Running head: HOW DOES CHRISTIAN IDENTITY IMPACT

How Does Christian Identity Impact Nightclub Experience?

Noel L. Knowles
Barry University, Nassau, Bahamas Campus
Nassau, Bahamas

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Abstract
The growing interest in nightclubs among young Bahamians who identify as Christians
seemingly presents contradictions to the moral standings of their faith. For most evangelical
Christians, the Bible which is considered the word of God is the central authority by which moral
standings are founded (Walton, 2006). Rooted in evangelical Christianity is the commitment to
live a life representative of Christ. One way to show ones commitment to the faith is by living a
life that exemplifies the moral tenets of the faith. Utilizing data gathered from five young
Bahamians who identify themselves as born again Christians, this phenomenological study
describes the lived experiences of how their Christian identity impacts nightclub experience. The
results reveal the degree to which their Christian identities have been challenged in relation to
their nightclub experiences.
Keywords: Christian identity, conflict, nightclub, impact

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How Does Christian Identity Impact Nightclub Experience?
Urban nightlife has changed dramatically in The Bahamas since the days of the open air
clubs such as the Cat and Fiddle and the Silver Slipper that featured live performances by
renowned local and international artists such as Freddie Munnings Sr. and Nat King Cole
(Rommen, 2011,p.92). Today, the nightclub scene in The Bahamas is no longer a spot for mature
adults to enjoy music and cultural shows, but rather it has become a popular leisure activity
among young persons. What has remained unchanged however, is the societal opposition
towards persons (Moss,2015, para.6). Despite the taboo nature of the practice, young evangelical
Christians in The Bahamas continue to view the nightclub as an option for leisure. This study
will explore how the Christian identities of these young Bahamians impact their nightclub
experience. The lack of research on nightclub trends among young Bahamians as well as limited
research the religious practices of Bahamians supports the need for this research in a society
where Christian values are respected and upheld.
Literature Review
Background on The Bahamas
The Commonwealth of The Bahamas is a country identified by being one of the few
independent nations to boldly commit to a fidelity to Christian values as penned in the pre-amble
to the constitution (Bahamas Government, 2015). Christianity has played an enormously
influential role in the development of the Bahamian spiritual, social and political landscape
largely due to the colonial heritage of our Protestant colonizers. This is most evident in the
stillness of the islands on Sundays due to a cease in commerce in respect of persons attending

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worship services. Other social respects to Christian values are often expressed in the practice of
morning devotions and prayer to the Judeo-Christian God in public and private schools, and the
controversial debates of the integration of these values into each aspect of law making.
Regardless of ones religious affinity or lack thereof, it is safe to conclude that a general
understanding of Biblical teachings by the average Bahamian exist; even those who do not
identify as Christian point to the rich history of a nation rooted in Christian beliefs and practices
passed down from generation to generation. Therefore, the abiding respect for and commitment
to uphold evangelical Christian traditions has resulted in a societal worldview heavily influenced
by Christian values.
Religion and Culture
Religion is defined by a system of transmitted beliefs, values, symbols, and traditions
sustained by society (Beseck, 2005; Saraglou and Cohen, 2011; Somers, 1995). Astorga (2006)
complements the definition of religion by highlighting how it affects the decision making
processes of its followers (p.584). She defines religion as the all embracing horizon by which
believers look at the whole life, modifying and qualifying their attitudes, dispositions, values,
and aspirations (Astorga, 2006, p.584). Similarly, culture is defined as a way of life unique to
particular group as expressed through the way they construct meaning, traditions, practices,
values, and attitudes (Astorga, 2006; Cohen, 2009). Unsurprisingly, religion significantly
influences cultural practices and views (Astorga, 2006; Beseck, 2005; Saraglou and Cohen,
2011). The lyrics to the song Rays Rockhouse penned by Jon Hendricks encapsulate this fact by
figuratively presenting the worldview of a society influenced by evangelical Christian values.
Hendricks (1985) wrote:

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Sisters of the flock house
Ain't got no business comin' to the rock house
All the people in here are all in to sin in here
Of this there's no doubt
That's why Miz' Tucker is pullin' Sam out
Eliasophs and Lichtermans (2003) study on group styles offers further insight as to how
cultures interact and derive meaning in everyday settings. The researchers discovered that one
cannot fully understand a cultural group without insight into that groups style. Group style is
defined by the authors as shared assumptions about what constitutes good or adequate
participation in the group setting (p.737). In relation to the Bahamian group setting, evangelical
Christian values shape the assumptions, morals, and values of the people. Astorga (2006)
expanded on this idea of group style when she proposed that religion is not the product of social
construction, but is mediated through social and cultural constructs (578). Therefore, meaning
is derived by cultures from their worldview which is inherently shaped by that cultures religion
(Astorga, 2006, p. 579). Astorga (2006) continued that worldview has a valuing and judging
function that results in persons accepting or rejecting realities based on their agreement or
disagreement with it (p.581). Thus one can conclude the substantial impact religion has on
shaping culture.
Club Attendance
The majority of scholarly research to date has studied club culture from the viewpoint of
alcohol and drug consumption (Goulding & Shanker, 2004; Heir, 2002; Hollands, 2002; Hunt &
Evans, 2003). Nightclubs, which emerged out of the rave culture of the 1980s, are often
characterized by their hedonistic atmospheres that encourage the use of intoxicants to heighten
ones experience (Goulding & Shanker, 2004; Hollands, 2002; Purcell & Ghraham, 2005;

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Redhead, 1993;Till, 2006). Although a plethora of research has been conducted on club culture
and club drugs, the same cannot be said for studies on the reasons persons attend nightclubs. The
limited research that has been conducted however indicates themes such as escapism,
socialization, and enjoyment of the music as factors that influence nightclub attendance
(Goulding & Shanker, 2004; Hollands, 2002; Measham, 2004; Till, 2006).
Escapism was a major theme that emerged as the reasons persons attended nightclubs.
Redhead (1993) described this freeing of the mind as nihilistic escapism while Goulding and
Shanker (2004) described the experience as disengaging from the world (p.3). Goulding and
Shanker (2004) illustrated that the dance club is a hyperactive environment which is a stark
contrast to the unexciting workweek and can be equated to other forms of relaxation such as
yoga or meditation (p.651). Mesham (2004) supported this theme of escapism and described the
club experience as a therapeutic release from the working week in which the pursuit of pleasure
takes place (p.311).
Though escapism was a major theme among the reasons persons attended nightclubs,
other significant factors were mentioned as well. Naturally, the social atmosphere of the club
environment and the music were other inviting factors for patrons. Goulding and Shanker (2004)
maintained that persons who attended the club shared something that was mutually valued and
as such experienced a sense of communal bonding (p.649). They noted that the nature of this
communal experience was heightened by other stimuli such as the music, lights and freeing
nature of dance (p.649). Purcell and Graham (2005) coincided with this viewpoint and
highlighted the centrality of the club experience was socialization (p. 132). Socialization is
pivotal to the clubbing experience because the collective nature of clubbing enhances the

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individuals experience and transcends the individual beyond the social bindings of age, class,
gender, and ethnicity that normally defines them (Goulding, Shanker, Elliot, & Canniford, 2009,
p.767).
Club and Religion
The club experience has been likened to the religious experience of worship by some
researchers (Goulding et al, 2009; Till, 2006). Goulding et al (2009) noted that:
The analogy between dance culture and religion is at its most obvious in these converted
places of worship, where the congregation (the clubbers) and the minister (the DJ) are
separated by distinct spatial zones and where the DJ metaphorically preaches from the
pulpit (p.765).
Tills (2006) description of the intersection of club culture and religion was similar to Goulding
et al. He noted that the club is similar to a church, with pulpit replaced by DJ booth, pews by
the dancefloor, priest by promoter, organist by DJ, organ by PA systems and sacrament by
Ecstasy tablet (Till, 2006, p. 94). He reasoned that clubbing appeals to young people because of
the communal and mystical experiences it provides outside of established religion (p. 95).
Olaveson (2004) concurred and concluded that the club is a highly meaningful and spiritual
practice for many ravers and that dance events are meaningful and transformative (p.86).
Starkly different however, is the fact that religion feeds the soul while the club feeds the senses
(Goulding et al, 2009, 766). It is this very indulgence of the senses that is so unambiguously
incompatible with religious spiritual nourishment hence causing conflict among those who
identify with evangelical traditions and viewpoints.

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Christian Identity
Christianity is no longer the sole contributor of morals and values as globalization has led
to competing views from self-help books, other religions, and the gods of leisure and materialism
(Davis,1995, p.37). Boeve and Nathan (2004) claim that both secularization and pluralization
question in their own way the identity of Christians today (p.301). Christian identity refers to
persons who have confessed their sin and accepted Jesus Christ into their hearts thus committing
to a life of service and worship to Christ. Ottai (1990) corroborates that true Christian religion
relies in the affections of Jesus Christ. These affections he argues becomes a center of meaning
for a socially mediated and heart-felt identity that aims at a distinctive faithfulness (253).
Faithfulness to Christ is fundamental in the Christian faith as ones steadfastness serves as a
witness to the unreached. For this reason, Christian identity is tied to the resolute and
uncompromising adherence to (the letter of) one's own tradition and (exclusivity of) faith
community (Boeve & Nathan, 2004, p.304). A departure from the norms of traditional practices
of the faith community naturally results in conflict.
Adhering to the traditions, values, and morals of Christianity, or any faith for that matter,
can be challenging as participating in some aspects of current culture can harm the effectiveness
of ones witness and example. Often times, in efforts to remain true to ones Christian identity
and avoid conflict, Christians separate themselves from secular culture for failing to not be
Christian any longer (Boeve & Nathan, 2004, p. 304). Conversely, other Christians find no
identity crisis per se in their involvement with current culture and as such do not experience any
conflict. Expectedly, the latter position causes conflict in the wider faith community as
exemplified in this recent letter to the editor of the Tribune Bahamas in which the writer argued

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that The choir singer will not be able to change peoples lives positively if he continues to hang
out in the club all Saturday night drinking and partying and then sing songs of praise on Sunday
(Moss,2015, para.17).
The contradictions between the intersections of religion, pluralization, and secularization
in The Bahamas implores the need for understanding how these issues impact the identities of
born again Christians in this society. Due to the seemingly conflicting practice of born again
Christians attending the nightclub, the purpose of this study is to ascertain how the Christian
identities of young Bahamians impact their nightclub experience. This study adds to the growing
research about how people integrate their faith with seemingly contradictory practices. Further to
that, this research adds to literature specifically focused on the cultural practices of the Bahamian
people groups.
Method
Purpose and Design
The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore how the Christian identities of young
persons living in The Bahamas impacted their nightclub experience. The research design used in
this study was phenomenology which is finding and describing the commonality among the lived
experiences of individuals with a particular phenomenon (Moustakeas, 1994; van Manen, 1990).
Multiple sources of evidence were gathered, analyzed, and triangulated to increase the
confidence of the research findings. Data was analyzed to determine common themes which
were used to write a description of the participants experiences.

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Participants
Participants were recruited through advertisement at churches and on social media.
Criteria for participating in the study included being a born again Christian between the ages of
eighteen and thirty, regularly attending church, active in church ministry, and having attended a
nightclub at least twice in last year. Interested persons who met the criteria for the study were
contacted and the aims of the project were shared once again. Participants were asked to sign a
consent form that confirmed their participation in the study and assured them that pseudonyms
would be utilized to protect their identities.
The sample of participants in the study totaled five persons; three males and two females.
The participants ranged in age from twenty-one to thirty and identified as being born again
Christians who regularly attend church and are active participants in church ministry. Of the five
participants interviewed, three has regularly attended church all of their lives and even before
officially becoming born again, identified and accepted the tenets of Christian faith. The
remaining participants are recent converts in comparison to the other participants having only
identified as a born again Christians for about six to seven years. However, like the others, they
regularly attend church and are actively involved in ministry.
Data Collection and Analysis
Data was collected through observations, structured interviews, pictures, and audio
recordings that were later transcribed verbatim. Interviews were conducted either over skype, at
a local Starbucks coffee shop, or at the office of the researcher over a two month period and
ranged in length from twenty minutes to forty-five minutes. An interview script consisting of ten

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questions guided the interviews. During the interviews, the researcher actively listened and asked
the interviewees follow-up questions (e.g. Could you tell me more about that?, What do you
mean?, How come?) to clarify meaning and deepen understanding. At the end of the
interviews participants were asked to offer any additional information that they wanted to share
that was not specifically asked. This was done to ensure that the participants had an opportunity
to fully share their experiences. Data was analyzed and triangulated to ensure accuracy.
Recurrent themes that became apparent during analyzing the data were noted and used to
organize data.
Findings
The qualitative analysis of the responses of young born again Christians about how their
identities impacted nightclub experience resulted in three major thematic categories: (1) reasons
for attending, (2) expectations, (3) and convictions and conflicts. These themes provide insight
into the reasons for visiting the nightclub and how their Christian identities may or may not have
caused conflict with their nightclub experience. These findings are discussed in depth in the
following paragraphs.
Reasons for Attendance
Socializing was the main catalyst for nightclub attendance among the participants.
Central to the social aspect of the nightclub experience was sharing it with friends. Aden
described this experience as a glorified hangout that you experience with your friends. In
essence, for Aden, attending the nightclub was not the run of the mill leisure activity but rather a
significant leisure experience enriched by sharing it with close friends. Kyle viewed the

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nightclub slightly differently. He viewed the nightclub as a place to celebrate life achievements
and cement relationships. He noted, the majority of the times I did go to a night club was to
celebrate with friends or to enjoy the company of a significant other. Till (2009) supports these
findings. He maintains that nightclubs provide a space for communal and mystical experiences
outside of organized religion (Till, 2009, p.96).
Socialization and sharing in the euphoria of the nightclub experience among the
participants took on other characteristics such as deepening friendships and establishing new
friendships. In many instances, the nightclub provides an opportunity for peer groups to be
reaffirmed (Northcote, 2006, p. 10). Amanda confirmed this as she described her attendance at a
nightclub as an opportunity to connect with friends and become abreast with the latest
developments in their lives. She described this as a great feeling because you enjoy your peers,
you guys have a nice soft drink and you talk, you catch up [sic]. Madison had a similar view as
he noted its a good place to see friends you havent seen in a longtime and its good for
networking. These experiences are consistent with previous findings that suggest nightclubbing
is positively associated with improving the quality and quantity of friendships (Reingal, Thombs,
Weiler, Dodd, O Mara, Pokorny, 2009, p.636).
Expectations
Attendance at nightclubs yielded a myriad of expectations among the participants in this
study. Most notably, the environment of the nightclub and social status of the nightclub were
particularly important for the majority of the participants. These clubs are more stringent in
screening attendants and often abide by strict dress codes and codes of conduct (Purcell &
Graham, 2005). Socializing with like-minded people who shared higher standards of nightclub

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etiquette not only was an expectation but a determinant of overall enjoyment for the participants.
Aden confirmed this when he stated that most nightclubs in Nassau are inherently vulgar which
is why I only go to one. Other nightclubs play raunchy music with cursing and its ghettofied
[sic]. Correspondingly, Amanda shared I normally like to go to the more upscale nightclubs or
the sophisticated ones and most of the time when I go Im never disappointed. Likewise
Madison added, I go to a high end club where I feel safe and deal with less people who are
more likely to be hostile.
The exclusive upscale environment of the nightclub, preferred by most participants,
provided the ideal environment to escape the pressures of reality. Escaping the responsibilities of
life was another highly anticipated expectation of attending the nightclub. The pulsating
rhythmic music and freeing nature of dancing served as therapeutic means of release for
participants (Lynch & Badger, 2006, p.36). Kyle defined this experience as electrifyingyou
feel a sense of elation to the rhythms and the atmosphere. Madison had a similar view and
expressed if the nightclub has a good deejay that plays music you could dance. You can take
away your cares. Aden, with similar views to the others expressed, Its one of the few places
where you feel like you get away from the day to day life a strong detachment from my day to
day life. These findings are consistent with researchers who have described the clubbing
experience as a carefree fleeting form of escape (Goulding & Shanker, 2004; Northcote, 2007).
The ability to escape from lifes pressures was intrinsically tied to the non-judgmental
posture of nightclub attendees. The freedom to escape expectations and liberty to be ones true
self was a highly valued expectation among the participants. Amanda spoke highly of this
experience and commented that the club is an excellent entertainment spot because it gives you

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a chance to just let loose. Nobody is looking at you or judging you because everybody comes
there for the same reason. Everybody just wants to get away. Similarly Aden noted, You cant
do anything responsible at a nightclub. I can free my mind. I dont have to clean up after
myself. Goulding et al (2009) explained that persons are able to experience this unrestricted
freedom because the club provides an empathetic community through shared illicit risk taking,
sensory stimulation, and ritualized, highly energetic play (p.767). They maintained that the club
is an inclusive social space where clubbers are able to rise above social categories and
commonplace subjectivities (p.767).
Convictions and Conflicts
There is unquestionable doubt that nightclubbing is an alluring transcendental communal
experience. Goulding et al (2009) noted that the transcendental experience has the illusion of
spirituality and carefully orchestrated sense of sacredness (p.765). However, despite the
nightclubs charming appeal and the many uncanny similarities to the religious experience of
worship, one glaring difference is the focus and purpose of worship (Goulding et al, 2009). From
an evangelical Christian point of view, the focus of worship is the omniscient omnipresent God
and the purpose of worship is living a life reflective of Christ (Davis, 1995). In contrast, the
focus of worship in the nightclub is the god of hedonism (Davis, 1995; Goulding et al, 2009).
Understandably this results in conflict for persons identifying with the Christian faith. Latoya
shed some light into this conflict when she shared, I dont attend anymore. At one stage, I
justified it by saying it doesnt make me a non-believer, however, now I see where there is a
conflict with whats going on in the club versus what I believe.

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Davis (1995) noted that a major responsibility of the church is to help the unchurched
understand what it means to follow Christ and this is done by evaluating how participation in a
particular activity professes faith (p.38). Aden remarked how his attendance and participation in
the nightclub sent a contrasting message of his faith. He reasoned, In a nightclub youre
encouraged to be sexual, encouraged to be drunk, encouraged to use foul language. It goes
against the moral code of my faith. Likewise, Amanda expressed:
I believe in Christianity very strong but when I go to the nightclub it can actually
interfere with my beliefs at some points because lets just say I go out on the weekends
some mornings I am not able to wake up for church and then I miss service or Im not
able to give what I know I could give if I have not partied the night before [sic].
With such blatant violations of ones Christian identity, one must wonder how attendance
has impacted nightclub experience for the participants. Boeve and Nathan (2004) suggests that
encounters with diversity and secularization has challenged Christian fundamental beliefs and
clouded Christian identity (p.311). To resolve this identity crisis one must set themselves
against the current culture for its being Christian no longer (p. 304). Kyle shared this view when
he expressed, Well before I would promise to not do it again like most, but as of late I've
decided that night clubs do not serve a purpose best suited for the lifestyle I wish to live. Latoya
had a similar stance and noted, because it conflicts with my faith, I simply dont go. Madison,
a future church leader, had a surprisingly different stance. He explained:
I do not have a struggle going into a nightclub, it doesnt deter my faith. But in a
leadership capacity, I will have to make a sacrifice not to attend at all or not as often

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because I do not want persons weaker in their faith to judge my intentions incorrectly.
Bing a leader requires a higher standard.
Madison was resolved in his faith and practice, as such; his Christian identity had no
personal impact on his nightclub experience. What did concern him however, was how his
attendance might impact those with a weaker faith. Graham and Haidt (2010) described this
decision as obeying rules and commandments, fulfilling the duties of ones social role, and
respecting the traditions and institutions of the religious in-group (p.144). Unlike Madison,
Amanda was not as resolved with her faith and practice. Realizing that her love of nightclubs
conflicted so deeply with her faith, Amanda concluded that she must not be the born again
Christian she considered herself to be. She remarked,
I have my beliefs in Christianity yes, but the type of person that I am is I like to enjoy my
peers. I like to go out and I like to have fun and the only problem with that it is you want
to fit in the crowd. You want to be like everyone else. Its kinda hard when youre young
and you just you know you just want to enjoy your young days so I would say I am not a
full born again Christian at this time [sic].
Amanda determined that her inability to meet and respect the traditions of her religious in-group
must indicate that she was not truly a part of that group. In the search for her Christian selfidentity, she chose to set herself against her professed faith in favor of the current culture instead
of setting herself against the current culture for its being Christian no longer as suggested by
Boeve and Nathan (2004, p 304).
Discussion
Christian identity is rooted in the unwavering and uncompromising adherence to biblical
traditional practices outlined by the faith community (Boeve & Nathan, 2004; Walton, 2006).

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Naturally, some practices are not reflective of an unwavering and uncompromising faith and in
effect produces conflict (Davis, 2005; Boeve & Nathan, 2004). This study sought to determine
how the Christian identities of young born again Christians living in The Bahamas impacted the
nightclub experience. The data revealed that the majority of the participants experienced conflict
when attending nightclubs and as a result of the conflict found different ways to reaffirm or in
some cases reconfigure their Christian identities.
The celebration and indulgence in pleasure emerged as a main reason for some of the
participants deciding to refrain from attending the nightclub. These participants felt that their
attendance indicated endorsement of the practices which cast a negative shadow on their
Christian witness. Their internal conflict with their faith impacted their nightclub experience
negatively resulting in them discontinuing the practice.
Guilt over the hedonistic expressions of fun negatively impacted the nightclub experience
of another participant. However, he remained ambiguous as whether the level of guilt would
result in his discontinuing the practice altogether. He simply concluded about the experience it
cant be reconciled with my faith, it is what it is. In an unexpected twist, the nightclub
experience of the future church leader remained a positive one as he felt his attendance did not
deter his faith. He concluded seemingly regrettably however, that he would have to cease the
practice because church leaders are called to a higher standard. Unknowingly, this admittance
was an indication of how his Christian identity negatively impacted the nightclub experience.
The final participant provided yet another interesting turn in the data. Having previously
identified herself as a born again Christian, she determined that her love of the hedonistic
experiences of the nightclub was a glaring contrast to her Christian identity. The conflict

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resonated so deeply that she questioned the validity of her commitment to her faith. She reasoned
that the nightclub experience was so valuable to her that she could not make the sacrifice of
avoiding it for her faith. Instead, she chose to sacrifice her commitment to her faith to
unrestrictedly enjoy the nightclub experience.
Limitations
As with any study, there are several limitations in this study that should be considered.
The first limitation was the duration of the study. This study was conducted to meet the
requirements for a course on qualitative research. As such, time was limited therefore
constraining the amount of data that could be collected. Second, the sample of participants was
small and only representative of a limited geographical area of the Bahamas; specifically the
capitol New Providence. Hence information from this study is not generalizable, however the
data can be suggestive of what may be found in similar societies or social groups. Finally,
considering the personal nature of the study which sought to determine how persons negotiate
seemingly contradictory practices with their Christian identity, participants may have responded
to questions in a way that they thought would represent them best or reflected what the
researcher wanted to hear.
Implications for Further Research
This study is the first in The Bahamas that seeks to describe the lived experiences of
young Christians negotiating their faith in regards to seemingly contradictory practices. More
research is needed to better understand the intersections of the Christian faith and practices
within The Bahamian culture and how this relates to the growing secularization and pluralization
of the society. In general, this country is deficient of scholarly research specifically related to all

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aspects of Bahamian sociology; as such further research is needed to close these gaps to reliably
and precisely inform our populace of issues. It is the desire of the researcher that attempts to
close the gaps will begin with this study.

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