Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
VOLUME 10
Alex Drace-Francis
Leidenboston
2013
Cover Illustration: A Romanian (Wallachian) in traditional costume. Trachten-Kabinett von Siebenbrgen (1729), from a 1692 watercolour. Romanian Academy Library / www.europeana.eu.
Author unknown.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Drace-Francis, Alex.
The traditions of invention : Romanian ethnic and social stereotypes in historical context /
by Alex Drace-Francis.
pages cm. (Balkan studies library, ISSN 1877-6272 ; volume 10)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-21617-4 (hardback : acid-free paper) ISBN 978-90-04-25263-9 (e-book)
1. RomaniaSocial conditions. 2. National characteristics, Romanian. 3. RomaniaIn literature.
4. RomaniaCivilization. I. Title.
DR212.D724 2013
949.8dc23
2013012194
This publication has been typeset in the multilingual Brill typeface. With over 5,100 characters
covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the
humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface.
ISSN 1877-6272
ISBN 978-90-04-21617-4 (hardback)
ISBN 978-90-04-25263-9 (e-book)
Copyright 2013 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing,
IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.
Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV
provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center,
222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
Fees are subject to change.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Contents
List of Tables and Illustrations....................................................................
Acknowledgments...........................................................................................
vii
ix
Introduction......................................................................................................
PART I
Social Representations
1.The Traditions of Invention. Representations of the Romanian
Peasant from Ancient Stereotype to Modern Symbol.....................
11
PART II
63
91
vi
contents
PART IV
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
A work compiled over as long a period as this one was brings with it many
scholarly debts, and I have done my best to recall the assistance I have
received along the years. Primary support, encouragement and critical
engagement has come from Dennis Deletant, now Emeritus Professor of
Romanian Studies at University College London, and Wendy Bracewell,
now Professor of Southeast European History at the same institution. With
their contrasting but complementary approaches, Dennis and Wendy
have suggested topics, readings and contacts in the world of comparative Romanian and southeast European history and culture. In Bucharest,
I have always found a warm welcome at the Nicolae Iorga Institute of
History, as well as at the New Europe College, and have enjoyed many
fruitful exchanges with the members and fellows of these establishments,
as well as with those of the A.D. Xenopol Institute in Iai. I have also
been fortunate to receive invitations to lecture at the Doctoral School of
the Faculty of Letters, University of Bucharest and try out my ideas on
students there in 2010 and 2012: thanks to Mircea Anghelescu and Adrian
Stoicescu for facilitating this. An earlier such invitation to the University
of Cluj in 2003 was no less fruitful. Colleagues at the Universities of Liverpool and Amsterdam, notably Harald Braun, Alexandrina Buchanan,
Charles Forsdick, Kirsty Hooper, Michael Hughes, Kate Marsh, Lyn Marven and Brigitte Resl at the first institution, and Joep Leerssen, Michael
Wintle, Krisztina Lajosi, Guido Snel and Christian Noack at the second,
have engaged in discussion of issues of travel writing and cultural difference, in a most fruitful way.
Xavier Bougarel, after inviting me to present some of my ideas from
Chapter 1 at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris,
suggested the title traditions of invention for that section. It seemed to
me such an inspired coinage that I adopted it for the work as a whole.
Angela Jianu read the manuscript through and offered valuable suggestions, references and improvements, especially in respect of structure and
continuity. Zoran Milutinovi has acted efficiently as efficient editor, and
administered the peer review process in a constructive fashion. Ivo Romein
has been exemplary in his courteous and prompt assistance. I thank also
Brills anonymous readers for their helpful comments and observations;
and Thalien Colenbrander for her careful production editing.
acknowledgments
Many other people sent or gave me books, articles and theses, including Cristina Bejan, Ioana Both, Xavier Bougarel, Cristina Codarcea, Eugenia Gavriliu, Mihaela Grancea, Florea Ioncioaia, Vintil Mihilescu, Andi
Mihalache, Ctlina Mihalache, Raluca Muat, erban Papacostea, Jeanine
Teodorescu, Maria Todorova, Marius Turda, Constana Vintil-Ghiulescu,
and Alexandru Zub. For help sourcing illustrations, I am especially grateful to Angela Jianu and Cristian Cercel.
Introduction
This book gathers a number of studies researched and written over the
past fifteen years, on representations of Romanian culture from the beginnings of the modern age to the late twentieth century.
In an earlier book, The making of modern Romanian culture (2006),
I attempted an institutional, social-historical survey of the development
and production of cultural output in the Romanian language over the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Here on the other hand, methods and
approaches from literary and cultural history are used to elucidate a number of themes and topics in greater detail than could be achieved within
a survey work. Case studies put the focus on individual actors and documents; or on specific social types or social practices, such as peasants, or
travel. At the core of all of them is a focus on the topic of representations
of self and other; on the subjective nature of these representations; and on
the interplay between formal and informal discourses on identity.
The book also offers a long-term approach. For, while the majority of
the studies focus on the period from the late eighteenth century to the
end of the nineteenthRomanian historys first era of transitionan
important theme is the persistence of older ideas, for reasons that are
elaborated especially in the first chapter. At the same time, I have made
significant inroads into the twentieth century, with four chapters dedicated to texts and cultural practices after 1900.
Research Context
The study of modern Romanian culture in terms of its relationswhether
active or passive, oppositional or integrationalto Europe, has a relatively long history. Pompiliu Eliade, writing at the end of the nineteenth
century, saw this as an entirely one-way process. He described Western influence not in terms of a synthetic element or graft of European
ideas on existing roots, but as the force which actually brought a culture
into existence where none had flourished before.1 Others perceived the
matter differently, speaking of an old and original civilization which
1Eliade, De linfluence, iii.
introduction
nevertheless sought respect, being not yet integrated into the general life
of humankind.2 Inter-war literary and cultural historian Eugen Lovinescu
understood Romanian relations with western Europe as a two-stage process, first of imitation, then of synchronization.3 A more neutral and
popular term to describe Romanian cultural relations with western Europe
was discovery.4 Irrespective of their positions, however, pretty much all
scholars agreed that issues of culture and identityespecially collective dignity in relation to the outside worldwere important aspects of
the modernization process that accompanied political independence and
the creation of the national state.5
Since the 1960s, despite the constraints placed on research by the Communist regime, a tradition of image studies developed in Romania.6 Significant documentary projects were undertaken, including a ten-volume
collection of travellers accounts of the Romanian lands in the period to
1800.7 Scholars drew partly on the mentalities paradigm, following the
illustrious tradition of the Annales school, and partly on the traditions of
literary image studies or imagology developed in comparative literature
circles.8 This was supplemented by some important contributions by foreign scholars, usually interested in the cultural dimension of their own
countries relations with Romania.9
introduction
10Gavriliu, Sindromul Gulliver; Murgescu, ntre bunul cretin i bravul romn; M. Mitu,
Problema romneasc; S. Mitu, Imagini; Mazilu, Noi i ceilali; Ivanov, Imaginea rusului;
Muntean, Imaginea romnilor; Pecican, ed. Europa; Lascu, Imaginea Franei; Oiteanu,
Inventing the Jew. Vlad, Imagini, studies Romanian attempts to represent the national
identity abroad through world exhibitions and fairs. For related work in the field of social
psychology, see Iacob, Etnopsihologie i imagologie.
11 The most widely-cited are Baki-Hayden & Hayden, Orientalist variations; Wolff,
Inventing Eastern Europe, and Todorova, Imagining the Balkans. Most important for literary studies is Goldsworthy, Inventing Ruritania; see also Kostova, Tales of the periphery.
12The first scholar to adduce Orientalism as a relevant concept in respect of Romania
may have been Verdery. See Verdery, Moments (II), 100, 105; eadem, Moments (I), 49. The
paradigm was then flagged by Antohi, Imaginaire culturel, 250 n5, and Brnzeu, Corridors of
mirrors, 14, 39. Iordachi, Citizenship, nation and state-building, applied it to the Romanian
states policies in the Dobrogea after 1878. On Romanian scholars relative lack of interest in Orientalism, see Cioflnc, Cunoaterea alteritii, 121. Leanca, Geografii culturale
considers some more recent trends.
introduction
In the present work I use aspects of ideas from the tradition of Orientalism and postcolonialism, following the insightful and pioneering
work of the above-cited scholars. Indeed, unlike some of my colleagues,
I dont believe it is always necessary to establish a paradigm of Balkanism fundamentally distinct from Orientalism.13 But at the same time my
approach is not subordinate to any one tradition and tries to adapt the
theory to the relevant case study material. Verbal representations of Romania, whether self-images or ones produced by outsiders, cannot be easily
understood in a monolithic way. In fact they may belong simultaneously
to a set discourses about Europe and its boundaries, and to ones about the
Orient; while it is equally important to bear in mind that neither of these
main paradigms can offer definitive answers, and statements about Romanian identity may easily have quite other meanings. Simple inventories of
images drawn from heterogeneous sources do not always take account of
the different functions they play within specific narrative contexts.14
Content and Structure
I start my inquiry in Chapter 1the longest in the book, constituting the
whole of Part Iwith a consideration of the image of the Romanian peasant, an archetypal one for discourses about the nation as a whole. While an
explicit ideology of peasantism did not emerge until the late nineteenth
centurya process which I also analyse15I argue that the general cultural context in which it did so owes a lot to older relations and representations, understanding of which is essential to a proper reading of the
terms of the twentieth-century debate. I attempt a comparison between
domestic legal and historical discourses, where a strong categorization
of the peasant was not in evidence, with foreign discourses, which depicted
the inhabitants of this area variously as fierce savages and pacific farmers.
This background is then drawn on in an analysis of the nineteenth century when the image of the peasant developed its modern contours.
13Compare e.g. Hammond, British literature, 4366; Todorova, Balkanism and postcolonialism. While Todorova is quite right to argue for the historical specificity of the Balkan experience, such specificity can of course involve similitude to as well as difference
from regions which were after all part of the same Ottoman polity. I develop this point
most explicitly in Chapter 2 below.
14Prianu, Sintaxa antisemitismului, 229,
15See Ch. 6; and Drace-Francis, Making, 17897.
introduction
introduction
introduction
part one
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS
Chapter one
12
chapter one
13
Those, then, who would argue that there really is such a thing as peasant
specificity need precisely to concede the fact that the reality behind the
image is no more simple than anybody elses: that, like most words denoting social classes or categories, peasant is rather an intellectual tool than
14
chapter one
A critical examination of that process of sifting, distillation and standardization to which Gellner refers, and of which the end result was the creation of the figure of the peasant as one of the cornerstones of modern
Romanian identity, is the subject of the present article.
One could limit the period in which Romanians ideas of the peasant
underwent their most dramatic and fundamental development by looking at two dictionary definitions, one fifty years later than the other. The
Transylvanian compilers of the first published Romanian dictionary, the
quadrilingual Lexicon published at Buda in 1825 are significantly hesitant
about the meaning of the word. Their entry for eranu is as follows:
1. the son or inhabitant of a certain country: indigena, patriae filius: hazafi:
Der Burger, das Landeskind.
2. one who is in a country with me: popularis, gentilis: foldi: der Landesmann.
3. ()
4. Some have glossed this word to mean ploughman, or villager (qv.)
(from Lat. terrenus. Ital. tereno.)12
In other words, the word ran does not even necessarily have a rural
identity attached to it, or at least only in its secondary meaning; it is a
11 Gellner, Encounters with nationalism, 191; Hofer, Creation, offers more detail.
12Maior et al., Lexicon Valacho-Latino-Hungarico-Germanum, sub voce. Translating the
Romanian, I have left the other three languages (Latin, Magyar, German) in the original.
15
civic conception based on political membership rather than a term denoting ethnie, mode of production, place of residence or any other socially
differentiating criterion. Other dictionaries of this period likewise omit
the word.13
By 1876, the second volume of A.T. Laurian and I. Massims Dictiona
riu, commissioned by the recently-founded Romanian Academy, was
published in Bucharest. The word ran (spelt terranu, for these lexicographers were committed to a Latinist orthography in order to emphasize
the Roman origins of their language) was defined as follows:
TERRANU [rusticus, colonus, ruricola]. He who works the land [pamintulu],
who is settled on the land [campania]. The peasants plough, sow, harvest
and thresh; the peasants are the basis of the land [terra]; the peasants lead a
simple life, but a laborious one; our peasants are of a rare frugality, they eat
only cereals, vegetables and fruit, milk, cheese and eggs; very rarely do they
eat meat; and despite all this they are healthier than the urban dwellers.14
13Clemens, Walachische Sprachlehrer fr Deutsche. ran is not listed, while the normal German word for peasant, bauer, is defined as land worker, villager [lucrtoriu de
pmnt, stnu] i.e. without use of the word ran.
14Laurianu & Massimu, Dictionariul Limbe Romane, s.v.
15Several works deal with this debate from the point of view of intellectual history:
Ornea, rnismul; Jowitt, ed. Social change; Durandin, Une tape; eadem, Le bon sujet;
eadem, Les intellectuels; Verdery, Moments, II; Mihilescu, Comment peut-on tre paysan?; Muat, Sociologists. From the perspective of ideas on language and folklore: Karnoouh, Linvention, 75122; from that of literary history: Craia, Orizontul rustic; Cncea,
Situaia rnimii.
16
chapter one
praiseworthy characteristics which might constitute a critique of the civilized world; as a negative example or as an ironic counterpoint to Western
vanity and egocentrism. Moreover, since Romanian literary discourse was
frequently concerned with presenting the national character to a Western
audience, Romanians were compelled both to react to and to assimilate
existing Western preconceptions about a) Romanians; and b) peasants.
For the nineteenth-century Romanian writers discovery of the peasant
went hand in hand with their discovery of Europe; and their encounter
with the latter, I shall argue, decisively influenced their conceptualization
of the former.16 If the creation of a peasant identity within Romania is a
modern affair, then the identity of the Romanians as peasants has a rather
older history in certain writings in wide circulation in the rest of Europe.
This symbolic transmission of messages outwards was combined with
a need to use ideas inwards, to create durable images and symbols that
can form part of the new, nationalized identity. Internally, the struggle for
nationhood involved a degree of social transformation. For Romanians,
the principal forms this social transformation took were the establishment of a modern democratic constitution and the move from a disrupted
semi-pastoral tributary economy to a producer of agricultural goods on
the world market. This alteration carried with it the need to redefine the
social centre of gravity; the basis of political legitimacycoming now
from the people, rather than from divine right or military triumph. In this
context, literature functions as a tool for representing new social realities;
for providing a concrete image of the people conceived as a whole; and for
forging a sense of unity among hitherto disparate parts: Only eloquence,
the love of letters and the fine arts can make of a territory a fatherland,
and give to the nation living there the same tastes, the same habits and the
same sentiments.17 This very frequently takes the form of anthropomorphic characterizations: the idea that nations represent different individual
types, and the qualities of a nation can be resumed in a single figure: a
process that by its very nature involves aesthetic representation.
The attitudes of pre-modern Romanian writers are also relevant because
the nineteenth-century writers themselves attempted to identifyon their
own terms, of coursewith an older body of literature and tradition
in the Romanian principalities, in order to provide a historical basis for
their rhetorical model. Those who invented the Romanian peasant were
17
also obsessed with history: they associated the peasant with the past,
with tradition and with their literary forebears. Thus a Romanian writing in 1880 might call upon the testimony of a chronicle written in 1650
to substantiate claims that there was such a thing as a peasant state in
Romania in 1400. For Eminescu, Romanias greatest poet and one of the
key elaborators of the peasant ideal, love of the fatherland is not love
of the furrow, of the soil, but of the past.18 It will be my contention that
the peasant was not a coherent concept in these earlier writings, and
that when the older tradition of Romanian literature and historiography
dealt with the peasant at all, this tended to be in a negative, dismissive
mode which subsequently had to be jettisoned or revised.
The rest of this chapter, then, will be divided into three parts. First,
I shall attempt to highlight certain images of the Danubian peasant that
figure in classical and modern European literature. This European part
will be concerned with generalised images of peasants and of their superimposition onto, or overlap with, images of Romanians. Secondly, in an
analysis of usages of the word in older Romanian writings, I intend to
show that the word ran had various different meanings and values
already attached to it before 1830; but that, in general, the word lacked its
main modern connotations. Finally, I shall discuss a selection of writers
who, during the course of the nineteenth century, were responsible for
transforming both the meaning of the word and the symbolic value of
the image.
The Romanian Peasant: A European Invention?
i)The Classical Legacy
The Romans had their own cult of agrarian life; and this too involved the
manipulation of images about the countryside in order to establish and
maintain a stable social and political order. After Octavius Caesar established himself as sole emperor after the battle of Actium in 31 bce, he used
the harmonious songs of his friend Virgil in order to reconcile his soldiers
to their new estates. Over fifty different books of Georgics, poems praising the agrarian life and evoking the belief of the elder Cato that Tillers
of the soil make the best soldiers and the strongest men, were published
18
chapter one
in the first few years of Augustuss rule.19 Horace complained that the
regal villas of the new rich leave few acres for ploughing, and that This
is not the norm our ancestors divined, that Romulus and rough-bearded
Cato prescribed.20 A particular historicity was thus evoked, an association of agrarian practices and rustic simplicity with ancestors and with a
golden past.21 Indeed, according to Virgil, the very introduction of agriculture dated to the arrival of Jove, king of the gods:
Before Joves time no settlers brought the land under subjection;
Not lawful even to divide the plain with landmarks and boundaries:
All produce went to a common pool, and earth unprompted
Was free with all her fruits.22
On the other hand, the Latin poets delimited their tradition not only
according to timethe beginnings of their godsbut also by space.
As some of the oldest sources for the history of the space now occupied
by Romanians come from Roman writers, it is interesting to see how these
sources reflect the agrarian virtues when writing about the people whom
the Romanians consider their ancestors: known as Dacians or Getae and
inhabiting the little-known outposts of Empire.
Horace counterpoised the pacificity of the Roman rustic with the
Dacians aggression: in his Ode to the Goddess Fortuna, he writes that
she is entreated not only by the rustic peasant, but even by Dacian
savages and Scythian refugees (Odes I:38). Elsewhere he maintains the
contrast between the fleet Dacian menacing the city, and the values of
the metropolis (Odes III:6; III:8). Thus for Horace the Dacians stand in
contrast both to the city and to the ploughman: they are a barbarian people, whose possible virtue is bravery but whose chances of rustic peace
are slim.
Ovid, who was exiled on the Black Sea coast for the ten years to his
death in ad 18, also generally portrayed the Getae as barbarians. He noted
a tendency towards agriculture, but saw it imperilled by the generally warlike conditions prevailing on the edge of Empire:
The harsh enemy, in great number, comes in flight like a bird, and scarcely
have you sighted him when he has seized his prey...So it is, that rarely do
19
you see somebody daring to cultivate the land, and even he, wretched fellow, ploughs with one hand and holds his weapon in another.23
These Latin poets stress on the contrast between pacific agriculture and
warlike tribes has roots as far back as Herodotus and other Greek writers, who had described Thracians and others occupying the same space
to the north of the Lower Danube, to the effect that They could be one
of the most powerful nations of the earth but that To them, idleness
is extremely widespread, while working the fields is a most humiliating
practice.24 But elsewhere Horace toyed ironically with the possibility that
one day the Dacians might study his work (Odes II, 20). Finally, and most
curiously, in one of his habitual critiques of the decadence of urban mores
at Rome, he evokes the stiff-necked Getae (et rigidi Getae),
Immetata quibus jugeras liberas for whom unnumbered acres make
communal
fruges et cererem ferunt harvests under Ceres.
Nec cultura placet longior annua Each brave works a year on the land:
defunctumque laboribus his service remitted,
aequali recreat sorte vicarius.
a successor continues by equal rota.
Illic matre carentibus There stepmothers behave
Privignis mulier temperat innocens rationally to orphaned daughters,
Nec dotata regit virum no women rule by dowry
Coniux nec nitido fidit adultero. and wives do not trust in some sleek
adulterer.25
23Ovid, Tristia, V:10, 1724. Syme, Ovid in history, 1645, argues that Ovids description
of the peoples of the Pontic region was conditioned by considerations of prosody: he may
attach the name of a tribe to a particular practice because the ethnonym fits his metrical
scheme. Habinek, Politics, 15169, claims that Ovid is not merely bemoaning the barbarity
of the Getae but demonstrating and enacting the transferability of Roman institutions to
an alien context.
24Herodotus, Histories, V:3, V:6. Many Romanian historians quote the first part of Herodotuss remarks but not the second; e.g. Pascu, ed. Foreign sources, Doc. I.
25Horace, Odes III, 24, ll. 1220, in The complete odes, trans. W. Shepherd, 1556.
20
chapter one
living across the Danube can be seen, for instance, in Tacituss Germania.
Tacituss description of the Germans, strikes a familiar note:
The fields are taken in succession according to the number of cultivators,
and are subsequently divided among themselves according to rank. The
lands are changed over every year and there is an abundance of fields.26
As Martin Thom has recently reminded us, the work of Tacitus and
other classical historians (Posidonius, Pliny, Livy) often treated the
topos of the barbarian or distant peoples according to set rules of the
genre, so that what is said conforms more often to a convention rather
than to solid geographical or ethnographic fact.28 This is clearly the case
here too: three different writers are attributing the same or similar practices to geographically distant peoples. However, this did not in the least
stop later historians and statesmen from waging major political and ideological campaigns on the basis of these works. And just as Tacituss work
was rediscovered in the early sixteenth century and used as evidence in
polemical debates between Pope Pius II (Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini) and
recalcitrant Protestant bishops, so Horaces remarks about the Getae were
to find echoes in a large number of subsequent writings. Not only did classical writings become fuel for a long-running historical debate about the
origins of the Romanian communal village,29 they also evidently affected
26Tacitus, De origine et situ Germanorum, in On Britain and Germany, trans. H. Mattingly,
ch. 26.
27Caesar, De bello gallico, IV, 1.
28Thom, Republics, nations, tribes, 21221. See also Hartog, The mirror of Herodotus.
29One of the first Romanian scholars to invoke Horace as a historical source for the
agricultural practices of the proto-Romanians was Grigore Tocilescu, in his doctoral thesis
of 1876. In fact Tocilescu was cheerfully sceptical about the possibility of drawing conclusions from Horaces writings. In short, it would be safer to consider Horaces description
as a vague, unclarified recollection from Caesar on the Suevi, as an idealization of the
little known peoples of the North; more a poetical, and particularly satirical, description,
than a historical one. Tocilescu, Dacia nainte de Romni, 374. G. Popa-Lisseanu published
a Romanian translation in idem, ed. Dacia n autorii clasici, 16. However, later historians
(e.g. Stahl, Contribuii, 1:2936; Panaitescu, Obtea rneasc, 17) have tried to take the
poem as valid evidence for the agrarian life of the Getae. Both these authors have curiously mistranslated the Latin to make Horace say that it was the fields worked, rather than
the people working them, that were changed over by rota. This gives the unwarranted
21
the imaginations of 19th-century lexicographers, as is clear from a comparison of the remarks of Caesar about the eating habits of the Suevi, and
Laurian and Massim on those of the peasant.
ii)Renaissance Refashionings: The Princely Mirror
Early modern sources are no less contradictory when it comes to describing the mores of the Romanians. For instance, writers who sought to
explain the surprising fact that they were a Latin people, the only one in
Europe to live across the Danube-Rhine limes, might refer equally to their
warlike disposition or to their propensity for agriculture as proof of this.30
The tension between the violent and the agrarian, remarked as early as
Herodotus, continues. We have heard Ovid remarking on the natives
reluctance to plough the land for fear of a military ambush. Fifteen centuries later, the Polish chronicler Bielski reversed the same terms, when
he was writing about the Moldavians:
They are brave men, masters in wielding javelin and shield, though they
are simple peasants taken from the plough. Apart from the courtiers, the
rest are mostly peasants with bare saddles and oaken stirrups, but strong in
attack with the javelin.31
Bielski himself had met the Moldavians in battle at Obertyn in 1531, and
neednt necessarily be seen to be relying on classical stereotypes: the concordance of his materials with those of Ovid might be merely accidental. But the classical image of the barbarian/peasant (for the categories
were henceforth to be increasingly confused) was, in the same decade, to
undergo a remarkable revival elsewhere in Europe.
El vilano del Danubio is the title of an episode in the book of princely
instruction written by the Spaniard Don Antonio de Guevara, bishop of
i nterpretation that a) the entire community was engaged in agriculture; b) land was distributed on egalitarian principles; c) the rudiments of crop rotation were in place.
30Thus the Italian historian Marcantonio Coccio, in his Rapsodie historiarum Enneadum. Ab orbe condito Ad annum Salutis Humanae, 1504: Valachorum nobilissimi qui agriculturam et qui pecuariam excercent, quae res ipsius gentis arguit originem; on the other
hand, the Pole Stanisaw Orzechowski wrote that Hi natura, moribus ac lingua non multum a cultu Italiae absunt, suntque homines feri, magnaeque virtutis; neque alia gens est,
quae pro gloria belli et fortitudine angustiores fines cum habeat, plures ex propinquitate
hostes sustineat, quibus continentur aut bellum infert, aut illatum defendit (Annales
polonici ab excessu Sigismundi, 1554). Both these examples from Armbruster, Romanitatea
romnilor, 82, 115. Similar contradictory opinions in the valuable recent study of Almsi,
Constructing, focused especially on Transylvania.
31 Cited by Gona, Satul n Moldova medieval, 212.
22
chapter one
Guadix, and first published in Seville in 1528: Libro aureo de Marco Aurelio, emperador. This was republished as El relox de principes [The Dial
of Princes] in Valladolid the following year. This book was one of many
books of princely education published in the Renaissance, expounding
on matters of public and private comportment and rules for action in the
life of a prince. As is usual for the genre, it purported to derive from classical literature, as a book of orations made by the Roman philosopheremperor Marcus Aurelius; its author claimed to have translated it from a
much older Greek text. In fact Guevara did nothing of the kind, and the
speeches and moral lessons of which the book is constituted, were original rhetorical compositions, embossed with fables, epigrams and quotations from Humanist literature. However, this fiction did not stop the
book becoming an international bestseller. It went through over seventy
editions in five European languages before 1600,32 and translation were
made into many European languages, including by the eighteenth century
a Romanian version (by Nicolae Costin, c. 1712)33 and even an Armenian
one (Venice, 1738). A Greek version made its way into the library of the
Mavrokordatos family, whose members would play a major role in ruling
the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia in the eighteenth century, as
we shall see.34
The episode of the villain of Danuby is a tale narrated by Marcus Aurelius himself to Senators, Philosophers, Physicians and other sage men,
and it serves the purpose of a kind of moral mirror to illustrate the corruption of manners and arts in ancient Rome. A poor villain from the river
of Danuby comes to Aurelius to complain of the injustices and cruel acts
perpetrated on him and his race by the Roman prefects and judges sent
to administer his province. His physiognomy is the type of the barbarian
according to the classical imagination:
This villain had a small face, great lips, hollow eyes, his colour burnt, curled
hair, bare headed, his shoes of Porpyge skin, his coat of goatskin, his girdle of
bulrushes, a long beard and thick, his eyebrows covered his eyes, the stomach and the neck covered with skins, haired as a bear, and a club in his
32I have consulted a modern edition of Norths English translation: The Diall of Princes;
the bibliographical information I cite comes from here. See also Ginzburg, Occhiacci di
legno, 205.
33Ceasornicul domnilor; most recently published in Costin, Scrieri vol. 2.
34Popovici, Difuzarea ideilor luminilor, 84. Pippidi, Tradiia politic bizantin, 624,
interprets the translation of Guevaras work into Romanian at the instigation of Nikolaos
Mavrokordatos, as part of the development of a cult of the sovereign.
23
hand. Without doubt when I saw him enter into the Senate I imagined it had
been a beast in the form of a man.35
At the end of the peasants oration, the Senate and the Emperor agree to
provide new judges for the river of Danuby, and command the villain to
write down his speech. Furthermore, he was made a Senator and a free
24
chapter one
man of Rome, and that forever he should be sustained with the common
treasure.39
Even though this is a clear instance of classical texts being updated
and reinterpreted, it would be unreasonable to accuse Guevara of intending to portray real Romanians, even if he had heard of such a people.40
The tales set or target is at the civilized audience rather than the barbarians themselves, in conformity with Renaissance norms for rustic perorations: not of purpose to counterfeit or represent the rusticall manner of
loves or communications: but under the vaile of homely persons, and in
rude speeches, to insinuate and glance at great manners, as the contemporary English author Thomas Puttenham put it.41 The villain identifies
himself as German, which, although a generic term in Tacitus, indicating
all dwellers across the Rhine and Danube, excluded the Dacians.42
Two observations can be made, on details in Guevaras work which
will return countless times in the reworking of this classic image, both
in western European writers and in Romanian texts. The first is that the
peasants reward comes not because his case is actually investigated and
proved true by the judges of the Senate, but on account of his eloquence.
His story might have been a pack of lies: what has impressed Marcus
Aurelius is the peasants ability to argue his case according to the rules of
rhetoric; to adduce examples at suitable moments; to perform to a given
theme; to observe not only the classical topography but also the figures of
speech. Indeed, the original authors purpose was probably to provide as
much a stylistic and rhetorical example as a social one. One of Guevaras
principal concerns (as well as forging a classical origin for his work) had
been to prove the capability of the vernacular Castilian as a medium for
the sumptuosity of high rhetoric.43 The successes of the villain of Danuby
reflect this concern, and indeed the initial suspicion of his possible coarseness of speechif it was a fearful thing to behold his person, it was no
39Ibid., 124.
40The few specific studies on the paysan du Danube tend to agree on this point:
Ciornescu, ranul dela Dunre (in the context of comparative literature); and Stoyanovitch, Le paysan du Danube (treating it as a motif of global colonisation).
41 Puttenham, The Arte of English Poesie [1589] cited by Williams, City, 21.
42Germany borders on Dacia to the East, Tacitus tells us in Chapter 1.
43Guevara, preface to Diall of Princes, xvii. Likewise the last paragraph of the first English translation (by Thomas Berners): Certainly as great prayse as oughte to be gyven to
the author is to be gyven to the translators that have laboriously reduced this treatise oute
of Greke into Latin, and out of Castilian into french and out of french into English. Written
in high and swete styles. Ibid., xvi. On the rhetoric of ordinary speech in the Renaissance
see also Greenblatt, Marvelous possessions, 1467.
25
less monstrous to hear his wordsis one of the first things the emperor
seeks to allay at the end of the oration: what words so well couched,
what truth so true, what sentences so well pronounced.44 Guevaras villain, then, is prized for his speechas will many a Romanian peasant be
in the centuries to comehis progress can be said to almost a symbol for
the rise of the vernacular, its ability to find a place in the civic order. It
is not, of course, the true language of the peasantry, but the speech of a
higher classical order that is prized.
Secondly, the villains reward causes him to undergo a complete change
in status. Although the emperor decides to reappoint judges on the Danube, the villain will not be there, for he has become a citizen of Rome.
This is his reward: not to return to the simple, honest life he has only
just finished depicting; but to become part of the metropolis, a Roman
instead of a barbarian. This clearly discloses the attitude of the author,
hitherto not revealed, towards the rural life he has portrayed. It has served
well as a subject for oratory, but the just place for the eloquent is in the
city. There is no suggestion that the villain would have preferred to return
to the country from which he has come, and to which he has declared
his allegiance. A patrician life isagainst the ostensible moral of the
discoursesimply assumed to be desirable and creditable. Later, as postRomantic writers in the West but even more acutely in Romania, would
try to invest the peasant with value qua peasant, they would come up
against a new paradox, which scarcely presented itself in the Renaissance:
that to praise the peasant way of life and at the same time attempt to
encourage the peasant to actually adhere to it, was actually to force him
to remain a barbarian and an outsider to the empire.
The popularity of Guevaras work gave rise not only to hundreds of editions and translations, but many imitations and adaptations of the theme.
In French, the episode was reworked in Pierre Boaistuaus Histoires prodigieuses, extraits de pluisieurs fameux auteurs grecs et latins (1561); Jean
de Marcouvilles Recueil mmorable daucuns cas merveilleux (1564); Pierre
Sorel Chartrain, LAvertissement du Monstre du Danube au snat romain
(1566), and Gabriel Fourmennois, Harangue descriptive au livre dor de
Marc Aurle, empereur, dun paysan des rivages du Danube (1601). By the
end of the seventeenth century, Guevaras own fame was fading, and
44Guevara, Diall of princes, 99; 123. Compare Shakepeares Othello, another kind of
Renaissance barbarian: Rude am I in my speech,/ And little blest with the soft phrase of
peace (Othello, Act I, Scene 3, ll. 812) But it would be unthinkable for Othello, however
rude in speech not to speak in pentameters in front of the council-chamber of Venice.
26
chapter one
he is now almost completely forgotten. But the tale of the Danubian peasant was to be given a new lease of life by another world-famous author of
the day, Jean de la Fontaine.
La Fontaines Le Paysan du Danube, was included in the eleventh book
of his Fables, published in 1679. Most of the detail in it is similar to that
given in Guevara. Its political intent was, however, probably more closely
directed against the depredations of the French intendants who were just
then indulging in unscrupulous requisitioning and taxation across the
Rhine, as a consequence of the French wars in the United Provinces.45
Again, we see a modern author making free use of tropes considered
part of the common literary inheritance, to illustrate a moral closer to
the concerns of his own time. But one or two of the details undergo a
subtle sea-change. The peasantby now named as such, the word paysan
having replaced the mediaeval villainhad hitherto been represented as
disdainful of the arts of agriculture, both amongst the Roman authors and
in Guevaras work.
La Fontaines description of the peasant of Danuby breaks the mould
in this respect. For his peasant is not content like Guevaras to fish and
gather acorns, but is proud of his agricultural skills:
Nous cultivions en paix dheureux champs, et nos mains
taient propres aux arts ainsi quau labourage:
Quavez-vous appris aux Germains?
Moreover, the fruit of their skilful and arduous toil is seen as passing
explicitly into the hands of the Romans, at which point they refuse to
practise it any longer, and flee to the mountains:
Rien ne suffit aux gens qui nous viennent de Rome;
La terre, et le travail de lhomme
Font pour les assouvoir des efforts superflus.
Retirez-les; on ne veut plus
Cultiver pour eux les campagnes;
Nous quittons les cits, nous fuyons aux montagnes...46
La Fontaine has been praised for these and other passages in his work
which, it is alleged, are far from being toy-like representations of ruralurban tensions, but are actually addressing real issues: were one to attach
45Couton, La politique de La Fontaine, 946.
46La Fontaine, Le paysan du Danube (Fables XI, 7); lines 435 and 605. I am indebted
to the textual apparatus of this edition for bibliographical details of the earlier French
versions of the episode.
27
28
chapter one
Still more interesting is the account of the manner in which the peasant maintained an intimate judicial link with the ruler of the land.
They do not fear to cross the entire province to come to the court to present their cases on their own and full of tenacity. They harangue with an
eloquence all the more persuasive for the fact that it bears all the simplicity of natures inspirations, without lacking the resources of art. One could
not present oneself with a more modest countenance....but this studied
embarrassment is soon followed by a tide of words, now pronounced with a
prodigious volubility, now sustained by a pathetic tone, and ever accompanied by an expressive gesturing and an exceedingly interesting physiognomy.
I avow that this tradition of ancient Roman liberty is one of the things I was
least expecting, and which was all the sweeter for me to find four hundred
leagues from Rome and eighteen centuries from Cicero.49
It is not completely impossible that this passage was based on accurate observation of the Moldavian court. We know, for instance that the
Phanariot prince Konstantinos Mavrokordatos, who reigned as Prince in
Moldavia or Wallachia on ten separate occasions between 1730 and 1769
frequently received peasants and judged their cases in a manner which
oftenand possibly deliberatelyinfuriated the native aristocracy,
who claimed it was against customary law.50 However, in all likelihood
dHauterives owes more to the rhetorical mirroring and stereotyping of
the type discussed above. We can be fairly sure that this was not an ancient
tradition: another Frenchmans description of the same process about two
centuries earlier represents the peasants calling out their doleances on
their knees, at a distance of a hundred paces from the prince, surrounded
by guards dressed in Hungarian military uniformhardly the same egalitarian scene as in dHauterives account.51
Moreover, the then prince of Moldavia, Alexandru Ipsilanti, had
been responsible for doing away with this very practice in Wallachia in
1775, an abolition that was codified in 1780 in the famous Pravilniceasca
Condic [Register of Law]. In this code, Ipsilanti made provision for the
appointment of a number of provincial judges [ judectori], who were to
49DHauterive, Mmoire, 803.
50Georgescu & Strihan, Judecata domneasc, I-ii: 8.
51 Pavie, Relation. Iorga makes light of the knee-bending, the hundred paces and the
military retinue, commenting that we could be watching a scene from the Middle Ages:
Louis the Saint judging the Frenchmen of the 13th century under the oak of Vergennes
Istoria romnilor prin calatori, 1:193. It forms an important piece of evidence in his positing
of a medieval Romanian peasant state: see for instance Iorga, A history of Roumania, 131.
He references the paysan du Danube motif on numerous occasions in his work: see e.g.
Romnia n chipuri i vederi, 11.
29
30
chapter one
in London in 1820, went positively out of his way to insist that government, and not climate or race, lay at the root of the peasants experiences.
Whereas dHauterive had been fascinated by the physiognomy of the
natives, Wilkinson affirmed categorically that they have no peculiar turn
of features which may be called characteristic; from long intercourse with
foreign nations, their blood seems to have become a mixture of many.55
If later Romanian historians have privileged the account of peasants given
by the former writer,56 and ticked off Wilkinson for a crude and unfair
judgement of the peasantry,57 this is scarcely the fault of the authors
themselves; however, the very existence of their accounts served as often
as not to promote and to prolong a particular peasant discourse into the
nineteenth century and beyond, as can be seen from two final examples.
In 1854, during the Crimean War, in other words when the peoples of
eastern Europe had once more been put in the forefront of public attention in the West as the dissolution of European Turkey became a serious political possibility, Jules Michelet began writing a series of lgendes,
examples of heroic figures from different European countries with an
almost fairy-tale quality. He conceived his project as a kind of modern,
popular Book of Instruction, legends in several senses: because they were
on the lips of the people across Europe, and because the people were
making the stories through their actions and through their representatives, the heroic leaders. Michelet also gave such peoples their own legend
in written, literary form and he also encouraged them to treasure other
forms of their folklore.58 He was in contact with numerous Romanians,
exiled from the 1848 revolution and living in Paris or England; the recent
tribulations of the Danubian Principalities were therefore to form the setting and subject of one of his legends, which were eventually published
in 1857 as Lgendes dmocratiques du Nord. Three themes struck him particularly when he was engaged in reading up his subject. One was the figure of Maria Rosetti, wife of the Bucharest liberal journalist and politician
C.A. Rosetti: her allegedly heroic role in the events of 1848 was painted
in suitably saccharine colours, thus fulfilling one of Michelets purposes
in illustrating the moral and patriotic vocations of the modern woman.
31
The two other themes were the peasant and the Danube. He asked his
correspondent Rosetti whether he know of any folk-songs, tales or chants
associated with the illustrious river: Seeking the unity of the Danube, its
genius and its soul, I wanted to catch in these divers melodies the plaint
and the sigh of the great captive river.59 Rosetti was obviously nonplussed
by this request, and replied in the negativefor the Danubes value as
a cultural motif in Romanian writing was virtually nil. This did not stop
Michelet depicting it in the rich romantic colours of picturesque, deserted
melancholy:
The harsh softness of the songs of the Serbian shepherd, the ferrymans
monotone rhythm, the refrain of the Romanian and the raia of Bulgaria, all
is confounded in a vast plain, this is your sigh, o river of captivity!...The
tide varies ceaselessly, the deep never varies. Romania, from Trajan to the
present day, stays true to herself, fixed in her primitive genius.60
59This information from Cadot, Introduction, 10017. See also Jianu, A circle of friends,
2045.
60Michelet, Lgendes dmocratiques, 250.
61 Ibid., 250, 252, 269.
32
chapter one
and identity of the Romanians, over three hundred years after its original
elaboration.
Finally, it was left to Michelets fellow historian, Edgar Quinet, to provide an account of the Romanian people which definitively wedded the
figure of the peasant with the latest developments in language theory.
Quinet had been more or less the first French writer to take an interest
in Herder, translating the latters Ideas towards a philosophy of history of
mankind in 1834: this was to be one of the routes whereby Herderian ideas
on language and culture reached the Romanian Principalities.62 He took
as his second wife the daughter of the Moldavian poet and civil servant
Gheorghe Asachi, and was therefore equally interested in taking up what
had become a fashionable theme in western Europe in the 1850s. His work
Les Roumains, which first appeared in the Revue des deux mondes in 1855
and subsequently in book form, shows an ongoing Herderian concern
with language and with the rural. The work was in fact composed under
somewhat difficult conditions. Not only was Quinet living in political exile
in less than comfortable circumstances in Brussels, but he found it hard to
think his way into Romanian history. His wife taught him elements of the
language and supplied him with materials, but, as he wrote to Michelet,
Ill do what I can to write something on their account, but I have never
seen the places in question. All the materials I have managed to collect
consist merely of endless repetitions: I feel decidedly awkward.63
Although he begins by telling the Romanians that you are no longer
an isolated province, you form part of the city, I would say the Occidental Christian fatherland, his account of the Romanians national revival
focusses on the hidden resources of the rural population: In the midst
of this deep night of their history, they found, as an orientation towards
humanity, nothing but echo of the antique word in the mouth of the
peasants, the mountain peoples, the plainsmen.64 Much of his interest
lay in using Romanian as evidence to posit an early date for the crystallisation of the neo-Latin languages, in order to contribute to a domestic
French polemic about the relative contribution of the Germanic and Latin
peoples to the ethnogenesis of the modern French nation. In the guise of
the paysan du Danube, he was thus able to harangue the metropolitan
33
As we shall soon see, these types of concept had not yet fully made their
mark in the writings of the Romanians, even by the 1850s; perhaps it was
inevitably more natural for a Western author to focus on the figure of the
peasant as a symbol of purity and simplicity. However, the superimposed
layer as a blight on the bedrock, and the peasant as the bearer of the
ancestral imprint, would at a later time become firmly entrenched in the
local literary imagination.66
To summarise, Michelets and Quinets writings, although they played
demonstrably on an extremely old theme in European literature, were
important for two main reasons. First, they modernized the image of the
peasant by explicitly developing a theoretical discourse which stressed
the national value of the peasants linguistic resources. Secondly, as they
communicated directly with Romanian writers and intellectuals, they constituted a kind of interface where the native and the external traditions of
thinking and writing about the peasant could merge: they were one of the
most important channels whereby the by-now general European exaltation of the peasants virtues spread to Romania.67
34
chapter one
The Domestic Tradition: The Word and Concept ran before 1830
35
that horani might mean cattle-grazers.71 Likewise with the use of the word
on the tombstone of a Wallachian prince, Radu de la Afumai, who died
in 1529 and was remembered to have fought a battle at Poenari, at the
citadel, with horani [u gradu, sa s horani]: some incline towards a peasants revolt, others towards a fight with the locals.72
On the other hand, in Moldavia the word ran occasionally took over
the meaning of the Slavonic zemlean, a word which in Polish had denoted
provincial noblemen, and for which the Latin equivalent was terrigenus.
The precise social role and status of such-named people is still not entirely
clear: A Polish chronicler described them confusingly as nobles who
worked the land.73 However, it is likely that zemleane had an important
administrative role in the principalities in electing the prince, in collecting taxes, and so on; they owed personal service to the prince in return
for property right. Roughly similar privileges appertaining to people called
zemleane or cognate names certainly applied across Slavophone eastern
Europe in the Middle Ages, from Lithuania to Serbia. Historian Valeria
Costchel has argued for an equivalent status for zemlean (in Moldavia)
and horan (in Wallachia), and offers a general definition of zemlean:
owners of land, obliged to perform military service, and to execute various
tasks related to the need to defend the country. The category of zemleane
was not homogeneous: some of them, accumulating a lot of land, became
boyars, others passed from being free peasants, masters of their plots, to the
position of enserfed peasants.74
71 The document is given in Romanian, with translations of some Slavonic key words, in
Documente privind istoria Romniei, 145. Interpretations in Panaitescu, Obtea rneasc,
49; tefnescu, Despre terminologia, 1161; DLR, s.v. Some light is shed by a charter of 1579
in which Radu is said to have done battle with the treacherous sons of Bilu [sinii Biltsov]
who wanted to instal a bandit, namely Dragoslav the pig-herder [edin lotru, na ime Dragoslav purkar] as prince [gospodar]. Mihnea, Charter.
72Panaitescu & tefnescu respectively; the original was recorded by Nicolae Iorga,
Inscripiile, 1489.
73Kromer, Polonia [16th century] cited by Frost, Nobility, 185: This name comes from
the lands and fields which they till and where they have lived so long, which they inherit,
buy or are granted by the prince.
74Costchel, Contribuii, 163.
36
chapter one
75Indeed, such were the historiographical divergences at the beginning of this century
that one historian wished to claim that the free peasant class in Romania was descended
from an expropriated nobility, while another tried to show the exact reverse, that the
roots of the Romanian nobility were to be found among the communities of free peasants.
Respectively, Rosetti, Pamntul, and Iorga, Dveloppement.
76On the zemiane in Lithuania, see Backus, The problem of feudalism; von Loewe, The
Lithuanian statute, 1989.
77Iorga, nelesul cuvntului ar, 79. Elsewhere, a similar formulation: The name
ara Romneasc [i.e. The Romanian Land, the standard internal name for Wallachia]
once had a meaning which many people have forgotten and some have never understood:
it meant all the land ethnographically inhabited by Romanians. Iorga, Romni i slavi.
Romni i unguri, 910, cited by Papacostea, Postfa, 413.
78Georgescu & Strihan, Judecata domneasc, I-ii, 93.
37
Moldavian counties, and are divided into rani de istov [full rani] and
rani sraci [poor rani]. These have been interpreted as, respectively,
labourers with and without work-animals and tools.79 However, the other
categories of people listed in the census (curtiani, military courtiers; vtai,
bailiffs or headmen; neamii, lesser noblemen; popi, priests) are all known
to have been fiscally privileged at one stage or another: there is, then, no
reason not to assume that this is a list of those with privileges, rather than
of those who have fiscal dues to pay.
There are several examples in Grigore Ureches Chronicle of Moldavia
(Letopiseul rii Moldovei, composed in about 1640) of rani engaging
in military activity.80 Ureche describes the Hungarian army fleeing after
defeat at the hands of Stephen the Great at the battle of Baia in 1467:
Seeing as they were drunk and unprepared for war, Prince Stephen struck
against them with a fully made-up force at dawn, causing much death and
destruction among them. On account of this unpreparedness, they took
sooner to their heels than to their weapons, but had no means of escape, it
being night time, having no idea which way to go, they strayed in all directions, and the rani hunted them in the mountain coppices, where about
12,000 lay dead.81
79Livad, Feele srciei, 51; tefnescu, Despre terminologia, 11579. The document
is published in Hurmuzaki, Documente 11: 21920; and by Turcu, Cele mai vechi statistici.
See also the debate between Cihodaru and Panaitescu, 1609.
80Panaitescu, Obtea rneasc, loc. cit.
81 Ureche, Letopiseul, 93. In a later version of the same episode, Nicolae Costin (writing c. 1710) described these rani as being, on the order of Voevod Stephen, ready on
the paths with arms, scythes, axes and flintlocks. Cf. Chiimia, Probleme de baz, 24953,
who argues that since there is more, and not less detail in the later chronicle, both writers must have been using a common (Slavonic) chronicle, now lost. The earlier extant
Bistria chronicle which describes the battle (see Bodgan, Cronice, 38) does not mention
the rani. Gona, Strategia lui tefan cel Mare, 1140, believes this story is part of local oral
tradition, and that it is extremely likely that these were peasants pillaging for booty.
82Ureche, Letopiseul, 213.
38
chapter one
lest the rani might cut the forest down on their heads, and suffer worse
than John Albrecht...although they returned home, in many places the
rani bore down on them with flails and scythes.83
At one point in Ureches chronicle, the ara is equated with the military
force.84 At another, rani are distinguished from oteni [soldiers]: when
the Polish king John Albrecht is chased out of Moldavia by Stephen the
Greats army, much of the Polish army was killed: some by the oteni
[soldiers], some by rani.85
From these examples, we can conclude that the people in question are
obviously cultivators (judging by their use of agricultural implements as
weapons), who did not form part of the regular army. They may or may
not have been zemleani, i.e. men holding privileges in return for military
obligations: this is not clear. However, in terms of the mental images and
ethical models evoked, Ureche insisted mainly on their military function
as defenders of the country, and hardly at all on a picture of peaceful
ploughmen working the land.
Later on, in the 1670s, the Moldavian historian Miron Costin (16331691)
describes the difference in status between a curteana servant of the
prince with military obligations and fiscal privilegesand a ran. And
so, when a curtean goes to law with a ran, the curtean should have the
greater honour in both the princes word and in his consideration.86 One
of the clearest documents indicating the status of the ran refers to the
four sons of Petru inter, living in Moldavia: on 12 June 1664, they declared
to the princely court that they had not the privilege of curtenie or of any
other group and fell into rnie.87 Finally, in the early eighteenth century there is an instance of ran being used to refer generally to people
who enjoy no exemption from fiscal dues. In a printed booklet of 1714
setting out the obligations and duties of the priesthood in Wallachia, the
metropolitan bishop Anthimos reinforces a recent princely edict declaring the clergy to be exempt from paying dues to the state; but should
priests fail to observe the observations contained in the book, or lose the
book, they shall be numbered amongst the rani.88
83Ibid., 188.
84Ibid., 111: Aa ara strngindu-s, iar din cetate ct putiia s apra [The ara, thus
assembled, then defended what it could of the fortress].
85mult oaste leasc au peritu, unii de otenii, alii de rani, ibid., 113.
86i aea, cnd s prte un curtean c-un ran, mai de cinste s fie curteanul i la
cuvnt i la cuttura domnului Costin, Opere, 89.
87Grigora, Instituii feudale, 186.
88Antim, Capete de porunc [1714] preface repr. in BRV, I:493.
39
The above instances thus seem to indicate that the rans definition
in the pre-modern Romanian lands depended as much on fiscal considerations as on questions of lifestyle, occupation, place of residence or other
cultural characteristic.
Nevertheless, the use of the word ran to mean a low-born, base person was becoming more frequent from the middle of the 17th century
onwards. A law book of 1652 lays down the precept that God has created
only man, and nobody has subsequently laid down that one should be a
simple ran, and another of good family.89 But this precept was clearly
not observed: as seen in the paragraph above, Miron Costin dismissed
claims of the ran to be judged on an equal footing with the curtean. Elsewhere he equated the ran with prostime, simple base folk: recounting a
turbulent revolt of the 1630s against the machinations of the Moldavian
court, he depicts a peasant smashing the Vornic Vasile Lupu (later prince)
over the head with a bone. Subsequently an unpopular Greek courtier is
seized and given over to the rani. Unspeakable hatefulness of the base
folk! bemoans the chronicler.90
A more unequivocal use of the word ran to mean a base creature is
to be found in a fragment of a version in Romanian of the life of Aesop,
from 1705. This tells of Xanthus wishing to show to Aesop a model of an
incurious man: he goes out to the market place and finds a ran prost,
who is bad-mannered, unwashed, coarse of speech and dressed in haine
rneti [the clothes of a ran] Xanthus tests the rans lack of curiosity by announcing his intention to make a big fire in his courtyard in order
to burn his pastry-maker for making bad cakes (too thin, according to the
ran, he should have made them thicker). The ran goes off to get his
wife, and put her on too, cause thats only fit. On the popular level, then,
the term certainly had a clear enough, and impolite enough, meaning.91
The term was thus being widely used, both in the legal sense of those
without fiscal privileges, and in a more ideological direction as a term of
abuse for the violent or ignorant lower classes. However, the word ran
did not denote particularly a worker of the land. We have the Moldavian
law-book of 1646, Cartea romneasc de nvtur, as evidence for this.
89Dumnezeu au fcut numai pe om, iar altul al doile n-au fcut s fie unul prost
ran, iar altul de buna rud; Indreptarea legii [1652], cited by Barbu, Concepia asupra
blagorodiei, 148.
90i aea l-au apucat i l-au dat pre mna ranilor. Nespus vrjmiia a prostimii! i
aea, fr de nice o mil, de viu, cu topoar l-au fcut frme. Costin, Letopiseul, ch. 12,
zac. 21.
91 Anon, Omul necurios [1705], 352. (DLR: rnesc).
40
chapter one
In it are named all the workers of the land, namely: ploughmen, workers
of the vine, servants and shepherds.92
However, the writers of the lite who compiled law codes, chronicles
and translations of belles-lettres in the eighteenth-century showed a certain unease with the word. There are numerous instances of this. Nicolae
Costin (Miron Costins son, c. 16601712), who translated The Dial of Princes
into Romanian in about 1712, translated villanus alternately as ran and
as lcuitoriu oarecare [a certain inhabitant]. A quotation from Ciceros
oration which in the original reads vitamque hanc rusticam...et honestissimam et suavissimam esse arbitrantur is rendered as Viaa rniasc
nvtoare sau dascal iaste motiniei nevoinei i direptii [the rustic
life is the guide or tutor of the estate of simplicity and righteousness].
This could well constitute the first instance of such a sentiment being
expressed in Romanian: it is symptomatic, however, that it represented a
translation of a Western work.93
Such a notion was hardly a widespread article of faith. Nicolae Costins
contemporary, Dimitrie Cantemir (16731723, prince of Moldavia 170910,
1711), believes that Rusticus pure Moldavus nullus est. He imagined a land
of aristocrats of purely Roman blood, ruling over an ethnically impure
people. All the power was in the princes hand: however, if he wishes
to bestow the title of Grand Logothete, which is the supreme rank that
Moldavia has in its gift, to some rustic [quem rusticanum], nobody will
dare to contradict him in public.94 Elsewhere, he perpetuated the idea
that the local population was lazy and ill-disposed to engage in trade or
agriculture. However, his conception of Moldavian society was also innovative in that he was one of the first writers to divide the population into
cives and rustici.95
Texts dealing with agrarian reform in the eighteenth century reveal a
subtle and complex mixture of terms in use for denoting the rural and
agrarian population. Konstantinos Mavrokordatos, many times ruler of
92Toi lucrtorii pmntului, anume: pentru plugari, pentru lucrtorii viiilor, pentru
nmii [i.e. servitori, slugi] i pentru pstori; Carte romneasc de nvtur [1646], 54.
93Guevara, Ceasornicul domnilor; most recently published in Costin, Scrieri, vol.2.
ran is used twice, 137 & 155; lcuitoriu twice, 136, 137; rniasc, 137; cf. Cicero,
Pro Sexto Roscio Amerino, ch. 17. Costins translation was of the Latin version by Johann
Wanckel (Torgau, 1601): see Cartojan, Ceasornicul domnilor.
94Cantemir, Descriptio Moldaviae [c. 1717], 298; 126.
95Ibid., 298304. His proclamation of 4 June 1711 calling the Moldavians to join arms
with Peter the Great against the Turks is likewise exceptional in addressing itself to the
entire population: Pippidi, Hommes et ides, 207; cf. Subtelny, The contractual principle.
41
Moldavia and Wallachia between 1730 and 1769, is remembered for having abolished serfdom in both principalities. Serfs went under the name
of rumni in Wallachia, and vecini in Moldavia.96 In order to ensure the
maintenance of a steady taxable population in Wallachia, Mavrokordatos
in 1746 declared that all sons of the fatherland who had fled their home
villages would be allowed to return and to be free of rumnie; moreover,
that the tribute that weighs upon the rani shall not apply to any returnees for a period of six months.97 Mavrokordatos executed a similar reform
in Moldavia, and this time was quite explicit in wanting to abolish not
only the condition of serfdom, but also the word. He stated clearly that
the former vecini should now be known as free neighbouring villagers
[steni megiei] without landholdings; and that wherever land is sold, the
men are not sold with it, but they should remain in the village as villagers
of the village.98 The most common juridical terms henceforth for people
engaged in agriculture, but without their own land and usually owing dues
to the masters of the land, were clcai [somebody owing clac or labour
dues], lcuitori [residents], stenii [villagers], plugari [ploughmen].
Thus in the legal canons elaborated in Wallachia by Alexandru Ipsilanti
and his legal adviser Michael Photeinos in the 1770s and 1780s, the standard term was plugar. The basis of the agrarian section of these laws was
a Byzantine text known as the Nomos georgikos (written in the late 7th
early 8th century), which was translated as Pravile pentru plugari, and had
already been used in the Moldavian law-book of 1646, Cartea romneasc
de nvtur [The Romanian Book of Teaching].99 Nevertheless, the term
ran slips in occasionally, nearly always when it is a question of exclusion, sanction or limitation. For instance, it was a punishable offence to
house rani who fled from the estates where they were settled.100 Likewise, ranii cei proti who engage in selling or borrowing were only
supposed to do so under the witness of the parish priest, constable or
96For these terms see tefnescu, Consideraiuni; Gona, Satul, 2959.
97This was unfortunately mistranslated as six years by E.D. Tappe (Mavrokordatos,
Decrees, 1302). It is given correctly in Documente privind relaiile agrare, 2:4534.
99Georgescu & Popescu, Legislaia agrar, 679. For a critical edition of the Nomos
georgikos, see Ashburner, The Farmers Law.
100Pravila pentru plugari, zac. 18: Cnd va fugi ranul de la locul i de la stpnu-su,
nime neciuri s nu-l primeasc, iar de-l va i priimi, deodat, de srg s-l ntoarc napoi
la satul lui de unde iaste.. This paragraph seems to have been inserted into the Nomos
georgikos sometime in the 14th century: the text reproduces an edict of the prefect Zoticus
(512 ad), in turn inspired by previous constitutions. Georgescu & Popescu eds. Legislaia
agrar, 79 n.91.
42
chapter one
43
44
chapter one
A lot of the ascriptive speech figures that would later be used to describe
and locate the Romanian peasant, begin to appear. The phantasmagorical unreality of the upper orders on the one had, and the sweat and
blood of the lower on the other: according to Tudor, the boyars are piling
up ill-intentioned fabrications on top of us while they feed and refine
45
themselves on the blood of the people.117 A pamphlet of the time, Cuvntul unui ran ctr boierione of the earliest instances of the rhetorical
appropriation of the voice of the peasant in Romanian writinglikewise
describes the boyars as sleeping on in the bosom of idleness and languour while they ride on our backs and feed on our sweat.118 And in 1826,
Dinicu Golescu would allude to a lot of these speculators, masters of all
around them, wringing all the sweat out of the people.119
We could say that a social critique that derives its power from a claim
to represent (both in the political and aesthetic sense) the lower classes
has come into being. There is also, in Cuvntul unui ran ctr boieri, a
particular sense of a golden age, when boyars lived simply and peasants
were happy:
Our ancestors used to tell usand clearly it was like that in the golden
timesthat, whenever a want came upon them, it weighed on them only
until they showed their case to the boyars, and at once they found relief and
comfort; so the peasant wished for nothing else but for the boyars to hold
power, and the boyars did not reckon much of wisdom or power or honour
except to serve the good of the country...
How simply they lived, with what judgement, with what care; with only
a few servants, they walked in the streets amongst the people and were
pointed out and known, not from the ornaments on their clothes, but by
the brilliance of their worthy deeds!120
However, this kind of talk was not part of the mainstream public discourse, nor could it be said that such social critiques were blessed by the
authorities.
The actual word ran appears rarely in these diatribes; both Golescu
and Vladimirescu prefer the terms norod or patrie or obte. Indeed, one
critic has plausibly argued that the Cuvnt was a later fabrication, dating
from the 1840s, for the very reason that the word ran was not in common use in the 1820s; rather, it was an attempt by liberal writers to invent
117 Ibid. The imagery may or may not appeal to local vampiric traditions, but is in any
case not Tudors invention. Nearly twenty years earlier, the Russian consul in Constantinople, Vasilii Tamara, wrote to the Prince of Wallachia Alexandros Soutzos, criticizing the
gang of bloodsuckers that the princes bring in their wake to Moldavia and Wallachia;
Letter of 16/28 August 1802 quoted by Vianu, Iluministul rus V. F. Malinowski, 176. See
also Chapter 4 below.
118 Cuvntul unui ran ctre boieri, in Acte i legiuiri, 7615.
119 Golescu, nsemnare [1826], in idem, Scrieri, 201.
120Cuvntul, loc. cit.
46
chapter one
Similarly, literary and economic publications of the 1820s and 1830s were
as likely to refer to the plugar or the stean as to the ran. Most of these
writers recommended the benefits of civilization and commercial development, as solutions to the plight of their people. If they promoted agriculture, it was as the foundation of wealth and happiness in a nation,
for we see all the civilized people practising it, wise and great men write
about it and dedicate their whole lives to writing and teaching it in practise and in theory.123 Ploughing was a modern, industrial activity, a sign
of modernity rather than traditionalism. One writer equated the plough
quite directly with civilization, breaking with the past and cutting off the
roots of tradition.124 Those who praised the continuous, submissive aspect
of agriculture, on the other hand, were likely to be reactionaries like Mihai
Sturdza, who spoke in 1823 of une soumission paternelle, la soumission
que le peuple entier conserve aussi, en conduisant leur charrue et labourant la terre.125
Moving into the 1830s one can see the image of the peasant subjected
to a kind of conscious literary rusticity. The Moldavian poet and civil
121 Mnuc, Argumente, 52; idem, Cuvntul. The pamphlet was traditionally attributed
to the Moldavian Jacobin writer Ionic Tutu (17951830) and dated to the 1820s. Iorga,
perhaps wishing to give it an even older pedigree, attributed it to the monk Vartolomeu
Mzreanu (c. 1720c. 1790). Ist. lit. rom. n sec. 18 [1901 edn.], I:5436.
122Pogor, Dialog ntre fire i Moldova [1821] in Vrtosu, O satir n versuri din Moldova
anului 1821, 523.
123Plan pentru un azmnt de agricultur spre mbuntirea rinilor [1830], apud
C. Bodea, 1848 la romni, 1:82.
124Plugul, adeca civilizaia, strpete zi pe zi rdcinile i preface codrul n curtur.
Russo, Studie moldovan [1851], in Scrieri, 13.
125M. Sturdza, Arz mahar address la Sublime Porte par les boyards refugis en
Bucovine [1823], repr. by Xenopol, Un proiect de constituie, 168.
47
48
chapter one
roots in the existing Romanian tradition. They are certainly not explicitly
in Grays original, nor in any of the French or Russian versions of Grays
poem that have been proposed as a source.
In Wallachia, too, the burgeoning of literature enabled a more elaborate representation of a world of rustic harmony, and the enactment of
the idea that a rural community can stand in as a metaphor for the political community. This moral message comes across with clarity in a festive
sketch written by Ion Heliade Rdulescu on the occasion of the birthday
of Alexandru D. Ghica, prince of Wallachia in 1837. The scene is set in a
village where Ghica had once served as ispravnic or district prefect: on
the return of two of the villagers from a visit to Bucharest, all learn that
their former local prefect is the present prince: Didnt we know him
eh? what do you say, is it twenty years ago now? Hes changed his dress,
his gait, but his natures just the same. The returning villagers also bring
history books telling of the Roman origins of the Romanians; everybody
rejoices: the dance begins. This sketch shows how literary works served
the need to project on an imaginary level the personal, communitarian
link between the head of state and the world of the village. It is also an
early example of a writer successfully representing popular speech in a
literary work. The dramatis personae, however, is revealing: the speaking
parts are taken by people described as jurai [men capable of swearing
oaths], and steni [villagers], whereas rani are denoted as an anonymous supporting crowd, without a speaking role.129
A final key development of the 1830s, which was to have a long career
in Romania, was the elaboration of the idea that one or other of the Principalities was a predominantly agrarian country. As we have seen, this
had been a typical assumption of foreign writers and observers, for hundreds of years. However, it was only when an intellectual discourse began
to be considered as a possible aid and solution to the Romanians problems, that objectivized statements of this nature became commonplace in
local writings. One of the key works stating this proposition was the economic treatise Aperu sur ltat industriel de la Moldavie, published in 1838
by Prince Neculai Suu (17981871), at the time Grand Postelnic (a senior
court function, equivalent to the later Minister of the Interior). Moldavia is an essentially agrarian country: its only wealth is drawn from the
production of agriculture he began unequivocally. In fact his work was
49
designed to show that this state of affairs was not inevitable for Moldavia;
that economic wealth depended on producing exchangeable goods, and
not only primary materials in which there was no intrinsic advantage.
Agriculture exercises no superiority in the creation of riches.130 But he
was not always taken at his word. Whether or not the Romanian lands
should remain predominantly agrarian would become the principal
bone of contention amongst Romanian economists for the next hundred
years and even beyond. Henceforth, however, almost no writers denied
that Romania was somehow profoundly agrarian in its nature.131 And this
despite the fact that only since the opening of Wallachia and Moldavia to
the international grain market in 1829, following the Treaty of Adrianople,
had cereal production been the predominant economic concern of the
Romanians.132
However, even in the 1840s the peasant could hardly be said to be a
major object of representation in literary works. The Moldavian writers
associated with the review Dacia litterar [1840] and with developing the
theatre in Iai were concerned with social class, and saw literature as an
ideal way to distinguish and evaluate different groupings.133 Many of them
sought to promote a model of the past and of traditional, archaic manners
and ways of life: but the figure of the peasant did not attract any special
attention. In works such as Negruzzis Fiziologia Provinialului [The Provincial Type, 1840] or Koglniceanus Fiziologia provincialului [The Provincial Type in Iai, 1844], the bearer of traditional values was frequently a
rural boyar, dressed in the old-fashioned bearskin coat in opposition to the
frivolous youth in their top-hats and tails; smoking a Turkish pipe rather
than French cigarettes; still going about town in a carriage guarded by an
Albanian retainer.134 This figure continues to appear as a moral counterweight to the corrupt urban bureaucracy in later fiction: Nicolae Filimons
novel Ciocoii vechi i noi [Upstarts Old and New, 1864] contains a typical
130Soutzo, Aperu, 1, 12.
131 Paiusan, Strat vs. Xenopol. Other instances of the privileging of agriculture include
Ionescu de la Brad, Povuitorul sntii [1844], 29: our only source of sufficiency and
wealth; Blcescu, Question conomique, in idem, Opere, 2:42 (les pays comme les ntres,
o le seule industrie existante est lagriculture); Catargiu [1857], 156 (lagriculture, notre
seul richesse naturelle); Moruzi, Lamlioration des monopoles [1860], 110 (la Moldavie,
pays essentiellement agricole).
132See Platon, Geneza revoluiei, 142212.
133For instance, Russo, Critica criticii [1840], in idem, Scrieri, 310.
134Negruzzi, Fiziologia provinialului [1840], in Opere, 1:2435; Koglniceanu, Fiziologia provincialului din Iai [1844], in Opere, 1:6774; cf. also Russo, Studie moldovan
[1851] in idem, Scrieri, 1024.
50
chapter one
51
Thus the Romanian could continue to be allied with his ancestors the
Romans, through the invocation of the cult of agriculture; and simultaneously the peasant could be rescued from the possible indignity of confusion with the barbarian.
At the same time, however, as the peasant and the land become sacralized images of the nation, they also become subject to the laws of circulation and exchange: as one Conservative deputy in the Wallachian
assembly put it, the peasant is the boyars capital.141 Blcescu was thinking along similar lines: The soil, a fixed capital, becomes a circulating
capital, like any currency, without losing its quality, only slightly less
52
chapter one
53
Alecsandri amended and sanitized the folk poetry that he collected. Much
of it retains its value anyway. However, it is only the recent circumstance
of the creation of a literary language that made the popular language
differentiated, objectivized, or a clean source. The peasant, then, could
only become an objective ideal once his language as well as his social
being had become dramatically, manifestly other than the language of
government.145 Interestingly, although in his Romanian writings Alecsandri always referred to the peasantry or the people in the third person, as
a particular social other of which he did not form part (he was of noble
origin); in his dealings with foreigners he was remarkably willing to claim
for himself the characteristics of the peasant. In a letter to a female French
correspondent in October 1848, he bemoaned his status, describing himself ironically as un paysan du Danube, quasi barbare, un Moldave, enfin,
cest tout dire!146 While at home, Romanian writers described the peasant
as a creature with certain essential traits but as fundamentally different
from themselves; abroad, they assumed his posture, and saw the peasant
as somehow representative of the position of the Romanians in Europe.
Even at this time, however, the term ran, with all its potentially
national significance, was not the major term used by the poets, orators and revolutionaries. The favoured word was popor. This term too
was undergoing an alteration in meaning as a result of changing circumstances. As we have seen, in 1821 the usual word for the masses had been
norod or prostime; by 1848 everybody was speaking of popor or popolu.
Originally in Romanian it had signified the congregation or parish population of a church: now it became the focus of an intense nationalization, culminating in the figure of Christ-the-people, borrowed from the
writings of Lammenais, Michelet or Mickiewicz. Even in writings which
treated subjects that were apparently exclusively concerned with peasants, the word popor, popolu, or populaiune would be given preference
over ran.
So the historian George Bariius historical account of what is now
known in Romanian historiography as a peasant revolt, claims to deal
with a civil war that broke out between democracy and the aristocracy
between the representanii poporului and the familii patriciane, with
only intermittent reference to the populaiune rural, lcuitorii rani
54
chapter one
Nevertheless, although the word ran did not then come to be generally
used to mean the people, it was indisputably gaining ground as the commonly accepted term for the socially dependent residents of the countryside. The work of Nicolae Blcescu shows how a writer who previously
preferred the terms muncitor, plugar or lcuitor to designate the peasantry,
was subsequently converted to using the word ran. Blcescu had initially treated the agrarian question in a work entitled On the social condition of the labouring ploughmen in the Romanian Principalities in different
ages, which was published in 1846.150 The title of this work did not refer
to rani at all, and the text only occasionally. However, when Blcescu
returned to the same theme immediately before his death in 1852, in his
unfinished epic historical narrative The Romanians under Prince Michael
the Brave, he now explicitly entitled the section dealing with Michaels
enserfment of the free population of Wallachia, Robirea ranului [The
enserfment of the Peasant]. Blcescu is known to have shown a marked
preference for literary archaisms and traditional language and phrasing when composing his later works, often eliminating neologisms used
in pre-1848 versions and searching for old Romanian words to give an
antique aura to his prose style.151 In this case, however, the anachronism
works the other way around: he is applying not an archaic meaning of the
word ran, but a new one, which looks timeless but is in fact relatively
recent.
147Bariiu, Despre resbelul civil transilvan.
148Bolliac, Mozaicul social [1858] in Scrieri, 2:135.
149Odobescu, Muncitorul romn [1855], in Opere, 1:3132.
150Blcescu, Despre starea soial a muncitorilor plugari n Principatele Romne n
deosebite timpuri [1846], in Opere, 1:15161.
151 Anghelescu, N. Blcescu i romanul istoric romnesc.
55
Mihai Koglniceanu, who spoke for the landed classes in reply, was fully
aware of the impact that these metaphors could have on the political
opinion: the village deputies came of a sudden and hurled the thing in
our face, in all its terrible nakedness. This crude narration, he continued,
has put off many liberals who would otherwise support their reform. It is
as if the indelicate style of their rhetoric disqualified them from obtaining political rights. Koglniceanu himself preferred to give a new, synthesized definition of the rani: they are the most powerful element of
Romanian nationality; the peasants themselves are the country [ranii
sunt nsi ara]. The difference is that the boyar defines them as ranii,
and the most powerful element of Romanian nationality, whereas the
village deputies continue to describe themselves as stenii [villagers].153
It seems that, although the term ran carried negative connotations for
most levels of society, a particular campaign was now at work to promote
and dignify the word. To give just one example, this was the period in
which there first appeared a newspaper in Romania with the title eranul
Roman (18611863), of which there were to be numerous instances in the
56
chapter one
Although the law claimed to give the peasants equal status with the rest
of society, in fact it extended enormously the number of juridical specifications as to what steni may or may not do. For instance, those who
received land were forbidden to sell it for a period of thirty years. In a later
modification, the terms stean [villager] and agricol [agricultural] were
even given legal meanings: different conditions of landholding and labour
contracts were applied to villagers and agricultural work, from those
conditioning the rest of society.156 At the same time, the law completely
failed to take into account a large number of categories of rural labourer,
who were subsequently prejudiced in their rights to land ownership. This
is not the place for a detailed discussion of the social conditions prevailing
in post-independence Romania;157 suffice it to note that, simultaneously
154Hangiu, ed. Presa literar romneasc, 1923.
155Circulara Ministrului de Interne ctre toi prefecii, Acte i legiuiri, 1st ser., 2:905.
156Lege pentru modificarea legii tocmelilor agricole votat de senat i amendat de
adunare [1872], in Acte i legiuiri, 2d ser., 1:647. For the definition of stean see Eidelberg,
Great Rumanian peasant revolt, 47.
157The subject is well covered in English: Mitrany, The land and the peasant, 1117;
Eidelberg, Great Rumanian peasant revolt; Stahl, Traditional Romanian village communities; Chirot, Social change; Hitchins, Romania, 16683.
57
58
chapter one
the hard-working, Roman peasant and the savage peoples of the East.
However, the Orthodox church proved no less bemusing to another
commentator:
Strange destinies of peoples! Why have the Roumanians turned towards
the Greek church, while they kept the use and the traditions of the Latin
language, which they still speak today as if by a natural gift? Why do the
Roumanians remain schismatic between Catholic Poland and miscreant
Turkey?161
59
What had been mere ventriloquism on the part of the writers who developed this idea, and possibly also a strategy for depiction of the other in an
ironical mode, is reworked into an eminently self-defining rhetorical plea.
However, what Eugen Weber has remarked of Romanians attitudes to
their own society was equally true of the Great Powers attitude to Romania itself: the reality was different from the lore. Giving the peasant his
due in literature seemed to absolve the cultivated ruling classes from giving him his chance in fact.165
In a recent article examining the history of Romanian ethnography, the
point is made that ethnographic research can and did develop as a result
of two impulses: empire-building, involving the search for the primitive
in distant, usually overseas lands; and nation-building, involving the construction of a domestic genealogy of virtue.166 What gives peculiar interest
to the Romanian case is that the nation-building phase of peasantism
usually seen as beginning more or less where this article ends, around
1880was not only preceded by, but also in many ways was significantly
influenced by, the older imperial traditions. The actual legacy of the various imperial interactions with Romanian peasants is complex, and cannot be rendered through blanket judgements. But it is clear that in the
important process of class-formation, involving both real and imaginary
conditions, the intersections of these impacts merit further study.
part two
Chapter two
64
chapter two
Europe widely used.3 Moreover, a brief but important earlier study showed
that in many eighteenth-century texts, the East-West division was evoked
only intermittently.4
Others studying images of Balkan peoples have invoked Edward Saids
paradigm of Orientalism (and, implicitly, Western imperial interests) to
interpret them, but also affirmed Balkanisms distinctness, notably with
respect to the degree of otherness attributed to the object.5 Prefixes like
para-, quasi-post- or crypto- colonial are deployed; theses are formulated to the effect that in eastern Europe non-colonial discourses mask
colonial practices of extraction, or, conversely, that colonial discourses
accompany non-colonial power relations.6
Here I treat a case in which an East European people were compared
to Indian and American natives and seen to be not so much similar but
different as similar but similar. I look at an account of the Romanian
population of the Banat which is today extremely obscure, but which was
reproduced at least a dozen times in four languages in mainstream publications in Leipzig, Frankfurt, London, Venice and Paris between 1774 and
1800. I identify the author and reconstruct the context in which he first
wrote his Account; then I follow the ways in which it travelled, was translated, transformed, travestied and finally forgotten.
The Habsburgs conquest, colonization, exploitation and representation of their south-eastern frontier is, I argue, best understood not as part
of a process of defining eastern Europe, nor as a semi- or para- imperial
enterprise, but one that bears legitimate comparison with colonial experiences elsewhere. To propose such a thing means either establishing a presentist definition of colonial and measuring the material history of the
region against it,7 or considering the representational framework in which
the region was seen at the time. Here I pursue the latter approach.
3Confino, Reinventing the Enlightenment; Evans, review of Wolff; Dupcsik, Postcolonial studies; Petrungaro, Lest europeo; Adamovsky, Euro-Orientalism.
4Jager, Les limites orientales, 21.
5Todorova, Imagining the Balkans; Fleming, Orientalism, the Balkans and Balkan historiography; Wolff, The innocence and natural liberty of Morlacchia.
6Berman, Enlightenment or Empire, 13; Ruthner, Central Europe goes postcolonial;
Herzfeld, The absent presence; Hammond, The uses of Balkanism.
7Kosry, Antcdents questioned the application of the colonial paradigm to Habsburg
rule in Hungary and Transylvania; Verdery, Internal colonialism, accepted it but with several reservations. But the Banat of Temesvar was separately administered by Vienna until
1778: Jordan, Die kaiserliche Wirtschaftspolitik; Roider, Nationalism; Thomas, Anatomy;
and Brenger, History, 88 all stress the regions coloniality.
8Asad, Anthropology, 18; Thomas, Colonialisms culture, 51; Lyons and Papadopoulos,
eds., The archaeology of colonialism; Velychenko, Postcolonialism.
9Marcil, Tahiti entre mythe et doute; Rupke, A geography; Thomas and Berghof,
Reception; Withers, Geography; Knopper, ffentlichkeit und Meinungsfreiheit.
10Pratt, Imperial Eyes; Turner, British travel writers; Leask, Curiosity.
66
chapter two
Pippidi also republished the Account, which, briefly, treats the following aspects of Romanian life: their manner of living (extremely rough and
savage); their agricultural productions and means of subsistence (maize,
rakie, oats, livestock and so forth); their clothing (long white woollen
trowsers, as the Hungarians, but wider; soles of raw skin tied about the
feet instead of shoes for the men; for the women, among other things
long shirts, an annular bolster stuffed with hair or straw upon their head,
pieces of money tied round the head and neck); the age of marriage (very
young: the man not above fourteen, the wife even not twelve years of
age); characteristic trades (cartwrighting, weaving); their religion (they
have scarce more religion than their domestic animals; the ignorance
and superstition of the bonzes cannot possibly be above that of their
popes); their funerals (accompanied with dismal shrieks) their belief
in vampires (or strolling nocturnal blood-suckers); practices of bloodbrotherhood (generally a rite previous to robberies); and various other
beliefs and superstitions, including their preference for impaling over
hanging (because in their idea, a rope ties the neck and forces the soul
out of the body downwards).
The one question Pippidi did not address in his otherwise comprehensive analysis was that of authorship. He treated it as a scurrilous and
anonymous production of the London popular press, printed on bad
paper and by a publisher, John Lever, whose rival productions included
The life, strange voyages and uncommon adventures of Ambrose Gwinett,
formerly known to the Public as the Lame Beggar; The strange voyages and
adventures of Domingo Gonzales to the World of the Moon; or The wonderful, surprising and uncommon voyages and adventures of Captain Jones to
Patagonia. In this context, the anonymous status of the work seems like
an obligatory corollary to its ludicrousness; as well as a bogus guarantee
of its objectivity.
In fact, far from being the product of a forgotten Grub Street hack who
had never been near Wallachia, the Curious Account was extracted from
a book written by a native of Transylvania, one of the most distinguished
scientists of his time. His name is Ignaz von Born.
Ignaz von Born
Born was born in Karlsburg in Transylvania (todays Alba Iulia, Romania)
in 1742, and educated in his home town; in nearby Hermannstadt (todays
Sibiu); and then in Vienna. He spent sixteen months as a novice in the
68
chapter two
70
chapter two
from which the more abstruse Masonic references in the libretto to the
Magic Flute are said to have been borrowed.15
Borns name is therefore well known to historians of science, of freemasonry, of Mozarts life and particularly to interpreters of the Magic Flute.16
Several more general accounts of Habsburg or Hungarian society in this
period cite Born as an instance of the new class of enlighteners with ambitions to attack the inefficient bureaucracy and the obscurantist Roman
Catholic Church, and transform the hidebound culture of the Empire in
the 1770s and after.17
Because he died in debt, many of Borns possessions were sold off,
which means we have a detailed auction catalogue of his personal library,18
but no personal papers and only such private correspondence as has
been preserved in archives of those people or institutions with whom he
came into contact. It is therefore no easy task to form a clear picture of
Borns position within Habsburg society. His editorial and Masonic activity
is often read as constitutive of an enlightened environment, mediating
between public and private spheres independently of the state.19 However,
the general interpretation of freemasonry as an autonomous, progressive
force in the European Enlightenment has been much questioned in recent
years, and its occasional complicity with rather authoritarian aims noted.20
Borns loyalties were indeed rather ambiguous; freemasonrys ostensibly
cosmopolitan raison dtre became compromised as the lodges popularity
made them into sites for advancing the political projects of the Emperor.
Apparently, Born initially supported Josephs attempts to introduce some
state control over the plethora of lodges, but soon became disillusioned,
and abandoned freemasonry in the autumn of 1786.21
15 Reprinted with English translation in Eckelmayer, Cultural context, 2:239475.
16 Teich, Borns amalgamation process; Basso, Linvenzione della gioia; Beaurepaire,
LEurope des franc-maons, 13545; Beales, Court, government and society. Chindri,
Horia i masoneria?, suggests Born might have been involved in the sparking of Horias
peasant uprising in Transylvania in 1785. The evidence is slim, beyond some interesting
Romanian-language oaths taken at the Zur wahren Eintracht lodge.
17 Horwath, Literature, 717; Bernard, Jesuits and Jacobins, 757; Wangermann, Reform
Catholicism, 139; Evans, Austria, 40, 46, 47, 143; Kosry, Culture and society, 180; Brenger,
A history, 123; Robertson & Timms, eds., The Austrian Enlightenment, 162; Balzs, Hungary
and the Habsburgs, 272; Vocelka, Enlightenment, 207; Okey, The Habsburg monarchy,
312; Fichtner, The Habsburg monarchy, 164.
18 von Born, Catalogus bibliothec.
19 Helmut Reinalter, most recently in Die Trger.
20Blanning, Joseph II, 16470; Beales, Court, government and society; Van Horn
Melton, Rise, 25272; Daniel, How bourgeois was the public sphere?.
21 Reinalter, ed., Joseph II. und die Freimaurerei; Basso, Linvenzione, 48897.
22Only one of the many above-mentioned scholars (Bernard, Jesuits, 76) paused to
gloss Borns description of the Wallachians, claiming it shows him possessed of a highly
developed social conscience.
23E.g. Nicolescu, Excursion guide.
24Iorga, Istoria romnilor prin cltori; Heitmann, Das Rumnenbild. The first Romanian scholar to discuss Borns book appears to have been Lzrescu, Imaginea Romniei,
1:23947; excerpts, annotated and translated by Maria Holban, then appeared in Cltori
strini, 10i:92123. None connected Borns text with that published by Pippidi.
25Born, Briefe, 10. Joseph wrote of the inhabitants indescribable ignorance and stupidity (Szentklray, Szz v, 1i:207). But he does not mention Born in his 1770 travel notes,
published by Fenean, Die zweite Reise Kaiser Josephs II.
72
chapter two
to visit the goldmine at Nagyag, as well as a need to put his fathers possessions in order.26 However, the investigation of the material and human
content of the region was of such major interest at this time that it is difficult, even without evidence, not to speculate about a political interest.
If so, it would not be the only Austrian politico-territorial description in
the period to be published later under a more literary guise.27 But no hint
that Born was part of an official project is produced in the text, which is
presented as being ostensibly motivated by the friendship of two scientists and their common interest in nature.
Two other works appeared in Leipzig in the same year, which sought
to meet the increased interest, generated by the recent conflict, in the
Empires southern and eastern frontiers. The first, Swedish scholar Johann
Erich Thunmanns Untersuchungen ber die Geschichte der stlichen
europischen Vlker [Researches on the history of the eastern European
peoples], was a rather abstruse dissertation dedicated to exploring the
linguistic similarities between Romanian and Albanian. It was to become
a key point of reference in discussions over the origins and homelands of
both these peoples.28 The other was a completely fabricated fantasy narrative entitled Sehr merckwrdige Begebenheiten eines Teutsche nicht nur
auf seinen Reisen sondern vornemlich Was im in der turkischen Sclaverey
und ungarischen Feldzeugen begegnet [Most remarkable adventures of a
German, not only in the course of his travels, but also what he encountered in Turkish slavery and the Hungarian campaigns], which purported
to reproduce a diary of some military escapades from the beginning
of the century.29 These works followed closely on from the publication
three years before, in German translation, of the illustrious Prince Dimitrie
Cantemirs Descriptio Moldaviae, originally compiled in about 1715 at the
behest of Peter the Great; and of Nicolaus Kleemanns account of his
exploratory voyage down the Danube to the Black Sea and the Aegean.30
Like many works of scientific exegesis, Borns Letters, although seriously
concerned to document the discoveries made, are framed by a series of
26Lindner, Ignaz von Born, 423.
27General Splnys 1775 report on Bucovina was summarised and published as a
travel account in Canzlers Magazin (Grigorovici, ed., Bucovina, 1014); librettist Ratschky
was commissioned by Joseph to write an account of Galicia in the 1780s (RosenstrauchKnigsberg, Zirkel und Zentren, 10320).
28Gymnt, Micarea naional, 6071; Malcolm, Myths of Albanian national
identity.
29Holban, Pretinsele aventuri.
30Kantemir, Beschreibung; Kleemann, Reisen.
stylistic and rhetorical devices. The most obvious of these is the epistolary
form: the travels are written up as letters addressed to a learned correspondent, Professor Ferber of the University of Leipzig. Born had already
participated in this common form of publication, as addressee and editor of Ferbers letters dispatched from his geological travels in Italy.31 He
was also to receive the various reports despatched by Balthasar Hacquet,
Joseph Mueller and Tobias Gruber from their exploratory travels in the
Tyrol, Carniola, Croatia and Slavonia.32 His significance as a catalyser of
scientific travel in fact went far beyond the confines of Austria: the first
systematic geological descriptions of North America were addressed to
and published by him, as were the path-breaking South American reports
of the Czech traveller Thaddaeus Haenke.33
In Letter Two of his own book, after describing the geographical and
administrative situation of the Banat, Born goes on to discuss the regiments of so-called national troops recently established in the Military
Frontier bordering on the Ottoman Empire, and the gaol in Temesvar
(todays Timioara, Romania) where he saw a famous robber, formerly
a rich merchant in Serbia. He is, however, detained in the city for longer than he would wish by the business of his travelling companion, an
unnamed Court Commissar; an experience which causes him to compare
his situation with that of the Roman poet Ovid who had been exiled by
the Emperor Augustus to the shores of the Black Sea. If you be happy, he
wrote to Ferber in Leipzig, remember your friend in Pontus.34 It is at this
point that Born offers his detailed survey of the manners and customs of
the Romanians of the Banat. He took pains to justify his digression on several grounds: that he had already travelled to the Banat two years previously; that he was a native Transylvanian; and that, in the absence of data
pertaining to the field of Natural History, his account may, if not please
you, at least entertain you (7). At the end of his account, Born promised
to return in his next letter to matters more in our field (17).
Elsewhere, strictly technical questions prevailed. Letter Ten came with
two long appendices, amounting to almost a seventh of the whole book: a
Proposal for the softening of copper, by Delius, Assessor of the Banat Mining Directorate; and some Observations by Mr. Koczian on gold-washing
31 Ferber, Briefe aus Wlschland.
32Hacquet, Lettera odeporica; Mueller, Lettre; Gruber, Briefe.
33Schpf, Beytrge, first published in Borns review Physikalische Arbeiten in 1785. On
Haenke see Haenke, Trabajos.
34Born, Briefe, 10.
74
chapter two
techniques in the province (6293). But Born did not restrict himself completely to mines and metals. Almost every chapter contains little asides
about the usual travellers concerns, such as itineraries, or the weather,
or the possible dangers of the road. On the frontier between the Banat
and Transylvania he reflects on the ambiguity of the public exposure of
impaled criminals, identified as an Ottoman practice, which helps reduce
the incidence of highway robbery but may also be considered intolerably
cruel (94). Letter Fourteen opens with a brief rustic interlude in a Transylvanian village in which, hungry, thirsty, and tired, Born accepts the
hospitality of a cheerful Romanian boatman, of whom Born writes that
I would have wished for such a boy as my own son and who serves them
an improvised repast on an upturned tun under a straw awning, in the
company of farm dogs and sparrows. The company try to mark the birthday of Borns distant correspondent Ferber by toasting his health, but the
country wine proves so sour that Born toasts Ferber with water instead.
At the end of the meal, the tun is transformed from dining table into writing table, and Born continues with his mineralogical observations (1313).
The passages fate in fact constrasts starkly with that of the more famous
curious account of the Wallachians of the Banat, with which we are principally concerned here: it was omitted from all subsequent translations.
Borns was not the first text to treat Romanian cultural and spiritual life
(or the lack of it) in such a critical manner: negative appraisals of their
mores can be found in travel texts dating at least from the sixteenth century, if not even earlier,35 and were given contour and specificity, notably
through the observations of Catholic missionaries, in the seventeenth.36
Austrian administrative reports on the Banat very frequently adopted a
similar tone.37 But few of these had found their way into print. The 1770s
was a very important period for the development of a critical public discourse of travel in the German-speaking world. Scholars have noted an
emphasis on the personal and the verifiable; use of the epistolary form; a
35Barbu, ed., Firea romnilor, 1137 extracts ethnographic observations from Cltori
strini. On the medieval tradition see Armbruster, Der Donau-Karpatenraum.
36Catholic missionary accounts in Cltori strini, vols. 59, passim; Tth, ed., Relationes missionariorum; Bur, Catholic missionaries; Codarcea, Rome et Byzance; Tth,
Missionari italiani. Aspects of this tradition may have been available to Born through his
Jesuit apprenticeship.
37Fenean, Administraie i fiscalitate, 78. Cf. Szabo, Austrian first impressions,
4960.
Closer to home, the Viennese journal Wiener Anzeigen was slightly more
critical; its reviewer, the Hungarian scholar Samuel ab Hortis, despite
38Stewart, Die Reisebeschreibung; Bauer, Journalistische Briefform; Knopper, Le
regard.
39Fenean, Administraie, 76.
40Ehrler, Das Banat; Neumann, Cultura din Banat.
41 Anon, review of Born, Briefe, in Zugabe zu den Gttingischen Anzeigen, 28994.
42Anon, review of Born, Briefe, in Allegmeine Deutsche Bibliothek, 278.
76
chapter two
The Critical Review, on the other hand, took issue with this assessment.
The reviewer compared Borns work with that of his correspondent and
editor Ferber, whose travels in Italy had also been translated into English
by Raspe and put out by the same publisher; and whose Mineralogical History of Bohemia formed an appendix to this edition of Borns work.
Mr. Ferber wrote in a country where every subject, except that of natural
history, was exhausted by former travellers; he therefore was obliged to
confine himself entirely to mineralogy, and to write a work which illiterate
and superficial readers will throw aside as tedious and unentertaining. On
the contrary, Transylvania and Hungary are little known to the enlightened
Western World, and Baron Born has sometimes interspersed the abstruse
scientifical parts of his book with accounts of the inhabitants, and their
manners, clothing, and dwellings; a method which certainly deserves great
commendation, as it is founded on that great Horatian rule Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci.49
47Brief accounts of Hungary formed interludes in the Oriental travels of Richard Pococke (travelled 1737, published 1745; Edmund Chishull (travelled 1702, published 1747); and
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (travelled 1716, published 1762). See Gmri, Angol s skt
utazk.
48Anon, review of Born, Travels, in Monthly review, 233.
49Anon, review of Born, Travels, in Critical review, 207.
78
chapter two
This rebranding fitted the piece into a tradition of small and eye-catching
set-piece descriptions of rare, distant or wonderful things, sometimes set
apart from the main narrative. Examples of such accounts are numerous:
Nicolaas Van Graafs 1719 Voyage aux Indes Orientales came with a Relation curieuse de la ville de Batavia; Elizabeth Justices 1739 Voyage to Russia
with A curious account of the relicks which are exhibited in the Cathedral
of Oviedo; while A curious account of the cataracts at Niagara by Mr. Peter
Kalm was annexed to John Bartrams 1751 North American Observations.
According to Nigel Leask, the epistemological prestige of such curiosity, characterized by fleeting, superficial accounts of foreign lands and
peoples, and the novelty, singularity, and dazzle of the travellers first
impressions, was on the decline towards the end of the century, but continued to be prized as a literary quality.53 The elimination of first-person
references, a common strategy of the period, rendered the account simultaneously more readable and more authentic.54
It is from here, then, that the anonymous London pamphleteer drew
his text. The adaptation in many ways satirizes this squeezing of an individually experienced, authored and dated account into a consolidated
body of moral perceptions expressed through a uniform aesthetic.55 The
smoothness of the delivery has become comically at odds with the savageness of the object described. The interpretive environment and the
informations genesis disappear from view; the description is condensed,
made harder and thinner (and cleansed of reference to ethnic groups
other than Wallachians).
Borns Travels in France and Italy
The appearance of an Italian translation of Borns Travels in Venice in
1778 was almost certainly due to the efforts, if not the hand, of Giovanni
Arduino (17141795), the so-called Father of Italian Geology, upon whose
system Ferber had based his aforementioned description of Italy. Arduino
had already supported Borns and Ferbers election to the Siena Academy
of Sciences in 1773. Ferber did the same for Born and Arduino with respect
80
chapter two
82
chapter two
Despite this extensive public dissemination, Borns work does not apear
to have set alight the contemporary imagination. He clearly influenced
the local topographical and literary tradition: echoes of his work can be
found in the much better-known accounts of the Banat by the Venetian
Francesco Griselini (1780), and the Temesvar-born writer Johann Friedel
(1784), among others.69 In Britain, however, he appears to have been little
read, despite the fact that books about mineralogy were in demand at this
time.70 The sole surviving set of borrowing records from English libraries of the period, those of the Bristol Library, shows only three borrowings in the interval 178284: this compares poorly with the tens and even
hundreds of borrowings of books about Cooks voyage.71 Robert Townson,
whose rather more lurid account of the Romanians has already been mentioned, testified to the importance of Born as mineralogist, ethnographer,
and Viennese society figure. His sketch of Borns life was in turn excerpted
in the Annual Register.72 For the wealthy English antiquary Edward Daniel
Clarke, passing through the Banat at the beginning of the nineteenth century, Borns Travels was a work full of valuable information, as it related
to mines the least known, and Born himself the best mineralogist of his
age, while his observations on funeral shrieking seem to prove the Celtic
origin of the Wallachians.73 A Scottish traveller to the Banat in 1814,
Richard Bright, mentioned Born regularly, and may have been inspired
by him when he insisted, after having given an account of some rather
wild Romanians, that I must not be understood as wishing to represent
the whole nation under a similar form.74 Finally, large chunks of his text
were reproduced as valid contemporary ethnography (with nodding reference to an old German author) in a work by an American surgeon, James
Noyes, written at the time of the Crimean war.75 Borns scientific work suffered more painful transmutations than this: the 1791 English translation
of his New Process of Amalgamation of Metals is to be found in a list of
69Cltori strini, vols. 910 lists accounts of the Banat and its Wallachians in chronological sequence to 1800 (de Feller, Friedel, Ehrler, Griselini, Steube, Sestini, Spallanzani,
Sulzer, Salaberry, Lehmann, Hofmannsegg, von Goetze, Nayss, Damas).
70Porter, Making, 989; Hamblyn, Private cabinets, 194.
71 Kaufman, Borrowings, 80.
72Townson, Travels, 41022; idem, Anecdotes.
73Clarke, Travels, 8:284, 260.
74Bright, Travels, 559.
75Noyes, Roumania, 16170.
84
chapter two
Works of which all the unsold Copies were destroyed by Fire, and which
will probably never be reprinted.76
Mapping the Account
In an older study, Hayden White remarked on how a history of a given
idea can sometimes look more like an archaeologists cabinet of artefacts
than the flowing narrative of the historian.77 He bemoaned the fact that
this gives out a sense of structural stasis rather than a sense of the developmental process by which various ideas came together and coalesced
to produce the Noble Savage of the eighteenth century. The problem is
perennial; but it is precisely the discordant effects of static representations, rather than a traditional history of ideas about Wallachians, that
interests me here. In an attempt to recreate the distinct compartments
in which Borns work was displayed in public, I summarize some of the
information presented hitherto in four comparative tables. This may then
facilitate a more complex and nuanced articulation of the complexities of
how scientific description operates within a larger cultural frame, as the
scholar Richard Nash has argued in his study of literary representations of
wildness in this period.78 By schematizing the contexts in which the Wallachians were selected for analysis, description, publication or consumption, I am not (or not only) travestying the juxtapositional techniques of
eighteenth-century collecting, but also trying to enable a twenty-first century audience to see what Wallachians might have been compared to by
audiences in different places and at different levels of 1770s society.
In Leipzig in 1774, then, readers could have chosen Borns Travels
alongside one of two other genres: the abstruse work of philology offered
by Thunmann, which nevertheless set a liberal agenda for the study of
stateless nations; or the cheap fantasy comprised in the pseudo-biography
of a German soldier said to have crossed Wallachia:
Table 1.Leipzig Valachica, 1774.
Johann Erich Thunmann
Researches
Philology
Anon
Letters
Ethnography
Adventures
Fantasy
William Robertson
Eastern Europe
New World
American natives were seen as peoples without history, and could therefore be used as an object of conjecture: study of them might enable conclusions about the primitive state of European peoples. Indian culture,
by contrast, was placed genealogically in relation to the European, an
empirical basis for establishing Europes concrete pre-history, as in William Joness celebrated positing of Sanskrit as the ur-language of most
European peoples.79 The Curious Account is in fact not nearly so philosophically ambitious, but the idea of the Wallachians as occupying some
kind of intermediary position between two major kinds of savages and
two major approaches to them, clearly struck an editor as suggestive.
This in its turn sheds light on the array of titles offered by John Lever
in 1779.
Table 3.London popular pamphlets, 1779.
1779John Lever
Anon
Anon [Lovrich/Born]
Anon
Ambrose Gwinett
London
Anon
Domingo Gonzales
Moon
79On America and India see the classic works of Gerbi, La disputa and Schwab,
La renaissance, both also in English translation; on their shifting position as ideal types in
the following period: Thom, Republics, nations, tribes.
86
chapter two
The street-level cultural producer has raided high culture for his source
material, in a direct act of appropriation; and reproduced the elites fascination with human and geographical diversity for a new audience: the philosophers case study becomes the common mans wild man narrative.
A fourth and final figure enables us to return to the problem of how the
Wallachians fit in in Borns own classificatory career, in which unusual
objects becomes subject to unprecedented analytical attention, description, study, satire or lucubration.
In some of Borns work (Monks, Egyptian mysteries), satirical or arcane
motivations determined the selection of the object; in others (fossils,
mines), its analysis is directly connected with power, stocktaking and the
marshalling of material possessions, preoccupations generally considered
to be upmost in the minds of the Empires administrators, particularly
since the defeat by Prussia in the 1740s had given food for thought on the
question of maximization of resources.
Table 4.Frameworks for comparison: Ignaz von Borns other works.
17721775
Lithophylacium
Bornianum
Palaeontology
Fossils
1774
Account of the
Wallachians
Ethnology
Frontier people
1783
1789
1785
Physiologia
Bergbaukunde Mysteries of the
Monachorum
Egyptians
Anticlerical satire Mineralogy
Masonic arcana
Defunct social
Mountains
Ancient civilization
order
put more stress on his Transylvanian origins than on any other loyalty.82
He defended the qualities of both Wallachians and Gypsies of Transylvania as being more humanized than those of the Banat, and asserted
that their spoken language was much more elegant than that of those of
Wallachia; while criticizing the standards of literary and scientific life in
Hungary, Vienna and Prague.83
Scholars writing about Alexander von Humboldts representations of
American people and landscapes have drawn attention to the influence on
his work of the problem of the German Empire: in all this talk of far flung
and distant empires, it has perhaps been forgotten that, in central Europe
at the end of the eighteenth century, the notion of Empire struck quite
close to home...the local status of provinces was up for negotiation.84 As
a provincial who both criticized and sought to improve the state of learning in the Empire, Born may also be likened to the innovative historiographers of Scotland, or those of Spain where perhaps the provinces were
more interested in crafting a Spanish identity than the core. Valencians,
Aragonese, Asturians and Catalans were at the forefront of the movement
to write new, patriotic, yet critical histories of America.85
It is this tension between province and empire that surely provides
the key for understanding the work of Born; certainly more so than
the notions of eastern and western Europe, which he did not employ,
even though the first book to contain the words east European in the
titleThunmanns Untersuchungenwas published in the same year
as his travels. German and Habsburg empire-builders invented not only
schools of mining and international conferences, but also the very term
ethnography, as recent researches have shown.86 Born was just one of a
number of scientist-bureaucrat-travellers who were to prove immensely
influential in creating administrative systems and textual machinery for
recording observations of Russian and east European peoples, systems at
least as sophisticated as those set up by the British in India.87 Moreover,
82Born, Briefe, 7, 104, 105, 134, 150.
83Ibid., 94, 137 (more humanized); 11 (language more elegant); 2023, 224, 228 (critique
of scientific life).
84Dettelbach, Global physics and aesthetic empire, 2589; cf. Rupke, A geography of
Enlightenment.
85Caizares-Esguerra, How to write the history of the New World, 4.
86Stagl, History of curiosity; Vermeulen & Alvarez Roldn, eds., Fieldwork and footnotes.
87Carmichael, Ethnic stereotypes in early European ethnographies; Withers, The
geography of scientific knowledge; Wingfield, ed., Creating the other. Among many
recent studies on Russian imperial ethnography, see Slezkine, Naturalists versus nations;
Sunderland, Taming the wild field.
88
chapter two
his critique of Wallachian mores went beyond a mere lament about the
barbarity of foreign customs to what Thomas Habinek in his reading of
Ovid has identified as demonstrating and enacting the transferability of
imperial institutions to an alien context.88
German scholars using similar methods were busy defining Jews and
Gypsies in the period, in ways that can without anachronism be considered racist.89 Borns work bears some relation to theirs; but it would be
reductive to identify him with any movement towards theories of immutable ethnic distinction. Borns account did not oblige a unitary acceptance of a Romanian identity; on the contrary, he explicitly differentiated
between the character of the Romanians and Gypsies of Transylvania and
those of the Banat, thus creating problems for the crudely essentialist
account produced by Heinrich Moritz Grellmann in 1783, which sought
to argue that Gypsies, as an oriental people, were uniformly pernicious
in their behaviour and difficult to change.90 Nor is his account fixated on
any one characteristic of the Romanians: recourse is had to a variety of
attributes.
How did this actually affect policy? As mentioned earlier, Austria entertained ambitions to take over more Romanian-inhabited territory at various stages in this period. But in the event, Maria Theresa considered that
Unhealthy provinces, without culture, depopulated or inhabited by perfidious and ill-intentioned Greeks, would be more likely to exhaust than to augment the forces of the monarchy.91
Even her chancellor Kaunitz, who was much more keen to prosecute
claims to Wallachia and Moldavia, confessed to his employer that they
were full of the wildest people.92 These statesmen certainly didnt need
intellectuals to tell them how to disparage natives, and their attitudes
render somewhat questionable the view that attributes racism in travel
88Habinek, Politics of Latin literature, 15169; White, Tropics, 18396. In Byzantium too,
a classicizing frontier ethnology had helped to restore a sense of imperial order: see Stephenson, Byzantine conceptions of otherness.
89E.g. Willems, In search of the true Gypsy; Hess, Johann David Michaelis.
90Grellmann, Dissertation, 413, 206.
91 Maria Theresa, Letter to Comte de Mercy-Argenteau, 31 July 1777, cited by Ragsdale,
Evaluating the traditions of Russian aggression, 94. Greeks here could mean any Eastern
Orthodox peoples (i.e. Romanians included), or particularly the governors of Wallachia
and Moldavia, appointed from the Greek-speaking Orthodox of Istanbul.
92Roider, Austrias Eastern Question, 132.
texts to social insecurity.93 But their discourses on savagery, while essentially similar to those of French and British writers outside Europe, were
designed to justify not colonization but a refusal to colonize.94
In 1774, the Habsburgs, tired of war, gave up any thought of recovering Wallachia and satisfied themselves with annexing a small corner of
Moldavia which they rechristened Bukovina and retained until 1918. But
they went to work on the human resources available to them in these territories, subjecting Romanians to unprecedented programmes for social
integration and educational improvement. In this enterprise, they sometimes commissioned reports from loyal local actors, including some who
knew Born personally through Masonic circles in Vienna. Through this
process, Romanians came to draw up ethnographies which share a number of features with Borns account. Their texts, initiating tropes which
ran throughout early nineteenth-century Romanian culture, emphasized
the brutish and animalistic behaviour of the Romanians. They thus initiated a critique which has been associated with the domestic development
of theories of identity and national character.95
Conclusions
The history of the genesis and fate of Borns curious account is significant,
then, for many reasons. As a text by an east European author representing another group of east Europeans as profoundly different, it is by no
means unusual.96 As the first detailed ethnography of the Romanians to
be published in English, it deploys the language of barbarism in the service of empire, but need not necessarily be seen as geographically essentialist or racist. More broadly, its serial exposure to different audiences
with different expectations served a plethora of purposes. In Austria,
93e.g. Hunt, Racism. On the Empresss antisemitism see Vocelka, Enlightenment.
94Roider, Reform and diplomacy, 3123; Jones, Opposition to war, 48.
95See notably Vasile Bal, Beschreibung der Buccowina [1780], in Grigorovici, ed.
Bucovina, 33058; and Ion Budai-Deleanu, Kurzgefasste Bemerkungen ber Bukowina
[1805], ibid., 378424. On these Romanians contacts with Born see Duu, Josephinismus. Cf. Pratt, Imperial eyes, 143, who sees Latin American authors transculturating elements of metropolitan discourses to create self-affirmations designed for reception in the
metropolis.
96Cltori strini, vols. 910 lists other east European representers of Romanians: the
Hungarian de Tott; the Dalmatians Boscovich and Raicevich; the Pole Mikoscha, the Transylvanian Wolf, etc. In earlier times too, most describers of Ottoman lands came from
Venice, the Habsburg lands and points east, as Yrasimos, Les voyageurs clearly showed.
90
chapter two
97On the allegorical qualities of Enlightenment discourse on human nature see, among
others, Pratt, Scratches; Macdonald, The isle of devils, 1912; Munck, The Enlightenment,
14; Wilson, Thinking back, 362. On the ulterior development of the Ruritanian tradition
in British culture, see Goldsworthy, Inventing.
98Cited by Smith, The language of human nature, 102.
Chapter three
92
chapter three
his Italian journey not in order to carry out a mission or gather information, but to fulfil an urge prompted by recollections of images of Rome
seen in his childhood. What interested Goethe was his own individual
response to what he experienced.4
Similar views can be found in many more books on travel literature of
the period,5 even if scholars differ in their accounts of precisely how and
when the interest in the self-representation became a dominant feature
of such texts.6 Although I do add some documentation to the dossier, the
aim of this chapter is not to resolve this localised question. There is probably something in the nature of travel writing, its status as montage, that
calls for an open critical approach which can see texts as having not one
object, still less a unitary meaning, but as being understood in a series of
contexts and relations.7
My main intention, rather, is to examine how certain basic problems
of the representation of the personal experience of time and space was
addressed by first British, then Romanian compilers of travel accounts in
the period running broadly from 17501840. Was there a turn away from
the inventorization of the world, towards meditation on the self?
4Anghelescu, Romantic travel narratives, 167. Goethe in this way anticipates not only
Chateaubriand (jallai chercher des imagesvoil tout) and the proto-tourist Stendhal
(I do not travel to learn about Italy but for my own pleasure) but also Freud, whose visit
to the Acropolis was motivated by an intense urge to make verifications of the reality of
images seen in childhood.
5E.g. Moussa, La relation orientale, 8.
6Parks (Turn, 32) ventures 1779 as the date when the new mode for including
emotional passages in accounts of journeys in Europe was fully accepted; Anghelescu
(Romantic travel, 166) places Goethe (1786) at the beginning of the tradition; an opinion
shared by Slovak literary historian Zlatko Kltik (Vvin slovenskho cestopis, in Chirico,
The travel narrative, 289). Korte (English travel writing, 4065) likewise distinguishes
between object-oriented travel accounts full of historical and encyclopaedic information, and a shift towards the travelling subject, locating the latter in the 1760s; Fabricant
(Eighteenth-century travel literature, 708) posits Sterne (1768) as the symbolic initiator
of travel as primarily an individual activity, divorced from the concrete historical mediations that tie any journey, no matter how personal or paradigmatic in nature, to the social
and material conditions enabling its existence; Vivis (English travel narratives, 25) rejects
the search for a single origin as reductive, preferring a broad historical backcloth stretching from 17601780; Leask (Curiosity, 478; cf. 7) proclaims the existence of a residual
discourse of antiquarianism coexisting in loose solution with both subjectivist and scientific approaches; leading him to locate the true disjuncture between scientific and literary
travel in the decades after 17901820.
7Vivis, English travel narratives, 1078.
93
At a basic level of analysis, taking the texts at face value, I simply consider what things our authorsor more precisely author-narrators8
reckoned to be worthy of note. At a slightly more complex level, the
presentation of noteworthy objects is considered in relation to the inevitably temporal nature of literary description. This almost always introduces the problem not just of the correct rhetorical technique following
(explicit or implicit) rules, but also the (explicit or implicit) modulations
of the authors sensibility in the face of what he is seeing or experiencing.
Finally, relating my analysis to recent insights in the cultural theory of
travel writing, I ask to what extent the development of Romantic motifs
in Romanian texts might be considered typical of travel literatures and
cultures elsewhere in the world. Are they characteristic of a European
tradition, or do they constitute the outcome of unequal relations in the
literary and political spheres?
Some examples from British travel accounts may help to clarify what
I am talking about. These texts played an influential role in establishing norms for travel culture, form and sensibility not just in English but
throughout Europe during this period. However, as will become clear
later, British texts almost certainly did not function as models for Romanian travel writers, or at least only after considerable mediation through
European (French, and also German and Russian) texts. I am not positing
British texts as paragons or paradigms, still less as imperialistic forms
from which Romanians sought to emancipate themselves.
Fielding: An agreeable companion to a man of sense
In his fascinating book Telling Time, the critic Stuart Sherman has established the impulse towards what he calls diurnalization as a central
component of the transformation of British literary culture in the period
16601785. Starting out from the public deployment of clocks and diaries,
Sherman then identifies travel literature, and specifically the travel journal,
as a kind of conduit whereby the book of continuous days...emerged into
public consciousness.9 The travel journal was for most of the eighteenth
8Travel writing is predicated on an alleged (and implicitly accepted by the reader)
identity between author and narrator (Chirico, The travel narrative). And yet with travel
writing, as in biography, it can be difficult to say whether it is a real or a fictional personage
that we are dealing with (Joseph, Language and identity, 2; cf. Anghelescu, Mistificiuni).
9Sherman, Telling time, 167.
94
chapter three
century virtually the only kind of journal to find its way from manuscript
to print and therefore capable of recreating in the public sphere a sense
of the intimate immediacy of successive experiences.10
But for such an account to appear successivepart of a continuous
thread in timeits annotations should not be excessive. It should avoid
the trap of the boring travel text, that lists everything seen, that itemizes,
in the literal sense of the word, and exposes the object to a relentless
view.11 Henry Fielding realised this when he set out to write an account
of his voyage to Lisbon in 1754: To make a traveller an agreeable companion to a man of sense, it is necessary, not only that he should have seen
much, but that he should have overlooked much of what he hath seen.12
Actually, travellers are not merely overlooking; even from what they do
manage to observe, they are selecting material for inclusion in their work.
And they arrange it in one way or another.
Despite his admission of selectivity, Fielding nevertheless attempts to
create for the reader the illusion of undergoing successive experiences
in continuous time. In the preface to his Journal, he explicitly endorsed
travel literatures pretensions to empirical status by insisting on its status
as history, albeit as a branch of that discipline which, perplexingly, alone
should [have been] overlooked by all men of great genius and erudition,
and delivered up to the Goths and Vandals as their lawful property.13 He
particularly sought to distinguish travel texts from the poetical and mythological contributions of the ancient poets; and even while greatly admiring the modern English authors Burnet14 and Addison,15 he expressed
doubts as to whether the former was not perhaps to be considered as a
political essayist, and the latter as a commentator on the classics, rather
than as a writer of travels (8).
Specifically, Fieldings Journal has entries for each successive day
(Wednesday June 26, 1754 [...] Thursday June 27 [...] Friday June 28), with
only a few exceptions through the fifty that his voyage occasions, even if
towards the end of the work only the day is supplied, and not the precise
10Ibid., 161.
11 Bann, Under the sign, 1023, quoted in Leask, Curiosity, 34. Leask is applying Banns
critical remarks about older travel catalogues, to Pocockes Description of the East (1743).
12Fielding, Journal, preface.
13Ibid., 7. Fieldings view anticipates that of Volney, to the effect that travels belong
to the department of history, and not that of romance. Travels, 1:vi, quoted in Schiffer,
Oriental panorama, 343.
14Burnet, Some letters.
15Addison, Remarks.
95
date. More than that, many of the entries take the reader through that day
in temporal succession. A selection of the opening lines of the first few
paragraphs of Day 1 will, I hope, suffice to illustrate this point:
[Para. 1:] On this day, the most melancholy sun I had ever beheld arose,
and found me awake...[2:] In this situation, as I could not conquer nature,
I submitted entirely to her...[3:] At twelve precisely my coach was at the
door...[4:] In two hours we arrived at Redriffe...[5:] To go on board the
ship it was necessary first to go into a boat...[6:] I was soon seated in a
great chair in the cabin...[7:] A surloin of beef was now placed on the table.
(2729)
All this increases the readers sense of proximity to the narrators experience; even if details are being omitted, the order of them is not being
rearranged. As Onno Oerlemans has remarked, part of the pleasure of
such reading is in vicariously tracing ones own way through an unknown
landscape...travel writing encourages a curious repetitive meticulousness in locating oneself in physical space.16 Consequently, this kind of
writing partakes of an apparent spontaneity, its ability to portray seemingly unpredetermined slices of the lives of travellers.17 In Fieldings case,
this effect is heightened by our knowledge of the authors extreme illness,
and the fact that he died shortly after arriving at his destination, which
would have left him little time for rearrangement of his material: the incidentality of the quotidian intersects with the ominousness of the confessional, leaving the status of the account somewhat ambiguous, oscillating
between chronicle and creation.18
Account, Letters, Journal, or Tour?
The title pages of these British books give us some indication of what
kind of thing their authors thought they were: Observations, Remarks,
Reflections, Incidents; Memoirs, Sketches, Letters, a Journal, an Account, a
History, a Description; sometimes metonymically Travels, a Journey, a Voyage, a Tour.19 The author might thus privilege the act of displacement;
the sensations experienced during it; or the mode of accounting for or
96
chapter three
representing them. In some cases they felt the need to refer to more than
one of these things, and as the eighteenth century was not squeamish
about lengthy titles, they often did so. In 1769, for instance, the young
James Boswell, still in his twenties, published An Account of Corsica, The
Journal of a Tour to that Island, and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli, all between
the same two covers.
Boswell is known to have attended Adam Smiths lectures on Rhetoric
and Belles-Lettres at the University of Glasgow, in 175960. It is possible
that he heard the latter expounding the then novel view that the best
method of describing the qualities of an object is not to enumerate its
several parts, but by describing the effects this quality produces on those
who behold it.20 This may have instilled in him a sense of the value of
representing self-experience as well as describing things encountered.
So may have his discussions with Jean-Jacques Rousseau in 1764, which
directly preceded his journey. We do not, however, know what specific
advice Boswell took when planning the structure of the Account of Corsica
which made his name (and even for a time, his nicknamebefore he
became famous as Samuel Johnsons biographer, he was known for many
years as Corsica Boswell).
Contemporaries certainly remarked upon the novelty of the books
structure. Boswell solved the problem of travel composition effectively by
drawing a distinction between the description of the island, including a
fairly comprehensive scholarly verification of much of the known data
concerning natural history, all collated against classical and other sources;
and the journal of his tour, where observations are correlated not to documents, but to personal experience. The latter is as scrupulously dated and
contextualized as any written source; and indeed depends on circumstantial detail to acquire vividness and plausibility.
Sherman has related this impulse towards separation of historical
analysis from diurnal narrative, to some remarks made by Johnson on
historiographical composition as early as 1743, when he was contemplating a (never realised) history of the British Parliament. In a letter to his
publisher, Johnson distinguished between
20Smith, Lectures, 67. This lecture dates from December 1762, but as Smith gave the
same lectures year after year, it is quite possible that Boswell heard him expounding this
view in 175960. See Pottle, Boswells university education, 2468.
97
a Journal which has regard only to time, and a history which ranges facts
according to their dependence on each other, and postpones or anticipates
according to the convenience of narration.21
98
chapter three
Ionescu openly acknowledged Youngs influence and announced his intention to follow the latters methods, which he presumably learnt about during the course of his studies in agrarian economics at the Conservatoire
national des arts et mtiers in 1840s Paris.30 He followed them not only in
this book but in a series of pioneering ethnographies of Romania, Macedonia and other parts of European Turkey.
In this sense, however derivative his ideas, he can be considered the
first Romanian theorist of travel as history, or as we would say, as a
social science. But that is not to say that the problem of narrative versus
26Cornea, Oamenii, 271. The texts in question are Wallachian Dinicu Golescus nsemnare a cltoriii mele (1826), referring to a most beautiful and romantic walk in Bern,
Switzerland; and Moldavian Daniil Scavinschis poem Cltoria dumnealui hatmanul Constantin Palade (1828 ms.), referring similarly to a beautiful and romantic view, this time
in the Moldavian hills.
27Particularly the work of Mircea Anghelescu, with his editions of the writings of Dimitrie Rallet, Nicolae Filimon, Dinicu Golescu, Ion Heliade Rdulescu &c.
28Notable for their combination of cultural history and literary analysis are Anghelescu, Utopia as a journey; Ioncioaia, Viena; and Mihalache, Metaphor and monumentality. A recent edited collectionBocan & Bolovan, eds. Cltori romnicontains little
textual analysis, but some interesting new texts are brought to lightthe 1832 journey
of the Transylvanian Saxon Carl Sthler to Italy (by Ittu) and the student letters of the
Oltenian Nicu Grdreanu from 1840s Paris (by Mihai).
29Ionesco, Excursion, 10. Summary information on Ionescu in English can be found in
Constantinescu, Bdina & Gll, Sociological thought, and in Michelson, Ion Ionescu de la
Brad.
30Ionesco, Excursion, 15.
99
a nalytical exposition had not already presented itself to the two dozen or
so Romanian travel authors to have written in the eighty or so years before
him.31 Each of them solved the problem, a perennial one in the history of
prose description, in his own way. And examination of practice rather
than theory might prove more enlightening in this case, especially since
Ionescu, like Young before him, subordinated the theoretical problem to
the utilitarian one of producing the most accurate statistical account of
the regions travelled through.
Diurnality Monastic and Bureaucratic: Hegumen Venedict (1769)
to Teodor Codrescu (1844)
Perhaps the earliest evidence of a Romanian traveller practising an
extended diurnal travel journal is that of the Moldavian monk Venedict.
Hegumen of Moldovia monastery, Venedict travelled to St. Petersburg
after Christmas 1769 as part of a delegation to request political aid from
the Russian court (Russia, the leading Orthodox power, was then at war
with the Moldavians Islamic suzerain, the Ottoman Empire). His diary, as
one might expect from the modest initiator of a tradition, perhaps overegged the diurnal pudding, as his editor, publishing the text seventy years
later, indicated not without irony:
Our author who calls his travel impressions, The going of our route from Moldavia to Petruburhu, is most parsimonious with historical and geographical
notations; the chief thing for him is to sleep and eat well, which he never
even once forgets to write down with a special predilection, as our readers
will be able to establish for themselves. But for all its gastronomical monotony, his journey nevertheless contains much information of interest to us.
Leaving aside, then, his passage through townships and villages where His
Holiness, seeing nothing else, confined himself to sleeping and eating, we
shall publish in the Arhiva only those annotations which have something
new to offer for us, while nevertheless preserving faithfully the style and the
distribution of the author.32
Perhaps unfortunately for his readers, but luckily for us, Koglniceanu
who was one of the key creators of Romanian literature, history and literary history33appears not to have carried through his intention of editing
31 Drace-Francis, Romanian travel writing, lists accounts in book form only; a longer
but still incomplete list is in BIR 1:6270 (to Romanian lands), 44960 (abroad).
32Koglniceanu, preface to Vartolomeu & Venedict, Cltoria, 24950.
33Drace-Francis, Mihail Koglniceanu, gives a cursory introduction and bibliography.
100
chapter three
out references to eating and sleeping (or at least if he did, we can only
imagine a text even more soporific and less digestible than the one he
published). Translation of merely the initial portion of Venedicts account
serves easily to illustrate the point:
December
27. Sunday I set off from Solca monastery, and passed the night in Solca
village.
28. Monday I went to Rdui, and passed the night there.
29. Tuesday, setting off I went to Frtui, and there I ate victuals; and from
there I passed the night at Baini village.
30. Wednesday, travelling I ate victuals at Strcea village, on the Siret river;
from there I passed the night at Mihileti village, by Cuciur Forest.
31. Thursday I went to Cuciur, estate of Putna monastery, there I ate victuals, and also passed the night.
January 1770
1. Friday I went to Cernui, and I ate victuals there; going ahead, I passed
the night at Mteti village, an estate of Sucevi [monastery]
2. Saturday, eating victuals there, and going ahead I passed the night at
Comani village, an estate of the Diocese of Rdui.34
34Venedict, Cltoria, 250. Shortly afterwards Koglniceanu interrupts the text: As you
can see our author eats victuals and passes the night too much; and so as not to excite such
a hunger for food and rest in our readers too, we shall follow our traveller only through
those localities where he noted something other than table and bed (251).
101
having set off from Kiev on a staging route that goes day and night [without
stopping], I have left off showing the days of the month, and have written
the townships and villages, and from which town how much to the next,
how many versts.35
It is the fact of two weeks having passed that causes him to set off from
Moscow to Petersburg; and it is on Palm Sundaya feast surely not
without significance in this contextthat an audience is granted with
the Empress. There is a kind of assumption that profane occurrences will
not be written down, so that even quite detailed sensory inventorization
of the contents of the Imperial apartments and gardens serves to sanctify
rather than to debase the experience:
May 8. Saturday St. John the Evangelist I went to church at Court, and after
the Holy Liturgy I walked in the Imperial Gardens which is up at the palace,
where there are all kinds of images carved in marble, and fruit-bearing trees,
lemons, figs, laurels and others. Likewise an nrngerie [orangerie, editors
note], that is a winter garden, where there are also many kinds of fruit trees
and flowers, glass walls, and stoves inside; there are also birds, and English
crows, and canaries endowed with all kinds of feathers. The canaries also
have nests with their young there, among the trees. There are also some
birds called fazani [i.e. pheasants, AD-F]: their tail and wing feathers are red,
while on the belly and under the wings yellow, and on the neck striped in
three colours, with yellow and red feathers. I went through the apartments
around the garden, which are furnished with many fine things, like religious
and historical paintings [kartine], painted to look as if they were really alive;
there are also many animals of great size. There is also a clock, which when
it strikes after each hour, plays all kinds of tunes in panpipes for a quarter
of an hour or more.36
The Empresss move from her summer to her winter residence is marked
by eating of victuals (257); eating of victuals with the Archimandrite
Platon is accompanied by spiritual and other chanting (258); but also by
the political bulletins arriving from the home and foreign frontsTartar
raids back home in Moldavia, the public knouting of thieves in Petersburg. As sacred and political time intersect in this way, the closest Hegumen Venedikt gets to expressing some kind of personal emotion is again
on a feast day, St. Peters, when at another Imperial banquet there were
many French and Italian songs, women singing, and especially a girl with
an amazing, indescribable voice. And giving thanks after dinner we went
35Ibid., 251.
36Ibid., 2556.
102
chapter three
into the third galdarea [galrie, editors note] or house, which again was
decorated with many beautiful objects. And making the sign of the cross
and giving thanks after coffee, I went out, and walked in the imperial garden where there are innumerable torchlights, and all kinds of wild animals,
stags, hinds, goats and many other indescribable beauties; this garden is on
the sea shore, and you can see Kronstadt from it.37
103
was being constituted even in the 1830s and 1840s: Moldavian writer and
traveller Alecu Russo made so bold as to assert that
In the 16 years from 1835 to 1851, Moldavia has lived more than in the five
hundred historical years from the descent of Drago in 1359 to the days of
our parents. Our parents lived their lives very much as their ancestors did
[whereas] our life has no connection to theirs, we could even say that we
are not their children.40
That this was far from being the case can be appreciated by an analysis
of a new travel account published by a young Moldavian intellectual of
relatively humble origins, Teodor Codrescu (18191894), whose O cltorie
la Constantinopoli was published for the first (and only) time in Iai in
1844. Born in Galai, the main port of Moldavia on the Danube, Codrescu
underwent summary primary schooling in his home town before being
orphaned, whereupon he moved to Iai and studied at the recently
founded public higher school, the Academia Mihilean.41 In the patronage system of the time, his chance came when he was given the position
40Studie moldovan [1851] in Russo, Scrieri, 11; also cited in Michelson, Alecu Russo, 117.
41 Mnuc, Teodor Codrescu.
104
chapter three
42Stefan Vogoridi had used his influence at the Porte to sponsor Sturdzas ascent to the
Moldavian throne; in return, Sturdza accepted Vogoridis daughters hand in marriage.
43Codrescu, O cltorie, 3.
44Ibid.
45The two dates represent, respectively, the Julian or Old Style calendar which most
Orthodox nations still followed until the early twentieth century; and the Gregorian or
New Style, in use in most of western Europe.
105
106
chapter three
facility, and from this point on he ceases to time his annotations, moving
rapidly towards a general tableau mode:
The view of this city is one of the most enchanting in the world, and one
can justly say that: here nature made everything, and man nothing, for its
elevated position, the combination of trees, houses, and minarets which it
displays; the grand entrance of the Bosphorus, filled with caiques; the extensive port, surrounded by the suburbs of Galata, Pera and St. Demetrius; the
whole of Scutari rising opposite; the greenish hills extending behind in the
form of a shadow; the Sea of Marmara with its smiling islands, further off,
snow-covered Mount Olympus, the fertile plains of Europe and Asia all
around. (23)
107
108
chapter three
of a delicate flower. The wildness of its hills possesses a primitive je ne sais
quoi, that causes you to forget lifes momentary misfortunes, and lulls you
into a soft and silent state of contemplation.51
But, it has to be said, the theoretical elaboration of a Romantic programme was not always consistently followed by its practical development. Koglniceanu himself left some fascinating unpublished material,
in the form of 128 precocious adolescent letters recounting his experiences
as a student travelling first to Lunville and then to Berlin, in the period
18341838;52 and also in a series of miscellaneous notes documenting travels through Vienna in 1844, and to France and Spain in 18451847.53
The texts form instructive contrasts. The first, the letters, are those of a
conscientious son and brother recounting facts and figures about his studies, travels, and about France and Germany in general. These letters are
of course dated (as with Codrescus text, in two dates, the Old and New
Styleanother temporal indicator of the disjunction between Romanian
and what was explicitly called European time). While including a number
of original observations, Koglniceanu sometimes has recourse to the cut
and paste method of excerption and translation from local guidebooks.
A letter of 8 April 1836, for instance, contains a description of the Berlin
Arsenal written in Romanian but also in French, so that the sisters can
understand, which description I have extracted from a book entitled Le
conducteur du voyageur Berlin.54 On 19 May another description, this
time of the University, is transcribed; on 9 June, one of the Gendarmes
Square; on 9 August, one of the Royal court.55 Both these latter are apparently accompanied by illustrations, some of them on special headed paper
109
which Koglniceanu has managed to buy, each one with a separate image
of Berlin.56
The second, entitled Notes sur lEspagne, in a mixture of Romanian and
French, has been characterized as a literary mosaic, a disorderly collection of historical, literary and picturesque jottings.57 Again here, original
observation is interleaved with quite extensive translation from, among
other sources, George Borrows Bible in Spain and William Robertsons
History of Charles V, both through the intermediary of French versions.
In this sense, Koglniceanu hardly followed his own advice to steer clear
of the mania to translate. But his text also contains some instructional
notes betraying an attempt to meditate on questions of perspective and
distance their effect on the travellers experience:
The first duty of any traveller who desires to see and to remember is, immediately upon arriving at a noteworthy town or locality, to climb up the
dominant mountain or hill, or in the absence of one, up the highest tower.
Then he may study the local physionomy, position, direction and form of
the buildings, and thereby, in some sense, their soul. The panorama unfurling before him repays the effort of climbing up. That is what I did climbing the tower above the vaulted entrance to the Escorial. I could judge the
form of the ensemble. On one side we have the mountains still covered with
snow, on the other the plain with its olive forests in the heart of Castille, and
Madrid visible in the distance.58
110
chapter three
60Faifer, Alecu Russo. Russos principal prose works are, in Romanian, Amintiri [Recollections] unfinished, partially published in the review Romnia literar, 1855; and Studie
moldovan, published in Zimbrul, 1851; in French, and posthumous, are La pierre du tilleul;
Iassy et ses habitants en 1840; and Sovja, journal dun exil politique en 1846.
61 Despite its importance being signalled by Cornea (Literatura muntelui, 383), there
has been little detailed analysis of the narrative structure of this text.
62Russo, La pierre du tilleul [1840], in idem, Scrieri, 2059.
63Ibid., 20917.
64Ibid., 210.
111
But the attempt to write a simple diary is somehow at odds with the purpose of the journey, which is to return to see the homeland scenes he
had been put in mind of when facing the better-known landscapes of the
Rhone valley, where he had been sent for his Genevan education from
the age of 10. He tells his driver (whom he calls the Dacian, after the
countrys autochtonous inhabitants) to
stop, Dacian, for you cannot know how this breeze of life blowing from the
hills used to dry the tears of my childhood, cajole the dreams of my youth,
and has just found me again, after a long separation, an aged youth, with
furrowed brow, broken heart, disillusioned! How beautiful and delicate my
dreams were, like those light splashes sketched by the stones I used to skim
on the surface of the Rhone!65
65Ibid.
66Ibid., 225. The technique of embedding folkloric legends into travel narratives is also
used by Russos friend and compatriot Vasile Alecsandri, in his O primblare la muni
[1844], which, by means of similar artifices, incorporates stories and legends previously
published separately. See Alecsandri, Proz, 13361. On this technique in early Romanian
fiction, see Manca, Structura naraiei, 21213; Roman, Le populisme, 15864.
67Russo, La pierre, in Scrieri, 225.
112
chapter three
even in a dream. What can I say? Our mountains are genuinely beautiful,
grand, and with a thousand picturesque views, but lonesome, pleasing only
to those genuinely infatuated with such things, and covered with a nebulous
veil of melancholy, that forms the distinctive mark of our landscape, but not
broad tableaux, sometimes focused and almost purposefully framed, sometimes unfolding in the distance with their rich pastures, such as nature has
sown in Switzerland. There is also grandeur and sublimity in the peaks rising crowned with dark fir trees and their sides eroded by torrents of water,
covering the valleys in stones and ruins; but it is not the grandeur of the
Alps. Faced with the latter, the eye is astounded, judgement powerless.
Faced with our mountains, the soul drifts into dreaminess, as in an endless
elegy. As if you were seeing fallen grandeur, or spirits wounded by contact
with the real world, having experienced lifes disappointments.68
Russo earlier admits that his interest in the countryside and the picturesque had been stimulated at least in part by his knowledge of foreign
accounts that, however superficial and stereotypical in their treatment of
Moldavia, nevertheless made it seem bearable.69 This has been analysed
by Wendy Bracewell in terms of a sense that value and originality lay
elsewhere, that the domestic and indigenous could only ever be a reflection of a copy...while at the same time beset with an uneasy nostalgia for
the domestic ways they have been taught to despise, leading to a sense
of the nation as being both inferior and infinitely precious.70 In this posture, the Romanian discovery of landscape does indeed accompany and
metonymise a fascination with the self, but it is a discovery mediated and
overshadowed by the encounter with the other.
As Raymond Williams reminded us in The country and the city, the very
etymology of the word country suggests otherness, deriving as it does from
contre, i.e. that which faces us, it opposite us.71 This has sometimes been
analysed in terms of unequal relations between metropolis and hinterland, or European imperialist attitudes towards depicting remote regions.72
68Ibid., 217. A later Moldavian traveller, visiting Switzerland in the 1860s, produced a
cruder numerical comparison between the two ranges: Imagine, on top of our Carpathians,
another row of Carpathians, and you would scarcely have the altitude of these mountains.
(Gane, Pcate mrturisite, 211). Ford, Relocating an idyll, argues that the Carpathians constituted surrogate Alps for British writers, especially from the 1860s onwards.
69Russo, La pierre, in idem, Scrieri, 208.
70Bracewell, The limits of Europe, 1056.
71 Williams, The country and the city; cf. Muecke, Country.
72E.g. Pratt, Imperial eyes, 28, for whom nature description is a story of urbanizing,
industrializing Europeans fanning out in search of non-exploitive relations to nature, even
as they were destroying such relations in their own centers of power...a narrative of anticonquest, in which the naturalist naturalizes the bourgeois Europeans own global presence and authority.
113
Part of Russos task may indeed be to stylize and ancestralize the native
places and inhabitants, while praising the beneficent paternalism of
the Moldavian landowners. But his is not a discourse of othering in a
timeless present...without an explicit anchoring either in an observing
self or in a particular encounter.73 Unlike his compatriot Codrescu travelling to Constantinople in the same month of the same year, he notes not
just the month but also the year of his journey, and gives considerable
voice to the locals he encounters. Although he does little to undermine
patriarchal boyar-peasant relations, he also invokes an imagined West, in
a moral geopolitics which, as Jzsef Brcz has written, comes not only
from the Western observer or postcolonial subject, but also from the
frustrated location of inadequate (eastern, &c.) Europe.74 In this case,
perhaps what is other is not so much the landscape itself but the foreign, Romantic, implicitly European tradition of writing about it, especially when placed in a certain relation to cultural identity and personal
memory. At the same time both his journey and his meditations on it are
anchored in history and provide a reflective commentary on the present
and on the dilemmas of Moldavian selfhood. As mentioned above, one of
Russos gestures when faced with the linden stone, the ancestral symbol
of his homeland, is to inscribe his name on it. This gesture is returned to
in the dnouement of the piece, when a peasant remarks
A strange thing you did there, sir...
What thing, mon brave?
Well, what were you doing with your knife? A fine knife, I dont
deny...
I was signing my name.
And why?
For other travellers, coming after me, to see it.
A worthless task, sir, unless you be joking with me...For twenty-five
years, since I have known the linden stone, although many boyars and
upstarts have passed by here, I have never seen even one stop, let alone
to write their name!75
73Eadem, Scratches on the face of the country, 1201 (referring to descriptive techniques in British travel accounts of Africa).
74Brcz, Goodness is elsewhere, 134. See also Dainottos interesting interpretation of
southern European self-positionings vis--vis the European centre (Dainotto, Europe).
75Russo, La pierre, in idem, Scrieri, 235.
114
chapter three
In conclusion, Russo leaves the solution of the mystery of his graphic gesture to the Devil and to the reader. As far as I am aware I am only the
second Anglophone reader to engage in such a diabolical hermeneutic
contest. The first, Paul Michelson, in a sensitive presentation of Russos
uvre, stressed particularly the theme of historicism and the national
past, and argued that Romanians, to be able to engage in a successful
assumption of selfhood, needed to analyse and situate, rather than simply
reject, their native traditions.76 Here I have tried to show the worth of
paying attention not just to reflections on the nature of history, but also
to the specific forms of narration at work in the representation of place,
time and landscape, which in turn have important consaequences for the
presentation of self-identity, as well as enabling us to elucidate certain
problems of the status of such texts as historical documents. Traditionally,
analysis of such forms has been applied by literary critics to fiction, but
they have relevance for the historian too.
In its early textual development, the Romanian travel account did not
necessarily move from a dry analytical discourse to a minutious, introverted diurnality. On the contrary, the perfunctoriness of the journal was
criticised and abandoned, much as it had been in the Western Middle
Ages.77 At the same time, Romanian travel discourses (and here I have
focused almost exclusively on the Moldavian variant of these discourses)
took a variety of forms, as can be seen by the examples of Codrescu and
Russo, who produced such different texts despite having travelled almost
simultaneously. However, the growth of the reflective mode, particularly
in the era of Romanticism, served as a platform for discourses of historical value to be displayed through a symbolic personal journey, in which
temporal and spatial travel, not to mention reverie and reality, often intersected and overlapped. This mode, precisely while privileging an explicitly subjective and fragmentary approach towards recollecting the past,
sought also to define collective identities and act as a spur to action in
the present.
Chapter four
How should we interpret this opening gambit? A domestic writer, attacking the sterility and superficiality of contemporary Romanian intellectual
life, calls upon the testimony of a foreign traveller. No explanation is
required: his readers are assumed to be aware of the importanceand,
*In Travel and ethics, ed. C. Forsdick, C. Fowler & L. Kostova. Abingdon: Routledge,
2013, 183203.
1Patapievici, Calmul discuiei, and in a slightly different form in his book Despre idei
& blocaje, ch. 1. In his autobiographical memoir, Zbor n btaia sgeii (1995), Patapievici
describes himself as having cultivated this immersion in high culture during the Ceauescu
period, within a context of resistance to the dominant ideology.
116
chapter four
117
8See chapter 5 above. See also the critique of a related diagnosis, that of Romanian
passivity, made by Deletant, Fatalism.
9See Pratt, Imperial eyes, 242 n.42. Cazimir, Alfabetul, 118, uses the suggestive term
objects of transition, as Romanians were cast both as static in relation to the moving
travellers, and as in transit between eras and cultures.
118
chapter four
10E.g. Clinescu, History, ch. 2; Georgescu, Political ideas; Marino, Littrature roumaine,
1048; Jelavich, History of the Balkans, I:1856; Berindei, Romnii i Europa; Michelson,
Romanians; Heppner, Einleitung, 16; Zub, Europa, 275; Cipianu, Opiunea.
119
into view by the accidents of war and politics.11 A rare, but detailed and
significant, example of a description of an English traveller through the
Romanian lands can be found in Wallachian chronicler Greceanus History
of the Reign of Prince Constantin Brancoveanu.12 Like many early Romanian
chronicles, Greceanus work is centred on the deeds of the Prince, on the
principle that truly the virtues and deeds of man are to be praised, and
held in greater honour than his wealth or possessions (Preface, 7). These
deeds frequently involve reaction to external events, as at the turn of the
eighteenth century Wallachia found itself caught between the rival designs
of Habsburg, Ottoman and Russian strategy. Representatives of all three of
these powers, or intermediary forces like the ones mentioned above, are
frequently sent into Wallachia, or, conversely, summon the Prince to send
envoys to resolve issues of military requisitioning, territorial delimitation
or appointment of officials. About halfway through this episodic history,
Chapter 55 offers an elaborate description of the visit to Bucharest in 1702
of Lord Paget, the British ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, and his
entourage.13 Paget, a great, honourable and wise man according to the
chronicler, had acted entirely in the Portes favour in the recent negotiations at the Treaty of Karlowitz, and therefore merited special hospitality
in his route through Wallachia towards England.14 On his arrival at Tutrakan on the south bank of the Danube, two great boyars with princely
carriages, marquees and all equipage, with a few equerries such as were
worthy of performing office received Paget with all possible honours, and
with great pomp brought him to the princely seat at Bucharest. The next
day, Brncoveanu sent two of his sons and three great boyars to greet
Paget at Vcreti, to the south of Bucharest, whence he was brought with
120
chapter four
great ceremony to the Princes lodgings. Official dinners were accompanied by the firing of cannon and other guns, and toasts were offered
with great merriment, so that not only he [Paget] but also his entourage,
became drunk (although they hadnt been forced to by anyone). And when
they got up from table, His Majesty the prince dressed him in a robe with
sable lining, and sent him to his lodgings to rest.
After a similar description of courtly ceremonies, and visits to the printing presses of Bucharestwhere he was able to witness the production of
some of the earliest printed Arabic books, being prepared by the Patriarch
of Jerusalem for the Orthodox Christians of the Middle EastChishull
described Ambassador Paget as taking leave of Bucharest with a deep
sense of the generous, honourable and affectionate treatment he had
received in this court.18
15On him see Constantine, Early Greek travellers, 3452; and Gibson, Chishull.
16Chishull, Travels, 77.
17Ibid., 78.
18Ibid., 80.
121
122
chapter four
debates over the status and quality of the region have been labelled by
modern literary historians as the polemic of Ottoman Greece.23 However,
the label Greece hides not only the localized nature of a number of these
polemics, but also the fact that local actors engaged in them from a relatively early stage. In the following section I will examine some polemics
of Ottoman Moldavia and Wallachia, which clearly show the impassioned
responses of travelees to travel writing concerning their countries.
The first monographic work on these lands appeared in French in 1777
under the title Histoire de la Moldavie et de la Valachie: avec une dissertation sur ltat actuel de ces deux provinces, with the authors name only
hinted at by the designation M[onsieur] C.. Scholars have long since
identified C as Jean-Louis Carra (17421793), an erratic and somewhat
tempestuous citizen of the Republic of Letters, who spent the early part
of his career writing political and diplomatic memoranda and attempting
to find patronage; the middle part espousing the fashionable subjects of
electricity and mesmerism;24 and the final part as a Jacobin instigator,
which activities led to his death on the Parisian scaffold in 1793.
Carras Histoire, a pretentious compilation of geography, history, travel
and cultural analysis, takes a bold stance on questions of the political
economy of knowledge:
It is not at all the business of these barbarian, ignorant peoples to get to
know us first; on the contrary, it is for us, whom the favourable influence of
a temperate climate and the fortunate advantage of the exact sciences have
raised so far above the other peoples of the globe, in courage, in industry
and in enlightenment, to discern the character, the genius, and even the
physionomy of the modern peoples, placed on this earth as if subject to
our observations and criticisms. It is, in the end, for us to know these very
peoples, before these peoples may know themselves and, in their turn, seek
to know us.25
And at the end of his book, he sees fit to draw some philosophical conclusions, using his findings to question Jean-Jacques Rousseaus praise for
the simple life:
123
After all this, if M. Rousseau would fain tell us once more that the barbarous
and lawless peoples are worth more than the civilized ones, I would entreat
him to go and live for a year in the forests of Moldavia.26
124
chapter four
125
The author of the pamphlet defines himself as being one of us Europeans for whom these countries are among those we frequent the least
(50), and as being of western dress: they have as much right to mock our
curled wigs, our small hats, our justaucorps, as we do to laugh at them,
e.g. at their beards, turban and their long shorts (61). However, he also
seeks to defend the Prince and indeed the Sublime Portes policy as a
whole, which makes it likely that he had some links with the local courts,
and possible that his work was commissioned therefrom.34 We have evidence that the Bishop of Rmnic in Wallachia read Carras book, finding
that it contains many errors, and suggested to the person who sent it to
him that it would be good to print another book to correct those errors.35
There was also, apparently, a second reply, a Rponse au libelle diffamatoire (Warsaw, 1779), which Sulzer attributed to a friend of his but may
well have been his own.36
None of this information enables us to solve definitively the mystery
of this pamphlets authorship. What is perhaps interesting from our point
of view is that, irrespective of the true identity of the participants in this
polemic, it presents itself not as a case of powerful Western authors lambasting wretched and mute Romanians, but as a many-sided skirmish in
which provincial French, Swiss German, Dalmatian and possibly GrecoAlbanian authors all jostle and position themselves as the detainers of
truer information concerning the state of the Principalities. The modern
(den beruhmten und gelehrten Doktor und Gros-Serdar, 3:160), mein hochzuverehrende
Freund (3:542); from whose letters in French about the bishopric of Milcov he quotes large
extracts (3:56970). On Raicevich see Guida, Un libro italiano, although Guida misses
numerous contemporaries piquant characterizations of him: Bentham (Letter to William
Eaton, 8 January 1786, in Correspondence, 437) called him a Man of industry and extensive
knowledge but added that his good qualities are tinctured by a certain hauteur which
might be spared; Neapolitan envoy Ludolf (quoted by Popescu, La vendetta dellabate)
described him as a man of great spirit and most learned, but ruined by an excess of vanity.
Griffin, Fathers and sons, 41 n.43, has him down as a mere Serb pig dealer.
34Ciornescu, Le Serdar Gheorghe Saul, 50, 61. In 1779 Raicevich was still in the secretarial service of the Prince Ipsilanti. Moreover, there are other instances of Ipsilantis
courtiers printing works in his favour on the presses of central Europe: see for instance
Eliades, / Oratio panegyrica.
35BishopChesarie of Rmnic, letter to Hermannstadt merchant Hagi Constantin Pop,
October 1778, in Iorga, Contribuii, 196; cf. Lemny, Jean-Louis Carra, 87. Saul spent some
time in Hermannstadt at the end of the 1770s & early 1780s: Iorga, Ist. lit. rom. n sec. 18.
1969 edn., 2:107, citing an Austrian diplomatic letter of 1785.
36Sulzer says it is written by an ungenannte (1:126),einer von meinen Freunden
(2:93), and that it contains information concerning his own maltreatment at the Wallachian court. Cf. Baidaff, Note marginale. No copy has surfaced, nor any mention in
another source.
126
chapter four
127
In other words, at this important time of reform and institutional transformations, local authors were no longer attempting to rebut foregin
travellers denigratory depictions of barbarism but to concur with their
evaluations, indeed using them as a tool with which to promote the cause
of modernization.
Moldavian Writers Develop and Consecrate the Theme, 18371858
In the first half of the nineteenth century, Romanian secular literature and
national history developed to an unprecedented extent. In some aspects
this involved emancipation from the tyranny of being known and written
about from afar. Some historiographers analysed or rejected the information and opinions offered by foreign (not necessarily Western) writers.
41Anon, translators preface to Thornton, Starea de acum, repr. in BRV, 3: 51920.
128
chapter four
In Transylvania, this discourse was bound up with rivalry between the different nations of that province or of the Habsburg Monarchy more broadly:
Romanian scholars identified enemies of the people among neighbouring nations, rather than among Westerners in particular.43 One argued
that it was because our neighbours [vecini] blackened us first that people
of other lands [strini], who knew us only from what our neighbours had
to say, then filled the world with books in which we were painted in such
humiliating and disgraceful colours that they came to believe their own
inventions.44
In Moldavia and Wallachia, more explicit blame was placed on foreigners, and not just any foreigners: travellers and historians in particular
were singled out for critique. In 1837 for instance, the young Moldavian
nobleman Mihail Koglniceanu, who studied in Berlin and was the first
Romanian to publish a synthetic history of his homelandsignificantly in
French, in other words addressed at a foreign audiencewrote home to
his father about his motives. I do not write to speak ill, but well, against
the lies that foreign travellers write about Moldavia.45 This tradition, in
which Romanian scholars continued the efforts to maintain the national
dignity allegedly tarnished by the superficial observations of foreigners,
was to endure in the modern period. It can often be found alive and well
in the twenty-first century, as Romanian academics continue to question
the image of their country presented in foreign publications.46
42Maior, preface to Istoriia (1812), cited in Zub, Political attitudes, 18, and Mitu,
National identity, 15 (I have emended the translation in conformity with the original).
43See the comments of incai and Budai-Deleanu, cited Mitu, National identity, 21.
44Cipariu, Notia literar [unpublished, c. 1846], cited ibid., 23.
45Koglniceanu, Letter to his father, in idem, Scrisori, ed. Hane, 126.
46See e.g. Mihilescu, Orientalism dup Orientalism. Mihilescu finds a dose of wellorchestrated hypocrisy in the way in which Romania is presented in an English tourist
brochure as an exotic land of contrasts.
Koglniceanu was part of a group of of younger writers, known collectively as the bonjuriti, on account of their French education and modern
sociability (bonjour!). In the 1830s and 1840s, the bonjuriti began publishing travel sketches, autobiographical fragments, pastiches and novellas in
a series of reviews published in Iai, the provinces capital before Moldavia
was absorbed into the new state of Romania after 1859. They developed
a perhaps more complex approach to negotiating self-identity in the face
of foreign frames, scripts and stereotypes. For instance, in an unpublished
sketch from 1839, essayist and memoirist Alecu Russo described how
reading foreign travel descriptions of his homeland actually relieved the
melancholy that reflecting on his fatherlands sad situation had induced
in him:
If by chance there appeared at Iai a brochure printed in Paris or even in
Czernowitz, entitled Tour en Moldavie, Voyage en Moldavie, Esquisse or any
other similar title, in which the author would use grand and high-flown
phrases to say more or less the following: In a country ignored by Europe, or
at least scarcely known, I have found a people both good and nave, poetic in
their unaltered traditions and also in their savage ignorance [...]. Then, as
though awoken from a dream, we would find even our own land bearable.47
For Russo, being described as good, naive and poetic was somehow
better than not being described at all. Specifically, he used this trope to
try and persuade local writers to avoid producing artificial adaptations
of your scenes from Italy, your Parisian soires, your German fantasies
or imitation comedies and novellas, and concentrate on the suave melancholy and the primitive je ne sais quoi of the Moldavian landscape.
At the same time, there is more than a hint of irony in his portrayal of
the foreign travel text, as Western travellers recourse to grand and high
flown phraseology, and implicitly presumptious titles, is gently mocked,
as is their claim to have personally achieved some unique ethnographic
discovery (I have found) of domestic realities that, for the inhabitants
themselves, bore no hint of the exotic or unfamiliar.48
47Russo, La pierre du tilleul, in idem, Scrieri, 208. See my translation of (and Bracewells introduction to) an extract from this work in Bracewell, ed. Orientations, 1301. See
also Russos Jassy et ses habitants en 1840, in idem, Scrieri, 2378, for an ironic aside about
the fleeting and inaccurate accounts of foreign travellers, among whom he mentions De
Tott, Sestini, Wilkinson and Wolf.
48Eliade, Histoire, 2:viixiii, shows how the Western idea of La Roumanie inconnue
became increasingly absurd as the number of published texts increased.
130
chapter four
131
betwen the Banat and Serbia.53 This constituted the boundary between
the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, and Alecsandris fictional travellers
description of it is contemporary with the classic one of A.W. Kinglake in
Eothen, who was likewise thrilled to have arrived at the end of this wheelgoing Europe and to see the Splendour and Havoc of the East.54
In faux-naive fashion, Alecsandris (unnamed) fictional French artist
finds himself overcome by a boundless urge to knowledge, and decided
to make a detailed study of this country unknown to me, and of thatto
mecompletely new race of men.55 Most of the piece then centres on
the comedy of such an enterprise. Descending at Brila on the left bank
of the lower Danube, he is greeted by the French consul, who directs him
towards a miracle-working lake of recent discovery, where thousands
gather in search of cures for their illnesses. Hiring a carriage, our painter is
astonished to find it drawn by four small horses, all skin and bones, deeply
marked by the whip, wielded by a wild, bearded, ragged man armed with
a six-foot long flail!. After an alarmingly noisy and bumpy journey, interrupted by losses of both wheel and horse, he finally abandoned the carriage to make the final part of the journey on foot, through a pack of
hungry dogs. The whole experience causes him to completely lose my
train of thought on account of the diverse and contradictory sensations
I underwent in the space of a few hours.56 Arriving finally at the lake, he
was astonished at the European characters, equipages and toilettes.
I couldnt believe I was not dreaming, and reckoned myself in the presence
of some unfathomable phantasmagoria: one that was all the more curious
for displaying so many kinds of contrasts: Viennese balloons, with vehicles
totally unknown to us; French hats and Oriental iliks; morning coats and
anteris; Parisian toilettes with bizarre foreign costumes.57
Despite further hazards and alarms, the sketch ends with the description
of a delightful ball, which is presented as evidence of a completely European society, civilized manners and agreeable dress. In conclusion, the
53Ibid., 173.
54Alecsandri is unlikely to have read Kinglakehis pastiche is modelled rather on
French authors such as Lamartine, or Saint-Marc Girardin. On the importance of French
travel literature on the Orient for the development of the Romanian tradition, see Faifer,
Semnele, 7590.
55Alecsandri, Balta Alb, Proz, 173.
56Ibid., 181.
57Ibid., 18586. This signalling of conflicting European and Oriental fashions was a
classic trope of foreign descriptions of the Principalities, see Djuvara, Le pays roumain;
also Wolff, Inventing, 22.
132
chapter four
58Ibid., 187.
59Dimitrie Rallet, Suvenire, 4.
133
134
chapter four
Conclusions
In the space of a century and a half, the perception of the Western traveller
in the Romanian countries grew from a state of relatively indifferent curiosity, to one of fierce indignation, and was then transmuted through the
use of irony and fiction into a bearablenot least because sometimes
comicalfigure, who can constitute the object of satire as well as the
source of reproach. A discourse of ethical outrage or remorse at foreign
pens gave way to an approach using the classic tropes of fiction: irony,
dialogue, free indirect speech, embedded narratives, and so on.62 This led
partly to its ossification, into the kind of classic locution referred to by
Patapievici in the essay quoted at the beginning of this chapter. Further
investigations could trace the later history of this image in Romanian
culture, through both fictional allegories and polemical essays, to understand how foreigners were adduced, adopted, adapted or rejected as generators of ethical authority at Europes edge. Different cases will provide
disparate evidence of both agency and dependency in individual authors
moral self-postitionings vis--vis the imagined West[erner]. Ultimately,
however, it is not a discourse of (conscious or diagnosed) psychological
fragmentation, and in many cases, the foreigners are rendered as baffled
or distraught by their inability to interpret Moldo-Wallachian realities as
the natives. Romanian travelees, then, ceased portraying themselves as
helpless victims of a hegemonic discourse foisted on them from outside,
but as re-addressers of that discourse to different audiences, for different
purposes, while maintaining some commonalities of subject matter.
Chapter five
*In Journeys 6 (2005), 2453 and, revised, in Balkan Departures, ed. W. Bracewell &
A. Drace-Francis (OxfordNew York: Berghahn Books, 2009), 4774. Reprinted by permission of the publishers.
1Eliade, Histoire, 1:214.
2Hane, Histoire, 73.
3G. Clinescu, History, 91.
4Popovici, La culture roumaine, 83.
136
chapter five
Dinicu Golescus itinerary symbolized our journey through the European world to re-establish the true foundations of our modern social
life.5
the most powerful expression of the critical spirit applied to Romanian
society in the 1820s.6
Dinicu Golescus travel journal had a great influence on the Romanian
intelligentsia.7
Dinicu Golescu underwent a significant crisis of consciousness on
encountering the civilization of the West, being forced to acknowledge
that we were behind all the other nations and that the worlds ridicule weighed heavily on our people.8
the oscillating interpretation of Dinicu Golescu between East and West
remains significant at a moment in our history at which the confrontation between two worlds finds its most apt symbol in Account of My
Travels.9
Modern Romanian travellers have cited Golescu as an antecedent;10 cultural commentators refer to his experiences as possible models for interpreting ours, without the need for further explanation.11 A clear cultural
meaning is attached to his personality: he was the man who realised that
European culture was better, and he managed to convey this message of
change, despite his relative age and the considerable difficulties he had
in expressing himself.
Romanians have presented Golescus book and ideas in French,
German, and Italian; the whole text has appeared in German and Hungarian translations. To the English-speaking world he is hardly known at all,
and material is much harder to come by: a subchapter of an older literary
history;12 a one-page extract in a collection of texts on social conditions
in the nineteenth-century Balkans;13 a slightly more extensive extract in
a sourcebook on collective identity in central and southeastern Europe.14
137
138
chapter five
139
him, and instead of the pompous and magnificent sounds of the Turkish
idiom, he will address you in tolerable French, and talk of novels, faro, and
whist.23 Many other British and European travellers echoed their comments.24 Such characterizations were not especially specific to Bucharest:
similar comparative terms had been used by the Comte de Sgur and the
Prince de Ligne about eighteenth-century Russia.25
Occasional echoes of this language can be found in Greek and Romanian documents from the late eighteenth century onwards.26 Reservations
were also formulated, such as those of the monk Gregory of Rmnic writing in 1798:
[T]he Rumanian land [...] is located in a select part of Europe, has a healthy
and fine air, and neighbours upon peoples who pride themselves on and
rejoice in the philosophical sciences, all these being easy means to bring up
the sons of this our own Fatherland to the high standards of the other Europeans in many sciences. But even so, the Romanian inhabitants of this Godprotected land did not often spend time in those [countries]. They, since
receiving the light of Orthodoxy, have busied themselves rather with the
establishment of the faith in their own land [...] they have so little dependence upon, or need for, superficial intelligence, in order to attain the qualities attributed by geographers to Europe; but are always supported by the
undefeated arm of Holy care.27
But at least a dozen writers in the decade before Golescus travels were
published made reference to the intellectual, social and economic benefits of enlightened Europe.28
One significant aspect of the Romanian idea of Europe, missing from
the otherwise excellent accounts given by the Romanian scholars I have
just cited, is the place of Russia. But it is quite clear that in this period,
Europe meant as much Russia (which in 1826 established a protectorate
lasting until the Crimean War) as contact with Britain or France. Supposedly the very first favourable evocation of European civilization in modern Romanian culture, in Metropolitan of Moldavia Gavriil Callimachis
1773 preface to his translation of Empress Catherine the Greats Nakaz
[Instruction], only referred to the Academies of Europe to note their
23Macmichael, Journey, 83; cf. also Jianu, Women, 212.
24Djuvara, Le pays roumain.
25Wolff, Inventing, 22.
26Examples in Camariano-Cioran, Les Acadmies, 801, 222, 330, 578.
27Preface to Triod, in BRV 3: 4067.
28Duu, National and European consciousness; idem, Europes image; Georgescu,
Political ideas, 403; Marino, Littrature roumaine, 1048.
140
chapter five
141
142
chapter five
of the people. Tudor was killed and Ypsilantis fled to Austria; an Ottoman army eventually occupied both Moldavia and Wallachia. Golescu
was heavily involved in these events, apparently acting as an intermediary between the Greek and Romanian elites and the insurgent peasantry
(Tudor had occupied his house in Bucharest). His band of Gypsy musicians, playing at the head of the Greek army, were among the few survivors of the Ottoman onslaught at the battle of Drgani which put an
end to the sorry revolt.35
Golescu fled to Kronstadt in Habsburg Transylvania (todays Braov,
Romania). This was the traditional place of refuge of the Wallachian elite
in times of instability. Here a series of political groupings formed: some
under the influence of the Russian consul, an excitable Greek named
Pinis; some inclined to seek support from Austria; a few remaining independent.36 In April 1822, a group was summoned to Silistra on the Danube
to negotiate with the Ottoman authorities; from there they proceeded to
Istanbul, where one of their number, Grigore Ghica, was appointed Prince.
This provoked outbursts of criticism from the Kronstadt group, including
Dinicu and especially his brother Iordache, who wrote a series of excoriating satires on Ghica and his associates.37 Dinicus signature is to be found
on a memorandum addressed to the Tsar from August 1822 and on a letter addressed to Ghica in November of the same year, politely refusing a
request to come home, pleading lack of funds.38 But he clearly remained
of the Russian party, and indeed travelled to that country from Kronstadt
in February 1823, according to a note by the Prussian consul.39
The French consul noted in May 1825 that a boyar called Golescu went
down on his knees to beg with the prince to be allowed to send his two
sons to the Institut Lemoine in Paris, and was given a passport only as far
as the Austrian border.40 This could be Dinicu, but could equally well refer
to Iordache, whose presence in Bucharest is attested in this period and
whose sons did indeed receive a Parisian education. Meanwhile, Dinicu
says in his book that he travelled from Braov, not Bucharest; he and the
35Documente privind istoria Romniei. Rscoala din 1821, 5:318, 436.
36See the letter in Greek, August 1821 Documente, 1821 2: 32731, with Romanian translation. As it is signed K.G., Golescu himself may well be its author.
37I. Golescu, Scrieri; cf. Hurmuzaki, Documente, 16: 105192; Revoluia 1: 46670; and
Iakovenko, Moldaviia i Valakhiia, Letter 27.
38Vrtosu, 1821, 141, 16772; Documente privind istoria Romniei. Rscoala din 1821,
3: 1303, and 5: 347; Iakovenko, Moldaviia i Valakhiia, Letter 31.
39Hurmuzaki, Documente, 10: 211.
40Ibid., 17: 1718.
143
other exiled boyars were awaiting the accreditation of the Russian consul
Minciaky by the Porte before returning, which had still not happened by
June 1825.41 His will, from November 1825, does not give a place of composition.42 Around this time, alongside a group of known Russophiles, he
signed a letter of condolence to Tsar Nicholas I on the death of the latters
brother and predecessor, Alexander I.43 In early 1826, he announced the
establishment of a school on his estate at Goleti, and invited prospective
pupils to present themselves by May. He appears to have been in Pest in
May, and in Braov in August 1826.44 In June, according to a report by the
Russian emissary Liprandi, he was involved in a plot to rouse the frontier
soldiers of Oltenia against Ghica.45
Dinicus book itself offers only sparse details about the precise timing of
his travels.46 As the title states, he was on the road in 1824, 1825, and 1826.
The narrative is divided into sections: the first and longest treats places in
Transylvania, Hungary, Austria and Habsburg Italy (17). A second, much
shorter section notes three separate routes to Pest, and mentions trips to
Mehadia in the Banat of Temesvar, and to the Szkely region of eastern
Transylvania. However, he refers to being in Pressburg (todays Bratislava,
Slovakia) in September 1825, and in Mehadia in 1824, which means he is
not recounting his travels in the order in which he undertook them (85).
The third section describes how in the year 1826 I travelled again from
Braov to Bavaria and Switzerland (103). In this last section, he mentions
being on the way back home from Vienna on 20th November. Anghelescu
suggests that Golescu undertook this last journey after having submitted
his account of the first two to the censor, whose stamp of approval is
dated September 1826.47 As the account of the third journey is relatively
short, this is not impossible.
Nor has the question of why he went West been fully answered. The
standard literary histories write that he went in 1824 to place his sons in
educational establishments in Geneva and Munich, but Golescu himself
144
chapter five
ascribed only his 1826 journey to this motive.48 Others are certain that
his trip to Italy had a conspiratorial purpose involving links to Italian
secret societies.49 This possibility is not to be excluded, but cannot be
documented either. In Geneva and Munich, Greek emigrs and students,
and local Philhellenes prepared to support young Wallachians, have been
identified.50 In Italy, similar groups existed in Pisa, where some Romanians were also studying,51 but Golescu did not visit this city.
This was a time of exceptional political tension in the Principalities
and indeed throughout the Near East. In March 1826 Russia presented the
Porte with an ultimatum to withdraw their troops from the Principalities,
or face war; a position which was accepted only in May. In November the
Treaty of Akkerman confirmed Russias mandate to act as protector of the
rights of the Christian inhabitants of the Principalities, and required that
the prince be elected with the consent of the boyars rather than at the
whim of the Porte. As this was not the case for Ghica, he was reluctant to
make the provisions of the treaty known.52 It was Golescu who had the
treaty published, together with extracts from previous treaties upholding
Wallachian rights, a fact which was remarked upon in Bucharest and elsewhere, as we know from a minor boyars diary which has been preserved.53
The Russian ambassador-in-waiting to the Porte finally left to take up his
post in Constantinople at the end of 1826: passing through Bucharest, he
was showered with complaints and protests from the boyars, which he
nevertheless chose not to take further.54
Reconstructing Golescus activity in the last three years of his life is
no easier than for earlier periods. In 1827 he apparently set up a literary
society, which met in his house in Bucharest, and sponsored a Romanianlanguage newspaper which appeared for a few numbers in Leipzig.55 Also
in 1827, Golescu published another work at Buda, his translation of the
Elements of Moral Philosophy of the Greek scholar Neophytos Vamvas, later
Professor of Philosophy at the University of Athens. In May the following
year the Principalities were occupied by the Russian army, and a military quarantine set up: a couple of letters have survived from Golescu to
48G. Clinescu, History, 91.
49Stan, Gndirea i activitatea; Lsconi, Postfa.
50Pippidi, Hommes et ides, 295314; Kotsowilis, Die griechischen Studenten.
51Marcu, Athnes ou Rome.
52Georgescu, Din corespondena, 22930.
53Andronescu, nsemnrile, 51; Anghelescu, Dinicu Golescu, 42931 notes other echoes.
54Hurmuzaki, Documente, 10: 385409; Georgescu, Din corespondena, 4954.
55Cristea, Faima Lipsci.
145
Professor Thiersch in Munich informing the latter that unforeseen circumstances have prevented him from travelling to Germany that year.56 At
the end of the year he managed to get Russian support for the publication
of a journal in Romanian in Bucharest, Curierul rumnesc [The Romanian
messenger]. The first number appeared in April 1829: the journal lasted
twenty years and made a decisive contribution to the permanent establishment of a public literary culture in Romania. Golescus travel book is
mentioned in the first issue.
The following year, it was noted that Golescu had compiled a statistical
map of Wallachia, including:
all the counties and their demarcations, the towns, districts and ports both
in the uplands and on the Danube, the quarantines, the livestock exchange
markets, the paths, the sub-lieutenancies, the villages, families, priests, deacons, boyars, sons of boyars, company men, pandour soldiers, foreigners,
gypsies, Armenians, and Jews, monasteries, metochs, domestic and dedicated sketes, lakes, fisheries, sawmills, wine presses, rivers, streams, brooks,
fairs, weekly markets, minerals and the productions of each county.57
146
chapter five
147
148
chapter five
European, so long as he knows how to read. But we, in order to know our
country well, have to obtain this knowledge by reading some book written
by a European. There are a great number of histories of the Romanian Land
in Europe, written in her languages, and in the Romanian language, but still
by foreigners; while there is no mention of one made by a native of this
land [...] When many of the noble youth of our Fatherland, after having
completed a course of studies in enlightened Europe, have returned to the
Fatherland, we can obtain from them many translations of books into the
national language, as a means towards enlightenment, ornament, and
the good organization of our Fatherland. It is time for us to wake up, like
good landlords who when they go out of their houses acquire things for
themselves but also for their fellow householders; so we, gathering good
things either by reading good and useful books, or by travelling, or by
encounters and gatherings with men from the enlightened nations, should
share them with our compatriots and plant them in our land, in the hope
of a hundredfold yield, and that we too may obtain from our descendants
the gratitude heard by those of our fathers and grandfathers who left to us a
good thing either discovered by themselves or taken from others. (4)
149
150
chapter five
how people dress; the equal terms on which different social classes greet
each other (879);
the domestic economy admired during a visit to a country cottage (978);
how no buildings or institutions endure in Wallachia compared to Switzerland (100);
how a peasant in Altsttten knows to distinguish Kronstadt in Transylvania from Kronstadt in Russia. Golescu compares this to a letter he
received in 1824 from the logothetes Chancery in Bucharest addressed to
Mehadia, Transylvania (inaccurately, for Mehadia is not in Transylvania
but in the Banat of Temesvar) (103);
the excellence of the inns in Europe (1056);
the University of Geneva, the superiority of their system of education to
ours (10811);
the benefits of factories and the disadvantages of exporting raw materials
(11112);
end: and from here, going back straight to Vienna, and having nothing more to write about the journey, I imagine that I ought to consider
myself guilty for not finishing by praising a second time the agreeable
and peaceable life of the Viennese, the beauty of the many walks around
Vienna and the continuous lighting, from evening until day, in the whole
of the park surrounding the fortress of Vienna.
And as hope remains with every man who finds himself still upon this earth,
I too had hoped, and entertain the idea that the time will surely come when
my Fatherland, I do not say in a few years, will exactly resemble the great
cities that I have seen, but at least the first step will have been taken to bring
all peoples towards happiness, which step is only Union for the common
good, as I have said many times. (116)
151
And at the end of a discourse, he switches equally abruptly from sermonizing mode to the most minutious materialities of transportation:
May the merciful Lord turn his eyes towards these people, turning wicked
hearts into merciful ones, money-hungry ones into generous ones, and those
overcome by bad habits into virtue.
From Vienna to Trieste there are the following stops, which I couldnt
take much notice of, for both when I went and when I returned I travelled
by Ailwagen, which runs without stopping day and night, pausing only at
preestablished places for lunch and dinner. (58)
152
chapter five
As for the idea of Europe, it is not in fact the principal object of Golescus attention. He does not define it specifically. Nevertheless, it is worth
reconstructing his usage of the term, if only to understand where travel
books come fromfor, as already noted, Europe is full, as of other things,
so of such books (4). What are those other things Europe contains? The
references are in fact rather incidental, for instance to a course of studies in enlightened Europe (4); to the noble orders, distributed in all of
Europe (50); to the need to serve the fatherland, as it is served in all
Europe [...] and then each and every one of us will attain true honour and
happiness, and the people will in a few years not fail to reach the same
level as the other nations of Europe (52); Thiersch, that Professor famous
in all Europe (95).73 One might be tempted to conclude that Golescus
Europe is not so much a place as a series of abstracted ideas: order, civilization, and particularly social harmony. It is clear, however, that he builds
this idea on his conception of place. Despite his relatively positive assessment of Hungary and Transylvaniathe social virtues he mentions are,
apparently, already present in the Saxon villages around Kronstadthe
does not describe anything as European until at least halfway through his
description of Vienna.74 I have already pointed out that Golescus manner of composition involves placing all his data concerning a given town
in a given section, irrespective of the order of travel in which he came
by it (Fassel distinguishes between travel texts which describe routes in
longitudinal sections and those more particularly dedicated to describing
places in cross sections).75 And although he makes conscientious notes
on his route, and the conditions of his journey, Golescu is principally concerned with cross-sections of towns, which form the basis of his chapter
structures: they become objectified and distinct, like the reigns of kings
in an old chronicle.
Compared to this, Golescus Fatherland, the ostensible object of his
love and the comparative referent for his accumulation of knowledge,
has no concrete specificity: he refers to it in terms of its poor condition,
not its topography. At one stage he even asks Where is that corner called
the Fatherland? (57) He attributes the question to that noted father
Kone, whom Anghelescu has identified with the German educationalist
73Thiersch, Friedrich Wilhelm 17841860, German classical scholar and philhellene,
professor of ancient literature at the University of Munich.
74Georgescu The Romanians, 108, citing page 65 of the 1915 edition, says Golescu speaks
of that other Europe. I could not trace this.
75Fassel, Die enzyklopdische Donaubeschreibung.
153
J.H. Campe, but who must surely be the patriotic poet Carl Theodor
Krner, author of the very popular song Mein Vaterland (1813), which
begins, Wo ist des Sngers Vaterland? But whereas Krner had given a
rousing answer,76 Golescu says that when he asked the citizens of Wallachia this question, then, the man of the people burst into tears; the boyar
judge knitted his eyebrows and kept a dark silence; the soldier cursed
me; the courtesan whistled at me; and the government tax farmer asked
me this word patrie, is it a kind of rent, or what? (57). It is as if another
element of Wallachias frequently attested inferiority were its failure to
coagulate into a real place. For instance, Golescu gives a description of
Kronstadt at the beginning of his book ostensibly as if it were the first city
he arrived at, although he later reveals Kronstadt as having been his point
of departure. He was describing the city for a Wallachian audience, but
he had not come to it from Wallachia as part of his journey: It is describable because other and exemplary, not because travelled to. The point of
writing about abroad, then, becomes to create models for the Fatherland,
which, Golescu hopes, I do not say in a few years, will exactly resemble
the great cities that I have seen (116). His problem, then, is not to topographize Wallachiaothers in this period were engaged in that task, and
Golescu would later continue their work77but to create the terms on
which it could exist.
It is a political question, more than an ontological one. For Golescu, the
question asked of Montesquieus imaginary Oriental travellers in France,
How can one be Persian? would not have been especially meaningful: he
is not particularly prone to doubting the integrity of his own psychic identity.78 Golescu has been identified with the anonymous boyar mentioned
by a French observer in 1821 as saying We are never ourselves, and Do we
always have to be looked upon as not belonging at all to the great European
76Wo edler Geister Funken sprhten,/ Wo Krnzer fr das Schne blhten,/ Wo starke
Herzen freundig glhten,/ Fr alles Heilige entbrannt,/ Dar war mein Vaterland! Krner,
Werke, 16. Cf. Anghelescu, Dinicu Golescu, xxiv.
77Notably the Greek-language works by Dimitris Philippidis, Geographia tis Roumounias (1816) and Konstantinos Karakas, Topographia tis Vlahias (1830).
78The analogy with Montesquieu was made by M. Clinescu, How can one be a
Romanian?, who argued that the fascination with the West causes a crisis in self-identity
in modern Romanian culture; cf. idem, How can one be what one is?; Alexandrescu,
Identitate n ruptur; Roman, Fragmented identities. A historian of Greece has referred to
cultural schizophrenia (Clogg, The Greek mercantile bourgeoisie, 90); Ottomanists to
cultural dualism (Fortna, Education, discusses the fortunes of this concept). The term
ambivalence popularized by Bhabha, Of mimicry and man, is as Young, White mythologies has shown, really a rather static and indiscriminately applied concept.
154
chapter five
family? Although this is not impossible, the idea of personal inauthenticity or fragmented identity does not emerge clearly anywhere in Golescus
Account.79 Now that scholars of Romanticism no longer consider the idea
of profundity as obligatory when describing the Western selfthe notion
of internal depth served as only one of many models of subjectivity during the Romantic period80then perhaps writers from marginal cultures
could be let off from being described as fragmented if the description
doesnt fit the personality. In fact I am not sure we should speak about
Golescus personality so much as about his persona, for the represented
self is always already oriented towards an audience.81 He describes his
great shame on discussing the Bucharest theatre with an Englishman in
Vienna, and admits to having personally committed a great error in maltreating the peasantry, but these are precisely conditions which require an
integral self to assume them. Rather than positing a split consciousness,
then, perhaps it is better to compare Golescus literary and political stratagems to the double consciousness of Persian Occidentalist writers of the
same period, whereby Persianate ethical standards were used to evaluate
European cultural practices and European perspectives were deployed for
the censuring of Indian and Iranian societies.82
Golescu is considerably more veiled in his direct references to the present state of Wallachia. He has good words for the Prince: now that the
Princedom has been entrusted to the hands of a native ruler, his Majesty
Gregory Ghica Voevod, and the National Schools have been established
[...] the time has come for us to awaken (18). However, an apparently
apolitical collection of proverbs which Golescu published at Buda at the
same time contained very pointed criticisms which could easily be read as
addressed to Ghicas government.83 Golescu also may well have sponsored
the translation of parts of the British traveller Thomas Thorntons Present State of Turkey (1807), which offered a damning critique of the system
79Pippidi, Identitate, 1191.
80Henderson, Romantic identities, 163.
81Jrgen Habermas, in Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe, 35; cf. Elliott, The literary
persona.
82See Tavakoli-Targhi, Refashioning Iran, xii. In a much older usage, the black social
theorist W.E.B. Du Bois saw that the term need not imply fragmentation or loss: he wrote
that the Negro longs to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost. Du Bois,
The souls of Black folk, 4. On the origin and destiny of this concept in African-American and
Latin-American cultural theory see respectively Reed, W.E.B. DuBois, 97125 and Mignolo,
Local histories/Global designs.
83Duu, Livres de sagesse, 7083.
155
under which Wallachia was ruled: the anonymous author of the preface
emphasised the shame of the Wallachians that their country appeared to
European travellers to be so badly governed, but justified the publication
of his work by arguing that the European evaluation was correct.84 In his
Account Golescu makes exactly the same criticisms of Wallachia as the
anonymous translator of Thorntons Present State:
[O]n account of this [luxury], we have been hit by poverty and the extinction of families, we have come to be ridiculed in the worlds opinion, and
foreign pens have painted us accordingly. But what good will it do us if we
want to keep such things hidden amongst ourselves, and we make believe
that they are not known, when all nations read them, as they are written
by people who wish us ill? It is better for us to know them, to acknowledge them, and make a determined decision to rectify ourselves, protecting
our Fatherland from these fires and conflagrations, for luxury and unlawful
appropriation have wiped us off the face of the Earth, depriving everybody
of any of the slightest honesty that might belong to a nation. (29)
These can be read in terms of a wider impatience with Ghicas rule which
opposition boyars sought to contest by referring to a European model. For
instance, Iordache Golescu used the idea of the Europeans reproach when
chastising Ghica for not supporting education in the national language in
1823: Foreigners founded these schools and established their revenues,
and, now that a native reigns over our nation, we are trying to keep the
place in the ignorance, darkness and barbarism for which the Europeans
rightly reproach us!.85 Dinicus Account is full of such protests, directed
less explicitly but still clearly enough against the status quo: The schools
which, under the pretext of improvement, have been ruined in recent
years, for which I would have taken up my pen against the foreigners, did
I not know that they had plenty of assistance from the natives (31). This
is in fact a quite specific reference which would have been understood at
the time to refer to the widespread scapegoating of foreigners, particularly
Greeks, that the Ghica regime had more or less systematically undertaken.
In a supplication presented in Turkish to the Grand Vizier in 1822, Ghica
and his boyars promised to abolish and ruin the Greek schools in order
to stop the disorder at its root.86 The idea of expelling all the Greek
boyars and the ones of Albanian and Bulgarian race from Rumelia since
84Anon, preface to Thornton, Starea de acum [1827], repr. in BRV 3: 51920. See above,
ch. 4 for more detail on this section.
85Cited in Hurmuzaki, Documente, 10: 248.
86Mehmet, Aciuni, 76.
156
chapter five
those of Greek race had occasioned so many betrayals, that it is not right
that princes should be named again from among them was proposed in
a telhis (report) by the Grand Vizier and approved by the Sultan.87 The
latters ferman (edict), nominating Ghica, cast the exiles of Kronstadt as
the Greek party in contrast to the native boyars,88 although in fact each
group contained both Greeks and Wallachians. This official xenophobia
was then echoed by a number of lesser writers in Wallachia in 1822 and
1823.89 Many of Golescus critiques implicitly or explicitly unmask this
cheap nationalist rhetoric and make it clear that the exploitation of the
Principalities was the fault of both natives and foreigners (20). Elsewhere
he states that luxury and idleness, not foreigners, are the enemy of the
fatherland (57).
Passages like the following also suggest a more urgent impatience with
the present state of affairs, than a merely general interest in awakening can explain. He asserts that, now that there is a native prince, there
should be no more hanging around but an immediate embrace of enlightenment (53), and later:
Oh, most powerful father of all nations! Will this dark cloud, full of trials
and wickedness, never lift from above the Romanian nation? Will we not
be absolved once and for all of all our wants? Will we not be worthy to see
a ray of light pointing us towards general happiness? But what am I saying?
A ray? See, the whole light has shown itself, sent by the most merciful God,
through the most powerful protector and defender of our Fatherland who
awaits from us but a small and simple actI mean unionfor public happiness, for, with this, all satisfactions will come. (112)
In other words, he was not some unworldly middle-aged Oriental gentleman who suddenly took it upon himself to have a look at life in the West,
but an astute and active political strategist pursuing a clear oppositional
line to a hesitant and fragile regime. The idea of a travel text having political stakes was very widespread in European culture: Swift had satirized
the crude functionalism of such a conception in Gullivers Travels. In Germany and Russia, the genre of travel had been exploited by ambitious
young men not only to convey models for correct appreciation of sentimental and literary experience of the West but also as a stick with which
87Ibid., 667.
88Documente privind istoria Romniei. Rscoala din 1821, 5:1445.
89Naum Rmniceanu, Izbucnirea i urmrile zaverei; Zilot Romnul, Jalnic cntare;
Lazr, speech on Ghicas arrival, in Bogdan-Duic and Popa-Lisseanu, Viaa, 2945; memoranda in Vrtosu, 1821, 11740, 15861, 178222; Mumuleanu, Plngerea.
157
to beat the present regime and advance ones own ambitions.90 It would
soon spread further eastwards: in the same year as Golescu published his
book, an Arab travelled from north Africa to France and subsequently
composed an account which was considered to be a veritable repertoire
of reforms.91
But did publication raise consciousness? As already noted, echoes of
Golescus Account in nineteenth-century Romanian culture are remarkable by their absence. Books and essays on Europe appeared in Turkish, Arabic and even Georgian in the 1830s and 1840s, advocating reform
and justifying travel accounts by reference to their utility for the fatherland.92 But subsequent Romanian travel publications in book form are
few before 1860, and do not particularly deal with western Europe: there is
an account of a journey to Moscow on official business in the early 1830s,93
and another to Constantinople in 1844.94 Most of the travel sketches in
Romanian periodicals in the 1830s and 1840s treat domestic scenes: they
are busier constructing the fatherland than describing abroad.95 Some private letters and diaries from the 1820s and 1830s described the West, but
in nothing like the tones used by Golescu: although favourable overall,
they were also sometimes quite critical, and also made full use of the relatively free intimacy of the epistolary mode, not always seeking to come
to global judgments about Europe.96 This provides further evidence that
Romanian encounters with the West at the beginning of the nineteenth
century need not necessarily be interpreted in terms of a psychological
crisis. Golescus account is not representative: his publication of it might
be, but rather in terms of political strategy than naive acceptance of European models.
90Stewart, Die Reisebeschreibung; Knopper, Le regard du voyageur; on Russia, Roboli,
The literature of travel; Jones, Opposition.
91At-Tahtw, Lor de Paris, 16.
92E.g., Sadik Rifats Essay Concerning European Affairs from 1837, the product of an
embassy to Vienna; and Mustafa Samis Avrupa Rislesi (1840), both discussed by Berkes,
Development, 12832. An earlier Ottoman instance is Ebu Bekir Ratibs Vienna embassy
narrative of 1790, discussed by Findley, Ebu Bekir Ratibs Vienna Embassy narrative.
93Asachi, Jurnalul.
94Codrescu, O cltorie.
95Later Romanian travel accounts are listed in BAPR 1: 108991 and 2, 12178; and in
BIR 2, i: 6270, 44960. Mihai, Orizonturi spaiale, has published some hitherto unknown
letters.
96See e.g., Soutsos, Mmoires, 456; Briloiu, in Hurmuzaki, Documente, 10: 6289;
Filipescu, in Eliade, Histoire, 1:26583; Poteca, in Bianu, ntii bursieri; and Poenaru, in
Potra, Petrache Poenaru, for a range of contemporary Wallachian approaches to the West
in the 1820s.
158
chapter five
part three
Chapter six
162
chapter six
4The best biography is Clinescu, Viaa, also available in French. In English there is
a chapter on Eminescu in idem, History, 371403; or the more recent presentation by
Mihilescu, Eminescu. Eminescus journalism and political writings are collected in Opere
913. A representative and more convenient one-volume selection is Eminescu, Scrieri
politice, ed. Murrau. (Hereafter SP).
163
and philosophical ideas. They were familiar with the metaphysics of Kant,
and interpreted him in progressive, nationalist terms: using his ideas to
criticise organised religion and create for themselves a secular tradition
of political action and public educationpartly as a weapon in a struggle
against the clergy, who up until then had dominated intellectual life and
were seen by the Imperial Government as the only Romanian representatives worth dealing with; but also as an instrument for social change and
as the basis for ideas of progress and claims for freedom for man to exercise his reason as one of the group, Gheorghe Bariiu, put it.5
Aron Pumnuls contribution to this movement included a work entitled
The independence of the Romanian language, which Eminescu knew,
and which provided a succinct definition of the term nation (naiunea):
The nation is comprised of a people of the same blood, the same customs
and which speaks the same language. The people is the body of the nation,
while the language is its soul. Therefore, just as a body without soul is dead,
so is the nation dead without language. Nationality is the God-given, eternal, innate and inalienable right [of a people] to make use of her language
in all the necessities of life: in the house, in church, in school and in
administration.6
5Hitchins, Studies, 7189. On the influence of the 1848 generation on Eminescus early
thought: Zub, Eminescu, 1319.
6Pumnul, Neatrnarea limbei romnesci [1850], 192.
7apud Jucan, Mihai Eminescu, 25.
8Eminescu, Echilibrul [22 apr/4 mai and 29 apr/11 mai 1870], SP, 88; cf. idem, Ptura
suprapus [29 Jul 1881], SP, 354.
164
chapter six
From Liberal Nationalism to Conservatism
Eminescu had by this time begun to study in Vienna, and was beginning
to engage in first-hand study of Kant and German idealistsindeed his
article shows signs that he is keen to parade his knowledge of the (to
him) new philosophy: the conclusions he draws, however, and the general emphases, are in tune with the liberal nationalism of the generation
of 1848. Inalienable human rights, constitutional liberties, the progress
of mankind, practical demands: Eminescus beliefs do not yet bear the
hallmarks of his later (and highly conservative) interpretation of the German metaphysics. They also indicate a favourable disposition towards
French ideasnot only are his appeals couched in the language of
French-revolutionary idealism, but he also explicitly mentions the influence of France on Romania, and considers it to be based on recognizable
superiority and individuality. There are, admittedly, traces of Romantic
language-theory to be found at this early stage: he writes that the measure of civilization of a people today is; a sonorous language, suitable for
165
166
chapter six
He argued that there were other positive classes besides the peasant,
citing the artisan class and the class of leaders, to be selected on merit
rather than lineage.18 Eminescu, however, rejected both Carps attitude
to democracy, and his analysis of class structures: he refuted the continuing independence of the artisan and the rze [free peasant], blaming their demise on democratic nationalism: The history of the past 50
years, which many call a national regeneration, could with better reason
be called the history of the annihilation of the free peasants and artisans.19
These classes did not go on to form a stable bourgeoisie, but have aspired
to nobility and become lesser gentry; or worse, have sought jobs from
14Eminescu, Naionalii i cosmopoliii [ms., 1871] in Torouiu, SDL, 4, 8591.
15Reported by Ion Slavici, Amintiri, 43.
16Maiorescu, n contra direciei de astzi [1868], in Critice, 1:151.
17Eminescu, Influena austriac [1876], SP, 136.
18Lovinescu, Istoria civilizaiei, 2:1119.
19Eminescu, Influena austriac, SP, 128.
167
the state, and formed a plebs scribax or proletariat of the pen-nib. Here
we see Eminescu explicitly rejecting the modernising aspects of Carps
conservatism, and adding a distinctly pessimistic reading of Maiorescus
theory of culture and of the peasant class.
From Kant to Schopenhauer
Metaphysical philosophy as a basic for Romanian Conservative thought
was not new, as we have seen, and certainly Maiorescus theory of form
without essence is partially derived from Kantian distinctions between
the essential and the merely sensational categories. However, Eminescu
made particular use of post-Kantian ideas which, although not unknown
to the Junimea circle, constituted a distinct development and advance on
Maiorescus theories. The main German influence on Eminescus thought
was Schopenhauer. This may seem a strange choice for an east European
nationalist: after all, Schopenhauer rejected any possibility that his metaphysical system should be used to promote nationalism:
It should be remarked in passing, that patriotism, when it wants to make
itself felt in the domain of learning, is a dirty fellow who should be thrown
out of doors. For what could be more impertinent than, where the pure and
universally human is the only concern, and where truth, clarity and beauty
should alone be of any account, to put into the scales ones preference for
the country to which ones own valued person happens to belong, and then,
with that in view, do violence to truth and commit injustice against the
great minds of other nations in order to puff up the lesser minds of ones
own?20
168
chapter six
169
Eminescu took these ideas and put them fairly directly into his own
writings:
Nobody, apart perhaps from ignorant gazetteers, can sustain any more that
freedom to vote, assembly and parliament are the foundation of a state.
Whether they are or not, the state has to exist and is subjected to certain
170
chapter six
natural laws, fixed, stubborn, and consequently undefeated. The distinction is, that in constitutional life the struggle for existence of the social
groups who have little book-learning, gains resonance; whereas in the absolutist state that struggle is regulated by a much higher power, that of the
monarch....While in neighbouring states a beneficent absolutism held
sway...here the Voevods hands were tied...27
171
enthusiasm. But in his Juvenalesque satire Scrisoarea a doua [The second letter, 1881], Eminescu declared emphatically that his disgust was a quality of his inner soul, which could
not by reconciled by the superficial action of his intellect [i dezgustul meu din suflet s-l
mpac prin a mea minte./ Dragul meu, crarea asta s-a btut de mai nainte.]
32Heitmann, Eminescu, identifies Hegel as a principal source for Eminescus thought.
But the latters repeated attacks on Hegel render this rather questionable.
33Cited by Walker and Popescu, Introduction, xxxvi.
172
chapter six
Our peasant is the same as fifty years ago, but the burden he bears is tenfold.
He carries on his back: several thousand landowners (at the start of the century a few tens), thousands of waged employees (at the start of the century
a few tens), hundreds of thousands of Jews (at the start of the century a few
thousand), tens of thousands of other foreign subjects (at the start of the
century a few hundred).34
173
37Ibid., 5960.
38Eminescu, Icoane vechi i icoane nou (V) [Timpul, 21 Dec 1877]; SP, 205.
39See Lovinescu, Istoria civilizaiei, 2:3951.
174
chapter six
It would have been possible for Eminescu to have come to such conclusions independently of a reading of Schopenhauer: nor is it necessary to
make Schopenhauer responsible for Eminescus nationalism: the latters
statement that feeling for the fatherland is so great in [Schopenhauers]
eyes, that on the scale of human virtues sacrifice for the fatherland comes
close to full sanctity constitutes a demonstrable falsehood. However, the
fact that his conservatism is so often metaphysically expressed, the fact
that it was so explicitly anti-constitutional, and anti-contractual, and the
fact that he backed up this view with a pantheistic belief in continuity
and avatars of the willall point to Schopenhauer as Eminescus natural
antecedent in political philosophy.41
Medievalism and Folk Metaphysics
There were other historical models available to Eminescu from Romanian history, but he did not select them. For instance, Eminescus contemporary, A.D. Xenopol (18481920) who likewise studied in Berlin under
Junimeas auspices, also produced a critique of contemporary Romanian
society based broadly on the forms without substance argument, and
attacked many facets of Romanias development, from the inadequate
legal framework to the anomalies of the education system. But he did not
propose a wholesale rejection of modernity: rather, he argued that we
should direct our efforts towards attacking the misapplication of these
principles, and not against the principles themselves.42
175
176
chapter six
The link between Eminescus folclor savant (as Clinescu termed it) and
the lines quoted above, is unmistakable.
While I do not wish tediously to repeat what is already well-known
that Codreanu, the Legionary movement founder, admired Eminescu
fanatically, and took inspiration from hima couple of points are worth
noting in this connection. First of all, that the legionaries cult of sacrifice
in the name of the nation came not only from Orthodox theology, nor
yet from concepts of fatality in Romanian folk literature, but also, and
46Eminescu, Revedere, cited ibid., 404.
47Ibid., 407.
48Weber, Romania, 5145. My theory would seek to modify Webers description of
Codreanus mystique as akin to a cargo cult, and put the emphasis back on local roots
(but not strictly folkloric or popular-religious ones).
177
49Eminescu, Teoria compensaiei muncei [Timpul, 20 Oct 1881]; SP, 368. On the
sources for Eminescus socio-demographic analysis of the Jewish question, and their questionable character, see Cernovodeanu, Probleme de demografie.
50Ibid.
51 Eminescu, Soluia problemei sociale [Timpul, 17 Jul 1879]; SP, 250. This line of argument is again borrowed from Maiorescu, who criticized Liberal economic policy, and
accused the Liberals of trying to manipulate anti-semitism to cover up for their political
shortcomings. See Maiorescu, Contra coalei Brnuiu, in idem, Critice, 2:2045. But Eminescu did not follow Maiorescu in advocating the fundamental ideas of humanity and
liberalism against the excesses of the day.
178
chapter six
policies against Jews. The period in which Eminescu wrote saw frequent
ravaging of synagogues, burning of Jewish houses, arrests, forcible expulsions from Romania, and several murders caused by racial incitement.
The motivation for this seems to lie at least partly in medieval notions
of Jews as killers of Christ, rather than scientific theories of race: the 1868
sacking of a Galai synagogue apparently started following a rumour that
Christian blood was being used in Jewish rituals. Eminescu did not generally use language of this kind. Nevertheless, he did advocate on occasion
the withdrawal of Jews licences to sell spirits which policy was frequently
implemented, and often led to Jews being arrested as vagrants and then
forcibly deported.52
Eminescu, then, despite his tendency to home in on the ethnic
dimensions of many other issues, saw the question mainly as a politicaleconomic one. The large number of his pronouncements on the subject
is partially, but not exclusively, explicable by the fact that he was editing
a political weekly at a time when the Western Powers assembled at the
Congress of Berlin made recognition of Romanian independence conditional upon the admission of Jews to Romanian citizenship. This characteristic of Eminescus writings on the Jews has led some commentators to
rebut the charge that his attitude towards the Jews is primarily ethnic in
content.53 It is, however, a common feature of antisemitic discourse that
it claims a basis in some extra-racial qualityin this case, economicsin
order to appear to provide autonomous proof of the veracity of the ethnic characteristics under discussion, and thus to bolster the plausibility of
the racial argument. It is true that Eminescus writings on Jews are by no
means exceptional in the context of the age. But he himself protested vigorously on at least one occasion when he was accused of philosemitism.54
Yet another critic, William Oldson, has constructed an interesting thesis around Romanian anti-semitism, arguing that Romanian politicians
and writers of the nineteenth century were not racists of a fanatic nature,
but that they developed a peculiar variation on the antisemitic discourse,
neither humanitarian nor doctrinaire. This discourse was primarily elaborated for the purposes of countermanding the Western Powers resented
insistence that Jews enjoy citizenship rights as a condition of the independence granted at the Congress of Berlin (1878): its principal component
52A detailed account of the Jewish question surrounding the recognition of the Romanian state in Kellogg, Road, 3961.
53Ciornescu, La pense politique, 7; in more nuanced form, Heitmann, Eminescu.
54Eminescu, Reflectare [Curierul de Iai, 7 Jul 1876], in Opere, 9:14950.
179
was an argument that the Eastern Jews to be found in Romania were not
of the same grade of civilization as urban Jewry settled in the West. This
was not, Oldson maintains, an argument from race but from cultural characteristics and lifestyle: it involved rationalizing the arguments against the
Jews in a style less impeachable by the West. He concludes that Romanian
anti-semitism, though brutal and intellectually shallow, was providential
for the Jews in that its vagaries and divergence from the modern norm
allowed them to survive. He points Eminescu up as an apostle of ethnic nationalism, but concludes that he was more of a xenophobe than a
physically violent fanatic.55
This is not an unreasonable assessment, but it is important, I think,
to note that Eminescu did make very emphatic use of such concepts of
race such as were current in the 1880s. If the word racist to describe
a pseudo-scientifically legitimated course of political action had not
yet been invented, the idea of race was common currency throughout
Europe.56 Moreover, it is not hard to find instances of Eminescu specifically using the concept of race to attack the rationalist line of argument.
Nevertheless, he inverts the points of reference by making racism a Jewish
weakness:
Whenever the Israelite question is discussed, the Romanian writer is terrified lest he be seen to interpret it as race hatred, as national or religious
prejudice.[...]
We are accustomed to look at matters in a more natural manner. [...].
They came into our country not as friends, nor as men seeking their daily
bread, but as enemies; as a foreign race they declared war upon us, to the
death, using instead of knives and pistols, drink falsified with poison. [original emphasis].57
It is clear, then, that Eminescus writings did much to validate the use of
the argument from race when discussing the Jewish question, and that
he was keen to adapt relatively new European scientific writings in this
direction. If one is to distinguish between race as a generalized concept
within nineteenth-century anthropology, and racism as a later, pseudoscientific legitimation of segregation and antipathy, one could say that
Eminescu took the former as his starting point, but led the argument a
long way towards the latter position.
55Oldson, A providential antisemitism, 163; 121.
56Hobsbawm, Nations and nationalism, 1079, locates the 1880s and 1890s as the key
period in which scientific groundwork of racism gained ground.
57Eminescu, untitled article, [Timpul, 1 Nov 1881], in Opere, 12:389.
180
chapter six
181
the southern province of the Romanian kingdom as awash with its own
foreign element, the Greeks. The Liberals had successfully attacked the
Junimist politician Petre Carp for his philosemitism, and Eminescu was
trying to attack the Red party, as he called it, by associating them in the
same way with a foreign element.62
At least part of the explanation lies in a symptomatic exasperation with
the entire mechanisms of constitutional government, which, after five
years of supporting the out-of-office Conservatives, had reached breaking
point. While a fixed philosophical vision gave great force to his lyric creations, it could be said to have soured his political outlook irremediably.
The world of political action was merely phenomenal; it had no metaphysical basis and could be rejected at will. This led him to the paradoxical position of denying the reality of Romanias hard-won independence.
Eminescu frequently attacked sovereignty together with liberty, equality
and fraternity: the failure of the newly-created national state to conform
to his organic vision of what it should be led him, in heated moments like
these, to reject the Romanian state absolutely.63
A related factor was the contradiction contained in Eminescus conceptualization of the peasant, presented as the carrier of the undying Romanian essence. Metaphysically the peasant was (and often still is) seen as
some kind of symbol of transcendent wisdom, the thing in itself, the id; this
belief was held not because the peasant was (like outer space), unknowable, or because (like God) he knew everything; but because nobody did
happen to want to know about him, and nobody would give him anything
much to know.64 Moreover, Eminescus strong sense of historyof past
offences against the Romanian nation living on in the presentrequired
him to defend the peasant not just against real threats but also against
the injustices that the Phanariot Greeks had allegedly perpetrated against
the autochthonous population. This anti-Phanariotism had been a staple
of the 1848 generation, and showed itself to be a remarkably deep-seated
element of Romanias historical mentality.65 Eminescu never reconciled
the contradictions of a high authoritarian politics with an often deeply felt
identification with the class who suffered most in 19th century Romania.
182
chapter six
The difference between the nineteenth-century situation and the contemporary one described by Schpflin is that the party in power in Eminescus
time was as vigorous and xenophobic, as ethnically nationalist, as Eminescu himself; unlike the Communist governments of post-1945 eastern
Europe, the red (Liberal) party of the Romanian 1870s and 1880s did not
ostensibly suppress the national ideal. But the outcome, a set of public
identities marked by deep fissures and contradictions, was essentially
the same.
Perhaps the most enduring Romanian symbol of the kind of nationalism Eminescu advocated, is his own life. Titu Maiorescus mythologization
of him in a posthumous edition of his poems makes Eminescu sound like
his own view of the Romanian nation:
His ostensible life-story is easily told, and we dont believe that in its entire
course any external incident would have had a very significant influence
on him. What Eminescu was, and what he became, is a result of his inborn
genius...His pessimism was not the limited complaints of an egoist unsatisfied with his own fate, rather it was etherealized under the calmer from of
a melancholy for the fate of mankind in general.67
183
from simple forgetting, on the other hand, on earth he can neither make
anybody happy, nor be happy himself. He is immortal but lacks good
fortune.68 Part of the symbolic image of Eminescu as poet and national
symbol consists in presenting him as some kind of Goethean polymath:
Friendless in his lifetime and made fun of, Eminescu becomes after his
death, through an equally violent exaggeration of [his] cult, the prototype
of all the human characteristics and virtues.
History? Eminescu.
Political Economy? Eminescu.
Pedagogy? Eminescu....
Eminescu too has become, in the absence of a true criticism, the beginning and end of each and every disciple, the supreme authority, the allknowing one.69
184
chapter six
old as the hills, while its revival and articulation in the late nineteenth
century coincided with Eminescus entry into public life owes something
to him, it should be stressed that he was the servant of this movement
rather than its master. But the establishment of the image of Eminescu as
a poetic emanation of the profound will of the Romanian people was irresistible, especially to a generation whose infatuation with the significance
of literature was such that a liberal spirit could declare, typically, that literature was the only form of life in which we have produced something
by ourselves.70 It became natural, then, to interpret Eminescus writings
in terms of his own poetic mythology, and the same aura was more or less
critically extended to all his writings, which could become a kind of true
gospel of Romanian nationalism.71
It could be argued that, since Schopenhauers thought had been known
in Junimea circles prior to Eminescus interpretation of it, then this
aspect of his work was not original either. Maiorescu himself seems to
have been aware of Schopenhauer at least since 1861, and other Junimists,
Vasile Pogor for instance, got to know the philosophers writings well.
But nobody except Eminescu among the Junimea group seems to have
grasped the potentiality of the mystical, palingenetic nature of the indestructibility of the will. Pogors own memoirs describe the consternation
which the introduction of these ideas caused when Eminescu read his
story Poor Dionis to Junimea in 1872.72 Nobody then could have imagined
that the story of a poor peasant boy in a fleece hat who imagines himself
reincarnated in the court of a Moldavian prince, could possibly become a
prototypical Romanian story: but then they were not to know of another
peasant boy in a fleece cap who would imagine himself as the practical reincarnation of all ancestral bravery and wisdom from the Dacian
kings onwards to Romanias feudal princes and the more recent fighters
for national independence,73 and who happened to be the leader of their
country.
Eminescus nationalism, then, was conservative, authoritarian, ethnically motivated, and based, as one astute critic has recently pointed out,
on the awareness of the irreversibility of the break with the fundamental
185
Chapter seven
188
chapter seven
position might be illustrated by the instrumentalist approaches of theorists like John Breuilly or Eric Hobsbawm, who argue that planned language construction is merely an instrument of power politicians who have
their own, and not their peoples interests, at heart: How else, except by
state power, could Romanian nationalism insist in 1863 on its Latin origins...by writing and printing the language in Roman letters instead of
the hitherto usual Cyrillic?3
Both schools make the mistake of assuming that the invention of a literary tradition either succeeds or fails, that there is no halfway stage; and
that linguistic nationalism is only in evidence where there is an attempt
to construct a pure, monoglot language and literature. An exception is
Hobsbawms suggestion that
the heritage of sections, regions and localities of what had become the
nation could be combined into an all national heritage, so that even
ancient conflicts came to symbolise their reconciliation on a higher, more
comprehensive plane. Walter Scott thus built a single Scotland on the territory soaked in the blood of warring Highlanders and Lowlanders, Kings and
Covenanters, and he did so by emphasising their ancient traditions.4
Which is all very well except thatas Hobsbawm points out elsewhere,
but not hereScott failed to unify the Scottish nation either politically or
culturally. Hobsbawm might have been nearer the mark had he posited
a model of Scottish literary culture with, say, Robert Burns, as a vernacular nativist opposite pole to Scotts national epic; or, if that sounds too
much like socialist realism (the view of Scott as an unhealthy bourgeois
and Burns as a proletarian prophet coloured Soviet images of Scottish
literature for a long time), one could propose the quadrilateral description of Scottish culture as put forward by Alistair Gray.5 Perhaps theorists
of nationalism, in attempting to treat the subject on a world-wide scale,
dont have time to treat the problematics of national identity within a language, and concentrate only on the validity or otherwise of the debating
positions of those engaged in conflict between languages.
To return to the Romanian instance: in the period leading up to and
immediately after the creation of an independent state in 1878, the Romanian language was still far from codified. Not only were there many grammatical and orthographic irregularities, but also arguments continued as
3Breuilly, Nationalism and the state; Hobsbawm, Nations and nationalism, 1123.
4Ibid., 90.
5Gray, The Scottish archipelago.
189
to the degree of Latinity which Romanian did or ought to contain. Dictionaries and etymological works published in the period show the tortuous
and difficult nature of this process: I. Massim and A.T. Laurians Glosariu
Roman published in Bucharest in 1871 goes as far as placing words of nonLatin origin in a separate, appended volume from the main body of his
dictionary.6 The traditional wisdom (and the best-known to students of
nationalism) justified Romanian social and psychological unity by the fact
that, as Eminescu put it:
There is perhaps no other nation numbering twelve million people whose
constituent parts are as little differentiated as the Romanian one. The language is possibly unique in knowing hardly any dialects; popular customs
are the same.7
Yet claims of this sort do not represent the only tendency of the period.
Attempts to prove a Latin origin for the language not only differentiated
Romanian from her Slavic and Hungarian neighbours, but provided a
cultural link with the West. This link, however, created problems of its
own: with the dominance of French as a secondary language of education,
arguments arose among the Latinists as to what extent words could be
borrowed from French, which was a Latin language but, problematically,
a foreign one. Thus it can be seen even from a brief and incomplete summary that the difficulties for Romanian literary nationalists did not end
simply with the issuing of an edict changing the alphabet from Cyrillic
to Latin.
The contribution of the playwright and storyteller Ion Luca Caragiale
(18521912) to the political linguistic debate was, in explicit terms, short.8
But he represents the opposite pole from Eminescu in that he praised the
Romanian language not only for its unity but for its variety:
The Romanians today are a people of over ten million souls in all, with
one and the same language, which (boasting aside) is extraordinarily
beautiful...a possession all the more original for being a medley of ancient
6Laurianu & Massimu, Glosariu.
7Cited by Jucan, Mihai Eminescu, 23. It should be noted, however, that Eminescu
did not advocate a Latinist linguistic purism. While asserting the Romanian languages
superiority and the solidarity of its dialects, he would have opposed scientific attempts
at cleansing it of its vernacular elements. French and Greek neologisms upset him more
than anything.
8I have used Caragiale, Opere. In English there is a short informative monograph by
Tappe, Ion Luca Caragiale. Tappe also translated some of Caragiales stories in a bilingual
edition: Schie i povestiri / Sketches and stories. Some of his plays are translated in Caragiale, Lost letter.
190
chapter seven
inheritances and acquisitionsGreek, Slavonic, Oriental and otherall
stamped with its undeniable seal of nobility, a Romance, Latin seal, which
proves it their true and indisputable owner.9
This represents an unusual appreciation of the heterogeneity and complexity of a language, in contrast to the prevailing monolinguistic propaganda of the day; yet, as the above quotation shows, Caragiales argument
need not represent either an unpatriotic stance or a sense of inferiority
towards Western cultures.
His fiction, too, although it frequently parodies and ridicules linguistic forms, does not simply attack the shortcoming of the Romanian language; just as his satires on minor officialdom and provincial high-lifers,
on what Hobsbawm calls the lesser examination-passing classes often
draw ones attention to the serious problems of communication, social
life and administrative government in the new state rather than indulging
in purely negative caricature. Telegrame is a short narrative presented
exclusively in the form of telegraphic correspondence between a small
town lawyer trying to expose a scandal in the local prefecture, and the
Prime Minister and King, who delegate replies via the newly-founded
ministries. The lawyer and the other provincial correspondents write in
a bastardized Moldavian telegraphese; the Bucharest officials respond in
the Frenchified Romanian which was then the high fashion. Two points
can be made. Firstly, the political object of the satire can be read not only
to be the absurd pettiness of the local scandal itselfcorruption, nepotism, absenteeism, drunkenness and sexual infidelity are all targetedbut
also the weakness and arbitrariness of the young structure of government,
which demands that redress of such wrongs can be dealt with only by
petition to the King or Prime Minister. Likewise in the linguistic satire,
where both the vernacular of the provincials and the cosmopolitan idiom
of the capital are satirized equally: no distinction is drawn between them
in point of silliness. Yet because of the dual nature of language in storytellingbecause, in Bakhtins formulation, language is both represented
(here, as an object of laughter) and representing (the means by which language is ridiculed)10Caragiale can demonstrate the vigorous potential
of the language at the same time as he mocks the various deformations
of it.
9Caragiale, Moral i educaie [1889], cited by Tappe, Ion Luca Caragiale, 95.
10Bakhtin, From the prehistory of novelistic discourse.
191
Caragiales imitation of both regional dialects and official forms of discourse is remarkable for its comprehensively wide range of targets. Proces
Verbal [Procedural Report] represents the procedural memoranda of
police authorities dealing with a housing dispute; Un pedagog de coal
nou [An educationalist of the new school] targets professors and linguists, and similarly appropriates their discourse; Five Oclock mimics
the conversations of would-be high society at a Bucharest tea-party (English customs, French language, Romanian petty jealousies); High Life tells
the story of a provincial journalist who writes glowingly of the prefects
wife when she appears at a charity ball, but is let down by a typographical error when the article is published, causing his flattery to be debased
into insult; Urgent... again uses official correspondence to illustrate the
failure of a local authority to provide winter fuel in a girls school. Regional
dialects of Romanian are similarly given full representation: O Fclie de
Pate [An Easter Torch] has a Moldavian setting, while La Hanul lui Mnjoal [At Mnjoals Inn] uses Muntenian forms to full effect; Un pedagog de coal nou parodies Transylvanian philologists, while, as we have
seen, the unique linguistic oddities to be found in Bucharest are not left
untouched. In this way, Caragiale was able to build up a complete panorama of the multifarious languages, and political modes of discourse, prevailing in the newly independent state. To put it more succinctly one could
say, paraphrasing Dickens, He do the Romanians in different voices.
Curiously, however, although he has of course been recognized by his
compatriots as a comic genius and as the founding father of a certain satirical tradition, this is almost never seen explicitly as contributing explicitly
to an idea of the Romanian nation. Though the concept of caragialism
became a familiar trope to describe an absurd Romanian situation, and
Caragiale himself is a celebrated figure in literary history, he does not
appear in discussion of the Romanian national idea with anything like
the frequency of Eminescu or Nicolae Iorga, or other figures at the traditionalist, peasantist pole of Eliades dichotomy. Indeed, Eliade himself, in
the lecture alluded to above, does not even properly discuss the cosmopolitan element of the Romanian tradition, but merely reduces his treatment of it to a discussion of the Romanian expatriate community which
he links back to the nomadic pastoral traditions of Romanian shepherds,
who need to become aware of the mission history asks of them.11
192
chapter seven
However, one could just as well argue that Caragiale was vital to the
establishment of the Romanian literary language as a tool of nationbuilders to the extent that he recognised and reconciled the diversity of
the Romanian language, and saw the way that heterogeneity can produce
uniqueness in a language. Bakhtin comments on the way that nations can
objectivize their linguistic consciousness only through consciousness of
anothers tongue; that the Roman literary languagethe ancient pure
source that contemporary Romanian scholars were trying to obtain
achieved its stylised uniqueness only through the pervasive relationship
it maintained with earlier, seemingly definitive Greek forms.12
Similarly, Caragiales formal borrowings in the realm of storytelling
Hanul lui Mnjoal shows the influence of Poe, while Curiosul pedepsit
[The Curious Man Punished] is a paraphrase of one of Cervantes contes,
and Kir Ianulea takes its theme and plot from Machiavelliset up zones
in which the diverse Romanian dialects could interanimate each other
(to use Bakhtins word), as well as spaces for the vernacular narrative traditions could play out their differences from, and similarities to, Western
models.
In this sense Caragiale set up frameworks and spaces for dialogical
debate, without which the Romanian literary language, and indeed its
identity, would not have matured in the way it did. Walter Benjamin writing of the Russian storyteller Nikolai Leskov, aphorizes that The storyteller is the figure in which the righteous man encounters himself.13 For
Romania, Caragiale was the figure in which the young national language
encountered itself for the first time.
The Profundity of the Superficial
The encounters described in Caragiales sketches and tales often remain
simply that: incidental contacts, rather than discoveries or revelations.
His characters frequently fail to grasp themselves, or find themselves
confused or even deranged by the unfamiliarity of their surroundings:
far from learning from experience and emerging better and wiser, these
newly enfranchised people seem to discover only that they are unable to
comprehend the world they inhabit. In Cum devine cineva revoluionar
i om politic [How somebody becomes a revolutionary and a politician],
12Ibid.
13Benjamin, The storyteller, 107.
193
the tale is told of a country boy who comes to town to study for the priesthood; sent one evening by his landlord to fetch coal, he becomes en route
embroiled in a political demonstration, and is arrested for hurling the
said coal at a cordon of mounted policemen. The narrator ends by linking the sacred catechism the boy set out to learn, with the new secular
faith he meets with, by accident as if by holy destiny, in an alley behind
the National Theatre:
Can one really compare the modest career and humble activity of a poor
dear village priest, with the career and activity of a citizen of the capital,
who is called once a year, as by clockwork, every spring, to determine the
political course of the Romanian kingdom?14
The same path of descent from high expectations to the depths of failure is
described at greater length and psychological detail in Dou loturi [Two
lottery tickets]. Mr. Lefter Popescu and his wife have lost two winning lottery tickets: Mr. Popescu must pay ten percent of the winnings to an army
captain who lent him the money to buy them. He and his wife undergo trials and torments of greed; cause to be harassed an old-clothes woman said
to have purloined them; fail to show at work; eventually Mr. Popescu loses
his job. On clearing his desk before leaving, he finds the ticketsbut the
numbers are inverted, each winning in the other lottery. Then, as now, the
lotteries are proclaimed in the name of the nation and the advancement
of civilization: the beneficiaries are the Company for founding a Romanian University in Dobrogea, at Constana and the Association for the
foundation and endowment of an Astronomical Observatory at Bucharest. But no such enlightenment dawns upon Popescu (whose Christian
name is Eleutheriu, liberation, but shortened to Lefter, penniless) and
his wife. Nor yet upon the reader. Caragiale first stages a respectable ending with Mrs. Popescu taking the holy orders, and her husband wandering
the streets of the capital, muttering vice versa! A word
vague as the vagaries of the vast sea which beneath its unfrowning surface
conceals in its mysterious rocky depths innumerable ships, shattered before
they could reach harbour, lost for ever!
But...as I am not one of those [respectable and self-respecting] authors,
I prefer to tell you straight: after the row at the bank I dont know what happened to my hero and Mrs. Popescu.15
194
chapter seven
Eric Tappe rightly defends this ending against charges of artistic irrelevancy: there is a good deal to be said for the gently frivolous conclusion to a story which was otherwise on the point of getting itself taken
too seriously.16 But there is more to it than that. The apparently offhand
closing remark masks a disturbing observation about what actually happens to people who are shipwrecked on the rock of lottery greed: they
become unknown and forgotten. Just as the Popescus are unable to find
true happiness owing to their material lust and sloth; just as Romania will
not attain enlightenment through endowing hasty institutions with the
income of greed (on the last page we glimpse a Fire Service Observatory,
a possible social inferno in place of the proposed astronomical heaven);
so Caragiale offers us not even catharsis or expiation as an ending, but
unknowingness of a bitterly trivial nature. This obliquity in conclusion
is characteristic of many of the best modern short storiesJamess The
Turn of the Screw, Joyces An Encounter, Herman Melvilles Bartleby.
But whereas these last examples invariably invest their endings with a
certain cosmic resound, pleading with the universalAh, Bartleby! Ah
humanity!Caragiale simply shrugs off his ignorance; insouciance as the
true horror.
The Limits of Epiphany
Even when Caragiale does treat more substantially religious types of
knowledge, there is no sense of the characters discovering themselves
or arriving at wisdom. One of his greatest tales, O fclie de Pate
(An Easter Torch), gives a highly atmospheric and gruesome rendering
of an attack on a traumatized Jewish innkeeper in a marshy Moldavian
village. Leiba Zibal has moved from Iai, where he lost his job as a tavern
keepers servant because he fainted at the sight of blood, and moved
to Podeni. In his turn he also has to lay off his servant, an idle, dishonest worker who threatens him back: Wait for me on Easter eve, mister:
well crack our painted eggs...Ill be closing your account too, let me
tell you.17
Leiba goes at once to tip the ominously cheerful subprefect, who scorns
the Jews fears but warns him to guard against the wicked poor of the
village. Easter night comes around: the mail-coach brings word that the
16Tappe, Introduction to Caragiale, Sketches and stories, 15.
17Caragiale, Opere, 1: 55.
195
inn-keeper at the post before has been mauled by a hooligan. Two medical students aboard the coach are discussing the incident in the light of
the modish scientific theories of the day:
Atavism...Alcoholism and its pathological consequences...Congenital
vice...Deformation...Paludism...And neurosis! So many conquests of
modern science...And the case of reversion!
Darwin...Haeckel...Lombroso...
At the case of reversion, the coachmans eyes bulged; and in them shone a
profound admiration for the conquests of modern science.18
Later that night, Leiba hears his tormentors drilling through his door; in
his delirium he ensnares the arm which comes through the hole, fixing
it to a post. But horror strikes, to the chime of the Easter Sunday church
bells, as he is moved to revenge by cruelly burning, with an Easter torch,
the murderous arm. A crowd gathers.
Leiba Zibal, said the innkeeper in a lofty tone and a broad gesture, is off
to Iai to tell the rabbi that Leiba Zibal is not a Jew...Leiba is a goy...For
Leiba Zibal has lit a torch for Christ.19
While the ostensible content of this grotesque tale is, as one critic has
suggested, the ingenious cruelty of the man deranged by fear20; its true
subject is knowledge and what one does or does not learn from it. The
knowledge of Christs resurrection revealed in church that night is travestied into the passion suffered by a non-believer, persecuted into awareness but unlikely to survive his conversion. Leibas own recourse is to the
letter of the law, as he pays protection to the subprefect; but the law offers
him no redemption for his tribute, merely bidding him be silent, lest he
awaken a desire to transgress in bad and poor men. Let down by his usual
observancehe lives by the maxim he who pays well is well guarded
Leiba is overtaken by his irrational imaginings, until he is transformed
at the end into a scientist who seeks by mixing elements to catch one
of natures subtle secrets, which has long eluded him. The medical students, blinded by the light of modernist scholarship and theories of racial
stereotypes, are oblivious to the bloody violence of the attack they have
witnessed. Yet none of these systems of belief can halt the onset of yet
another sacrifice in the night of traditional religious festival. Caragiale
may have gone some way to unifying the Romanian language; but he can
18Ibid., 60.
19Ibid., 68.
20Ibid., editors introduction, xxii.
196
chapter seven
only describe, not reconcile, differences in belief. All we are left with at
the tales end is a morsel of old advice:
And the man set off slowly eastwards, up the hill, like a sensible traveller,
who knows that on a long journey one does not set out at a hurried pace.21
At another point, Leiba sees that Podeni is a bad place for an inn, since
the building of the railway, which makes a wide detour of the marshes.
He yearns for the railway which would bring trade; in others of Caragiales tales, such as C.F.R. [Romanian Railways] and Accelerat nr. 17 [Fast
Train no. 17], trains form the setting for tales of danger and attack, and
themes of mistaken identity. They also bring about disturbing changes
to ones perception of time and space: in the latter story, two men enter
a compartment and sit out two-three kilometres in silence. Time is
described by a unit of linear distance, while conversation stops. Here, as
throughout Caragiales uvre, we get a sense of something strange and
distorting about railways: here one has to bear in mind not only their
effect on time-space perception, but also the fact that, in the Romania of
the 1870s and 1880s, they operated as a kind of symbol for foreign domination of commerce, as well as for fear of invasion.23 Elsewhere the modern
invention is represented as a kind of debased national religion: in O zi
21Ibid., 68.
22Swift, Gullivers travels, Book One, Ch. 4.
23Kellogg, Road, 6874.
197
part four
Chapter eight
*Unpublished, developed from a talk given at the Centre for Study of Central Europe,
UCL, January 2002 at the kind invitation of Dr. Tim Beasley-Murray. The widely-publicized
work of Alexandra Laignel-Lavastine, Loubli du fascisme, published shortly afterwards, has
a title almost certainly less appropriate to Ionescu than to her other two subjects, Eliade
and Cioran. Laignel-Lavastines work was subject to severe criticism by Petreu, Metoda
francez, while Ionescos daughter questioned both their work in a 2003 memoir (Ionesco,
Portrait). Writing in 2007, Quinney, Excess and identity seems unaware of the recent controversies; Bejan, Criterion Association, 2835 and 31921 offers brief but useful treatment
of some aspects.
1For earlier criticism see Laubreaux, ed. Les critiques; Hughes and Bury, Eugene Ionesco;
Leiner et al., Bibliographie 1980; Subsequent criticism can be surveyed in the series Contemporary literary criticism, vols. 1, 4, 6, 9, 11, 15, 41, 86.
202
chapter eight
Ionescus early years.2 Ionescus first full length book Nu (Bucharest 1934)
had already been translated into French as Non and published by Gallimard in 1986. The Romanian original came out in a new edition in 1992 in
the new political conditions; and a fairly extensive collection of Ionescus
journalistic and critical writing from the 1930s was published in the same
year under the title Rzboi cu toat lumea [At war with everybody].3
In contrast, the three monographs published in English since 1989 on
Ionescus theatre pay remarkably little attention to the Romanian aspects
of his career; dont particularly regard what happened to Ionescu in Romania or what he did there as being a major motor for most of his creative
production; and when they do, they tend to interpret Romanian inspiration for his work in schematic and already established ways.4 The same
goes for the only biography of Ionescu yet to have been written, which
contains numerous inaccuracies and indeed internal contradictions as to
both the chronology and the general context of Ionescus life in Romania.5
Those with some familiarity with Ionescus life and work and/or some
familiarity with the general state of research on cultural and political history of 1930s Romania will know that, in the latter context, Ionescus name
is very frequently invoked in terms of the judgements he is said to have
made on the ludicrous conformism and imitativeness of Romanian intellectuals, through the allegorical medium of drama in his play Rhinocros,
which was first performed in October 1959.6 Rhinocros is set in a small
provincial town in which all the main actors turn into rhinoceros with
one exception, Brenger, who is seen as the solitary individual resisting a
mass process of conversion to an ideology as ridiculous as it is contagious.
Ionescu himself said that
the purpose of the play was specifically that of describing the process of a
countrys Nazification, as well as the confusion of the individual who, naturally allergic to contagion, has to watch the mental metamorphosis of his
collectivity. In the beginning, rhinoceritis was a kind of Nazism. Nazism
was, in large measure, in the period between the two wars, an inven-
2Ionescu [no relation to Eugen], Les dbuts littraires; Cleynen-Serghiev, La jeunesse littraire, and Hamdan, Ionescu avant Ionesco. An earlier, article length study was Tudoric,
Les dbuts. See also Teodorescu-Regier, From Bucharest to Paris.
3Ionescu, Rzboi cu toat lumea.
4Lamont, Ionescos imperatives; Lane, Understanding Ionescu; Gaensbauer, Ionescu
revisited.
5Plazy, Eugne Ionesco.
6An earlier version was published as a short story in Lettres nouvelles (Sep 1957) and
reprinted in Ionesco, La photo du colonel.
203
And both Romanian and Western critics, as they become gradually more
familiar with the situation in Romania in the 1930s, where substantial portions of the intelligentsia acted in the name of that peculiar local variant
of fascism, the Iron Guard, and have also known that one of the few distinguished and talented Romanian intellectuals not to sell out in this period
was Ionescu himself, have had no trouble in giving Rhinocros an autobiographical interpretation.8 One which not only has come to override
other possible interpretations of the play, but also became a key reference
point, almost a shorthand term for denoting the dynamics of Romanian
cultural politics not just in the 1930s but also in the 1990s.9
This interpretive narrative, it is clear, makes the author of Rhinocros
the sole lucid representative of a nation gone mad, the only rationalist
in an irrational milieu which he eventually transcended, left and judged
from the outside and from posterity. In other words, from being a fully
paid-up insider in what has been called the Romanian generation of angst
and adventure, Ionescu took a formal and rational decision, when he saw
the moral framework of this world collapsing around him, got a bursary
to Paris in 1938, stayed there, became a leading light in the theatre of the
absurd in the 1950s, and then at the end of that decade Rhinocros was
first performed in Germany in 1959, providing the definitive and damning
judgement on the society that he had left twenty years earlier, to which
he no longer felt he had any formal ties.
What I propose to do here is to use some littleknown biographical
details about Ionescus career to show not only that this is not the only
possible reading of Rhinocros, but also that Rhinocros is not the only one
of Ionescus works in which his Romanian experiences played a significant role. To some extent I want to explore the possibility that Ionescus
Romanianness, and something that is even less known, namely his Jewishness, was a constant preoccupation of his and played a central role in his
treatment of major human themes such as identity, the absurd, stigma,
trauma. I hope at the same time to avoid falling into that other trap
7Ionesco, Notes on Rhinoceros, in Notes et contre-notes, 183; in the preface to American
school edition of Rhinocros (ibid., 176), Ionescu claimed to have been inspired by writer
Denis de Rougemonts description of Hitler in 1938; but he also denied that the play was
about any one ideology but about the way ideological systems in general destroy humanity.
8Knowles, Eugne Ionescos Rhinoceroses; Clinescu, Ionescu and Rhinoceros.
9Shafir, Rinocerizarea Romaniei; Genaru, O nou rinocerizare?
204
chapter eight
familiar to anybody who has studied major European artists of the twentieth century who have an east European origin, namely attributing their
success, their profundity and their global significance etc., to that particular origin.10
I will concentrate on the period from 1934 to 1960, in other words from
the date of publication of Ionescus first book through his experiences in
Romania in the second half of the 1930s, departure for France, the writing
and staging of what are still his most famous plays, The Bald Primadonna,
The Chairs and The Lesson in the early 1950s, through the first production
of Rhinocros and its initial critical reception in 1960.
Romanian Naysayings
The authorised standard versioni.e. that prepared in close collaboration
with Ionescu himself and presented in 1991 by Emmanuel Jacquart in the
preface to the Pliades edition of Ionescus Thtre complethas it that
Ionescu was born on the 26th of November 1909 in Slatina, a small town
in southern Romania and named for his father, also called Eugen Ionescu,
a lawyer by training and subprefect of Slatina. His mother, Thrse Ipcar,
was the daughter of a French railway engineer, originally apparently
from the Pyrenees and working in Romania.11 When Ionescu was about
one or two years old, the family moved to Paris and his father enrolled
for a doctorate in law at the Sorbonne. Five years later, Eugen Ionescu
senior returned to Romania, broke off relations with his family, collaborated with the German occupying regime and married another woman,
while his first wife apparently believed that he had been killed in the war.
The young Eugen therefore grew up in France, partly looked after by his
mother, partly living in childrens homes and refuges for war orphans in
the French countryside, a period of alternately idyllic and traumatic memory evoked numerous times in Ionescus later autobiographical writings. It
was not until the early 1920ssome time between 1922 or 1924that his
10Students of Romanian culture would be familiar with the cases of Constantin Brancusi, Tristan Tzara, Paul Celan, Emil Cioran and Mircea Eliade, to mention only the best
known.
11More recent evidence, published by the genealogist Rdulescu in Adevrul literar i
artistic 485 (14 sep 1999; reprinted in Rdulescu, Genealogii, and summarized in Petreu,
Ionescu n ara tatlui) shows that both Ionescus parents had Romanian citizenship and
his Frenchness depended on a great grandfather, Emile Marin, for whom a French origin
remains uncertain. Ionescos daughter adds more detail in Ionesco, Portretul, 2932.
205
father reappeared on the scene, successfully claimed custody over his children and Eugen, his sister and his mother returned to Romania. Eugens
relationship with his father was stormy and hateful: by the age of seventeen he had moved out of his fathers home and was living with a sister
of his mother. His mother by this stage was working as a secretary for the
National Bank of Romania.
An immediate consequence was Ionescus immersion in literature as a
form both of rebellion and of escape from his oppressive father who has
determined that he should become a bourgeois, a magistrate, a soldier,
a chemical engineer. From 1927 until 1938, Ionescu published extensively
in a variety of Romanian modernist reviews and established himself,
to use the clichd language that he was so fond of demolishing, as the
iconoclastic enfant terrible of Romanian avant-garde criticism, while at
the same time graduating in French literature from Bucharest University
and earning his living as a high school teacher. His first book, Nu (No),
was published in 1934, when he was 24, and attempted a radical demonstration of the pointlessness and arbitrariness of literary criticism by
giving alternately eulogistic and damning readings of the most prestigious
Romanian writers of the time: the poets Tudor Arghezi and Ion Barbu and
the novelists Camil Petrescu and Mircea Eliade. On Mircea Eliades first
novel, Maitreyi, set in India, Ionescu first wrote that
Do you realise that Maitreyi is following the architecture of Greek tragedy?
The unreal is ceaselessly brought to life and with innumerable methods in
each phrase, in each scene, in each episode...
...a wealth of details, pure, ingenuous, miraculous, accompanied by attention which transfigures them.
...Maitreyi is a tragedy in the classic sense of the word. (12830)
Only five pages later, Ionescu changes tack and gives a totally derisory
account of Eliades careerist posturing:
Mircea Eliade has attempted to create literature and has not succeeded. He
wanted to be a great leader and he was taken at his word, although all he
does is stand on the spot and waves his arms around in the wind or, at most,
he is an indicator of the wrong roads. The proof that they are the wrong
roads? He has found people to follow him.
Not managing to be anything, he wanted at least to go to India. Eliade
went as far as Constana, he returned secretly to Bucharest and spent three
months shut up in his attic. He constructed an alibi for himself and he wrote
the novel Maitreyi, which however for the careful reader, is the clearest
proof that he has never been to India.
Maitreyi is indeed an imitation of pre-Romantic and exotic French fiction
of a hundred or a hundred and twenty years ago...(133)
206
chapter eight
Or
O Lord God! My part of paradise! My part of paradise! Have I lost forever
my part of paradise? O Lord God, I dont want to be melodramatic and I
dont want you to believe that I am seeking, through contrast, a Romantic stylistic effect (of the Venus and Madonna kind). But I love you from
12Such an attitude to literature may have stood behind Ionescus later statement that
I dont make literature. I make something completely different: I make theatre (Concerning Rhinoceros in the United States, Notes et contre notes, 185). Cf. Ciorans remark
to Ionesco that History is just bad theatre (recorded by the latter in Prsent pass, pass
prsent, 78).
207
He took a ridiculing approach to this problem tooI am to die without having played a role on the European stage, which will be destroyed
without my help!but on the other hand recommended the direct and
continued apprenticeship of Romanians to French culture:
with our Romanian way of being we cant exist culturally, because culture
is ante-Romanian [i.e. predates Romania as an idea]. We should follow in
the footsteps of the cultured Western countries, for it is not Western culture
that will move after us, but rather we will be subordinated to it: it cannot
renounce itself. (150)
208
chapter eight
209
things, and ultimately the least objective, insofar as it is, in fact, subject to
impassioned interpretations. Precisely for that reason I believe that certain
writers such as Sartre (author of political melodramas), Osborne, Miller etc.,
are the new boulevard dramatists, representing a conformism of the left,
which is just as lamentable as that of the right. These writers offer us nothing
which might not already be known through political works and speeches.15
These were the kinds of arguments which animated the reception of Ionescus work in the late 50s and could be seen as a background to the writing
and staging of Rhinocros: the attempt to draw distinction between art
and ideology, the conformism of the right and the left; the ludicrousness
of judging individuals morality according to their personal appearance.
Biography and the Penury of Identity
I propose to conclude this paper by examining Ionesco from a different
angle, namely using some biographical information about his activity in
Romania in the 30s and 40s and then staying true to the Ionescian spirit
by denying that any of these readings are neccesary, while maintaining
all are possible.
In 1938 Ionesco got a scholarship to Paris to do a doctorate on The
themes of sin and death in the poetry of Baudelaire.17 Also in this period
15Ionesco, The role of the dramatist [1958] in idem, Notes, 723.
16Ionesco, Le cur nest pas sur la main, Notes, 88.
17In one of the last interviews before his death accorded to Figaro magazine in 1993,
Ionesco mentioned that he owed this post to the help of historian and Institut franais
official Alphonse Dupront (see the Italian translation in Ionesco, Lassurdo e la speranza,
102). However, Romanian critic Petru Comarnescu mentions Ionescus presence together
210
chapter eight
with his wife in Paris as early as August 1937; Comarnescu was able to borrow money from
Ionescu which suggests the latters circumstances were less than disastruous. Comarnescu,
Jurnal 19311937, 165, 1689, 172. Further memories of Ionescu in Paris, this time from 1939,
in ora, O via-n buci, 7285, 393401.
18Ionescu, Scrisori din Paris, I, 13 Nov 1938, repr. in Rzboi cu toat lumea, 2:215; later
Ionesco acknowledged that during that time, we were living off the myth of France.
Prsent pass, pass prsent, 164.
19On Ionescos activity in the Romanian consulate in Vichy France, see the contrasting
analyses of Laignel-Lavastine, Loubli, 34962; and Stan, Survie, as well as the commentary
of Ionesco, Portrait, 8697. None cites the fascinating dossier published by Cioculescu,
Eugen Ionescu, showcasing a polemical exchange between Ionesco and Magyar philologist Lszl Gldi.
20Sebastian, Jurnal, 283, 287, 3034, 317, 457.
211
Ten years later Emmanuel Jacquart was told by Ionescu that I was born
guilty, predestined to culpability.25
However, as Ionescus own daughter observed in response to a number
of interpretations that attempted to valorize these piece of evidence, such
21In Pass prsent and other memoiristic writings, there are muted and ambiguous
references to Ionescos ethnic identity, but a much greater emphasis falls on intellectual
values.
22Oiteanu, Imaginea evreului, 3745. Oiteanu reproduces a German caricature from
the end of the nineteenth century representing the Jew as a type half-way between man
and animal, surrounded by neighing horses.
23In an interview given in 1989 Ionesco said of Jewish traditions in Romania that They
played a very important role in my personal history, insofar as they were religious, but
in a religion related to other religions, to Christianity for example. But also that It was
very late when I became aware of them, and as a reaction against the antisemitism which
reigned in Romania. in Hubert, Eugne Ionesco, 234, 235. Studies on religious aspects of
Ionescos thought (the best ones are Heitmann, Ein religiser Denker; and Egerding, Eine
religise Wende Ionescos) pay no particular attention to Ionescos Jewishness, of which
neither appears to have been aware. Indeed it seems to have been little discussed in any
work before the publication of Sebastians diary.
24Stolojan, Au balcon, 94.
25Interview with Jacquart, 30 sep 1985, introduction to Ionesco, Thtre complet, xxiii.
212
chapter eight
Chapter nine
*In Herta Mller, ed. B. Haines & L. Marven (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).
Reprinted by permission of the publishers. Thanks especially to the editors for their
encouragements and generous sharing of references.
1Olsson, Presentation speech.
2Ibid.
3Eke, Einleitung, 8.
4Stock, Nachwort, 123.
5Glajar, Presence.
214
chapter nine
6Glajar, Banat-Swabian, Romanian and German; eadem, The German legacy, 11620;
Cooper, Herta Mller. One of the few critics to deal analytically with linguistic aspects is
Predoiu, Faszination und Provokation, 1837.
7For the former, see Glajar, The presence; for the latter, a start has been made by
Krause, Das Bild.
8As Haines, Marven and Moyrer have all observed (Haines, The unforgettable forgotten; Marven, In allem ist der Ri; Moyrer, Die widerspenstige Signifikant).
9Mller, The Passport.
215
This, while less geopolitically explicit, suggests a reading of Mllers fiction in a topographical key, especially as the dustjacket blurb wastes no
time in telling the reader that the book is set in Romania.10 Similarly, the
English translation of the work Ausreiseantrag by Mllers former husband Richard Wagner, was given the subtitle A Romanian story.11
It is important to note that these labels Romanian or in Romania are
not those of Mller herself, and form a striking contrast to her own referential practices. In fact she uses the term Rumnien extremely rarely; indeed,
it seems that she goes to some lengths to avoid it, referring instead to an
unspecified Land. For instance, in Herztier the character Lola is described
as coming from the south of the country [aus dem Sden des Landes].12
In Reisende auf einem Bein the opening scene depicts the border of the
other country [die Grenze des anderen Landes].13 In Der Fremde Blick
Mller describes the fact that I came to Germany from another country
[weil ich aus einem anderen Land nach Deutschland gekommen bin] as
a fundamental motivation (Begrndung) conditioning her world view,
without mentioning the name of the country in question.14
This might have various implications; in the first instance, it perhaps
enables the reader to view the narrative from the perspective of an insider,
for whom mention of the countrys name would be superfluous. In the
second, it might suggest that the specificity of the particular country from
which she came is irrelevant to what Mller wants us to think of as a
universal experience. A third possibility is that Mller, while conscious of
her outsider status, became irritated at the assumptions native Germans
made when she told them her country of origin.15 Whichever might be the
case, it is worth trying to resume some key aspects of the history of the
country. And since in German Land, like the English country, can refer
either to a national state or a province, the historical context I seek to provide is not an overall history of Romania, but makes close reference to the
Banat region where Mller grew up and where much of her prose is set.
216
chapter nine
Modern Romania and the Banat Germans
Romania is, according to its 1923, 1948 and 1991 constitutions, a unitary
national state, but a relatively young one on the European map. Independent in a first, smaller variant in 1878, the present country is largely a creation of the post-World War I Treaties (Versailles, Trianon, St. Germain)
of 19191920, and consists of a series of territories conglomerated from
the dissolved and dismembered Habsburg, Ottoman and Russian Empires.
The description once given it by a French writer, as the crossroads of
dead empires, is not inapt; and the tension between former regional or
imperial identities and the efforts of a centralizing state constitutes a
basic factor of its history, albeit one which has impacted differently on
different regions and groups.16
German influence on, and settlement in, territories now forming part
of Romania, are processes with a long history. The oldest communities
were those established in Transylvania in the early Middle Ages.17 The
territory of the Banat, from which Mller comes and where much of her
work is set, had a somewhat different history of settlement. It was under
Ottoman rule through the early modern period to 1716, when it was conquered by the Habsburgs; only after this date did German settlement and
colonization take place. The establishment of German communities in the
Banat in some ways resembled a colonial enterprise, involving establishment of German habitation structures and administrative programmes in
a land previously viewed as alien but which had been brought into the
fold of Habsburg possessions in the wake of the second Siege of Vienna in
1683.18 The Banat was also important as a military frontier facing Ottoman
territorythe south of the province had a special military status until the
1850sand as a source of economic extraction, being rich in metals and
minerals. It was for these reasons that historian Jean Brenger described
the Banat as the Habsburgs true colonial adventure.19 It should be noted
that the colonization process was not exclusively an ethnic German
16Romier, Le carrefour des empires morts.
17For recent overviews in English see Evans, Austria, Hungary and the Habsburgs, 209
27: Koranyi, Between East and West, 1221.
18Jordan, Die kaiserliche Wirtschaftspolitik; Roider, Nationalism and Colonization;
Thomas, Anatomy.
19Brenger, History, 88. The Habsburg experience has been largely overlooked in the by
now extensive literature on German colonialism, e.g. Ames et al., eds., Gemanys colonial
pasts or Perraudin & Zimmerer, eds. German colonialism. But see Ruthner, Central Europe
Goes Postcolonial; and Wolff, The idea of Galicia, as well as my Chapter 2 above.
217
project. For instance, the colonist who established Mllers native village
of Nitzkydorf in the 1780s, Count Krisztf Niczky, was of mixed Slavic
and Hungarian background (albeit educated in Vienna and Pressburg).
Other colonists were of Slavic, Italian or other ethnic origin. German was
therefore possibly less important as an ethnic identity than as a generalized language of education and culture alongside, and gradually supplanting, Latin. Demographically, Germans were always outnumbered by
Serbian and Romanian populationsas well as a large number of other
ethnicitiesand after the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in
1918 the territory was divided on ethnic principles, the majority going to
Romania, a smaller, more Westerly part to Yugoslavia.
In contrast to the Transylvanian Germans, who were largely Lutheran
and called themselves Sachsen (Saxons), the Germans of the Banat (in
fact of the wider middle Danube region), were largely Catholic and called
Schwaben.20 The majority of the population was of relatively modest
means and cultural outlook, living in villages dispersed across the province, with a greater or lesser connection to the urban centres. The pre1918 capitals of Vienna and Budapest had been several hundred miles to
the northwest; the post-1918 one, Bucharest, was even further away to the
east. And although the first ever newspaper to have been published on
Romanian territory had appeared in the Banat, and in German,21 the local
literary traditions, whether in German, Romanian, or the provinces other
languages (Serbian, Yiddish, Magyar, Romanes), were not extensive, characterized more by heterogeneity than by sophistication. However, the territory featured notably in German-language writings as a somewhat exotic
frontier zone, and the local populations of Serbs, Romanians and Roma
were depicted as benighted, uncultured savages.22
The post-1918 period therefore constituted something of a shock to the
Donauschwaben, as they found themselves ruled by the Romanians who
hitherto had been largely regarded as a Bauernvolk. Moreover, the position
of the Donauschwaben as a distinct group was diminished as their territory
and population was divided between Romania, Serbia and Hungary. Many
still lived in villages and neither needed nor wanted to learn the official
20In broader German-language discourse the terms are prefixed with a location,
Siebenbrgen-Sachsen and Donauschwaben respectively. The terms Sachsen and Schwaben
are to be understood conventionally and do not imply a literal designation of Saxony or
Swabia as places of origin.
21Neumann, Cultura din Banat.
22See ch. 2 above.
218
chapter nine
219
220
chapter nine
tongue, and the national language, were two different things, and so completely distinct.
So alien to each other too].
28Mller, Gesprch.
29The usually very critical Lucian Boia claims, somewhat exaggeratedly, that no linguist
will contest the fact that the Romanian language is of Latin origin (Boia, Romania, 29).
30For a discussion see Petrucci, Slavic features; for some statistical analysis of Romanian lexicon by language group, see Kellogg, The structure of Romanian nationalism. On
the politicization of this issue at various stages of Romanias history, see e.g. Drace-Francis,
Making, 1812; Deletant, Rewriting the past.
31Specifically, she refers to die Sprachbilder, die Metaphorik, die Redewendungen
(Mller, Gesprch, 15).
221
32Mller, Der Knig, 739. For an interpretation of this work see Moyrer, Die widerspenstige Signifikant.
33Mller, In jeder Sprache, 9.
34In der Dorfspracheso schien es mir als Kindlagen bei allen Leuten um mich
herum die Worte direckt auf den Dingen, die sie bezeichneten. Ibid., 7.
35Mller, In jeder Sprache, 14.
36Mller, In jeder Sprache, 24. NB also that Mller, although publishing in 2003, gives
the pre-1990 spelling of Romanian vntul, which is now spelt vntul following orthographic
reforms.
222
chapter nine
word for lily (in German, die Lilie is feminine, as opposed to masculine
Romanian crin):
In German its a matter of a Lilly-lady, in Romanian youre up against Mister
Crin.37
Or:
Who has not, upon striking up a brotherly conversation with the plain
dweller, been struck by his notions and judgements, and taken great pleasure in listening to his speech, adorned as it is with original tropes? For
instance:
Does he wish to speak of a good fellow? He says: he is as good as his
mothers breast.
37Ibid., 25.
38Mller, Der Teufel, 37. NB also that fric is not peculiar to Romanian, being originally
Greek () and present also in Albanian (frik).
39Alecsandri, Poezii populare ale romnilor, 11. Heitmann, Imaginea romnilor, 2938,
suggests this Romanian self-image might have been influenced by a longer tradition of
German ascriptions of a poetic sensibility to Romanians.
223
224
chapter nine
literary canon as taught in schools and universities. Notions of appropriate literature often involved the assumption that a relatively positive
depiction of national life (more specifically, rural life, posited as representative of the nation) would emerge from it. It is notable that in the
Securitate reports compiled about Mllers literary production, she was
castigated for negativism: nothing positive appears in it, wrote Voicu
about her debut collection Niederungen, in March 1983.44
On the other hand, there were modernist and avant-garde movements in
early twentieth-century Romania. The best-known exponentsincluding
figures such as Tristan Tzara, founder of the Dadaist movement; surrealist poet Benjamin Fondane; and absurdist playwright Eugne Ionesco
sought and in some cases found their fortune abroad, most commonly
in French culture. Perhaps the most notable example from Romania
was Paul Celan, who grew up in Czernowitz in Romanian Bukovina and
emigrated to the West. But before he did so, he also carried out some
translations of prose and verse into Romanian. A version of his celebrated
work Todesfuge, was entitled in Romanian Tangoul morii, death tango as
opposed to death fugue.45
Mller almost certainly had knowledge of all these writers works, as
well as their life trajectories. For instance, the latter title might have influenced that of Mllers Drckender Tango [Oppressive Tango], just as the
title of Ionescos well-known play Le roi se meurt [The King dies] forms the
starting point for Mllers Der Knig verneigt sich und ttet [The King takes
a bow and kills]. In both these cases, however, Mllers direct engagement with her predecessors seems to be on the level of playing with titles,
rather than composing a full-blown intertext or commentary.
Mllers work also shows the imprint of writers lesser known outside
Romanian literary circles. Notable among these was Gellu Naum (1915
2001), who had helped establish a surrealist poetry circle in 1940s Romania, and also published fiction and a number of translations.46 An extract
from Naums 1941 poem Lacrima [The tear] constitutes the epigraph to
Mllers Herztier:
I had a friend in each little piece of cloud
in fact thats how friends are when theres so much fear in the world
44Voicu, Nota (16 March 1983) For more details see Glajar, Presence.
45For a subtle analysis see Felstiner, Paul Celan, 289, 4250.
46In English there are Naum, Poems; My tired father; Zenobia; and Vasco da Gama and
other pohems.
225
mother too said its normal and that she wouldnt have me become a friend
i should think rather of something serious47
The work of singer Maria Tnase (19131963) also features in Herztier and
elsewhere in Mllers work, and can be considered a significant Romanian
intertext, if not influence, upon it.51 Like Naums poetry, Tnases work
appears in connection with Tereza, the friend of the narrator who turns
47aveam cte un prieten n fiecare bucic de nor / de fapt aa sunt prietenii cnd e
atta spaima pe lume / mama spunea i ea c e normal i c nu accept s m fac prieten /
mai bine ma gndi la ceva serios; Naum, Lacrima, 512. Cf. Mller, Herztier, colophon
page.
48Pastiors translations were published as Rede auf dem Bahndamm; Oskar Pastior entdeckt Gellu Naum; and Naum, Pohesie. As these all postdate Herztier, it seems Mller may
have had access to them in a manuscript version. Predoiu, Faszination, 1834, suggests
that Pastior was a significant influence on Mllers more general ludic engagement with
Romanian vocabulary, citing the formers volume Das Hren des Genitivs.
49Mller, Herztier, 104; cf. Land of green plums, 945. NB piele means skin or leather
in Romanian, possibly referring to the characteristic leather jacket of the Securitate officer;
in the German the orthography was modified to Pjele to aid pronunciation.
50Mller, interview with Radio Romania International, 18 July 2007, at http://www.rri
.ro/arh-art.shtml?lang=1&sec=13&art=4641 [accessed 18 March 2011].
51For Mllers own account of her engagement with Tnases work, see Herta Mller,
Welt, Welt, Schwester Welt. In October 2010 she presented Tnases work at a concert
at the Literaturhaus, Stuttgart: for details see http://www.literaturhaus-stuttgart.de/event/
1961-1-es-gibt-vieles-was-man-nicht-sagen-aber-nichts-was-man-nicht-singen-kann/
[accessed 1 August 2011].
226
chapter nine
And as the narrator explains, the song had a double meaning: while it
expressed the hope of the women to flee, the curse was addressed to
Tereza.54 This provides a classic example of how, particularly under
regimes of censorship, apparently apolitical works can have their meaning radically transformed by the disposition of the audience to read them
in an allegorical key. Taken together, the examples of Mllers adaptation
of Naums and Tnases lyrics also show her concern with problems of
artistic property, circulation of motifs in public and private spaces, and
tensions between production and consumption of literature in a politically and economically controlled society.
Original Works
More recently, Mllers engagement with Romanian has gone beyond attitudes to language, or passive absorption of literary influences. In 2005 she
published a book of eighty-five Romanian-language verse collages, Este
sau nu este Ion. This was issued in a print-run of 1500 copies by the wellknown Iai-based publisher Polirom, and accompanied by a CD of the
author reading the verses, recorded in July 2005 at the Romanian section
52Sie dachten: Alles was Tereza trgt, ist eine Flucht wert. Herztier, 118.
53The Romanian words of the song are Cine iubete i las / Cine iubete i las /
Dumnezeu s-i dea pedeaps / Dumnezeu s-i dea pedeaps / Triul arpelui / Cu pasul
gndacului / Vjitul vntului / Pulberea pamntului. It is worth accessing one of the
many versions available on the internet to appreciate the dramatic orchestration [e.g.
Tnase, Cine iubete]. The phrase triul arpelui [the snakes slither] is omitted in the
version in Herztier.
54Die Melodie sangen sie fr sich und die Flucht. Der Fluch des Liedes galt aber
Tereza. Ibid. Mller plays on the similarity between Flucht flight and Fluch curse, just as
in Celans Todesfuge death fugue, there is a hint of Romanian fug flight.
227
The text, extremely hard to render into English,58 gives the impression of
incompletely overheard conversation, and gives as much emphasis to the
phonetics of Romanian as to semantics: notably palatalized consonants
55Mller, Im Haarknoten wohnt eine Dame / n coc locuiete o dam.
56Plai cu boi (20012008) was the main publication of former Romanian dissident Mircea Dinescu, now a wealthy media personality; the title, meaning upland with oxen and
considered a characteristic Romanian landscape, is an obvious play on Playboy.
57E.g. basic words like sunt I am, cnd when, ct how much, all of Latin origin, were
spelt snt, cnd and ct. For an account of these orthographic changes, see Deletant, Rewriting the Past. The consonants indicated by and represent Slavic influence on Romanian
(before the mid-nineteenth century Romanian was spelt with a Cyrillic alphabet, in which
these sounds were represented by the letters and ).
58Very approximately Oh, terrible, hey, give me some money so I can this guy / Hey,
you me I can almost see that guys giving / Hey, him hair in the throats a dog, man / As
you stroke it it eats wire / Hey, ill thrust myself in for a week till he gives me sugar. Itll be
chickenshit. Collage no. 40 partakes of a very similar poetics: B, / secet / Mitic /
pierdut vac / cutat geab m, / nu gsit / trezit oprl, / mic/ ndoielnic, / tare fric /
omort [Ohhhhhh, / drought/ Mitic / lost cow / waste time looking man, / not found /
woke up small / dubious / lizard, / scared shit / killed]
228
chapter nine
(e.g. ts, sh), short vowels, such as the and discussed above. There
is also some alliterative play on diacritically marked letters, a feature of
Romanian which is thus strongly emphasized.59
In another sequence, Mllers target is not the everday, conversational
phonetics of Romanian but the rather pompous registers of bureaucratic,
journalistic prose:
Dar, in general, pe plaiurile noastre, cobortoare
cnd un animal moare nu conteaz din ce cauz de boal,
ori necat ingheat intoxicat clcat abandonat legat
evadat oricum uscat sau balonat m, Doamne, nu
de foame romnul se complace a savura corpolena
de Animal postum susmenionat.60
229
part five
Chapter ten
234
chapter ten
magic potion made up of holy water, basil, olive oil and honey (accompanied by the sign of the cross three times);2 or even their superstitiousstrategic dyeing of their hair blonde in the midst of the tournament. A
good portion of the comedy programme They Think its all Over, which was
screened by the BBC for light therapeutic relaxation after the intensities
of the Cup Final, was dedicated to the special guest, Ilie Nstase, who was
asked to explain the inner motivation of the Romanian fan who, it was
reported widely in the press, submerged his head underwater in his bath
for up to 4 hours a day in order to bring his team good luck.
An acclaimed historical synthesis published in 1996, Norman Daviess
Europe, despatches Romania in similarly garish colours. This encyclopaedic work of over 1,300 pages finds little to say about Romania except
that it produced Dracula, the Iron Guard, a folkloric death wish, Nicolae
Ceauescu and Stephen the Great. Romania has been aptly called the
North Korea of Eastern Europe, Davies summarizes, a closed country
acutely aware of its inferiority, excessively proud of its dubious record,
and instinctively given to acting as mediator between other Mafia gangs.3
Such unthinking generalizations are unfortunately all too common in
British history writing. Indeed, they may be said to be more prevalent in
the intellectual circuit of British public opinion than the general market:
even the most lightweight guide books have no interest in striving for
the elegant and offensive one-off judgement, and tend to produce a more
balanced picture.4
But in between the groves of academe and the gimmicks of the mass
media, a surprisingly substantial number of literary works on Romania
has been published over the last half century. Occasionally they play the
role of presenting scholarship to a wider public; many more of them are
concerned with depicting everyday life in the country in some detail; in
general they gain their legitimacy through a claim to special experience.
As they generally claim to avoid an interest in the purely historical or diplomatic, and often tend to stress what is interesting to the foreigner rather
2Romanians take shine to England. Ive advised them to anoint their goal net as
well, [Iulian] Bonea [football lover and renowned druid] said, which will prevent the
opposition from scoring.
3Davies, Europe, 1105.
4The situation in general and reference works on history differs little in its super
ficiality from that in works of literary criticism (which have been surveyed critically by
Marino, Pentru Europa, 8898). See e.g. the entry for Romania in Fernndez-Armesto, ed.
Times guide, which refers to demented Transylvanian peasants overtaken by visions of
vampires.
235
than to the native, their relevance to the scholarly student of Romania may
at first seem reduced. But one only has to consider the playwright Eugen
Ionescus words on stumbling across a chance reference to Romania in an
English novel of the 1930s, to realise the pressure exercised within Romania by such apparently innocent allusion:
Huxley puts Romanians among Letts and Lapps.
Consequently, this means that, in the extremely happy event that I
become the greatest Romanian critic, Huxley will still situate me alongside
the artists of Latvia and Lapland. To be the greatest Romanian critic!this
still means you being a poor cousin of the European intelligentsia.
What sad circumstances have forged for Romania this walk-on role in
culture?5
Similarly, the entire direction of U.S. Foreign policy regarding intervention in the Bosnian crisis of 1993 is rumoured to have been reversed upon
President Clintons perusal of an American travel account of life in the
Balkans, Robert Kaplans Balkan Ghosts, which apparently convinced
the President that the ethnic problems of the region were the irremediable product of ancient hatreds, and that the Wests assistance would be
worthless. We must conclude that despite the fact that travel literature
has long since lost its position as the sole purveyor of information on distant lands, or as the central database for philosophical anthropology, its
importance in shaping mentalities (of the individual or of the general)
has by no means disappeared. Indeed, one critic recently defined British
writing on Southeastern Europe in general in terms of an imperialism of
the imagination, such were its alleged effects.6
Quantitatively, one can enumerate nearly forty books of travel and
reminiscences; around a dozen biographies, mainly of royal personages
or of dictators; and six or seven works of fiction. What follows, then, is
not a systematic book-by-book treatment of all literature dealing with
Romania, but a first attempt to examine a few themes which recur within
British images, and to suggest directions for further research. I have tried
to look at themes beyond the obviousvampires, political instability,
Balkanismwhich have already received a degree of attention, even if
their explanation is by no means complete.7 This has led me to examine
problems of sexuality, art, history and what one might call the literarization
5Ionescu, Nu, 57. The novel referred to is Huxleys Point Counter Point. Huxley was
widely read in interwar Romania: for details see Dimitriu, Huxley. See also Ch. 8 above.
6Goldsworthy, Inventing Ruritania. See also Golopenia, Clichs.
7Nandri, The historical Dracula (still in many ways the best article on the subject).
236
chapter ten
237
238
chapter ten
and those who have depicted Romania in the 1990s have addressed this
difficulty largely by treating love relationships between Romanians and
Westerners. Bel Mooneys narrative of 1993, Lost Footsteps,13 features a
Romanian woman, Ana Popescu whose only son was the result of an affair
with a visiting American archaeologist in the 1970s. In 1989, she has her
son taken to Frankfurt where he arrives alone and is registered as a refugee seeking asylum. The novel chronicles her dramatic suffering following
her own failure to escape, and, after the revolution, her Odyssean wanderings in the West in search of her escaped child. The novel is largely narrated through the eyes of the principal Romanian character: the British,
French, German and American characters are viewed ambiguously. British Council officials in Bucharest indulge in questionably sincere flirtation; desire is always hampered by economic considerations and national
interests. Romania is portrayed synecdochically as a helpless, victimized
woman, equally let down by the sympathetic but uncommitted West and
the brutal, abusive man that is the communist state.
Paul Baileys Kitty and Virgil describes the intense and poetic love
between a Romanian refugee poet and an Englishwoman working in publishing in London. The name of the principal Romanian character indicates not only his Romanness but his status as a kind of modern guide to
the underworld. On the romance is superimposed a second theme common to many writings, fictional or otherwise, on Romania: its portrayal
as a kind of nether region of Europe, a Bermuda triangle of the mind, a
place that concentrates all ones anxieties about unnamable dangers and
the darkness of the unknown as one literary traveller put it.14
Perhaps the most interesting take on the idea of Romanian-British relations as being inevitably tinted with romance and subterranean danger is
the novel by Alan Brownjohn, published in 1997, The Long Shadows. The
protagonist, Tim Harker-Jones, is drawn to Romania when researching the
biography of his dead novelist friend, Philip Carston, who, it emerges, had a
powerful emotional attachment to his Romanian translator and portrayed
her in his novel A Time Apart (which she may have helped to co-author)
about a woman from an unspecified east European country visiting England. The biographer visits Romania several times both before and after
1989, but is unable to establish the exact nature of the relationship,
13Mooney, Lost footsteps. The title is an (acknowledged) borrowing from the earlier
escape memoir by Silviu Crciuna, Lost footsteps.
14Hoffman, Exit into history, 232.
239
which the translator angrily refuses to divulge. Meanwhile, a former British Council official who was party to the novelists visit to Bucharest and
to Trgu Alb (the provincial capital, where the translator lives), has written a play dramatizing the novelist and translators relationship as a passionate and tragic love affair across the Iron Curtain. Thus a variety of
perspectives is achieved on the representation of Anglo-Romanian sexual
relations: it is quite possibly a spiritual affair, but the average liberal mind
would still prefer to cast it as a dramatic sexual entanglement and/or an
act of political defiance. Indeed, the whole question of interpretation and
stereotype is problematized throughout the novel, and to some extent can
be said to constitute its subject.
Another thing all these writers have in common is a tendency towards
literarization of Romania. Also characteristic in this respect is a littleknown short story by one of Britains best-known contemporary writers,
Julian Barnes, entitled One of a kind. A British writer claims to have a
theory about Romania, that it can only produce one genius in any field:
Eminescu in poetry, Ionescu in drama, Enescu in music, Brncui in sculpture, Nstase in tennis, and Ceauescu in communist dictators. He asks
his migr Romanian interlocutor whether there is an equivalent novelist,
and the reply is that there was one great novelist, his childhood friend
Nicolai Petrescu but he was prevented from writing freely under Communism, and produced only one great work, a megalithic epic that was
a tacit comment on the megalithic culture that produced it. The migr
and the novelist had a pact that he would write no more after the success
of his solitary masterpiece. However, the English writers visit to a conference in Bucharest brings the migr bad news: his friend has caved in and
churned out several sequels in order to please the rgime.15
In some cases (Barnes and Brownjohn), the paradoxes of Romanian
literary production under communism are wittily and poignantly treated.
Elsewhere, this literarization is perhaps a product of foreign writers difficulties in representing a little-known culture, both in terms of their own
immersion and familiarisation, and in attempting to convey a particularly
Romanian set of symbols and aesthetic references to their Anglophone
audience. Thus Bel Mooneys Romanian characters cherish memories
of Oltenian rugs or peasant horas, Moldavian monasteries, folklore and
240
chapter ten
Mircea Eliade.16 Paul Baileys novel works through a similar stock code
of cherished cultural items by which his poet hero sets store: he quotes
Romanian literature to his lover, teaches her Romanian words and proverbs, and waxes lyrical about the Transylvanian spring and the Village
Museum in Bucharest.17 Romantic, but less than realistic.
This is perhaps less the result of a trend towards postmodernist interest in the problems of textualitynone of the novels under discussion is
particularly innovative technicallythan of a vague sense of admiration
for east European intellectual life in British culture, not always backed
by a deep understanding of the context that produced it. It is certainly
a change from older representationsnineteenth-century English travellers tended to be thoroughly disdainful about literary culture in Romania;18
and Olivia Manning captures an old-school clich well by having one of her
English characters (Inchcape, the director of the British Council in Bucharest) pronounce casually: Theyre quick. But all Rumanians are much of
a muchness. They can absorb facts but cant do anything with them. A
16Mooney, Lost footsteps, 156 (rugs & horas); 193 (folklore); 236, 346 (monasteries); 421
(Mircea Eliade); 464 (Miori). Romanian womens poetry such as is available in English,
from Hlne Vcrescu to Ana Blandiana, is extensively quoted.
17Bailey, Kitty and Virgil: Oltenian carpets, 26, 33; Ion Creang, 26, 1648, 204; plum
brandy, 35, 43; icons, 26; Lucian Blaga, 29; Eminescu, 50, 147, 181ff. (lead character has an
argument with his father over Eminescus nationalism), 251; Mioria, 51, 146, 251; Bacovia,
62, 72, 111, 2512; Roman ancestry meditated upon, 845 (Virgil), 125 (Marcus Aurelius), 262
(Trajan), and passim; Village Museum, 268 (What is not savage in our history is enshrined
there, the lead character tells his lover); Dracula, 113 (Stoker angrily refuted); Romanian
words, 43, 76, 106, 111, 118, 133, 150, 152, 232; Romanian sayings, 116, 120, 154, 186 etc. English
characters quote Hamlet (140) and King Lear (23), and recommend The Hound of the
Baskervilles (112); wicked Hungarian, 146 (accuses Romanians of being thieves and peasants); a folk legend, 185; Russian Skoptsy cab-drivers in Bucharest, 197; Brancui, 237. On
the other hand, Virgil also likes good old English hymns, and the poetry of George Herbert.
Baileys fictional poet has the usual experiences recorded in intellectual exiles memoirs:
when interrogated by the Securitate, he is made to discuss American literature, just as in
Maneas On Clowns, 86; also like Manea (xi) he treasures folk tales as an antidote to Communist ideology.
18The British consul in Bucharest in the first decade of the nineteenth century,
William Wilkinson, averred that an early propensity to learning and literature receives
but little encouragement and had a low opinion of the local versifiers: If any are able to
talk familiarly, though imperfectly, of one or two ancient or celebrated authors, or make
a few bad verses that will rhyme, them assume the title of literati and poets, and they
are looked upon by their astonished countrymen as endowed with superior genius and
abilities (Wilkinson, Account, 129), while in 1877 Berger (A winter, 2112) remarked rather
unjustly that There is no intellectual life whatever here. No conversazione, no scientific
meetings, no lectures, no libraries, no public galleries. And even if there were, there is not
a soul who would go a stones throw for any one of them.
241
242
chapter ten
243
nevertheless from the same stock of older images. I did not get to Romania until 1994, writes the veteran traveller Jan Morris,
but I felt I knew them well already. They were Frenchified Latins, peculiarly implanted among the Slavs of the East, and they were famously raffish,
intriguing, high-flown, unpredictable and unreliable. At first it seemed to me
that most of their conversations concerned tunnels [...] Louche but devout,
often elegant in a feline waywith women tram-drivers smoking on the
job, and headscarved baboushkas sweeping leaveswith vulpine sellers of
medicinal roots and peasants in high fur hatswith cinematic rogues, coats
over their shoulders, trying to cheat you with financial transactionswith
slyly evasive bureaucrats and delightfuly cynical historianswith conversations bafflingly opaque, and memories almost fictionally improbablethe
Romanians struck me as a cavalcade of everything I thought of as most
unchangeably Balkan.26
Morris deliberately blurs the line between what he may have observed
personally and what might be a foreigners prejudices, a technique which
allows him to project a learned familiarity with the exotic as compensation for the brevity of his encounter. Still, his attitude is at least more
favourable than certain other travellers, such as V.S. Pritchett, whom
Romania annoys almost from the beginning. Adam Nicolson, on an 1985
visit, found the Romanians personal attitude offensive, and remarks that
Personality matches a chute into barbarity on the other side, without
perhaps considering that the construction of personality is an intrinsic
trait of the genre he is practising. Jason Goodwin, on foot in 1991, merely
found that the language set my teeth on edge.27
Over twenty accounts were put out by mainstream publishers in the
years 19852000, although most of them were episodes of more widelyspread travels covering the Balkans or eastern Europe as a whole. Indeed,
such is the pressure of the market in Britain that many of them have
to make their journeys more interesting by choosing eccentric means
of transport: on foot (Jason Goodwin, Nick Crane, Peter OConnor); by
bicycle (Dervla Murphy, Georgina Harding, Brian Hall, Giles Whittell); by
donkey (Sophie Thurnham); even carrying a pig (Rory Maclean). Others
follow the length of the Danube (Guy Arnold), or the Carpathian mountains (Crane).
Some of these accounts are indeed rather superficial, and the historical detail paraded is frequently off-beam: one traveller describes the
26Morris, Fifty years, 151.
27Pritchett, Foreign faces; Nicolson, Frontiers, 208; Goodwin, On foot.
244
chapter ten
245
246
chapter ten
of the East, dwelling instead on its portraits of dirty, dusty boulevards and
starving peasants.41 But surely one of the novels virtues is the fact that it
represents many Bucharests: the prejudices of both Romanian and English characters are dramatized, and counterpoint each other continuously.
When British characters criticise the locals and attribute to them qualities
of laziness and dishonesty, counter-examples are brought to bear. Some
of the Romanian characters are casually anti-semiticbut not all of them
behave in this way. Some idealize the peasantry (Guy), others (Drucker,
Dobson) condemn them as idle beasts. If we see a Romanian character is
portrayed as lazy, gluttonous or dishonest, Manning the novelist does not
seize upon this as truth but for the fact that the behaviour conforms to
an image held by a Westerner: Yakimov was delighted to observe that she
did everything a woman of Oriental character was reputed to do.42 In this
case, as in many of the more sophisticated works on Romania in general,
prejudice is represented rather than simply perpetuated.
Beyond the weak historical explanations and the tendency towards
generalization, then, the more intelligent writers are able to illustrate the
diversity of opinions on Romanias identity and its future without declaring a definitive and damning verdict of their own. Many accounts are
written up within an inevitably fragmentary and subjective viewpoint,
but benefit at the same time from the spontaneity of direct contacts and a
position of detachment.43 In conclusion, to paraphrase Oscar Wilde, one
may say that if there is one thing worse for Romania than being written
about by the British, then that is not being written about. It is to be hoped
that future travel accounts and fictional portrayals are able to build on
the diversity and plurality of their predecessors representations, and that
a more sophisticated and consistent picture will prevent Romania from
returning to being a marginal blur on the retina of the Western vision.
41Boia, Istorie i mit, 215; Veiga, Istoria Grzii de Fier, 282, cites Mannings novel as
factual evidence of poverty and desperation among the peasantry in 1939; Deletant, introduction to Marea ansa, likewise sees Mannings vision as a negative one, and provides
some possible explanations.
42Manning, The great fortune, 202.
43Cernovodeanu, Image de lautre, 585.
247
Year
No.
Article about
Aid/Charities
1996
1998
1
1
Animals/Caves
Bombs & explosions
1996
1998
1997
1
1
1
Children/young
people
1996
1998
6
3
Defence/Aircraft &
aeropace
1996
1997
1998
2
6
1
Diseases
Drugs
1998
1998
1
1
Economic Situation
1998
Education/
Universities/UBB/
Languages
1996
1997
1998
2
3
6
Emigration
Espionage
1998
1998
1
1
1997
Francophonie
1997
Prisons/
Hairdressing
History
1997
Volunteers praised
Blue Peter Romania Appeal funds
mismanaged
New life-forms in Mangalia cave
Ill-treated bears
16 workers killed at military airfield in
Craiova
all orphanages/adoption/child-smuggling
learning patterns among Rom. orphans in
UK (THES)
Arms contracts; NATO expansion
Helicopter to be named after vampire;
NATO expansion 5.
British to help train Romanian army
Ceauescus old clothes go to leper colony
British trucks have drugs planted on
them in Rom.
Sale of Ceauescu artefacts to boost
economy
Internet project; student describes
summer teaching (THES)
Minority language problems (THES)
Ditto 5 (THES); Hun. lang. issue cd.
endanger govt (as Politics).
103 illegal immigrants caught entering UK
Retracts 1997 statement that Tkes was
informer (see Politics)
Five Romanian prisoners die drinking
methylated spirits
Romanian membership of Francophone
association
Criminals develop lice to avoid jail
1997
Housing
1997
Insects/Roads
1998
Literature
1998
Motoring
1998
248
chapter ten
Table 5 (cont.)
Index title
Year
No.
Article about
Murder
1998
National Flags
1997
Nuclear Energy
1996
Politics &
Government
1996
10
1997
10
1998
Race relations
Radio
1997
1996
1
1
1998
1996
2
4
Sexual Offences
1997
Special Reports
1996
Students
1998
Switzerland, rels. w.
1996
Theft
1998
1996
1998
1996
1997
1
3
1998
249
Table 5 (cont.)
Index title
Year
No.
1996
1997
1
1
Article about
Hilary Clintons visit + photo
Clinton visit (as Politics/NATO); Poncho
gaffe (as National Flags)
Source: The Times Index. Reading, UK: Primary Source Media, 1996, 1997, 1998. The index
covers the following publications: Times (daily newspaper); Sunday Times (Sunday newspaper); The Times Literary Supplement (weekly review); The Times Educational Supplement
(a weekly supplement for teachers & the educational profession); The Times Higher Educational Supplement (a weekly review for university lecturers & the higher educational
profession). The circulation of the Times and the Sunday Times is near to a million whereas
that of the supplements is nearer 50,000. This Index by no means covers all references to
Romania, but rather records articles in which Romania is a principal subject of the article.
From the Times itself only the main news section (home & foreign, leading articles, letters, obituaries and some other parts) is indexed, and not sport, business, features. Thus
the footballing reference cited in the second paragraph of this article was not found in
the Index. The literature heading contained for 1998 a letter contesting the comportment
of the Romanian poet Nina Cassian under the Communist regime, but not the original
article, a feature on Cassian, which provoked the letter. Of 39 articles on NATO accession
recorded for 1997, 6 featured Romania specifically and in detail; others may have included
incidental or summary mention of the country. In this sense the survey I have undertaken
is not completely representativebut offers a rough guide to what one newspaper and its
supplements considered newsworthy and characteristic of Romania in recent years.
More recently, Siani-Davies, Tabloid tales has analysed the British popular presss reaction to the 1989 revolution; and good critical surveys of the German and Dutch print media
have been made by Salden, Kriminell, corrupt und rckstndig, and Bosma, Onbekend
makt onbemind.
Chapter eleven
252
chapter eleven
1948 to 1989. Perhaps more seriously, there are not to my knowledge any
recent scholarly studies of the legal framework and sociological practice
of travel during this period.5 However, information extracted from other
bibliographies may give us an idea of the number of travel accounts published in different years; of the kinds of places travel writers went to; and
the kinds of things they said.6 Thus, a bibliography of recommended works
for public libraries issued in 1964 contained a limited number of books of
reportage and accounts of journeys, dedicated almost exclusively to highly
favourable descriptions of the countries of the Communist Bloc.7 Examples
include the Soviet travels of major prose writers like Mihail Sadoveanu,
George Clinescu, George Oprescu, Cezar Petrescu, Zaharia Stancu and
Geo Bogza;8 established socialists like Scarlat Callimachi, and Dumitru
Corbea;9 or younger figures like Victor Brldeanu, Ioan Grigorescu,
A.E. Baconsky, and Traian Coovei.10 Others issued Pages from Korea;
Notes from the Bulgarian Peoples Republic; On the Margin of the Gobi
Desert or reported from Cuba, the free territory of America.11 Poland was
considered The Phoenix Bird by Ioan Grigorescu but Portugal appears
hardly to have been considered at all let alone Great Britain or Holland.12
Although the quantity of travel books published was relatively small, it
was clearly considered a significant genre with a major didactic function
to play as all important Romanian writers practised it, including poets
such as Tudor Arghezi, Nina Cassian, Demostene Botez and Tiberiu Utan.13
5Some miscellaneous but valuable first-hand observations from different perspectives
in Hale, Ceauescus Romania, 1068; Neuberg, Heroes children, 89, 1156, 329; Deletant,
Ceauescu and the Securitate, preface. On micul trafic, i.e. legal small-trade border crossings: Chelcea & Lea, Romnia profund, 191207; on the German exodus: Hartl, Zum
Exodus der Deutschen; on forcing dissidents to emigrate: Scarfe, Dismantling.
6My basic source for this period is the fortnightly bulletin Bibliografia R.S. Romania;
Bibliografia literaturii romne. See also Gafia & Bnulescu, Scriitori romni contemporani.
7Gafia & Bnulescu, Scriitori.
8Sadoveanu, Caleidoscop; Clinescu, Kiev, Moscova, Leningrad; idem, Am fost n
China nou; Oprescu, Jurnal; Petrescu, nsemnri; Stancu, Cltorind; Bogza, Meridiane.
Clinescus fraternal travel writings are conspicuously absent both from the 17volume
edition of his Opere put out in the 1960s; and from the 1978 anthology of his travel writing
entitled nsemnri de cltorie. This gives an idea of how such early Russophile texts were
already being marginalized by editorial strategies under Ceauescu.
9Callimachi, Un cltor; Corbea, Anotimpuri.
10Brldeanu, Aerul tare; Grigorescu, Scrisoare din Moscova; idem, nvinsul Terek;
Baconsky, Cltorii; Coovei, Dimensiuni.
11Porumbacu, Drumuri i zile; Nedelcu, nsemnri; Ru, La marginea deertului Gobi;
Popovici, Cuba.
12Grigorescu, Pasrea Fenix.
13Arghezi, Din drum; Cassian, Dialogul vntului cu marea; Botez, Prin U.R.S.S; Utan, Kaimazarova.
paradoxes of occidentalism
253
Their topographical compositions attemped to establish an aesthetic geography favouring the Communist Bloc and ignoring the West. The spirit
of the era may be said to be encapsulated in the lines written by the poet
Eugen Jebeleanu:
O thought, thy wing
Beats only towards Moscow.14
Only those holding senior positions in the field of culture were able to
publish accounts of the non-communist world. Thus in the mid-1950s
Mihai Ralea (18961964, a literary critic and philosopher who had been
Arts minister in the early communist government of Petru Groza, subsequently Romanian ambassador in the USA and France, Vice-president of
the Grand National Assembly and President of the Romanian National
Commission for UNESCO) published a book of travels about the Far West
of the Americas15 and another work on France.16 The latter, although
more a series of philosophical reflections on Frances historical destiny
(revolutionary, of course, rather than the sick man of the West) drew
extensively on Raleas personal experience and emphasized his access to
first-hand knowledge.17 Likewise Horia Stancuson of socialist-realist
novelist and then director of the National Theatre Zaharia Stancuaired
his impressions of Scandinavia.18 Eugen Frunz, politician and director
of the review Flacra [The Flame], published an account of a trip to
West Germany in 1959.19 Demostene Botez, a leading poet and director
of the review Viaa Romneasc [Romanian Life], issued a book of verse
dedicated to Romanian-Bulgarian friendship entitled Rainbow over the
Danube20 and published further poems about Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia in his 1958 volume Prin ani [Through years], as well as a whole book on
his Soviet travels;21 but also managed to have his impressions of Marseilles
14Gndul, aripa ta /Bate doar spre Moscova. Jebeleanu, Zboar gnd (1953).
15Ralea, n extremul occident.
16Idem, Cele dou Frane. A French edition, entitled Visages de France and prefaced by
Roger Garaudy, was published in Paris in 1959.
17Shortly afterwards Raleas impressions of Egypt, Holland, England and Spain (undertaken before the communist takeover and published as Nord-Sud in 1945) were re-edited
in his selected writings: Scrieri din trecut.
18Stancu, Cltorind prin rile Nordului.
19Frunz, Oameni i cri.
20 Botez, Curcubeu; idem, Prin ani.
21 Idem, Prin U.R.S.S.
254
chapter eleven
from the late 1920s published in a French review22 while his Carnet23 of
1961 contained verses inspired by a trip to Paris. Alexandru Siperco, Romanias representative on the International Olympic Committee, published
travel notes on Sweden, France, Italy and Mexico in 1959;24 two years
later, senior literary critic and Director of the Romanian Academy Library
Tudor Vianus Jurnal included a description of a visit to Vienna as well as
ones to Moscow and New Delhi.25 This limited demarcation of access to
and permission to describe the West obviously led, within the intellectual
sphere, to a privileging of travel, which became marked out as a source of
authority and a badge of significance.
So things were changing, but slowly, in conformity with the partial
opening up of Romanian foreign and economic policy towards the West
in the 1960s. In 1956 the Youth Publishing House [Editura Tineretului]
inaugurated the series n jurul lumii [Around the World], dedicated to
works of reportage and travel, with the work Meridiane sovietice by the
classic socialist writer Geo Bogza; but soon afterwards it began to publish
books first about the non-aligned world (e.g. Nicolae Moraru on South
America,26 or Raja Nicolaus notes on India);27 then works about western Europe28 and the United States,29 although Romanian readers had to
wait until 1966 for a travel book about Yugoslavia.30 As for the big sister,
France, by 1967 a Romanian-American commentator was able to observe
that There are no political dangers connected with the restoration of
the French image.31 One of the first book-length accounts of America,
22Idem, Marseille il y a trente ans. In 1965 the volume from which these impressions
were drawn (n cutarea mea) was republished in idem, Chipuri i mti.
23Idem, Carnet.
24Siperco, Note de drum.
25Vianu, Jurnal, 969.
26Moraru, n lumea contrastelor.
27Nicolau, Strbtnd India.
28Stancu, Cltorind; Siperco, Note de drum; Popescu, Drumuri europene.
29Sidorovici & Brucan, America; Grigorescu, Cocteil Babilon. Several chapters of the
latter were reprinted in Grigorescus Zigzag pe mapamond, which also covered Indonesia, Cyprus, Poland, Greece, the Caucasus, France and India. Grigorescu went on to front
a popular television programme Spectacolul lumii [The Spectacle of the World] with
numerous accompanying books; in 1998 he became Romanian ambassador to Poland.
He reworked and extended his account of his American travels in Dilema american, but
using much of the original copy: comparison of this relatively favourable text with the
original 1963 version would make an interesting exercise.
30Brldeanu, De la Dunre la Adriatica. Several other relatively favourable descriptions of Yugoslavia appeared shortly afterwards: Arghezi, Pai prin lume, 23361; cf. Porumbacu, Drumuri i zile, 4773; Plopeanu, Secvene iugoslave.
31Fischer-Galai, France and Rumania, 114.
paradoxes of occidentalism
255
256
chapter eleven
Transylvanian locations: In the Cuc Valley (1959) and The Apuseni Mountains (1965). His rather hackneyed 1967 poem Apusuri, rsrituri [Wests,
Easts] summed up much of the sense of ambiguity and shifting points of
referentiality of the decade:
West, Easts, stars...
Movement below, movement above
And I, moving between them,
Lost and gone.
What the outcome will be, fate will decide!36
Whatever hand fate may have had in deciding the course of events, the
approximate scholarly consensus is that, following a relative thaw from
the mid 1960s, the Romanian Communist leadership under Nicolae
Ceauescu attempted to exercise increasingly repressive methods of symbolic control through a stronger nationalist discourse from the early 1970s,
and entered a phase of extreme isolation from the rest of the world during
the 1980s.37 One might then expect that the production of accounts of the
world in late Communist Romania would follow this pattern, and that
fewer descriptions of the West would appear, alongside possibly negative
caricatures of the capitalist world.
What is curious is that the number of books published in Romania
describing voyages to foreign countries, including the West, suffered no
decline in the 1980s.38 It may not have became automatically easier or
more fashionable to write about western Europe as time went by: indeed,
what happened more precisely was that Romanian travellers continued
throughout the 1970s and 1980s to visit, write about and publish accounts
of a wide number of countries, including Thailand, Canada, Australia,
Greece, Scandinavia, Turkey, Italy or Britain while the Eastern Bloc
countries received considerably reduced treatment.39 I mentioned earlier
36Apusuri, rsrituri, 57. The title may also be translated as Sunsets, sunrises, possibly
containing reference to Beniucs fluctuating career, as he was demoted in 1965 from his
post as President of the Writers Union.
37By scholarly consensus I mean that the analyses of Verdery, National ideology,
98134; Deletant, Romania, 145ff; Shafir, Romania; and Gabanyi, The Ceauescu cult, do not
seriously differ over periodisation, although they may offer different types of explanation
for what happened.
38This affirmation is based on approximate counts of titles I have extracted from
Bibliografia R.S. Romnia. Cri.
39I have not systematically researched images of the other produced in newspapers or
television in communist Romania but a short time spent browsing the periodical publications bulletin, Bibliografia R.S. Romnia. periodice i seriale, suggested to me that focus on
paradoxes of occidentalism
257
that the traveller Ioan Grigorescus 1961 work The Phoenix Bird was about
Poland; in 1970 the same author published Inflammable Phoenix which
described a flight over the North Pole and to Japan.40
In 1973 a specialist publishing imprint, the Editura pentru turism was
set up within the central state system, changing its name to Sport-Turism
in 1975 and producing a large number of works on internal and foreign
travel and tourism as well as auxiliary works like language manuals and
regional histories. The average annual output for book-length accounts
of foreign lands by all publishers in the Socialist Republic was about 20
books, a small proportion of the total market but enough reading matter to keep an enthusiastic public quite busy. This period also saw the
reprinting or translation for the first time into Romanian of such classics of world travel writing as Captain Cook, Sterne, Casanova, Alexander
von Humboldt, Dickens, Charles Darwin, Jules Verne, Antoine de SaintExupry, Ilya Ehrenburg or Francis Chichester. There was an emphasis
on exploration which to some extent fitted within the confines of communist reverence for progress and science but also enabled a focus on
Western travellers. Moreover, an academic discourse on Romanian travel
writing reemerged for the first time since the 1930s, with critical surveys
and anthologies being produced;41 and even, in 1985, a historical dictionary of Romanian travellers and explorers.42
The explanation behind this apparent anomaly may be simpler than at
first meets the eye: the success of Ceauescus personality cult depended
heavily on the idea that under his leadership the country had found a
place in the world order and its topography and culture were comparable to the traditionally great civilizations.43 As the Romanian Communist Party programme of 1975 put it, The RCP will most consistently work
for broad cooperation among all European states, based on full equality,
mutual observance of independence, non-interference in internal affairs
and mutual advantage.44 Strategies for inserting Romanian cultural
the Communist bloc was stronger at newspaper level than on the level of monographs, and
slightly more favourable. Obviously further research may refine or alter this conclusion.
40Grigorescu, Fenix inflamabil.
41Hilt, Cltori i exploratori; Zalis, Scriitori pelerini; Tebeica, Romni pe apte continente; Sngeorzan, Pelerini romni; Borda, Cltorie; Anghelescu, Cltori romni n
Africa; Cazimir, ed. Drumuri i zri; Berindei, ed. Cltori romni paoptiti. Critical study
of the subject had been inaugurated by Iorga, Romnii n strintate; and Potra, Cltori
romni.
42Borda, Cltori i exploratori.
43The interpretation of Gabanyi, Ceauescu cult, 879; and Brnzeu, Corridors, 1011.
44Programme of the Romanian Communist Party, 203.
258
chapter eleven
paradoxes of occidentalism
259
Or about Britain:
Unlike Rome, which does not hide its age, London and Paris appear, on first
contact, to be capitals of the 19th century.51
I once defined travel in Italy as an archetypal journey in which analogy
and generalization constitute the most important operations that experience has to work with.
What distinguishes travel in England from all other travel is, I would
say, precisely the absence or rather the inutility of such operations or
criteria.52
Whenever I am in London, my steps lead me to the Tate Gallery. For this
haven of art on the banks of the Thames, I have nurtured, ever since my
adolescent years, a secret and endless love.53
260
chapter eleven
paradoxes of occidentalism
261
also to Mozarts Vienna, to Paris but also to Dubrovnik;61 or the highlyreputed poet Gheorghe Tomozeis Travels in a Hot-Air Balloon, in which
you can read about Hollywood, Berlin, Bruges, the Holy Land, Bulgaria,
Czechoslovakia, Italy, Russia, West Germany, Yugoslavia, Paris, Hungary,
Poland, Greece, and finally Romania, ending with a section on Ipoteti
(the Moldavian birthplace of national poet Mihai Eminescu) seen from
the cosmos.62 Similarly, linguist Alexandru Rosettis Journeys and Portraits
covered Greece, India, Israel, the U.S.A., Albania, Africa, and Brazil as well
as France, Britain and Germany.63 It was as if the Cold War did not exist
in Romania and globalization had arrived early: an ideological position
which sat well with Nicolae Ceauescus protestations of independence
and claims to have surmounted the EastWest divide.
It is to this aspect of Ceauescus ideological posturing that veteran
traveller Ioan Grigorescus rather oblique reflections, on the occasion of a
visit to the Great Wall of China, surely refers:
I see once more the Great Wall of China, this dragon of stone placed to
straddle the mountains, following only the peaks, avoiding the valleys, and
I understand the worthlessness of walls erected between peoples, just as the
iron curtain or the bamboo curtain have proven flimsy. We no longer need
walls or curtains between men. People need to communicate; nothing is
more contrary to human nature than xenophobia and isolation.64
61Ignat, Din albumul unui cltor. The contrasts are put in evidence on the books dust
jacket which bears images of a Breughel painting, Quetzalcoatl, some unlocalizable fishermen, and the city of Dubrovnik.
62Tomozei, Cltorii cu dirijabilul.
63Rosetti, Cltorii i portrete. This edition collected a series of Rosettis travel publications from 1938 to 1973, which enjoyed at least five editions in the communist period
(Definitive edition, 1983).
64Grigorescu, Al cincilea punct cardinal, 402. Cf. Programme of the Romanian Communist Party, 204: Europe cannot be divided; it must remain a single entity, in order to ensure
peace and security.
262
chapter eleven
in Romania in conditions of isolation, autarchy, anti-Europeanism, antiintellectualism, ruralization, egalitarianism and Ceauist chauvinism.65
Which is all very well except that the regime was sometimes staunchly
pro-European. For nationalist writer Iosif Constantin Drgan (1917
2008, expatriated in Italy but one of the closest collaborators with the
Ceauescu regime), it was a proud achievement to be European in 1979,
and not so much in conflict with the regime as proof of its self-declared
achievements:
To feel in Europe as if in a native land, without spiritual and cultural frontiers, to militate for the the realization of an international community in
which peoples may determine their own fate; this is the ideal for which the
author of these volumes strives, and the reason for transcribing his existential experience.66
It is clear then, that over the course of forty years the ideological use to
which travel literature was put changed considerably. From fairy-tale
socialist realism, where the selection of destination and the immediate
tone in which it is described provide simple and transparent indicators of
the texts purpose and position, to the paradoxes of a regime which was
profoundly isolationist but nevertheless found it in its interest to produce
relatively favourable accounts of the West.
It might be objected that travel literature is an obscure genre with little
public impact. We can gauge a certain amount from the print-run figures
which appear (not in all cases) on the final page of Romanian books of
the period, and they are surprisingly large in some cases: while a book by
academic Alexandru Duu which mixed travel sketches with essays on the
history of mentalities appeared in only 3,600 copies, other more popular
works about western Europe or the United States enjoyed runs of twenty
or even thirty thousand copies.67 These are impressive figures, particularly
for a genre that rarely found its way onto school literature syllabi and may
not have had a separate section in public libraries.
In a world where foreign political reportage was limited and diplomats
memoirs a non-existent genre it would be tempting also to speculate on
the social significance of the reception of these texts: what were the readers made to think, and did they act differently? The importance of ideas
65Marino, Evdri n lumea liber, 6, 8.
66Drgan, Europa Phoenix, left dustjacket flap.
67Grigorescu, Cocteil Babilon (26,160 copies); Novceanu, Noaptea...(20,160); Marino,
Prezene romneti (21,000); Tudorans novel La nord de noi nine had a run of 30,000.
paradoxes of occidentalism
263
about the West among actual and potential emigrs from Romania was
remarked as early as 1980 by Ion Vianu, who described the image of the
West as a mythe-espace, as distinguished from temporal utopias such as
the idea of the Golden Age.68 More recently, an influential commentator
has noted that
the desire to flee beyond the iron curtainfor economic, political or spiritual reasonsmodelled not just the destiny of those fleeing, but also that
of those who stayed at home, torn between the fear of risk, prudence in the
face of the unknown, and the dream of travelling undisturbed in the paradise of the civilized countries69
It is of course hard to know whether the books were actually read, and if
so how. In the course of my research I spoke to a number of Romanians
who had grown up under Ceauescu, and who recalled the experience
of reading works about western Europe by writers such as Blandiana,
Romulus Rusan70 or Eugen Simion71 as either an escape or a surrogate; my
argument here has been a variation on this, namely that such texts played
the ideological role of asserting that Romania was not an isolated or disadvantaged culture, and that this may have encouraged acceptance of the
status quo. (One may also add that Ceauescu was aided in the creation
of this illusion not only by Romanian travel writers but also by Western
diplomats and politicians who saw fit to shower compliments on the dictator during the period of his political rapprochement with the West in
the 1970s).72 Such an argument may also explain some of the anomalies
of post-communist Romanian culture, such as the fact that even extreme
right-wing parties pronounce themselves in favour of Romanias European integration.73 Debates on the efficacy of propaganda are not always
easily resolvable. But if, as Gail Kligman has argued, The widening credibility gap paralleled the increasing divide between the Party/State and
264
chapter eleven
its population, one is tempted to place travel writers on the side of the
Party/State rather than on that of the population, particularly given that
they were the ones who had travelled and could form judgements as to
the comparative position of Romania in Europe and the World.74
One might further note, that unlike fiction or poetry where an author
has a degree of manuvre to disguise critiques in the form of allegory or
fable, travel accounts in the contemporary world make a claim of veridicity on the reader; there is possibly less scope for oblique or implicit collusion between reader and author. In other words writers appeared to
be engaging their readers in something politically subversive, i.e. reading
favourable accounts of the West; but this either implicitly bolstered the
regime (when favourable accounts of the West were juxtaposed with eulogies of Ceauescus Romania) or alienated readers (private identification
with the West as abdication of responsibility for the domestic situation)
or deceived them (by making them perceive freedom of travel as a reward
for the cultured, rather than an appanage of the loyal). Further research
may help us answer these difficult questions of reception: for the time
being, however, it is clear that it was quite possible to print favourable
first-hand accounts of western Europe and America in Ceauescus Romania; that such books were reproduced in large quantities; and that these
accounts did not necessarily work against the regimes interests.
74Kligman, Politics of duplicity, 118; the discussion here is about different types of ideological material but may be applicable to the case of travel literature too.
Works cited
Ab H[ortis, Samuel] Review of Born, Briefe. In K. K. allergndigst priviligierte Anzeigen aus
smmtlichen kaiserl. knigl. Erblndern, vol. 5 (29 mar 1775) & 1079 (5 apr 1775).
Abramos, I., R. Golescu, and I. tirbei. Memorandum addressed to Emperor Charles VI
[1718]. Magasinu istoricu pentru Dacia 4, 1847: 179211. Extract in Hurmuzaki, Documente
6: 23031.
Achim, Viorel iganii n istoria Romniei. Bucharest, 1998.
Acte i fragmente cu privire la istoria romnilor adunate din depozitele de manuscrise ale
Apusului, ed. N. Iorga. 3 vols. Bucharest, 18951897.
Acte i legiuiri privitoare la chestia rneasc, ed. D.C. Sturdza-cheeanu. 1st ser., 8 vols.
Bucharest, 1907.
, 2d ser., 8 vols., Bucharest, 1908.
Addison, Joseph Remarks on several parts of Italy &c. London, 1705.
Adamovsky, Ezequiel Euro-Orientalism and the making of eastern Europe in France, 1810
1880, Journal of modern history, 77:3 (2005), 591628.
Agnew, Hugh Origins of the Czech national renascence. Pittsburgh, PA, 1993.
Alecsandri, Vasile Poezii populare ale romnilor [1852], ed. D. Murrau. Bucharest, 1971.
Proza. Bucharest, 1966.
Alexandrescu, Sorin Identitate n ruptur. Bucharest, 2000.
Almsi, Gbor Constructing the Wallach other in the late Renaissance, in Whose love of
which country? ed. B. Trencsnyi & M. Zszkaliczky. Leiden Boston, 2010, 91130.
Almond, Mark The rise and fall of Nicolae and Elena Ceauescu. London, 1992.
Ames, E., M. Klotz & L. Wildenthal, eds. Gemanys colonial pasts. Lincoln, NE, 2005.
Anderson, Perry Persian letters, in The novel, ed. F. Moretti. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ, 2006,
2: 16172.
Andronescu, erban, & Grigore Andronescu, nsemnrile Andronetilor, ed. I. Corfus.
Bucharest, 1947.
Anghelescu, Mircea Cltori romni n Africa. Bucharest, 1983.
Dinicu Golescu n vremea sa. Introduction, notes, commentary, bibliography and
glossary, in D. Golescu, Scrieri. Bucharest, 1990.
Mistificiuni. Piteti, 2008.
N. Blcescu i romanul istoric romnesc, in idem, Clasicii notri. Bucharest, 1996,
5367.
Romantic travel narratives, in Non-fictional Romantic prose, ed. S. Sondrup &
V. Nemoianu. Amsterdam Philadelphia, 2004, 16580.
, Utopia as a journey: Dinicu Golescus case, Synthesis 18 (1991), 2531.
Anon, Circulara Ministrului de Interne ctre toi prefecii [1864], in Acte i legiuiri, 1st
ser., 2:905.
Anon, Cuvntul unui ran ctre boieri [c. 1840], in Acte i legiuiri, 1st ser., 4:7615.
Anon, Despre obiceiul ce au muli din Steni de a crede n vraji i n descntece, Foae
pentru agricultur, industrie i nego, nr. 5 (1840), 1720.
Anon, Elliniki Nomarkhia [1806], in The movement for Greek independence, ed. R. Clogg.
London Basingstoke, 1973, 10617.
Anon, Jalba deputilor steni [1857], repr. in Transilvania, n.s., 24:34 (1994), 36.
Anon, Lege pentru modificarea legii tocmelilor agricole votat de senat i amendat de
adunare [1872]. Acte i legiuiri, 2d ser., 1: 647.
Anon, Lettre Messieurs les auteurs du Journal de Bouillon sur le compte quils ont rendu
dun livre intitul Histoire de la Moldavie. Vienna, 1779.
Anon, Literary intelligence, Gentlemans magazine 78 (1808), 338.
266
works cited
Anon, Omul necurios [1705], in Chrestomatie romn, ed. M. Gaster. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1891,
1:352.
Anon, review of Born, Briefe, in Zugabe zu den Gttingischen Anzeigen von gelehrten Sachen
34 (10 Sep. 1774), 28994.
Anon, review of Born, Briefe, in Physikalische Bibliothek 1 (1775), 30913.
Anon, review of Born, Briefe, in Allegmeine Deutsche Bibliothek 30 (1777), 278.
Anon, review of Born, Travels, in Critical review 43 (1777), 280; adapted version in Scots
magazine 39 (April 1777), 207.
Anon, review of Born, Travels. Monthly review. 57 (1777), 233.
Anon, Romanians take shine to England, Times, June 13 1998.
Antohi, Sorin Imaginaire culturel et ralit politique dans la Roumanie moderne, trans.
C. Karnoouh & M. Antohi. Paris, 1999.
, Un modle dutopie luvre dans les Principauts Danubiennes, in Culture and
society, ed. A. Zub. Iai, 1985, 87100.
, Utopia lui Eminescu, in Civitas imaginalis. Istorie i utopie n cultura romn. Bucharest, 1994.
Arghezi, Baruu T. Pai prin lume. Bucharest, 1967.
Arghezi, Tudor Din drum. Bucharest, 1957.
Armbruster, Adolf Der Donau-Karpatenraum in den mittel- und westeuropischen Quellen
des 10.16. Jahrhunderts. Cologne, 1993.
, Romanitatea romnilor. Istoria unei idei. 2nd edn. Bucharest, 1990.
Arsenescu, Adina Chipuri, imagini, priveliti. Bucharest, 1983.
Asachi, Gh. Jurnalul cltoriei la Petersburg [1830], in Reflector peste timp. Din istoria
reportajului romnesc 18291866, ed. G. Ivacu. Bucharest, 1964.
Opere, ed. N.A. Ursu. 2 vols. Bucharest, 1973.
Asad, Talal, ed. Anthropology and the colonial encounter. London, 1973.
Ashburner, W. The farmers law, Journal of Hellenic studies 30 (1910), 85108; and 31 (1912),
6895.
at-Tahtw, R. Lor de Paris. Relation de voyage, 18261831, trans. and ed. A. Louca. Paris,
1988.
Augustinos, Olga French Odysseys. Baltimore, MD London, 1994.
Backus, Oswald P. The problem of feudalism in Lithuania, Slavic review 21:4 (1962), 639
59.
Baconsky, A.E. Cltorii n Europa i n Asia. Bucharest, 1960.
, Remember. Fals jurnal de cltorie. Bucharest, 1968.
Baidaff, L. Note marginale la Istoria lui Carra 17771779, Universul literar 43:2 (1927),
213.
Bakhtin, Mikhail From the prehistory of novelistic discourse, in The dialogic imagination,
trans. M. Holquist. Austin, TX, 1981.
Baki-Hayden, Milica and Robert Hayden, Orientalist variations on the theme Balkans.
Symbolic geography in recent Yugoslav cultural politics, Slavic review 51:1 (Spring 1992),
115.
Balaci, Alexandru Jurnal italian. Bucharest, 1973.
Balzs, va Hungary and the Habsburgs 17651800, trans. T. Wilkinson. Budapest London,
1997.
Blcescu, N. Opere, 4 vols. Bucharest, 19741990.
Bann, Stephen Under the sign. Ann Arbor, 1994.
BAPR. Bibliografia analitic a periodicelor romneti, 17901850, ed. I. Lupu et al. 2 vols.
Bucharest, 19661972.
Barbu, Daniel, ed. Firea romnilor. Bucharest, 2000.
Barbu, Violeta Concepia asupra blagorodiei n vechiul regim, Arhiva genealogic, n.s.,
1: 34 (1994).
Bariiu, Gheorghe Despre resbelul civil transilvan din anii 14371438, in idem, Studii i
articole. Sibiu, 1912, 94114.
works cited
267
Barnes, Julian One of a kind [1982], in The Penguin book of modern short stories, ed.
M. Bradbury. London, 1987, 4006.
Barthes, R. Le degr zro de lcriture, suivi de Nouveaux essais critiques. Paris, 1972.
Basso, Alberto Linvenzione della gioia. Rome, 1994.
Batten, Charles, Jr., Pleasurable instruction. Berkeley, CA London, 1978.
Bauer, Werner Journalistische Briefform und politisches Engagement in der sterreichischen Aufklrung, in Reisen und Reisebeschreibungen im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert, ed. B.I.
Krasnobaev et al. Berlin, 1980.
Bawr, F.W. Memoires historiques et geographiques sur la Valachie. Frankfurt Leipzig,
1778.
, . Bucharest, 1789.
Beales, Derek Court, government and society in Mozarts Vienna, in Wolfgang Amad
Mozart, ed. S. Sadie. Oxford 1996, 320.
Beaurepaire, Pierre-Yves LEurope des franc-maons (XVIIIeXXIe sicles). Paris, 2002.
Bejan, Cristina The Criterion Association. Friendship, culture and fascism in interwar Bucharest. PhD thesis, University of Oxford, 2009.
Benedict, Barbara Making the modern reader. Princeton, NJ, 1996.
Beniuc, Mihai Apusuri, rsrituri, in Alte drumuri. Bucharest, 1967. [reprinted in Scrieri,
4. Bucharest, 1973].
Benjamin, Walter. Illuminations, trans. H. Zohn. London, 1973.
Bentham, Jeremy Correspondence, vol. 3 (17811788), ed. I. Christie. London, 1971.
Berceanu, tefan Spre bunele trmuri. Bucharest, 1984.
Bercovici, Konrad The story of the Gypsies. London, 1929.
Brenger, Jean A history of the Habsburg Empire 17001918, trans. C. Simpson. London
New York, 1997.
Berger, Florence K. A winter in the city of pleasure. London, 1877.
Berindei, Dan Cteva tiri noi cu privire la Ion Roat, Studii i cercetri tiinificeistorie
(Iai) 9:12 (1958), 1528.
, Die Reisen des rumnischen Bojaren Constantin (Dinicu) Golescu nach Mittel- und
Westeuropa, in Reisen und Reisebeschreibungen im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert, ed. B. Krasnobaev et al. Berlin, 1980.
, Romnii i Europa. Bucharest, 1991.
, ed. Cltori romni paoptiti. Bucharest, 1989.
Berkes, N. The development of secularism in Turkey. Montreal, 1964.
Berman, Russell A. Enlightenment or Empire. Lincoln, NE London, 1998.
Bernard, Paul Peter Jesuits and Jacobins. Urbana, IL, 1972.
Berza, Mihai Turcs, Empire Ottoman et relations roumano-turques dans lhistoriographie moldave des XVeXVIIe sicles, Revue des etudes sud-est europennes 10:3 (1972),
595627.
Beza, Marcu English travellers in Roumania, English historical review 32, nr. 126 (1917),
27785.
Bhabha, Homi Of mimicry and man [1984], in idem, The location of culture. New York,
1994.
Bianu, Ion ntii bursieri romni n strintate. Scrisori de ale lui Eufrosin Poteca, 1822
1825, Revista nou 1:11 (1888), 42131.
Un cltor englez necunoscut n Romnia la 1702, Buletinul Societii Regale Romne
de geografie (1922), 41.
Bibliografia istoric a Romniei, 12 vols. to date. Bucharest, 19702008.
Bibliografia literaturii romne, 19481960, ed. T. Vianu. Bucharest, 1965.
Bibliografia literaturii romne, 19611965, ed. D. Curtican, E. Pintea, D. Daisa. 2 pts. Cluj,
199697.
Bibliografia R.S. Romnia. Articole din publicaii periodice i seriale. Bucharest, 1952
present.
Bibliografie R.S. Romania. Cri, albume, hri. Bucharest, 1952present.
268
works cited
works cited
269
Bracewell, Wendy The limits of Europe in east European travel writing, in Under eastern
eyes, ed. W. Bracewell & A. Drace-Francis. Budapest New York, 2008, 61120.
, Lovrichs joke. Authority, laughter and savage breasts in an eighteenth-century
travel polemic, Etudes balkaniques 23 (2011), 22449.
, New men, old Europe. Being a man in Balkan travel writing, in Balkan departures,
ed. W. Bracewell & A. Drace-Francis. Oxford New York, 2009, 13760.
, ed. Orientations. An anthology of east European travel writing. Budapest New York,
2009.
Brad-Chisacof, Lia The language of Tudor Vladimirescus and Alexander Hypsilantis revolutionary proclamations, Revue dtudes sud-est europennes 26:1 (1988), 3542.
Bradley, E. The search for individual identity in the works of Eugene Ionesco, 19501985. PhD
thesis, University of Durham, 1986.
Braudel, Fernand Histoire et sciences sociales: La longue dure, Annales 13:4 (1958), 725
53.
Breuilly, John Nationalism and the state. Manchester, 1982.
Bright, Richard Travels from Vienna through Lower Hungary. Edinburgh 1818.
Brnzeu, Pia Corridors of mirrors. The spirit of Europe in contemporary British and Romanian
fiction. Lanham New York Oxford, 2000.
Journeys to the other half of the continent. British and Irish accounts of the Carpatho-Danubian region, in History of the literary cultures of east-central Europe, ed.
J. Neubauer & M. Cornis Pope. 4 vols. Amsterdam Philadelphia, 20042010, 4:54960.
BRV: Bibliografia romneasc veche (15081830), ed. I. Bianu, N. Hodo and D. Simonescu,
4 vols. Buc., 19031944.
Bucur, Maria Heroes and victims. Bloomington, IN, 2009.
Bucur, Marin La dcouverte de loccident par les Roumains travers Vienne (premire
moiti du XIXe sicle), Etudes danubiennes 5:1 (1989), 3950.
, Preface to D. Golescu, nsemnare a cltoriii mele. Bucharest, 1971.
Bur, Martha Catholic missionaries on Orthodoxy in the Balkans, Etudes balkaniques 29
(1993), 4354.
Burnet, Gilbert Some letters containing an account of what seemed most remarkable in Switzerland, Italy &c. Rotterdam, 1686.
Butaru, Lucian Eminescu and the pattern of Romanian antisemitism, Studia europa,
nr. 1 (2012).
Cltori strini despre rile romne. 10 vols. Bucharest 19682001; new series, 6 vols. to
date. Bucharest, 20042011.
Clinescu, G. Am fost n China nou. Bucharest, 1949.
History of Romanian literature from its origins to the present day [1941]. 4th edn., trans.
L. Levichi. Milan, 1988.
nsemnri de cltorie, ed. G. Muntean. Bucharest, 1973.
Kiev, Moscova, Leningrad. Bucharest, 1949.
Mihai Eminescu. Studii i articole. Iai, 1978.
Opera lui Mihai Eminescu, 2nd edn. 2 vols. Bucharest, 196970.
Opere. 17 vols. Bucharest, 196583.
Viaa lui Mihai Eminescu, 4th edn. Bucharest, 1966.
Clinescu, Matei How can one be a Romanian? Modern Romanian culture and the
West, Southeastern Europe 10:2 (1983), 2536.
How can one be what one is?, in Identitate / alteritate n spaiul romnesc, ed.
A. Zub. Iai, 1996, 2144.
Ionescu and Rhinoceros. Personal and political backgrounds, East European politics
and societies 9:3 (1995), 393432
Callimachi, Scarlat Un cltor prin U.R.S.S. Bucharest, 1960.
Camariano-Cioran, Ariadna Les Acadmies princires de Bucharest et de Jassy. Thessaloniki,
1974.
270
works cited
Cncea, Paraschiva, Situaia rnimii din secolul al XIX-lea reflectat n literatura epocii
Revista de istorie 38:3 (1985), 26476.
Caizares-Esguerra, Jorge How to write the history of the New World. Stanford, CA, 2001.
Cantemir, D. Descriptio Moldaviae [c. 1716], trans. G. Guu. Bucharest, 1973.
see also Kantemir.
Caracostea, D. Die Ausdruckswerte der rumnischen Sprache. Jena Leipzig, 1939. [Romanian version, Expresivitatea limbii romne. Bucharest, 1942].
Caragiale, I.L. Opere ed. P. Zarifopol. 4 vols. Bucharest, 19301931.
, The lost letter and other plays, trans. F. Knight, London 1954.
, Schie i povestiri / Sketches and stories, trans. E.D. Tappe. Cluj, 1979.
Cardinal, Roger Romantic travel, in Rewriting the self, ed. R. Porter. London New York,
1997.
Carmichael, Catherine Ethnic stereotypes in early European ethnographies, Narodna
umjetnost 33 (1996), 197209.
Carra, Jean-Louis Histoire de la Moldavie et de la Valachie. Jassy, 1777.
Carswell, John Patrick The prospector. London, 1950.
Carte romneasc de nvtur [1646], ed. A. Rdulescu. Bucharest, 1961.
Cartojan, N. Ceasornicul domnilor de N. Costin i originalul spaniol al lui Guevara,
Cercetri literre 4 (1940), 117.
Cassian, Nina Dialogul vntului cu marea. Motive bulgare. Bucharest, 1957.
Catargiu, Barbu. Memorandum [1857]. In Jean C. Filitti, Un mmoire de 1857 sur les classes sociales de la Valachie, in Mlanges offertes D. Gusti. Bucharest, 1936.
Cazimir, tefan, ed. Drumuri i zri. Antologie a prozei romneti de cltorie. Bucharest,
1982.
Ceauescu, Florea Drumeind prin lume. Bucharest, 1982.
, Izbnda n stepa cu ngar. Bucharest, 1981.
, Magistrala Baikal-Amur. Bucharest, 1985.
, Popasuri n Balcani. Bucharest, 1978.
Ceauescu, Nicolae O politic de pace, colaborare i prietenie cu toate popoarele. Bucharest,
1983.
Ceauu, Mihai-tefan coal i educaie n Bucovina n perioada iosefinist i postiosefinist, Anuarul institutului de istorie A.D. Xenopol 31 (1994).
Cernovodeanu, Paul Contributions to Lord Pagets journey in Wallachia and Transylvania,
Revue des etudes sud-est europnnes 11:2 (1973), 27585.
Eminescu traductor al primului volum din Fragmente zur Geschichte der Rumnen
de Eudoxiu Hurmuzaki, Caietele Eminescu 5 (1980), 4970.
Image de lautre: ralits balkaniques et roumaines travers les rcits de voyageurs
trangers, Revue des tudes sud-est europennes 18:4 (1980).
Probleme de demografie n opera lui Mihai Eminescu, Revista de istorie social 1
(1996), 21735.
Chamberlain, Lesley In the communist mirror. London, 1990.
Chelcea, Liviu & Puiu Lea, Romnia profund n comunism. Bucharest, 2000.
Chiimia, I.C. Probleme de baz ale literaturii romne vechi. Bucharest, 1972.
Chindri, Ioan Horia i masoneria? Anuarul institutului de istorie Cluj 37 (1998), 291301.
Chirico, David The travel narrative as a (literary) genre, in Under eastern eyes, ed.
W. Bracewell & A. Drace-Francis. Budapest New York, 2008, 2759.
Chirot, Daniel Social change in a peripheral society. New York, 1976.
Chishull, Edmund Travels in Turkey and back to England. London, 1747.
Chuzhdi ptepisi za balkanite, 9 vols. Sofia, 1975 1990.
Cihodaru, C. & P.P. Panaitescu. Dezbatere. Studii i cercetri tiinifice. Istorie, 7:1 (1957),
25164, and 9:12 (1958), 1609.
Ciobanu, Veniamin Imagini ale strinului n cronici din Moldova i ara Romneasc
(secolul XVIII), in Identitate/alteritate n spaiul romnesc, ed. A. Zub. Iai, 1996.
works cited
271
272
works cited
works cited
273
Review of Hammond, The debated lands, in Studies in travel writing 13:1 (2009),
878.
Review of Jezernik, Wild Europe, in Journeys, the International journal of travel and
travel writing, 6:12 (2005), 1179.
Romanian travel writing, in A bibliography of east European travel writing on Europe,
ed. A. Drace-Francis & W. Bracewell. Budapest New York, 2008, 371450.
Drgan, Iosif Constantin Europa Phoenix. Rome, 1979.
Dragnev, D.M. Evoliutsiia otrabotochnoi renty v tsaranskoi [sic!] derevne v poslednei
treti XVIII-30-kh gg. XIX v., in vol. Voprosy istorii Moldavii XIXnachala XX v. Kishinev,
1989.
Drouhet, Charles Le roumain dans la littrature franaise, Mercure de France 35, t. 171, nr.
621 (mai 1924), 598625.
Drysdale, Helena Looking for Gheorghe. London, 1995.
Du Bois, W.E.B. The souls of black folk. London, 1905.
Dumistrcel, Stelian Germanul n mentalul rural romnesc, in Identitate/alteritate n
spaiul romnesc, ed. A. Zub. Iai, 1996.
Dumitrescu-Buulenga, Zoe Periplu umanistic. Bucharest, 1980.
Dupcsik, Csaba Postcolonial studies and the inventing of Eastern Europe, East Central
Europe 26 (1999), 114.
Durandin, Catherine Les intellectuels et la paysannerie roumaine de la fin du XIXe sicle
aux annes 1930, Revue dhistoire contemporaine et moderne 26 (1979), 14455.
Une tape de lidologie nationale roumaine. La voie de ltat-nation paysan, in
Paysans et nations. Paris, 1985, 17995.
Le bon sujet de lhistoire roumaine. Le peuple, le paysan ou le bourgeois, International journal of Rumanian studies 5:2 (1987), 5969.
Duu, Alexandru Der Josephinismus als zivilisatorischer Proze und die rumnische kulturelle Tradition, in Der Josephinismus, ed. H. Reinalter. Frankfurt, 1993, 12135.
Europes image with Romanian representatives of the Enlightenment, in Enlightenment and Romanian society, ed. P. Teodor. Cluj. 1980.
European intellectual movements and modernization of Romanian culture, trans.
A. Ionescu-Parau. Bucharest, 1981.
Les livres de sagesse dans la culture roumaine. Bucharest, 1971.
Modele, imagini, priveliti. Cluj, 1979.
National and European consciousness in the Romanian Enlightenment, Studies on
Voltaire and the eighteenth century 55 (1967), 46379.
Sintez i originalitate n cultura romn. Bucharest, 1972.
Y-a-t-il une Europe Orthodoxe? Buletinul Institutului de Studii Sud-Est Europene 7
(1997).
Eckelmayer, Judith The cultural context of Mozarts The Magic Flute, 2 vols. Lewiston
QueenstonLampeter, 1991.
Egerding, Elisabeth Eine religise Wende Ionescos? Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift 71 (1990), 44559.
Ehrler, Johann Jakob Das Banat vom Ursprung bis jetzo (1774), ed. & trans. C. Fenean. 3rd
edn. Timioara, 2006.
Eidelberg, Philip The great Rumanian peasant revolt of 1907. Leiden, 1974.
Eke, Otto Norbert Einleitung, in idem, ed. Die erfundene Wahrnehmung. Paderborn, 1991.
Eliade, Mircea Two Romanian spiritual traditions, Romanian review, nr. 678 (1995),
1629 [originally in idem, mpotriva dezndejdii. Bucharest, 1992, 1724].
Eliade, Pompiliu De linfluence franaise sur lesprit publique en Roumanie. Paris, 1898.
Histoire de lesprit publique en Roumanie. 2 vols. Paris, 190514.
Eliades, Manasses . . / Oratio panegyrica ad...Dominum J. A. Hypselantam. Leipzig, 1781.
Elian, Al. Bizanul, Biserica i cultura romneasc. Iai, 2003.
Elliott, Robert C. The literary persona. Chicago, 1982.
274
works cited
works cited
275
276
works cited
Griffin, Patrick Fathers and sons in nineteenth-century Romania. PhD diss., University of
Southern California, 1969.
Grigora, N. Instituii feudale din Moldova. Bucharest, 1971.
Grigorescu, Ioan Al cincilea punct cardinal. Bucharest, 1983.
, Cocteil Babilon. Bucharest, 1963.
, Dilema american [Spectacolul lumii, III]. Bucharest, 1981.
, Fenix inflamabil. Bucharest, 1970.
, nvinsul Terek. Bucharest, 1956.
, Pasrea Fenix. Bucharest, 1961.
, Scrisoare din Moscova. Bucharest, 1954.
, Zigzag pe mapamond. Bucharest, 1964.
Grigorovici, Radu ed. Bucovina n primele descrieri geografice, istorice, economice i demografice, 17751805. Bucharest, 1998.
Grimm, Petre Traduceri i imitaiuni romneti dup literatura englez, Dacoromania 3
(19221923), 284377.
Griselini, Francesco Lettere, Nuovo giornale dItalia 3 (1778), 3440, 437, 536, 624,
6872, 7980, 839, 9195.
Grivel, Charles Travel writing, in Materialities of communication, ed. H.U. Gumbrecht &
K.L. Pfeiffer. Stanford, CA, 1994, 24257.
Gruber, Tobias Briefe hydrographischen und physikalischen Inhalts aus Krain, an I. von
Born. Vienna, 1781.
Guentcheva, Rossitza Images of the West in Bulgarian travel writing during socialism
(19451989), in Under eastern eyes, ed. W. Bracewell & A. Drace-Francis. Budapest
New York, 2008, 35578.
Guevara, Don Anthony The Diall of Princes [1529], trans. T. North. London, 1919.
Guida, Francesco Un libro italiano sui paesi romeni alla fine del settecento, in Italia e
Romania, ed. S. Graciotti. Florence, 1998, 34465.
Gymnt, Ladislau Micarea naional a romnilor din Transilvania. Bucharest 1986.
Habinek, Thomas The politics of Latin literature. Princeton, NJ, 1998.
Hacquet, Balthasar Lettera odeporica...al Sig. Cavalere di Born contenente i dettagli dun
viaggio fluviatile, fatto pel Illiria Ungarese e Turchesco, Opuscoli scelti sulle scienze e
sulle arti 1 (Milan 1778), 527.
Haenke, Tadeo Trabajos cientficos y corespondencia, ed. M.V. Ibez Montoya [= La expedicin Malaspina 17891794, 4]. Barcelona Madrid, 1989.
Haines, Brigid The unforgettable forgotten. The traces of trauma in Herta Mllers
Reisende auf einem Bein, German life and letters 55:3 (2002), 26681.
Hale, Julian Ceauescus Romania. London, 1970.
Hall, Michael The emergence of the essay and the idea of discovery, in Essays on the essay,
ed. A. Butrym. Athens, GA, 1989, 7391.
Hamblyn, Richard Private cabinets and popular geology, in Transports, ed. C. Chard &
H. Langdon. New Haven London, 1996, 179203.
Hamdan, Alexandra Ionescu avant Ionesco. Bern, 1993.
Hammond, Andrew British literature and the Balkans. Amsterdam, 2010.
, The debated lands. Cardiff, 2007.
, The uses of Balkanism, Slavonic and east European review 82:3 (2004) 60124.
Hane, P.V. Histoire de la littrature roumaine. Paris, 1934.
Un cltor englez despre Romni.Bucharest, 1920.
Hangiu, Ion ed. Presa literar romneasc 1 (17891901). Bucharest, 1968.
Hana, Al. Idei i forme literare pn la Titu Maiorescu. Bucharest, 1985.
Harrington, Joseph F. and Bruce J. Courtney, Tweaking the nose of the Russians. Fifty years
of American-Romanian relations, 19401990. New York, 1991.
Hartl, Hans Zum Exodus der Deutschen aus Rumnien, Sdosteuropa Mitteilungen 27:34
(1987), 2208.
Hartog, Franois The mirror of Herodotus, trans. J. Lloyd. Berkeley LA London, 1988.
works cited
277
278
works cited
Hurmuzaki, Documente privitoare la istoria romnilor culese de Baron Eudoxiu de Hurmuzaki, 22 vols. Bucharest: various publishers, 18761943. Supplement 1, 6 parts, Bucharest,
188695. Supplement 2, 3 parts, Bucharest, 18931900. New series, 4 vols. Bucharest,
195974.
Huxley, Aldous Point counter point. London, 1928.
Iacob, Luminia Etnopsihologie i imagologie. Sinteze i cercetri. Iai, 2003.
Iakovenko, I. 1834. Moldaviia i Valakhiia s 1820 po 1829 god. St. Petersburg. Romanian
excerpts in Cltori rui n Moldova i Muntenia, ed. and trans. G. Bezviconi. Bucharest,
1947.
Ignat, Nestor Din albumul unui cltor. Bucharest, 1980.
Ioanid, Radu The sword of the Archangel. New York, 1990.
Ioncioaia, Florea Viena, opt sute treizeci i opt, in Itinerarii istoriografice, ed. G. Bdru.
Iai.
Veneticul, pgnul i apostatul, in Identitate/alteritate n spaiul romnesc, ed.
A. Zub. Iai, 1996. [German version in Heppner, ed. Die Rumnen]
Ionescu, Adrian-Silvan Fotografiasurs pentru portretele unor personaliti politice,
Revista de istorie social 1 (1996) 77118.
Ionesco, Eugene Lassurdo e la speranza. Testi i dipinti inediti. Rimini, 1994
Notes et contre-notes. Paris, 1962.
Nu [1934]. Bucharest, 1991.
La photo du colonel. Paris, 1962.
Prsent pass, pass prsent. Paris, 1968.
Rzboi cu toat lumea. 2 vols. Bucharest, 1992.
Thtre complet. Paris, 1991.
Ionescu, Gelu Les dbuts littraires roumains dEugne Ionesco, trans. M. Nedelco-Patureau.
Heidelberg, 1989.
Ionescu de la Brad, I. Povuitorul sntii i economiei. Iai, 1844.
Ionesco, Jean Excursion agricole dans la plaine de la Dobruja. Constantinople, 1850.
Ionesco, Marie-France Portrait de lcrivain dans le sicle. Eugne Ionesco, 19091994. Paris,
2004.
Ionescu-Ruxndoiu, Liliana Naraiune i dialog n proza romneasc. Bucharest, 1991.
Iordachi, Constantin Citizenship, nation and state-building. The integration of northern
Dobrogea into Romania, 18781913 [Carl Back Papers in Russian and East European Studies No. 1607]. Pittsburgh, PA, 2002.
, Gods chosen warriors. Romantic palingenesis, religion, and Fascism in modern
Romania, in Comparative Fascist studies, ed. C. Iordachi. Abingdon, 2010, 31657.
Iorga, N. Ce datorim crii englese. Vlenii-de-munte, 1938.
Contribuii la istoria literaturii romne n veacul al 18lea si al 19lea, Analele Academiei Romne. Memoriile seciunii literare, 2d. ser., 28 (190506).
Cronicele turceti ca izvor pentru istoria Romnilor, Academia Romn. Memoriile
seciunii istorice, 3d. ser, 9 (19281929).
Dveloppement de la question rurale en Roumanie. Iai, 1917.
Les crivains ralistes en Roumanie. Paris, 1925.
Histoire des relations anglo-roumaines. Iai, 1917.
A history of Roumania [1920], trans. J. McCabe. London, 1925.
Inscripiile din bisericile Romniei. Bucharest, 1905.
nelesul cuvntului ar [radio broadcast 24 Sep 1937], in Dreptul la memorie, ed.
I. Chimet. 4 vols. Cluj, 1992, 1:7880.
Istoria literaturii romneti n secolul al XVIII-lea (16881821). 2 vols. Bucharest, 1901.
[2nd edn., 2 vols., Bucharest, 1969]
Istoria romnilor prin cltori, 2nd edn. 4 vols. Bucharest, 1928.
Romnia n chipuri i vederi / La Roumanie en images / Showing Roumania. Bucharest,
1926.
Romnii n strintate de-a lungul timpurilor. Vlenii-de-Munte, 1935.
works cited
279
rani n vechiul neles al naiei [radio broadcast 8 Oct 1937], in Dreptul la memorie, ed. I. Chimet. 4 vols. Cluj, 1992, 1:802.
Iorgulescu, Mircea Firescul ca excepie. Bucharest, 1979.
Isar, N. Trsturi iluministe n gndirea i activitatea lui Veniamin Costachi, Revista de
filozofie 15:4 (1968).
Ivanov, Leonte Imaginea rusului i a Rusiei n literatura romn, 18401948. Chiinu,
2004.
Jager, Patrick Les limites orientales de lespace europen, Dix-huitime sicle 25 (1993),
721.
Jebeleanu, Eugen Zboar gnd [1953], in Poezia unei religii politice, ed. E. Negrici. Bucharest [1995], 30.
Jelavich, Barbara History of the Balkans. 2 vols. Cambridge, 1983.
Jezernik, Boidar Wild Europe. London, 2004.
Jianu, Angela Women, fashion and Europeanization in the Romanian principalities,
17501850, in Women in the Ottoman Balkans, ed. . Schick. London New York, 2007,
20127.
, A circle of friends. Romanian revolutionaries and political exile, 18401859. Leiden
Boston, 2011.
Jipescu, Gligore Opincariu. Cum ieste i cum tribuie s hie stean. Scriere n limba
eranulu muntiean. Bucharest, 1881.
Jones, Robert Opposition to war and expansion in late eighteenth-century Russia,
Jahrbcher fr Geschichte Osteuropas 32 (1984), 3451.
Jordan, Sonja Die kaiserliche Wirtschaftspolitik im Banat im 18. Jahrhundert. Munich, 1967.
Joseph, John E. Language and identity. Basingstoke, 2004.
Jowitt, Kenneth ed. Social change in Romania 18601940. Berkeley, CA, 1978.
Jucan, Graian Mihai Eminescu despre geniul poporului romn, Transilvania, n.s., 24:34
(1994), 25.
Kantemir, Demetrii Historisch- geographisch- und politische Beschreibung der Moldau.
Frankfurt Leipzig, 1771.
Karnoouh, Claude Linvention du peuple. Paris, 1990.
Kaufman, Paul Borrowings from the Bristol library, 17731784. Charlottesville, VA, 1960.
Kellogg, Frederick A history of Romanian historical writing. Bakersfield, CA, 1990.
, The road to Romanian independence. West Lafayette, IN, 1995.
, The structure of Romanian nationalism, Canadian review of studies in nationalism
11:1 (1984), 2150.
Kelly, Aileen Herzen vs. Schopenhauer, Journal of European studies 26:1 (1996), 3759.
Kiossev, Alexander The debate about the problematic Bulgarian, in National character
and national ideology in interwar eastern Europe, ed. I. Banac & K. Verdery. New Haven,
CT, 195217.
Kleemann, Nicolaus Reisen von Wien ber Belgrad bis Kilianova [1771], 2nd edn. Leipzig,
1773.
Kligman, Gail The politics of duplicity. Berkeley, CA, 1998.
Klingenstein, Grete The meanings of Austria and Austrian in the eighteenth century,
in Royal and republican sovereignty in early modern Europe, ed. G. Gibbs et al. Cambridge, 1996, 42378.
Knopper, Franoise ffentlichkeit und Meinungsfreiheit, in Die Welt erfahren, ed.
A. Bauerkmper et al. Berlin, 2004, 21938.
, Le regard du voyageur en Allemagne du Sud et en Autriche (17751800). Nancy, 1992.
Knowles, Dorothy Eugne Ionescos Rhinoceroses, French studies 28:3 (1974), 294307.
Koglniceanu, Mihai Opere, 5 vols. Bucharest, 19741989.
, Scrisori, 18341849, ed. P. Hane. Bucharest, 1913.
Koranyi, James Between East and West. Romanian-German identities since 1945. PhD thesis,
University of Exeter, 2008.
Krner, Carl Th. Werke. Leipzig, 1906.
280
works cited
Korte, Barbara English travel writing from pilgrimages to postcolonial explorations, trans.
C. Matthias. Basingstoke, 2000.
Kosry, Domokos Les antcdents de la rvolution industrielle en Hongrie, Acta historica
Academiae Scientiarum Hungariae 21 (1975), 36575.
, Culture and society in eighteenth-century Hungary, trans. Z. Bres. Budapest 1987.
Kostova, Ludmilla Degeneration, regeneration and the moral parameters of Greekness in
Thomas Hopes Anastasius, Comparative critical studies 4:2 (2007), 17792.
, Tales of the periphery. Veliko Trnovo, 1997.
Kotsowilis, K. Die griechische Studenten Mnchens, Sdostforschungen 52 (1993), 119
237.
Krause, Thomas Das Bild der Rumnen, Roma und Serben in den Texten der Banater
Autorengruppe, in Bilder vom Eigenen und Fremden aus dem Donau-Balkan-Raum, ed.
G. Schubert & W. Dahmen. Munich, 2003, 33547.
Kroupa, Jii The alchemy of happiness, in Bohemia in history, ed. M. Teich. Cambridge
1998.
La Fontaine, Jules Le paysan du Danube (Fables XI, 7), in uvres compltes, 2 vols. ed.
J.-P. Collinet. Paris, 1991, 2:43840.
Laignel-Lavastine, Alexandra Cioran, Eliade, Ionesco. Loubli du fascisme. Paris, 2002.
Lamont, Rosette C. Ionescos imperatives. Ann Arbor, MI, 1993.
Lampe, John & Marvin Jackson. Balkan economic history 15501950. Bloomington, IN, 1982.
Lane, Nancy Understanding Eugene Ionesco. Columbia, SC, 1994.
Lsconi, E. Postface to D. Golescu, nsemnare a cltoriii mele. Bucharest, 1998.
Laubreaux, Raymond, ed. Les critiques de notre temps et Ionesco. Paris, 1973.
Laurian, A.T. & J.C. Massimu Dictionariulu limbei romane. 2 vols. Bucharest, 187176.
, Glosariu care coprinde vorbele din Limba Romanastraine prin originea sau forma
loruCum si cele de origine indoisa. Bucharest, 1871.
Leanca, Gabriel Geografii culturale i colonizri narrative. Perspective istoriografice n orizont imagologic, Anuarul Institutului de istorie A.D. Xenopol 51 (2004), 591602.
Leask, Nigel Byron and the Eastern Mediterranean, in The Cambridge companion to Byron,
ed. D. Bone. Cambridge, 2004, 99117.
Curiosity and the aesthetics of travel writing, 17701840. Oxford, 2002.
Leeds, Anthony Mythos and pathos, in Peasant livelihoods, ed. R. Halperin & J. Dow. New
York, 1977, 22754.
Leerssen, Joep Imagology. History and method, in Imagology, ed. J. Leerssen & M. Beller.
Amsterdam, 2007, 1732.
Leigh Fermor, Patrick Between the woods and the water. London, 1986.
Leiner, Wolfgang et alii. Bibliographie et index thmatique des tudes sur Eugne Ionesco.
Fribourg, 1980.
Lemny, tefan La critique du rgime phanariote, in Culture and society, ed. Al. Zub. Iai,
1985, 1730.
, Jean-Louis Carra (17421793). Paris, 2000.
Lvi-Strauss, Claude Tristes tropiques [1955], trans. J. & D. Weightman. London, 1973.
Lewis, Jeremy Kindred spirits. London, 1995.
Lindner, Dolf Ignaz von Born. Vienna, 1986.
Livada, Ligia Feele srciei, Revista de istorie social 1 (1996), 5163.
Lovinescu, E. Istoria civilizaiei romne moderne. 3 vols. Bucharest, 19241926.
T. Maiorescu i contemporanii lui [1943]. Bucharest, 1974.
Lovinescu, Monica ntrevrederi cu Mircea Eliade, Eugen Ionescu, tefan Lupacu, i Grigore
Cugler. Bucharest, 1992.
Lovrich, G. Adventures of Captain Socivizca, London magazine 48 (1779), 56, 513, 1568,
2169.
[] Osservazioni...sopra diversi pezzi del Viaggio in Dalmazia del Signor Abate Fortis,
collaggiunta della vita di Socivizca. Venice, 1776.
works cited
281
282
works cited
Michelson, Paul E. Alecu Russo and historical consciousness in nineteenth-century revolutionary Romania, in Temps et changement dans lespace roumain, ed. A. Zub. Iai, 1991,
13949.
, Ion Ionescu de la Brad, in Encyclopedia of 1848 Revolutions, ed. J. Chastain, rev. edn.
(2005), at http://www.ohiou.edu/~chastain/ip/ionescu.htm [accessed 1 March 2013].
, Romanians and the West, in Romania and Western civilization, ed. K. Treptow.
IaiPortland, OR Oxford, 1997, 1124.
Mignolo, WalterLocal histories/global designs. Princeton, NJ, 2000.
Mihai, Nicolae Orizonturi spaiale, orizonturi mentale. Corespondena unui student
oltean la Paris (18421846), in Cltori romni n Occident, ed. N. Bocan & I. Bolovan.
Cluj, 2004.
Mihilescu, Clin-Andrei Mihai Eminescu. The foundational truth of a dual lyre, in History of the literary cultures of east-central Europe, ed. M. Cornis Pope & J. Neubauer.
4 vols. Amsterdam Philadelphia, 20042010, 4:8696.
Mihilescu, Vintil Comment peut-on tre paysan? Identit et ethnologie en Roumanie,
Romanian journal of sociology 2:12 (1991), 6371.
, Orientalism dup Orientalism, Dilema veche 5:221 (814 May 2008). [English: NeoWestern supremacism, trans. M. Voiculescu. Plural, nr. 32/2008].
Mihilescu, Vintil & Otilia Hedean, The making of the peasant in Romanian ethnology.
International anthropology or national ethnology?, Martor 11 (2006), 1532.
Mihalache, Andi Metaphor and monumentality. The travels of Nicolae Iorga, in Under
eastern eyes, ed. W. Bracewell & A. Drace-Francis. Budapest New York, 2008, 23765.
Mihnea, Prince of Wallachia Charter confirming Dobromirs possession of Poiana village,
16 May 1579, in Documenta Romaniae historica, B: ara Romneasc, vol. 8. Bucharest,
1996, 3256 [Doc. 205].
Mitrany, David The land and the peasant in Rumania. London New Haven, 1930.
, Marx against the peasant. London, 1951.
Mitu, Melinda Problema romneasc reflectat n cultura maghiar din prima jumtate a
secolului al XIXlea. Cluj, 2000.
Mitu, Mihai Un fiu al Transilvanieigeniu european, Zeitschrift zur Germanistik Rumniens, Heft 12 (1998), 13340.
Mitu, Sorin Imagini europene i mentaliti romneti din Transilvania la nceputul epocii
moderne. Cluj, 2000.
National identity of the Transylvanian Romanians [1997], trans. S. Corneanu. Budapest, 2001.
Mooney, Bel Lost footsteps. London, 1993.
Moraru, Nicolae n lumea contrastelor. America de Sud. Bucharest, 1958.
Morris, Jan Fifty years of Europe. London, 1997.
Moruzi, Alexandru D. Lamlioration des monopoles et lamlioration de ltat du paysan
[1860] in Vieaa i opera economistului A.D. Moruzi, ed. V. Slvescu. Bucharest, 1941.
Moussa, Sarga La relation orientale. Paris, 1995.
Moyrer, Monika Die widerspenstige Signifikant. Herta Mllers collagierte Poetik des
Knigs, German quarterly 83:1 (2010), 7796.
Muecke, Stephen Country, in New keywords, ed. T. Bennett et al. Oxford, 2005, 613.
Mller, Herta Denk nicht dorthin, wo du nicht sollst, Der Tagesspiegel, 22 July 2010
[http://www.tagesspiegel.de/kultur/denk-nicht-dorthin-wo-du-nicht-sollst/1888610.
htmlaccessed 1 August 2011].
, Der Fremde Blick, oder Das Leben ist ein Furz in der Lanterne. Gttingen, 1999.
, Gesprch mit Herta Mller, in Herta Mller, ed. B. Haines. Cardiff, 1998, 1424.
, Herztier. Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1994.
, Hunger und Seide. Essays. Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1995.
, Im Haarknoten wohnt eine Dame / n coc locuiete o dam [2000], trans. N. Iuga.
Bucharest, 2006.
, Der Knig verneigt sich und ttet. Munich Vienna, 2003.
works cited
283
284
works cited
Nolte, Ernst Three faces of Fascism, trans. L. Vennewitz. New York, 1965.
Novceanu, Darie Noaptea pe drumurile Italiei. Bucharest, 1968.
Noyes, James Roumania. The border land of the Christian and the Turk. New York, 1858.
Odobescu, Alexandru Opere. 13 vols. Bucharest, 19651996.
Oerlemans, Onno Romanticism and the materiality of nature. Toronto, 2002.
Ogden, Alan English travel writing in pre-1938 Transylvania, Romanian civilization 7:3
(19981999), 8996.
Oiteanu, Andrei Imaginea evreului n cultur romn. Bucharest, 2001. [English: Inventing
the Jew, trans. M. Adscliei. Lincoln, NE, 2009]
Okey, Robin The Habsburg monarchy c. 17651918. Basingstoke, 2001.
Olreanu, Costache Fals manual de petrecere a cltoriei. Bucharest, 1982.
Oldson, William A providential anti-semitism. Philadephia, 1991.
Olsson, Anders Presentation speech, Nobel Prize Award Ceremony, 2009, at http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/literature/laureates/2009/ [accessed 18 March 2011]
Onioru, G. Vin americanii! De la sperana la iluzie n Romnia postbelic, Anuarul
institutului de istorie A.D. Xenopol 31 (1994), 299313 [German version in Heppner, ed.
Die Rumnen]
Oprescu, G. Jurnal de cltorie. Bucharest, 1957.
Orlove, Benjamin Against a definition of peasantries, in Peasant livelihoods, ed. R. Halperin
& J. Dow. New York, 1977.
Ornea, Z. Junimea i junimismul. Rev. edn. Bucharest, 1978.
rnismul. Bucharest, 1969.
Osterhammel, Jrgen Geschichtswissenschaft jenseits des Nationalstaats. Gttingen, 2001.
Ostrogorsky, G. La commune rurale Byzantine, Byzantion 32:1 (1962), 13966.
Pdureanu, Ion Bujor Discuii din priviri. False note de cltorie n Frana. Bucharest, 1971.
Pagden, Anthony, ed. Facing each other. 2 vols.Aldershot,2000.
Pageaux, Daniel-Henri Une perspective dtude en littrature compare: limagerie culturelle, Synthesis 8 (1981), 16985.
, Recherche sur limagologie. De lhistoire culturelle la potique, Revista de filologa
francesa 8 (1995), 13560.
Piuan, Robert Strat vs. Xenopol, Revue dtudes sud-est europennes 24:1 (1986), 2734.
Paleologu, A. Interview. Transilvania, n.s., 24:34 (1994), 6877.
Paler, Octavian Drumuri prin memorie. Italia. Bucharest, 1974.
Panaitescu, P.P. Obtea rneasc n ara Romneasc i Moldova. Bucharest, 1964.
Panu, G. Amintiri de la Junimea din Iai [1908]. 2 vols. Bucharest, 1942.
Papacostea, erban Nicolae Iorga i evul mediu romnesc. Afterword to N. Iorga, Studii
asupra evului mediu romnesc. Bucharest, 1984, 40227.
Papacostea, erban & Florin Constantiniu Les premires reformes des Princes phanariotes, Balkan studies 13 (1972), 89118.
Parks, George B. The turn to the romantic in the travel literature of the eighteenth century, Modern language quarterly 25 (1964), 2233.
Parman, Susan A harrowing true mysterious pilgrimage travel adventure on the road less
travelled (by bike/camel/motorcycle/ultralight) into the heart of a dark lost island as
told by the sole survivor of a Zen Odyssey among jaguars, serpents, and savages, Journeys 3:2 (2002), 509.
Prianu, Rzvan Sintaxa antisemitismului, in Cultur politic i politici culturale n
Romnia modern, ed. Al. Zub & A. Cioflnc. Iai, 2005, 22944.
Prvulescu, Ioana Luceafrul poeziei romneti, Romnia literar 31:1 (1420 jan 1998), 7.
Pas, Ion Carte despre drumuri lungi. Bucharest, 1965.
Pascu, tefan, ed. Foreign sources on the Romanians. Bucharest, 1992,
Pastior, Oskar Das Hren des Genitivs. Munich Vienna, 1997.
Patapievici, H. R. Calmul discuiei, seninatatea valorilor, Idei in dialog, nr. 1 (Oct 2004).
Cerul vzut prin lentil. Bucharest, 1995.
Despre idei & blocaje. Bucharest, 2007.
works cited
285
Zbor n btaia sgeii. Bucharest, 1995 [English: Flying against the arrow, trans.
M. Adscliei. Budapest, 2003].
Punescu, Adrian De la Brca la Viena i napoi. Bucharest, 1981.
Pavie, Franois de Relation dun sien voyage fait lan M.DL. XXXV, aux terres du Turc, in
Acte i fragmente, ed. N. Iorga. 3 vols. Bucharest, 1895, 1:3338.
Pearton, Maurice British policy towards Romania 19391941, in Occasional papers in
Romanian studies 2 (1998), 5991.
Pecican, Ovidiu, ed. Europa n gndirea romneasc interbelic, Iai, 2008.
Percival, Mark Britains political romance with Romania in the 1970s, Contemporary
European history 4:3 (1994), 6787.
Perpessicius-Panaitescu, D. Opera folcloristic a lui I. Golescu, Studii i cercetri de istorie literar i folclor 3 (1954), 2738, repr. in I. Golescu, Scrieri alese. Bucharest, 1990,
26975.
Perraudin, Michael & Jrgen Zimmerer, eds. German colonialism and national identity.
New York, 2011.
Perrie, Walter Roads that move. Edinburgh, 1991.
Pteri, Gyrgy, ed. Imagining the West in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Pittsburgh,
PA, 2010.
Petrescu, Cezar nsemnri de cltorreflecii de scriitor. Bucharest, 1958.
Petrescu, Drago Debates on development in a European suburb. Eugen Lovinescus theory of integral imitation, Xenopoliana 9 (2001), 8293.
Petreu, Marta Ionescu n ara tatlui. Cluj, 2001.
, Metoda francez, Revista 22, an. XIII, nr. 2630 (642646), 129 iulie 2002.
Petrucci, Peter R. Slavic features in the history of Rumanian. Munich, 1999.
Petrungaro, Stefano Lest europeo, o a lest dellEuropa, Novecento, nr. 10 (2004), 7786.
Peyssonnel, Charles-Claude de Observations historiques et gographiques sur les peuples
barbares qui ont habit les bord du Danube et du Pont Euxin. Paris, 1765.
Philippids, D. Geografikon ts Rumanias. Leipzig, 1816.
Pippidi, Andrei 1980. Laccueil de la philosophie franaise du XVIIIe sicle dans les Principauts Roumaines, in La rvolution franaise et les Roumains, ed. A. Zub. Iai, 1989,
21349.
, Hommes et ides du sud-est europen laube de lge moderne. Paris Bucharest.
, Identitate naional i cultural, Revista de istorie 38:12 (1985), 117898. Repr. in
Identitate / alteritate n spaiul romnesc, ed. A. Zub. Iai, 1996.
, Pouvoir et culture sous Constantin Brancovan, Revue des tudes sud-est europennes
26:4 (1988), 28594.
, Tradiia politic bizantin n rile Romne. Bucharest, 1983.
Platon, Gh. Geneza revoluiei de la 1848. Iai, 1980.
Plazy, Gilles Eugne Ionesco. Paris, 1994.
Pleu, Andrei Chipuri i mti ale tranziiei. Bucharest, 1995.
, Interview. Transilvania, n.s, 24:34 (1994), 813.
Plopeanu, Nicolae Secvene iugoslave. Bucharest, 1973.
Pogor, V. Dialog ntre fire i Moldova [1821], in Em. Vrtosu, O satir n versuri din Moldova anului 1821, Studii i materiale de istorie medie 2 (1957).
Popa, Marian Cltoriile epocii romantice. Bucharest, 1972.
Popa, Opritsa D. Ceauescus Romania. Westport, CN, 1994.
Popa-Lisseanu, G., ed. Dacia n autorii clasici, vol. I. Autorii latini. Bucharest, 1943.
Popescu, Dumitru Drumuri europene. Bucharest, 1965.
Popescu, Mircea La vendetta dellabate, Societas Academica Dacoromana. Acta historica
1 (1959), 28190.
Popescu-Spineni, Marin Romnia n izvoare geografice i cartografice din antichitate pn
n pragul veacului nostru. Bucharest, 1978 [German: Rumnien in seinen geographischen
und kartographischen Quellen, trans. E. Lange-Kowal. Wiesbaden, 1987].
Popovici, D. Difuzarea ideilor luminilor n rile Romne, Studii literare 3 (1942).
286
works cited
works cited
287
288
works cited
works cited
289
290
works cited
works cited
291
Vingopoulou, Ioli and Rania Polycandrioti Travel literature on south-eastern Europe and
the Eastern Mediterranean, 15th-19th centuries, in On travel literature and related subjects, ed. L. Droulia. Athens, 1993, 17155.
Virgil, Georgics [c. 29 BCE], trans. C. Day Lewis. London, 1940.
Vrtosu, E. 1821. Date i fapte noi. Bucharest, 1932.
Vivis, Jean English travel narratives in the eighteenth century, trans. C. Davison. Aldershot,
2002.
Voelka, Kurt Enlightenment in the Habsburg Monarchy, in Toleration in Enlightenment
Europe, ed. O. Grell & R. Porter. Oxford, 2000, 196211.
Voicu, Nota (16 March 1983), repr. in William Totok, Aus der Securitate-Akte von
Herta Mller, Halbjahresschrift fr sdosteuropische Geschichte, Literatur und Politik,
online edition, 28 sep. 2009, at: http://halbjahresschrift.blogspot.com/2009/08/aus-dersecuritate-akte-von-herta.html [accessed 3 March 2011].
Volney, Constantin-Franois Travels through Syria and Egypt. 2 vols. London, 1787.
Volovici, Leon Polonii i ara Leeasc n literatura romn, Anuar de lingvistic i istorie
literar 28 (198182), 5764.
von Loewe, Karl The Lithuanian statute of 1529. Leiden, 1976.
Wagner, Richard Exit. A Romanian story [1988], trans. Q. Hoare. London, 1990.
, Die Aktionsgruppe Banat. Versuch einer Selbstdarstellung, in Nachruf auf die rumniendeutsche Literatur, ed. W. Sohns. Marburg, 1990, 1219.
Walker, Brenda & Horia Florian Popescu, translators introduction to In Celebration of
Mihai Eminescu. Chingford, 1989.
Wangermann, Ernst Reform Catholicism and political radicalism in the Austrian Enlightenment, in The Enlightenment in national context, ed. R. Porter & M. Teich. Cambridge,
1981, 12740.
Warriner, Doreen, ed. Contrasts in emerging societies. London, 1965.
Weber, Eugen Peasants into Frenchmen. London, 1976.
, Romania, in The European right, ed. E. Weber & H. Rogger. London, 1965, 50174.
White, Hayden Tropics of discourse. Baltimore, MD, 1978.
Wilkinson, William An account of the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia. London,
1820.
Willems, Wim In search of the true Gypsy, trans. D. Bloch. London, 1997.
Williams, Raymond The country and the city. London, 1973.
Wilson, Kathleen Thinking back, in A new imperial history, ed. eadem. Cambridge, 2004,
34562.
Wingfield, Nancy ed. Creating the other. New York, 2003.
Withers, Charles The geography of scientific knowledge, in Gttingen and the development
of the natural sciences, ed. N. Rupke. Gttingen, 2002, 918.
Wolf, Eric Europe and the people without history. Berkeley Los Angeles London, 1982.
Wolff, Larry The idea of Galicia. Stanford, CA, 2010.
The innocence and natural liberty of Morlacchia, Dialectical anthropology 27 (2003),
93104.
Inventing Eastern Europe. Stanford, CA, 1994.
Inventing Galicia, Slavic review 63:4 (2004), 81840.
Venice and the Slavs. Stanford, CA, 2001.
Xenopol, A.D. Studii asupra strii noastre actuale [18701871], in Antologia ideologiei junimiste, ed. E. Lovinescu. Bucharest, 1943.
Xenopol, N. Nuvele din popor, Romnul, 7 feb 1882, repr in Ioan Slavici, Opere, 2. Bucharest, 1967, 501.
Yerasimos, Stphane Les voyageurs dans lEmpire ottoman, XIVXVI. Ankara, 1991.
Young, Robert J. White mythologies. London New York, 1990.
Zalis, Henri Scriitori pelerini. Bucharest, 1973.
Zilot Romnul, Jalnica cntare, in Izvoare narative interne privind revolutia din 1821, ed.
G. Iscru et al. Craiova, 1987.
292
works cited
Index
Aar, River151
Aarau151
Aarberg151
academies15, 42, 139
Romanian15, 121n20, 254, 263n71
of Mining, Schemnitz68
of Siena79
Academia Mihilean47, 103
Actium, Battle of17
Addison, Joseph78, 94
Aesop39
afterlives, literary834, 133, 146, 183, 201
agriculture 11, 1421, 26, 345, 38, 401, 46,
4851, 547
Akkerman, Treaty of144
Alba Iulia67, 260
Albania 261
Albanians49, 118, 124n33, 155
Albanian language72, 222n38
Alecsandri, Vasile523, 111n66, 1303,
183, 2223, 241
Alexander I, Emperor of Russia141, 143
allegory90n97, 134, 1823, 202, 226, 264;
see also fable
Allgemeine Deutsche Bibliothek
(periodical)75
alphabets, scripts108n54, 148, 1889, 227
Alps11112
Alt-Zedlisch [Star Sedlit]68
Altsttten, Switzerland150
America(s)73, 76, 789, 253
Cuba dubbed free territory of252
North73, 79
South73, 254
see also United States of America
Americans
African154n82
Latin89n95, 154n82, 233
Native64, 85, 87, 118
US citizens83, 235, 238
Ammianus Marcellinus51
Anghelescu, Mircea912, 98n27, 137,
143, 152
Animals37, 43, 67, 1012, 173, 228, 211n22
bears22
bees247
beetles226
cows20, 345, 102n38, 227
dogs74, 131, 227
donkeys128, 243
gadflies102n38
goats102
horses111, 131, 211n22, 241
humans as223, 89
large101
livestock42, 67, 145
oxen227n56
pigs35n71, 125, 243
snakes52
stags102
see also birds
Annual register (London)78, 83, 85
Anthimos the Iberian [Antim Ivireanul],
Metropolitan of Wallachia38
anthropology85, 105, 179, 235
antisemitism89n93, 17782, 197n25, 211
Apollo187
Apuseni mountains256
Arabs105, 118, 157
Arabic books120
language157, 220
Aragon, historians from87
Arduino, Giovanni7980
Arghezi, Tudor205, 252
Armenian language22
people145
Armies, see Military service; Soldiers; Wars
Arnold, Guy243
Asachi, Gheorghe32, 478, 57, 157
Asia106
fertile plains of105
negligence imputed to138
see also East, Orientalism
Asturia, historians from87
Aurelian, Roman Emperor51
Australia256
Austrian Empire, Austria-Hungary725,
81, 86, 8890, 106, 108n52, 1246, 135,
138, 1423, 162, 241
Austrian Danube Company104
see also Habsburgs; Vienna; Salzburg
Azumabad [Patna]78
Baconsky, A.E.252, 255
Baden, Grand Duchy of151
Baden-bei-Wien149
Ba Ganyo, fictional Bulgarian traveller158
Baia, battle of (1467)37
294
index
Bailey, Paul238
Baini [Baine, Muenia commune,
Romania]100
Bakhtin, Mikhail190, 192
Blcescu, Nicolae502, 54
Balkans, Balkan peoples7, 64, 66, 116,
136, 243, 248
Balkanism4, 235
Occidentalism of118
see also Ottoman Empire; Rumelia
Balkan Trilogy (novel)237
Banat of Temesvar34, 647, 7180, 878,
124, 131, 143, 14950, 2149
German dialect of2212
Bansk tiavnica, Slovakia689
Barbu, Ion205
Bariiu, Gheorghe53, 163
Brlad106
Barnes, Julian239
Barthes, Roland151
Bartram, John79
Batten, Charles102
Baudelaire, Charles209
Bavaria126, 135, 143
Bawr, General F.W.126n38
Beniuc, Mihai2556
Bentham, Jeremy125n33, 138
Berceanu, tefan260
Brenger, Jean216
Berger, Florence240n18
Berlin75, 80, 1089, 124, 128, 197, 213,
227, 261
Congress of58, 178
University of108, 165, 174
Bermuda triangle, Romania compared to
238
Bern98n51, 151
Bessarabia244, 260
Southern589
Bhabha, Homi116, 153n78
Bibesco, Marthe, Princess244
Bielski, Martin21
Birago, Freiherr Karl von106
birds: sparrows74
canaries101
crows101
pheasants101
phoenix252
Bishops 202, 38, 125n33, 125n35
metropolitan bishops42, 47, 139
Brldeanu, Victor252
bitterness, embitterment44, 150, 173
Black Sea18, 723, 98, 105
Blandiana, Ana240n16, 25960, 263
index
295
Chakrabarty, Dipesh158
Charles VI, Emperor of Austria138
Charles, Prince of Wales248
Chesarie, Bishop of Rmnic125
Chichester, Francis257
China255, 260
Great Wall of261
Chishull, Edmund77n47, 1201
Christianity, Christian countries, customs,
people, thought32, 65, 120, 141, 144,
1723, 21011
see also Eastern Orthodoxy; Greek
Catholic Church; Jesus Christ;
Protestantism; Roman Catholic
Church; Society of Jesus; bishops;
monks; priests
Christmas99100
Cioran, Emil201n*, 204n10
Ciorbea, Victor248
Ciornescu, Alexandru125n323
city, cities18, 73, 1056, 147, 150, 25960
and language25, 219, 221
distant91
greedy19
Moldavian, virtues of1323
synonym for Christian West32
Clarke, Edward Daniel83
Clary von Altringen, Karl Ignaz, Graf75
classical legacy, sources1724, 47, 73,
88n88, 96, 124
see also Greece; Latin; Rome
Clinton, Bill233, 235
Codreanu, Corneliu Zelea162, 176
Codrescu, Teodor1038, 114, 157
Cola (Pepsi, Coke)255
civilization, notions of1, 156, 24, 31, 46,
63, 105, 123, 1303, 136, 139, 152, 1645,
173, 179, 193, 259, 263
colonization64, 2167
colonialism see imperialism
Columbus, Christopher130
Comarnescu, Petru206, 209n17
Communism, as ideology240n17, 257
as regime2, 161n1, 218, 23844, 25164
passim
Communist Bloc2523, 260
Comte, Auguste171
Conservative Party of Great Britain248
of Romania1659, 181
Conservatoire national des arts et metiers,
Paris98
Constantinople45n117, 1046, 113, 144,
157, 241, 244
see also Bosphorus; Istanbul
296
index
constitutions41n100
Romanian56, 169, 216
Cook, Captain James76, 83, 257
Corbea, Dumitru 252
Cornea, Paul97
Comani village100
Coovei, Traian252
Costchel, Valeria35
Costin, Miron3840
Costin, Nicolae22, 37n81, 40
Cotnar (wine)175
country, countryside17, 47, 204, 248, 260
meaning of word112
see also landscape; village
Crainic, Nichifor206
Craiova210, 247
Crane, Nicholas243, 245
cranioscopy180
Creang, Ion183, 240n17
Creu, Ion184n71
Critical review (London periodical)77
Croatia73
Cuc Valley, Prahova county256
Cuciur Forest [Kuchuriv], Bukovina100
Cumans43
Curierul de Iai (newspaper)165
Curierul rumnesc (newspaper)145
Curious Account of Wallachia6590
passim
Curtea de Arge, Cathedral58
Cuza, Alexandru Ioan, Prince56
Cyprus254n29
Cyrillic alphabet, script108n54, 148,
1889, 227n57
Czech Republic68
Czechs73
Czechoslovakia253
see also Czech Republic, Slovakia,
Hungary, Habsburg Monarchy
Czernowitz see Cernui
Dacia24, 51
Dacians1821, 24, 111, 173, 184, 245
Dacianization180
Dacia litterar (periodical)49, 107
Dada, movement224, 245
Dalmatia66
Dalmatians89n96, 124
Dante Aligheri187
Danube1921, 2428, 32, 53, 55, 589, 72,
98, 1036, 108n53, 119, 1301, 142, 145, 217,
243, 253
Darwin, Charles170, 195, 257
index
297
Eliade, Pompiliu146
Eminescu, Mihai17, 33n66, 16185
passim, 187, 189, 191, 239, 240n17, 261
Emperors see Alexander I; Augustus
Caesar; Catherine II; Charles VI; Joseph
II; Leopold II; Octavius Caesar, Marcus
Aurelius; Maria-Theresa; Nicholas I;
Napoleon; Peter II; see also Sultans
empires, in general59, 634, 87
Romania at crossroads of216
see also imperialism; see also individual
entries
England30, 767, 253n17, 259
football team loses to Romania233
libraries of83
English culture, language, people22n22,
24, 71, 76, 80, 823, 89, 93, 11921, 127,
149, 154, 2145, 220, 23546 passim
as prudes2356
tea191
tourist brochure128n46
Enlightenment6391 passim, 122, 148,
156, 164
see also Republic of Letters; secularism
enthusiasm91, 171, 257
epistolary genre724, 86, 97n22, 98n28,
1089, 1235, 157
errors, categorical233
factual1242, 244n33
interpretive188, 233
moral154
typographical191
ethnography20, 98, 105n46, 107, 129,
146n62
and empire59, 6390
Eufrosin Poteca141
Europe16, 2133, 53, 85, 93, 126, 13542,
14658, 172, 179, 204, 260
Academies of140
Central14, 87, 125n34, 136
Classical/Roman59
curiosity, European65, 121, 123, 126
discovery of2, 16
dress103, 125, 131, 138
eastern12, 14, 30, 35, 72, 81n63, 85, 116,
141, 167, 204, 234, 243
(history of term636, 879
as inadequate113
as hyperintellectual240
as nonspecific setting238
as victims182)
end of, predicted210
as family of nations1534
298
index
Fourmennois, Gabriel25
France79, 81, 108, 139, 141, 153, 157, 164,
187, 204, 210, 253, 263n72
Consul of142
Frankfurt64, 168, 238
Franz-Joseph, Emperor164
Frtui village100
Freemasonry6970, 86, 144
French cigarettes49
clothing131
songs101
French culture, education, language,
people2n8, 12, 24n43, 2533, 48, 53, 71,
802, 89, 93, 10810, 111, 122, 12533, 136,
138, 142, 153, 162, 164, 180, 18991, 2028,
211, 216, 224, 236, 238, 243, 253n16, 254
Fridvaldsky, Jnos76
Friedel, Johann83
Frunz, Eugen253
Galata, Istanbul106
Galai1034, 106, 178
Galitsyn, Andrei100
Gldi, Lszl210n19
Galicia (Austrian)72n27, 165
gardens1012, 106
Gavriil Callimachi, Metropolitan of
Moldavia139, 141n20
Gellner, Ernest14, 161
Gender, awaits further analysis6
but see marriage; men; sexuality; women
Geneva10911, 1434, 1501
Gentoo see Hindu
Georgian language157
German culture, language, people5,
14n12, 15n13, 33n67, 43, 6990 passim,
93, 105, 118, 136, 149, 1513, 156, 1612,
164, 167, 21329 passim, 238, 249
caricature211
Romanian Germans [Rumniandeutsche]
21621, exodus of252n5
Swiss Germans1245
Germanic peoples20, 32
see also Goths; Saxons; Suevi; Swabians
Germany24, 108, 145, 156, 187
West203, 215, 237 253, 261
fantasies of129
occupation of Romania by, 19161918204
see also Holy Roman Empire; Prussia
Getae1821
see also Dacians
Ghica, Alexandru Dimitrie, Prince of
Wallachia48
Grigore IV Ghica, Prince of
Wallachia1424, 1546
index
Ghica, Ion183
Gibbon, Edmund18, 76
Glajar, Valentina213
Glaserhtte [Sklen Teplice]69
Glasgow, University of96
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von66, 912
Goethe Institute, Bucharest227
Gogol, Nikolai245
Golden Age45, 263
Golescu, Dinicu45, 98n26, 102n39, 1167,
126, 13558 passim
Golescu, Iordache138, 142, 145, 155
Goodwin, Jason243
Goths94
Gttingen756
Gray, Alistair188
Gray, Thomas478
Graz149, 255
Great Britain see United Kingdom
Greceanu, Radu11821
Greece254, 256, 261
independence of140
polysemy of122
revival of121
Greek Catholic Church162
Greek Church, see Eastern Orthodoxy
Greek culture, language22, 34, 423,
153n77, 18792, 222n28
Revolution126
tragedy205
Greeks3, 5, 19, 39, 43, 66n11, 118, 124n22,
13744 passim, 1556
cultural schizophrenia of153n78
ill-intentioned88
Islamic244
scapegoating of155, 180
Gregorian calendar104n45
Gregory, Bishop of Rmnic [Grigore
Rmniceanul]139
Grellmann, Heinrich Moritz88
Grigorescu, Ioan252, 254n29, 255, 257,
2612
Griselini, Francesco [Franz]80, 83
Grosswardein [Oradea]82
Groza, Petru253
Gruber, Tobias73
Guevara, Don Antonio, bishop of
Guadix217, 31, 40
Gypsies878, 127, 142, 233, 2412, 244,
248
Habsburgs, Habsburg Monarchy42,
645, 70, 80, 82, 87, 89, 119, 128, 131,
1423, 164, 216
see also Austria
299
Hacquet, Balthasar73
Haeckel, Ernst195
Haenke, Thaddus [Tade, Tadeo]73
Haines, Brigid219
Hall, Brian243
Hall, Donald241
Hanover76
happiness73
general (civil, national, public)43n107,
456, 14950, 152, 156
unattainable183, 194
Harding, Georgina243
Hauterive, comte d [Alexandre Maurice
Blanc de Lanautte]2730
Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich1689,
171
Heimatdorf literature218, 223
Heliade Rdulescu, Ion48, 108n27
Herbert, George240n17
Herder, Johann Gottfried32, 66,
Herg242
Hermannstadt [Sibiu]67, 76 125n35
Herodotus19, 21
Hindu [Gentoo]78
history, analysis vs. narrative84, 967,
147
ancient124
cultural17, 98n28, 122n24
curated57, 240
definitions of7, 206n12
depicted visually57, 101
economic11, 52n143, 64
episodic119
intellectual84
literary15n15, 99, 102, 122, 126
material vs. representational64
national107, 114, 1278, 136, 148,
16574, 1813, 191
natural81
personal2112
political124, 202
regional215, 257
social7
of science70
historians20, 21, 30, 32, 38, 43, 99100,
141
accused of being obstructive244
cynical243
foreign, vilified128
poets as50
travel writers as945, 1225, 126n38,
209
History of Charles V (Robertson)109
Hitler, Adolf203n7
Hobsbawm, Eric188, 190
300
index
Hodo, Nerva146
Holland see Netherlands; United Provinces
Hollywood261
Holy Roman Empire87
Hope, Anthony242
Horace [Quintus Horatius Flaccus]1820
Horatian aesthetics778
horani344
Hortis, Samuel ab756
Huber, Austrian Consul106
Humboldt, Alexander von87, 257
Hume, David76
Hungarian culture language, people3,
14, 43, 57, 70, 756, 89n96, 118, 136, 175,
189, 2178, 240n17, 241
costume28, 67
Hungary37, 6472, 767, 82, 87, 126, 135,
143, 152, 217, 261
see also Austria-Hungary; Transylvania;
Slovakia
Hui260
Huxley, Aldous207, 235
Iai4950, 55, 103, 106, 108n54, 110, 129,
1323, 172, 1945, 211, 226, 244
Academy of42, 47, 103
Junimea [Youth] Society of165
Theatre in49
Metropolitan cathedral58
University of165
see also Curierul de Iai; Socola
Monastery
Idealists, German164, 1678
identity, thematized112
authorial93, 1235
Bulgarian211
collective136
colonized158
crisis of146, 153n78
European116
fragmented116, 1534, 182
French204n11
German217
inauthentic116
Jewish211
and memory113
mistaken196
national3n10, 188, 213
negotiated129
peasant1259 passim
polyphonic18892
positioned vis--vis another134
Romanian, passim; Spanish87
self-presentation of89n95, 91114
passim, 1167, 125, 13560 passim
index
301
302
index
London Magazine78
Loti, Pierre151
Louis IX the Saint, King of France
Louvre Museum57
Love, abandoned226
between sovereign and people149
economically motivated, imaginary236
of the fatherland17, 54, 149, 168
as political allegory23840
thwarted50
Lovinescu, Eugen2
Lunville108
Lutherans217
Luxembourg258
Macedonia98
Machiavelli, Niccol192
Maclean, Rory243
Macmichael, William1389
Madrid109, 260
Magee, Bryan168
Magyars see Hungarians
Mahmud II, Sultan156
Maior, Petru14, 128
Maiorescu, Titu16570, 177n51, 1824,
197
Maitreyi (novel)205
Malcolm, Noel244n33
Malte-Brun, Conrad132
Malthus27
Mandar, Thophile82
Mangalia247
Manning, Olivia237, 2401, 2456
Marcouville, Jean de25
Marcus Aurelius, Emperor22, 24, 240n17
Margarita of Romania, Princess248
Marie of Romania, Queen245n39
Marin, Emile204n11
Marino, Adrian2612
Marmara, Sea of106
Marriage50, 68, 86, 104n42, 138, 237, 248
bigamy204
early age of among Romanians67
Massimu, Ion15, 21, 189
Mteti100
Maurerfreude, die69
Mavrokordatos family22
Mavrokordatos, Konstantinos, Prince of
Wallachia and Moldavia28, 402
Mavrokordatos, Nikolaos, Prince of
Wallachia and Moldavia22n34
Mavrokordatos-Firaris, Alexandros27
Mediterranean Sea263n70
Medieval period see Middle Ages
Mehadia143, 14950
Melville, Herman194
memoir genre956, 110, 115, 12930, 158,
184, 201, 204, 211n21, 214, 236, 238n113,
240n17, 241, 245n39, 262
memory, personal105, 11014, 197, 210
improbable243
nostalgic92, 23942
traumatic204, 207
men
ambitious156
bad and poor195
as brothers108, 138, 1423, 145, 260
capable of swearing oaths48
clothing of67
as fathers50, 72, 108, 128, 204, 205, 210
fighting17, 21, 37, 145
as great-grandfathers137, 204n11
handsome223
magnanimous169
not for sale41
as sons38, 40, 104, 108, 119, 1413, 145,
162, 238, 253
thieving swineherds35n71
ugly223
wicked223
wise22
young156, 223
see also soldiers
Merin, John Baptist77
Messina260
metaphysics1634, 169, 1725, 181, 183
Metternich steamboat106
Mexico254, 260
Michael I, King of Romania248
Michelet, Jules3033, 52n143
Michelson, Paul E.114
Mickiewicz, Adam53
Middle Ages, Medieval period11, 28n51,
35, 74n35, 102, 114, 216
Medievalism1747
middle classes, bourgeois: European112n72
derided by Ionesco205
non-formation of in Romania1667
Middle East120
Midy, Emmanuel-Adolphe103
migration26, 177, 213, 219, 226, 252, 263
Mihileti100
Military Frontier, Habsburg73, 216
military service35, 38
Miller, Arthur2089, 212
Milocco, Benedetto80
Mines, mining, mineralogy6877, 80, 83,
86, 110, 145, 216, 242
index
303
304
index
Parks259
Parks, George R.91
Prvulescu, Ioana183n69
Paoptiti, 1848-ers162
Pastior, Oskar225
pastoral literature, European47
German218, 2234
Patapievici, Horia-Roman1157, 134
Patmore, Derek241
peasants, peasantry1159 passim, 82, 113,
146n62, 14950, 154, 166, 1712, 1804,
191, 1947, 223, 234, 236, 23946
uprising70n16, 142
Pera, Istanbul106
Pest [Budapest]143
Peter II The Great, Emperor of Russia
40n95, 72, 141
Petrarca, Francesco [Petrarch]187
Petrescu, Camil205
Petrescu, Cezar252
Petru chiopul [Peter the lame], Prince of
Moldavia36
Philadelphia260
Philippids, Daniil [Dmtrs]43, 153n77
Photeinos, Michael41
photographs58, 249
and identity209, 212
Physikalische Arbeiten, periodical73
Physikalische Bibliothek, periodical76
Piatra Neam110
Pinis, Russian consul in Bucharest142
Pippidi, Andrei667
Pisa144
Pius II (Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini)20
Plai cu boi, scurrilous Romanian
publication227
Platon, Archimandrite101
Pliny the Elder20
Poda von Neuhaus, Nicolaus68
Poenari35
poets, poetry1719, 32, 467, 50, 523,
978, 111, 130, 141, 153, 16285 passim,
201, 205, 209, 213, 2256, 244, 249, 2523,
2556, 259, 2261, 264
Romanians typecast as31, 129, 2225,
23841
as first historians50, 94
Pogor, Vasile the Elder46
Pogor, Vasile184
Poland12, 37, 58, 65, 171, 252, 254n29,
257, 261
army of378
King of38
Polish language, people21, 35, 118, 175
Porte, Sublime46, 104, 138, 1434
index
Porter, Ivor236
Portugal252
Posidonius20
postcolonialism34, 645, 113
questioned116, 158
post-communism3, 12, 182
Prager gelehrter Nachrichten, journal69
Prague689, 87, 260
Pratt, Mary Louise117
pre-Romanticism205
Pressburg [= Bratislava, todays Slovakia]
143, 149, 217
pretentiousness122
priests368, 41, 59, 120, 145, 163, 193,
245n39, 248
printing, print culture
Pritchett, V.S.243
Protestants20, 120, 217
Protochronism245
Prussia86
Archives of165
Consul of142
public sphere, reading public6970,
7884; 934, 121, 138, 145, 1489, 208,
2346, 244, 257, 262
Pumnul, Aron1623
Punishment226
Putna monastery100
Puttenham, Thomas24
Pyong Yang258
quarantine106, 1445
Quinet, Edgar323
Quinezu, Emanuel59
Rabelais187
race22, 248, 255
British consul discounts importance
of2930
racism1556, 17781
Rdui100
Radio Romnia Internaional225n50
Radu de la Afumai, Prince of Wallachia
35
Raicevich, Ignaz Stefan89n96, 1245
Ralea, Mihai253
Rallet, Dimitrie98n27, 1323
Raspe, Rudolph Erich767, 81
Raynouard, Franois33
rzei (free peasants)166
Realzeitung der Wissenschaften, Knste und
der Commerzien, journal69
Redriffe [Rotherhithe]95
religion, of Romanians13, 67, 1001, 176,
17880, 1947, 211, 245
305
306
index
Romanian-Bulgarian friendship253
Romanticism25, 303, 91114
passim, 174, 187, 2056
and language164
and profundity154
postcolonial2402
Rome19, 228, 92, 255, 25960
Rosetti, Alexandru261
Rosetti, C.A.301, 50
Rosetti, Maria30
Rougemont, Denis de203n7
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques29n53, 96, 1223,
174
Rumelia155
European Turkey30, 98, 132
Rumyantsev-Zadunaiskii, Count Pyotr
Alexandrovich102
Runciman, Steven245n39
rurality see countryside; landscape;
peasants; villages
Rusan, Romulus263
Russia, Russian Empire12, 55, 59, 65, 79,
88, 99100, 119, 121, 13845, 150, 216
army of71, 141, 2601
consul of45n117, 1423
protectorate over Principalities107
see also USSR
Russian culture, language, people3,
42n102, 48, 87, 105, 118, 1423, 156, 192,
241
influence on Romanian language978
see also Skoptsy
Russophilia143, 2523
Russo, Alecu103, 10714, 129
Sadoveanu, Mihail252
Said, Edward3, 64, 116
St. Cyril148
St. Demetrius106
Saint-Exupry, Antoine de257
St. John the Evangelist101
St. Methodius148
St. Panteleimon 102
St. Petersburg99101, 121
Saki [H.H. Munro]242
Salzburg255
Sanskrit85
Santa F260
Sartre, Jean-Paul2089
Saul, George, serdar of Moldavia1245
savages
ignoble4, 18, 29, 578, 79, 85, 196, 217
ironized noble122, 129
noble289, 66, 78
Saxons, Transylvanian
[Siebenbrgen-Sachsen]217
Scandinavia253, 256
Schemnitz [Bansk-tiavnica]689
Schleiermacher, Friedrich Daniel Ernst171
schools42, 103, 106, 143, 155, 1623, 165,
191, 224
of mining87
see also academies; education;
seminaries; universities
Schopenhauer, Arthur161, 16774,
1845
science6872, 122, 139, 164
and racial theory17880, 195
Communist reverence for257
Scotland76, 79n54, 87, 188
Scots83, 138
Scott, Sir Walter188
Scutari [skdar]106
Sebastian, Mihail2101
Second World War218
secularism, anticlericalism, atheism69,
86, 1634, 173, 193
Securitate2246, 240n17, 248
Sgur, Louis-Philippe, comte de139
seminaries423, 1623
Serbia356, 65, 73, 131, 217
Serbian language, people31, 78, 118, 125,
171, 217, 242n23
Seri-Pervas steamboat104
sex, sexuality23546 passim
extra-marital190
paedophilia248
see also love
shame see stigma
Shanin, Theodor13
Sherman, Stuart93
Sibiu67, 76, 125n35
Sicily258
Simion, Eugen263
incai, Gheorghe434, 128n43
iperco, Alexandru254
Sitwell, Sacheverell241
Sklen Teplice [Skleno], Slovakia69
Skoptsy240
Slavic language, language group, linguistic
features337, 138, 175, 18990, 220,
227n57, 242n23
Slavici, Ioan168, 183
Slavonia73
Slavonic see Slavic
Slavs57, 217, 243
slaves, enslavement23, 72, 76, 78, 82,
244
index
307
Swabians, Danubian
[Donauschwaben]2178
Sweden254
Swedes72, 118, 213
Swift, Dean Jonathan156
Switzerland98, 1112, 126, 135, 143, 150,
151
Ambassador of to Romania, in sex
scandal248
Szkely143
Tacitus20, 24
Tnase, Maria2256, 228n59
Tappe, E.D.189n8, 194
Tatars102
Tate Gallery259
Tecuci106
Temesvar, see Banat; Timioara
Temeswarer Nachrichten, newspaper75
Teoctist, Patriarch of Romania245n39
eranul Roman (newspaper)55
Thailand256
Theatre49, 51n140, 149, 154, 20111
Romanian National Theatre193, 253
They Think its All Over (British television
programme)234
Thiersch, Professor Friedrich Wilhelm
145, 152
Thornton, Thomas1267, 1545
Thracians19, 197
Thunmann, Johan Erich72, 84
Thuringia260
Thurnham, Sophie243
igneti106
Tilly, Charles12
Times newspaper233
supplements to2479
Timioara73, 83
Banat of, see Banat of Temesvar
University of218
Timpul, Bucharest newspaper165
Tismana monastery34
Tomozei, Gheorghe261
Townson, Robert823
Toynbee, Philip209
trains, railways196, 255
Trajan, Emperor240
translation, translators225, 32, 356,
401, 43, 47, 64, 716, 7985, 1089,
116, 1267, 130n51, 133, 136, 139, 144, 148,
1545, 202, 257
ambiguity not captured by256n56
editing or emendation of801, 128
in defence of127
308
index
fictional2389
lost133
opposition to107
mistranslation20n29, 41n27
parallel text227
published before original225
pseudotranslation 22
under a different title2145
verse translation224
Transylvania21, 43, 64n7, 65, 678, 701,
734, 767, 801, 8790, 1428, 150, 152,
162, 216, 240, 242, 256
haystacks of236
Transylvanians14, 33, 43, 89n96, 98n28,
128, 191, 2178, 225, 234
Stephen the Great not244
travel accounts12, 56, 2730, 33n67,
63159 passim, 23364 passim
as autobiography92110
as database235
as essay52, 94, 97n23, 104, 111, 12933,
147, 236, 244, 260
as history945, 1225, 126n38
as impressions79, 91, 99, 132, 145
as sermon147
Enlightenment and6391, 111, 1225,
14858, 2534
political function of72, 75, 94 137,
1538, 2356, 244, 262
reception of823, 91134 passim, 146,
2624 (see also public sphere)
reviews of7581, 1234, 147n65, 244n22
Romantic913, 978, 108144, 2412
as social science989
translation of7185 passim, 1089, 116,
121n20, 127, 129, 1545, 215, 257
see also epistolary genre; history;
memoirs; narrative
travelees11834
travellers
bureaucratic87, 1037
ethnographic6390 passim
fictional1302, 158
military126n38
monastic99103
scientific6872, 7980, 847, 92n6,
98, 109
Tulcea1054
Turkey, Republic of256
see also Turks; Ottoman Empire;
European, see Rumelia
Turkish culture, language49, 139, 155, 157
Turks118
meaning Ottoman Empire40, 58, 72,
76, 102, 104, 120, 126, 154, 175
index
Varna104
Vasile Lupu [Basil the Wolf ], Prince of
Moldavia39
Vasile, Radu248
Venedict, Hegumen of Moldovia
monastery99100, 107
Veniamin Costachi, Metropolitan of
Moldavia42
Venice22, 25n44, 64, 79, 89n96, 138, 255,
258, 260
Venus and Madonna [Venere i Madon,
1870], poem by Mihai Eminescu206
Verdery, Katherine000
Verne, Jules257
Vianu, Ion263
Vianu, Tudor206, 254
Velyky Kuchuriv, Ukraine see Cuciur Forest
Viaa romneasc review253
Vienna64n7, 679, 75, 83, 87, 89, 108, 121,
1234, 131, 138, 143, 14952, 154, 157n92,
1645, 2167, 2545, 2601
Siege of216
villages1259 passim, 80, 99101, 120, 145,
147, 151, 1937, 214, 217, 2214, 260
Village Museum, Bucharest [Muzeul
Satului]240
Virgil18, 240n17
viticulture40, 221
Vlad epe [The Impaler], Prince of
Wallachia148, 172
Vladimirescu, Tudor445, 52, 1412
Vogoridi, Stefan104
Vogoridi, Nicolae104
Voltaire76, 80, 259n54
Vulcnescu, Mircea206, 212n27
Wagner, Richard (composer)187
Wagner, Richard (writer)215
Wallachia, passim
Ad-Hoc councils55
assembly51
country houses244n22
court120, 125n26
customs88
law34
Little [= Oltenia]141
Metropolitan of38, 141
monasteries244n22
rights of144
village80
Wallachians see Romanians; note on use
of term66n13
War
Cold171
Crimean30, 83, 132, 139
309
Russo-Turkish (17681774)89, 99
Russo-Turkish (182834)000
First World204, 216
Second World218
Washington DC258, 260
Weber, Eugen12, 59
Welles, Orson209
Wenskus, Reinhard11
West, Western culture, ideas, people1,
5, 7, 12, 1533 passim, 40, 85, 104, 1134,
11621, 126, 129, 134, 13646, 153n78,
1623, 169, 1789, 187, 18990, 192, 203,
221, 224, 2378, 25164 passim
architecture58
dress125
egocentric16, 246
enlightened77
hegemonic634, 207
(not necessarily8990, 127)
selfhood1548
see also East-West divide; Europe
White, Hayden84
Whittell, Giles243
Wiedlisbach151
Weiner Anzeigen (periodical)75
Wilde, Oscar246
Wildegg [Mriken-Wildegg]151
Wilkinson, William2930, 129n47,
240n18
Williams, Raymond18, 112
wine see drink
wives see women
Wolf, Eric12
Wolff, Larry63
women
bathing outdoors82
beautiful138, 223, 237
burnt alive39, 78
clothing of57, 67, 149, 226
as daughters19, 32, 50, 689, 104n32,
201, 204, 211
Geto-Dacian19
gifted169
lyrical attitude towards187
metafictional238
as mothers2045, 210, 222, 225
Orientalized246
patriotic30
poets240
provocative236
Romania portrayed as2378
singing101
smoking243
tramdrivers243
Viennese149
310
index