our minds to problemsof method and technique. This permitsus to take a smugattitudetowardtheabsurditiesoccasionally committedin the name of method. It also assures that we
rarelycome to gripswiththe fundamentalquestion of how we go about
pushingback the limits of our knowledge.Method withoutsubstance
may be sterile,but substance withoutmethodis only fortuitouslysubstantial.Technique and methodin themselvesperhapsmay not generate
many new ideas, but they are most handy forverificationor, as occurs
withmelancholyfrequency,disproof.And new techniquesand methods
oftenmake it possibleto raise new kindsofsubstantivequestions.
Perhaps most of these worriesabout the state of our disciplinerelate
in one way or anotherto the place ofpoliticaltheoryin our studies.In an
earlierday the place of political theorycould be readilycomprehended.
It amountedto the historyofpoliticalthought,an eminentlyrespectable
branchof intellectualhistory.It foundan autonomousplace in political
scienceand could be pursuedwithoutinfluenceupon, and withoutbeing
influencedby, other branches of political science. The developmentof
our disciplinehad merelybroughtit into loose academic alliance with
various otherspecialties.
As the segmentsof political science have come to be, if not cemented
together,at least infusedby common terminologyand common concepts,the questioncomesto be asked what relevancehas politicaltheory
for other branches of political science. Most currentwork in political
theoryis, I suppose,in the traditionof historicalanalysis. Our theorists,
or so it seems to me, nowadays manifesta sharpenedsophisticationin
theiranalysisand exegesisofthe classics ofpoliticalthought.Yet among
our theoriststhereseems also to be developinga view that a radical reorientationoftheirfocusofattentionmay be in orderiftheyare to contributeto the growthof the discipline.They are bestirringthemselves,
but I must confessto some bewildermentas I attemptto discernwhere
theyare leadingus. In mymellowermoods I lean to the forecastthat the
confusingcross currentsin contemporarytheorywill turn out to have
servedusefullyas probes in the process of trial and errorby whichwe
feel our way along the path ahead. The topic could be dismissedwith
that hopefulobservation,but I shall commenton the odd relationthat
prevailsbetweentheoreticaland empiricalwork,a matterthat bears in
a major way upon the advance ofour discipline.
That relationtends to be one of antagonism,if not hostility,but its
characteristicmost significantforthe presentdiscussionis the supposition that theoreticaland empiricalwork are separable. Extremelyrare
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UniversityPress, 1958).
Northwestern
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