Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
The idea of Asia is so easy to ridicule, and yet it tugs at the mind. It has a
curious potency. It is sometimes referred to (for instance, by Australia's 1996
Boyer Lecturer, Pierre Ryckmans) as a European creation, brought into being
for European purposes (Ryckmans, 1993:182). But it is much more than that.
As semioticians would put it, 'Asia' is a free-floating signifier [1] - a term the
exact meaning of which is not settled. The signification of 'Asia' is, in fact, in
contest and it is those who would identify themselves as 'Asians', who have
most recently been at the forefront of the defining process. Yet, their
involvement is not just a recent phenomenon. This paper will trace the
historical contribution of Asian thinkers to our understanding of 'Asia'; will
probe the bases for positing an Asian unity and some of the implications; and
will indicate that it is Asian notions of 'Asia' which have influenced and
redirected the 'Asia' discourse in the 1990s - a reality which may have
significant repercussions for Australia.
The Historical Development of Asian Notions of an Asian Unity and
Identity
'Asia is one' declared the Japanese art historian, Okakura Tenshin (18621913) at the opening of this century. [2] He explained that 'not even the snowy
barriers' between Chinese and Indian civilisations 'can interrupt for one
moment the broad expanse of love for the Ultimate and Universal, which is the
common thought of every Asiatic race' and distinguishes these people from
'those maritime peoples of the Mediterranean and Baltic, who love to dwell on
the Particular, and search out the means, not the end, of life' (Okakura,
1903:1). Okakura celebrated the cultural idea of Asia. A number of other
Japanese commentators favoured a political as well as a cultural
Asianism. [3] But a strong Japanese body of opinion in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries favoured what was termed 'departure from Asia'
(Kimitada, 1968:1-40). These thinkers wanted Japan to disassociate itself
from its 'Asian' neighbours and turn more and more to Europe. It can be
observed, of course, that whichever side one favoured, whether a
collaboration with or an escape from Asia, the concept of 'Asia' held a
particular value in this debate. This value was to increase as the Japanese
moved toward the Pacific war in the middle of this century, the idea of 'Asia'
was to become of critical ideological value in the conceptualising of the
Japanese Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere.
In India, as well, the idea of 'Asia' was given ideological attention in the 19th
and early 20th centuries. The Bengali religious leader, Vivekananda (18631902), pronounced that, 'on the material plane, Europe has mainly been the
basis during modern times'; on the 'spiritual plane, Asia has been the basis
throughout the history of the world'. 'Asia', he stated, 'produces giants in
spirituality just as the Occident produces giants in politics (and) giants in
science' (Vivekananda, n.d.:1, 6). The Nobel Prize-winning Indian poet,
Rabindranath Tagore, although well aware of the variation that existed among
'oriental' cultures, nevertheless for years devoted energy to the task of
promoting a renascent Asian civilisation. He evoked a specifically spiritual
civilisation for 'the East'. At the age of 60, he helped to establish an elaborate
Asian Research Institute where Europeans as well as Asians would study
Asian languages and cultures (Kalidas, 1957:10-11). It is also the case that
other Indian thinkers of the early 20th century stressed the fact that Champa
(Vietnam), Cambodia, Java, Bali and other parts of Southeast Asia could be
described as India's 'ancient cultural colonies'. [4] Thus, they were suggesting
not only spiritual or religious commonalities, but that historical and cultural
links with India provided a unifying basis.
Such thinking about 'Asia' did not develop independently in India or Japan.
There were connections between the ideologues working across the Asian
region. Vivekananda, for instance, visited Japan in the late 19th century;
Okakura spent a year in India in 1901-02. Tagore knew of Okakura and was
certainly impressed by him: 'it was from Okakura', explained Tagore, that we
first 'came to know there was such a thing as an Asiatic mind' (Hay, 1970:3839). Tagore himself travelled to Japan, China and many parts of Southeast
Asia, establishing numerous relationships with leading thinkers in those
places. He found that ideas about the 'East' and 'Asia' met resistance in
China, where such notions as the 'Middle Kingdom' and 'Southern Barbarians'
influenced Chinese perceptions of, and disdain toward, other 'Asian' peoples.
But especially after China was defeated in war by Japan in 1895, young
Chinese thinkers turned to Japan for inspiration. In China the nationalist
regime of the 1920s began to speak of an Asian spiritual unity, naming Sun
Yat-Sen as the father of what they perceived to be a Sinocentric movement
(Hay, 1970:324).
The Japanese victory over Russia in 1905 gave impetus to the movement
toward an Asian unity. Foreign commentators noted a growing 'disposition to
believe that Asia belongs of right to Asiatics, and that any event which brings
that right nearer to realisation to all Asiatics is a pleasurable one' (Townsend,
observed that the peoples of these two continents could 'wield little physical
power'. 'What can we do?' he asked. 'We can inject the voice of reason into
world affairs. We can mobilise all the spiritual, all the moral, all the political
strength of Asia on the side of peace' (Sukarno, 1970:459).
Such talk about the moral and other strengths of 'Asia', of course, has
undergone a revival in the 1980s and 1990s. (This has been especially so
since 1989 following the breakdown of the Cold War bipolarity in international
relations within the region). In Japan, for instance, Okakura, who announced
at the beginning of this century that 'Asia is One', has been attracting new
attention. It is said that he made a 'heart-felt cry of self-assertion of Asians
overwhelmed by Western might and civilisation and suffering from Western
encroachment'. Japanese today, we are told, 'seem to be placing great weight
on his every word' (Shimizu, 1981:18). In the Philippines, to take a further
example, there is also a growing interest in 'Asia' indicated, at one level, by a
new interest in the use of chopsticks rather than knives and forks and, at
another, by a reminder from the Philippine's President Ramos, that 'our
Christian roots date back only four centuries, but well before that we were
already being strongly influenced by Chinese, Japanese, even Indian and
Malay migration' (Funabashi, 1995:17-18).
Malaysian and Singaporean leaders (including Lee Kuan Yew) have been
outspoken in support of the notion of 'Asian values', which are distinct from,
and different to, American or Western values. Noordin Sopiee, the DirectorGeneral of a leading Malaysian think tank, has argued that Asians 'value (to a
point many others cannot understand) education and training'. He adds that
'we do not run our societies on the basis of the individual but on the
community'. Asians value 'saving and thriftiness', and family loyalties. They
are prepared to 'work very hard', he says, and 'do not believe that
governments and business must be natural adversaries' (Noordin, 1995:18093).
A Japanese intellectual has written of 'Asian type' economic growth'
(Takenaka, 1995:22); other commentators refer to 'the Asian way' (DuPont,
1996:13-33). The Malaysia Deputy Prime Minister, Anwar Ibrahim, has
explained that 'Asian Man at heart is persona religiosis'. 'Faith and religious
factors', Anwar adds, are in Asia 'not confined to the individual, (they)
permeate the life of the community' (Anwar, 1996a).
In recent endeavours to redefine the bases for regional relationships and
identities, the reworked term 'East Asia' has gained some currency over the
designations of 'North-East' (or simply, 'East') and 'Southeast' Asia - created
during World War II by the Allied Command located in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka).
This term, with its roots in Japanese thinking about a Greater East Asia,
gained greater prominence when Malaysia's Prime Minister Mahathir began to
strongly advocate an East Asian Economic Caucus (EAEC). [6] 'East Asia',
according to Dr Mahathir, is 'a crescent of prosperous nations extending from
North-East Asia to South-East Asia...from Tokyo to Jakarta' ( Asian Business
Review , 1994:68-69). Mahathir's EAEC has been presented as a rival to the
larger APEC grouping a grouping that also includes the Western (and, thus,
non-Asian) nations of Australia, the United States, New Zealand and Canada.
Prime Minister Mahathir has been unhappy about America's undue influence
in the region observing that at the Seattle meeting of APEC in 1993 the key
statements were written by United States officials (Mahathir and Ishihara,
1995:48). The Japanese writer and politician, Ishihara Shintaro, has further
suggested that APEC is a 'fuzzy concept'. He argues that it is 'incredible to
think you can build a complex economic community around the fact that
members have a shore line on the Pacific' (Mahathir and Ishihara, 1995:28).
According to Mahathir, the EAEC organisation is inspired by the idea that we
must commit ourselves to 'insuring that the history of East Asia will be made in
East Asia, for East Asians, and by East Asians' (Mahathir and Ishihara,
1995:16). Recognising its similarities with the World War II Greater East Asian
Co-Prosperity Sphere, one Japanese observer stated that the EAEC
'envisions an Asian economic community with Japan as its main engine', and
one excluding 'the leading Caucasian nations around the Pacific rim' (Saito,
1992:16). Faced with the possibility of Australia's exclusion from such a forum,
the then Australian Foreign Minister, Gareth Evans, proposed the alternative
notion of an 'East Asian Hemisphere' encompassing '...the region of nations
joined by geography and common interest on the Western side of the Pacific'
(1995:3). It was to include North-East Asia, Southeast Asia and Australasia,
but exclude the USA and Canada. However, this concept has not been taken
up by the subsequent Federal Coalition government elected in March 1996.
The potential for confusion is evident as writers are not always explicit as to
what they mean by 'East Asia' - whether they are referring to 'East Asia' as
including Japan, Korea, China and Taiwan (i.e. the old 'North-East Asia'
designation) or whether they are also including such 'Southeast Asian' nations
as Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, and Indonesia (as is the
case in Mahathir's rhetoric since 1990). Nonetheless, an indication of the
growing potency of the 'Asia' (or the more specific 'East Asia') idea is to be
found in the recurrence of these terms in the titles of relevant journal and
and culturally distinct 'other' against which a diverse and fragmented 'Europe'
could define itself.
To what degree, however, did Asians see themselves as part of an Asian
cultural entity? What was their basis for suggesting such an Asian unity?
Tagore and certain Japanese authors saw the spread of Buddhism in the early
centuries A.D. as a unifying cultural force in Asia. Buddhist influences, which
entered Japan in the Nara period of the Eighth Century, had been transmitted
along a network of Buddhist influence which stretched from India through
T'ang China to Korea. At about this time another educational centre for
Buddhism existed in South Sumatra at the capital of the Indonesian Empire of
Srivijaya. This centre was in touch with developments in India - with the
Buddhist centre at Nalanda - as well as with China. A Chinese Pilgrim, who in
671 A.D. was on his way to Nalanda, is recorded as having said that it was
possible in Srivijaya to 'examine and study all possible subjects exactly as in
(India)'. He recommended that a Chinese priest 'would be wise to spend a
year or two' in Srivijaya before moving on to India (Coedes, 1968:81).
Pilgrims travelling between Nara (Japan), Sian (China), Korea, Srivijaya and
Nalanda may have experienced a fleeting sense of 'Asian' commonality.
However, this was not the theme of most of the accounts of this period. Take
the example of Ma Huan, the Muslim interpreter for the famous Chinese
expeditions led by Cheng Ho. These expeditions visited vast areas of the
Asian region in the early 15th century. In the forward to his account of these
travels, Ma Huan tells of reading a 14th-century travel account and asking
himself, 'how can there be such dissimilarities in the world?' He records that
after his own extensive travels he 'knew that the statements (in the 14th
century book) were no fabrications and that even greater wonders existed'
(Mills, 1970:69-70). In the substance of his travel account, it should be noted,
Ma Huan does find similarities between specific Asian peoples. He notes
similarities in 'speech', 'writings' and 'marriage customs', for instance, between
Melaka (on the Malay Peninsula), Semudra (in North Sumatra) and Java.
However, he draws no such parallels with the situation in Sri Lanka, Thailand
or Champa (in present day Vietnam).
The account of the Asian region by the early 13th century Chinese writer,
Chau Ju Kua, reminds us of the long-standing nature of the cultural
relationship which existed between 'Confucian states' of China, Japan, Korea
and Vietnam. Of Korea he writes: 'their houses, utensils and implements, their
mode of dressing and their methods of administration are more or less copies
of what we have in China' (Hirth and Rockhill, 1967:167). Of Japan he notes
that they 'have the Chinese standard works, such as the Five Classics...all of
which are obtained from China'. As regards music, 'they have the Chinese and
Korean notation' (Hirth and Rockhill, 1967:171). Of Tonkin (Vietnam) this
same author writes that 'the clothing and food of the people are practically the
same as in the Middle Kingdom...' (Hirth and Rockhill, 1967:46).
An East Asian 'Confucian' unity - a community that excludes many other parts
of the Asian region - has frequently been remarked upon in more recent years.
A Japanese author has noted that in Singapore, Taipei and Hong Kong he
finds a 'feeling of affinity' - a feeling based upon being in a country belonging
to the same 'cultural sphere' (Toba, 1981:27). It is a sphere in which 'Chinese
characters are used' and where he will meet people, who are likely to have
'similar tastes in food' and to be of a 'similar emotional makeup' (Toba,
1981:26). He observes that it is understandable that Japanese living abroad
often marry Chinese or Koreans. However, he comments that Southeast
Asians are different. Laos, Cambodia, Thailand and Burma are in the
'Theravadan cultural sphere'; Malaysia and Indonesia are 'deeply influenced
by Islamic culture'; and the Philippines is 'culturally similar to the nations of
Latin America' (Toba, 1981:28).
Buddhism, as this comment on the 'Theravadan cultural sphere' suggests, is
not necessarily considered to be an element of unity in the Asian region. Over
the centuries Buddhism certainly developed in very different ways from one
society to another, so that, as another commentator has noted, 'even this
seemingly shared religious heritage...offers no real bridge between the
Japanese and Southeast Asians' (Arifin, 1992:47).
The evidence of other forms of division within contemporary Asia is abundant.
As a senior Singapore Government Minister, George Yeo, observes: 'deep
suspicions' still exist 'between China and Japan', 'between Japan and Korea',
'between China and Vietnam', and 'between ethnic Chinese and non Chinese
in South-East Asia' (Yeo, 1995:176). Centuries of war and suspicion between
Thailand and Burma remind us that even in the 'Theravadan Buddhist world'
there is real tension. Similarly, to lump Malaysia and Indonesia together as
members of the Islamic world would ignore the importance of differing
geographies, colonial experience and ethnic mix.
Despite all the contemporary talk of 'Asian unity', 'Asianisation' and 'Asian
values', those involved in practical relationships of one type or another are
well aware of the reality of a real variety of perceptions and styles of
behaviour in the region. Consider the case of attitudes to human rights and
democracy. The South Korean President, Kim Young Sam, (like President Lee
nuanced approach to Asian societies. [7] There is irony, then, in the fact that
just as our growing sophistication in perceptions of the region is being
expressed in a cautiousness toward the category 'Asia', we are now forced to
come to terms with the new potency gained by the concept in the region itself.
While the European strategies lying behind the use of 'Asia' over many
centuries need to be acknowledged, it is impossible to deny the emotive way
in which the term is being used inside Asian societies today, or has been used
in certain periods in Asia in the past.
The declarations of Okakura, Tagore, Sukarno, Mahathir and other recent
exponents make it clear that the idea of 'Asia' can be powerful for 'Asians' as
well as 'Europeans'. A commitment to 'Asia', for instance, has been seen in
certain times as an expression of opposition to European imperialism - a fact
evident in the middle of this century in the ideological formulations supporting
the Japanese Co-Prosperity Sphere and, some time later, in the passionate
declarations of Indonesia's first President, Sukarno. The chapter by Ingleson
helps to explain the way nation-building and Cold-War preoccupations drew
attention away from the concept of 'Asia' for three decades or so after the
Sukarno pronouncements in the mid-1950s. Today, a declared commitment to
'Asia' (or 'East Asia') seems to reflect a growing confidence in the region - a
confidence that sometimes suggests an element of rivalry with Europe and
America, rather than a sense of inferiority or defensiveness. The Singapore
diplomat, Kishore Mahbubani, draws attention to such an ethos when he
writes of an 'explosion of confidence' among 'East Asians' - a 'growing
realisation of East Asians that they can do anything as well as, if not better
than, other cultures...' ( Foreign Affairs , 1995:102-03).
The enunciation of the idea of 'Asia', whether in a defensive or a confident
tone, seems to imply for Asian speakers a sense of common experience. The
presence of such a common experience during the colonial period is
discussed by Ingleson. A dramatic assertion of a specifically 'Asian'
experience was delivered by President Sukarno when he declared that 'the
only time the atom bomb has been used, it was used against an Asian nation'
(Castles and Feith, 1970:469). Just as this particular interpretation of the
American action is unconvincing (and suggests an element of paranoia) so it
is equally difficult to believe that the vibrant economies that characterise much
of the Asian region today - the high growth rates, the expanding exports and
international investments - are in some sense a specifically 'Asian'
experience. Some nations in the Asian region have been bypassed by the
economic miracle. Additionally, some nations outside of Asia have also
Australian actors can influence Australian relations with, and shape Australian
identity in contrast with, this 'Asia'. As has been evident, the cultural and/or
national background of the author is determinative of which culture or nation is
given a pre-eminent and determinative role. When one reads an Indian author
describing 'non-violence' as the key to Eastern thought (Kalidas, 1957:110), it
is clear that India is central in this particular formulation of Asia. Gandhi was
more explicit when he declared that 'If India falls, Asia dies' (Hay, 1970:288).
The idea of Asia conveyed in Japanese writing about the Greater CoProsperity Sphere, of course, gave Japan a pivotal role. Japan was said to
have 'absorbed' both India and China (Okawa, 1975:40). Recent discussion of
the Mahathir-inspired East Asia Economic Caucus, as we have seen,
suggests that this proposed organisation is in some sense a revival of the old
Co-Prosperity Sphere again giving Japan (and not America or Australia) a
central role even though Malaysians have been its chief proponents.
The question that must concern Australians is where are we positioned in the
context of the contending ideas of 'Asia', which are emerging in the region
today. The APEC organisation, which includes the United States, Canada,
Mexico, New Zealand and Australia, suggests an inclusive 'Asia concept'.
Japanese views of 'Asia' and its regional composition have been somewhat
ambiguous. The influential Japanese journalist, Funabashi Yoichi, in his major
account of the development and scope of APEC, writes in certain passages of
'Asia' as if it involves specific phenomena lying beneath the surface of
European influence in the region. He cites George Yeo as saying that just as
'Europeans and Americans seek a spiritual homeland in the Greco-Roman
and Judeo-Christian traditions, the chopstick civilisation nations (China,
Japan, Korea and Vietnam) share a common bond' (Funabashi, 1995:57). In
other places Funabashi describes an 'Asia' that seems able to accommodate
such 'Western' countries as Australia. The English language, he notes, 'helps
to unite the Asia Pacific' (Funabashi, 1995:29); he gives specific approval also
to the efforts of the former Australian Labor Government to situate Australia in
a broad Asian context, including a statement by Foreign Minister Evans about
the 'increasing recognition of our East Asianness'' (Funabashi, 1995:19). But
Funabashi also quotes approvingly a report observing that 'to the degree there
is a sense of identity (in the Asia Pacific), it tends to be Asian, not Pacific',
focusing on, among other things, 'an assertive Confucian culture' (Funabashi,
1995:34).
Reading Funabashi and many other commentators on the new 'Asia' suggests
the truth of an observation by Malaysia's Deputy Minister, Anwar Ibrahim, that