CHAPTER 7

Development and Education

COLETTE CHABBOTT

FRANCISCO

O.

RAMIREZ

INTRODUCTION
A positive relationship between education and economic, political, and cultural development
is widely assumed throughout much of the modern and modernizing world, yet research sug
gests that this relationship is problematic. The problem has two aspects. First, although many
empirical studies show a positive relationship between many forms of education and indi
vidual economic, political, and cultural development, the effects of education on development
at the collective level are ambiguous. Second, at the same time evidence ofthis for ambiguity
has been mounting, faith in education as the fulcrum for individual and for collective develop
ment has been growing in the form of international education conferences and declarations
and national-level education policies.
This chapter explores two aspects of the problem in distinct ways. First, in the sections
on the effects of education on development and the effects of development on education, we
review the empirical relationship between education and development, drawing on several
decades of cross-national studies. Second, in Section 4, we examine the way education as an
instrument to attain national progress and justice has been produced and diffused via develop
ment discourse, development organizations, and development professionals. Although the types
of education prescribed varied from one decade to another, throughout the post-World War 11
period, education for all became an increasingly important component in the global blueprint
for development.
How did this blueprint cometo be so widely disseminated? We suggest that two rationCoLETTE CHABBOTT School ofEducation, Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305-3096. Present address:
Board on International Comparative Studies in Education, National Academies of Science, Washington, DC 20007
FRANCisco O. RAMIREZ School of Education, Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305-3096.
Handbook of the Sociology of Education, edited by Maureen T. Hallinan. Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers,
New York, 2000.

163

164

Colette Chabbott and Francisco O. Ramirez

ales played a major role in buttressing confidence in the relationship between education and
national development. The first constructs education as an investment in human capital, which
will increase the productivity oflabor and contribute to economic growth and development at
the societallevel. This rationale is closely tied to global norms about science, progress, mate
rial well-being, and economic development. The second general rationale constructs educa
tion as a human right, imagining education as the prime mechanism for human beings to better
themselves and to participate fully in the economy, politics, and culture oftheir societies. This
rationale is tied to notions of justice, equality, and individual human rights.
Our assessment of the literature on education and development leads us to two general
conclusions. First, there are many gray areas regarding the evidence on the links between
development and education. Sweeping assertions regarding the positive or negative effects of
one on the other miss the mark. This is slowly but steadily recognized in calls to move beyond
the earlier either/or formulations and attempts to delineate the conditions under which links
between development and education are most likely to occur (Fuller & Rubinson, 1992;
Rubinson & Brown, 1994). Moreover, many current studies go beyond examining the recipro
ca!ties between educational expansion and increased wealth; all sorts of research issues re
garding the quality of education and the quality of life itself are on the rise. The scope of the
development and education literature has expanded.
However, the second general conclusion is that much confidence in the positive ties be
tween education and development persists in the development practitioner literature and in
public discourse about education and development. Sociological attention needs to be di
rected to the power of the taken-for-granted, that is, to the institutionalization of diffuse be
liefs, practices, and routines regarding the links between development and education (Meyer,
1977). Attention also needs to be directed to the social effects of widely diffused, taken-for
granted notions about education and development. These effects include the proliferation and
spread of development discourse, development organizations, and development profession
als, all of which celebrate and promote expanded visions of education as human capital andas
a human right (Chabbott, 1996). These visions have a significant impact on what educational
statistics are collected, how development progress is measured, and what education policies
nation-states are encouraged to adopt.
To reiterate, these two general conclusions constitute an interesting paradox: despite
growing scholarly acknowledgment that our understanding ofthe link between education and
development contains many gray areas, public confidence in these links, manifest in national
policies and in intemational declarations, continues to mount. It is this paradox that motivates
our review of the literature and our delineation of new research directions in the study of
development and education.

EFFECTS OF EDUCATION ON DEVELOPMENT

This section examines the effects of education on economic, political, and cultural develop
ment. We assess evidence of both individual and societallevel effects.

Economic Development
The impact of education on the economy is often studied by considering the effect of educa
tion on individual productivity or its influence on national economic growth. The idea that

increased exposure to school would increase productivity is at the heart of human capital
theory. The pioneering work of Schultz (1963) suggested that the acquisition of more school
ing involved more than mere enhanced consumption. Humans were increasingly investing in
the development of their cognitive capacities and skills, and these investments, in the form of
additional schooling attained, had payoffs both for them and for their societies. These invest
ments were conceptualized as investments in human capital formation; today human capital is
a pervasive feature of development discourse, a point to which we return in the third section.
Much economic research focuses on the relationship between schooling and productivity at
the individuallevel of analysis. It is to these studies that we now turn, before reviewing analy
ses at the societallevel.
Almost from the outset of this research program, wages were u sed as a proxy for produc
tivity (Denison, 1962). Given core economic assumptions about labor markets and the effi
ciency of resource allocation, the premise that more productive workers would be compen
sated with greater wages seemed plausible. These assumptions are consistent with the premises
underlying the functionalist theory of social stratification. There are indeed many empirical
studies showing the expected positive associations between schooling and wages in many
different countries (Psacharopoulos & Woodhall, 1985; but see Lundgreen, 1976, for contrary
evidence). Rate-of-return studies have become a staple of the economics of education, and
more recently, of its application to research in less developed countries. Much of this research
effort seeks to distinguish between the prvate and the social returns of different levels of
schooling (primary v. higher education). Since the 1970s, Psacharopoulos (1973, 1989) has
argued that the prvate and social returns are greater for primary education rather than for
higher education and that this difference is greater in the less developed countries. More re
cent research, however, suggests that rates of return to tertiary education may be higher than
rates for lower levels of education, particularly during sustained periods of industrialization
(Carnoy, 1998; Ryoo, Nan, & Carnoy, 1993).
These generalizations have often lead to policy recommendations for less developed
countries as to where investments in education would be most fruitful. As further studies
called for more qualified generalizations, policy recommendations were altered or reversed (see
discussion of discourse in "On Mechanisms for Diffusion"). For example, vocational schooling
was recommended by donor organizations in the 1950s and 1960s and then the recommenda
tion was scrapped, resulting in sorne serious costs to the client countries (Samoff, 1995).
Within this research tradition several studies have examined the effects of schooling on
the productivity of women, comparing their wages with those of less educated women as well
as with men with varying degrees of schooling. As is the case with the earlier studies of
education and productivity among men, these relatively newer inquiries do not report identi
cal results across countries. But here too sorne generalizations are warranted: as was the case
with respect tomen, there are private and social rates of return to women's schooling (Schultz,
1993). This is true in both the more developed and the less developed countries (Stromquist,
1989). In sorne countries the rate of social and/or prvate return to girls' schooling is actually
greater than for boys' schooling. These findings have been emphasized in many government
reports justifying investments in women's schooling, leading to a major push in the 1990s for
girls' education projects in developing countries.
The dominant conceptualization and measurement of productivity in these studies has
not gone unchallenged. Labor market economists have noted the degree to which schooling
credentials may distort the market, thereby weakening the tie between productivity and wages
(Carnoy, 1995; Knight & Sabot, 1987). To the extent that this is true, increased worldwide
emphasis on formal schooling may increase the tendency to use formal degrees as certifica-

166

Colette Chabbott and Francisco O. Ramirez

tion for those seeking jobs, thereby increasing individual returns to schooling without neces
sarily increasing individual productivity (Collins, 1971). Sorne empirical studies question any
direct evidence of a positive schooling effect on productivity (Berg, 1970), but more recent
research on farmer education and on farmer productivity yields positive results (Lockheed,
Jamison, & Lau, 1988; see also Honig's [1996] study of education and profitability among
Jamaican microentrepreneurs). The broader sociological critique is that simply expanding the
number of individuals with more schooling does not necessarily result in an increase in more
productive jobs (Collins, 1979). From this perspective schooling is primarily a sorting and
allocating machine; schools are organizations of stratification, with the more credentialed
outcompeting the less credentialed for the better paying jobs (Spring, 1972).
None of this implies that the more credentialed are necessarily more productive. When
the society is conceptualized as a more closed system, the process is imagined as a simple repro
duction of the hierarchical order, as social elites are more able to secure educational advantages
for their children (Bowles & Gintis, 1976; but see Olneck & Bilis, 1980). When a more open
society is imagined, much intense competition and conflict ensues between social classes,
between ethnic and religious groups, and more recently between women and men. None of
this, however, was hypothesized to lead to increased productivity. The credential society was not to
be confused with a more productive one (Collins, 1979). Thus, the optimism of an earlier era
gave way to more skeptical and more critica!outlooks in the sociology of development and
educa tion. This change in tone was even more pronounced when examining the effects of
education on political and cultural development, a point emphasized later in this chapter.
A more recent appraisal of the literature makes explicit a methodological point implied
in sorne of the earlier critiques and offers a fresh reformulation of the central question. The
methodological point is a straightforward levels-of-analysis point: even if it were established
that more schooling resulted in greater individual productivity, effects of schooling on pro
ductivity at the individuallevel do not necessarily lead to economic growth at the societal
level. To arrive at the latter inference, one needs to compare societies, not individuals (see the
papers in Meyer & Hannan, 1979). The brain drain literature partially suggests what
happens to societies that have not been able to create more productive jobs for their more
productive workers. The substantive reformulations call for the identification of the
conditions under which educational expansion leads to economic growth (Fuller &
Rubinson, 1992; Hanushek
& Kim, 1996). In what follows we first examine cross-national studies of the influence of
educational expansion on economic growth and then we turn to studies that specify the effects
of sorne forms of schooling.
The study of Harbison and Meyers (1964) was among the first to undertake cross-na
tional efforts in this domain. This study reported a positive association between a country's
level of educational enrollments and economic wealth and emphasized the stronger economic
effect of secondary education. Because the study relied on a cross-sectional design it could
not ascertain the direction of causality, thereby raising the chicken and egg question: does
economic development lead to educational expansion, or vice versa (Anderson & Bowman,
1976)? Moreover, earlier research was often bivariate in character or did not include a suffi
cient number of reasonable control variables in the analyses. In the 1980s and the 1990s,
however, cross-national researchers have attacked this issue utilizing multivariate analyses of
panel data. These studies show that primary and secondary schooling have stronger effects on
economic development than higher education (Benavot, 1992b; Meyer & Hannan, 1979).
Moreover, the economic effects of expanded schooling seemed stronger for poorer countries.
Interestingly enough this generalization is consistent with the main inference in Harbison and
Meyers emphasizing the weaker economic effect of higher education. A similar conclusion is

drawn by researchers undertaking a time series analysis ofthe economic consequences ofthe
expansion of higher education in the United States (Walters & Rubinson, 1983).
In these analyses the independent variables of interest do not distinguish between types
of schooling or curricula or between the different populations undergoing greater schooling. If
sorne types of schooling more directly contribute to economic growth than other types, isolat
ing their effects requires more refined measures than simple statistics estimating secondary or
tertiary enrollments as a percent of the typical age cohort for this level of schooling. Working
with different research designs and methods of analysis, severa!studies suggest a common
and positive economic outcome of more scientific and technical forros of schooling. Focusing
on lower levels of schooling in both France and Germany, sorne studies indicate that the ex
pansion of more technical tracks had distinctive positive effects not found in the growth of the
more classical tracks (Garnier & Hage, 1990; Garnier, Hage, & Fuller, 1989; Hage &
Garnier,
1990; 1992). The researchers reasoned that the skills learned in these tracks were more rel
evant to the needs of the economy than the greater emphasis on high culture in the classical
tracks. Another study examined the effects of varying curricular emphases in primary educa
tion on economic development. This analysis shows that, net of other influences, a stronger
emphasis on science in the currculum positively influences economic development (Benavot,
1992a). Shifting from lower levels of schooling to higher education, other cross-national in
vestigations focused on the influence of different fields of study in higher education on the
economy. The key cross-national finding is that greater enrollments in science and engineer
ing positively influence economic development (Ramirez & Lee, 1995; Schofer, Ramirez,
& Meyer, 1997).
Taken as a whole these findings suggest the plausibility of knowledge claims linking
scientization in education and the growth of the economy. However, much more research is
needed to test the implications of the general claim. Note, for example, that a time series
analysis of the economic effect of science and engineering graduates in the United States
failed to find a significant impact (Walters & O'Donnell, 1990). Furthermore, Schofer and asso
ciates (1997) found that sorne aspects of prestigious science activities, such as research and pat
ents, have a negative economic effect. Finally, although many ofthese studies did not include
a significant number of developing countries, they are sometimes used to justify fairly explicit
policy recommendations for developing countries from international development organiza
tions (described in "On Translating International Development into Educational Discourse").
A second direction in this domain disaggregates the educational effects by gender. Benavot
(1989), for example, shows that women's share of secondary education positively influences
the economy whereas the female tertiary enrollment variable fails to do so. Further studies
may estmate the effects of female and male enrollments in different fields in higher educa
tion. This research direction would integrate the growing interest in isolating science effects
with the expanding focus on gender-related outcomes. A recent cross-national study of sci
ence education at the secondary level concluded that girls do not necessarily have a predispo
sition against science. The participation and achievement of girls in secondary science vares
widely between countries (Caillods, Gottelmann-Duret, & Lewin, 1996; a similar finding for
math achievement is reported in Baker & Jones, 1993).

Political Development
The same optimism regarding the economic benefits of expanded schooling also led to an

emphasis on political gains. One major line of inquiry focused on the effects of schooling on

Development and Education

the political knowledge, values, and attitudes of individuals. Studies of the political socializa
tion effects of education reflect this research tradition. A more macrosociological approach
directly examined the effects of education on political democracy and on national integration.
At both the individual and societallevels of analysis, the initial work seemed to be grounded
in a much greater confidence in the transformative powers of schooling than later studies.
A major generalization from the political socialization literature is that individuals with
more schooling were more likely to know more about their political systems and to have more
positive political values and attitudes. The latter were often defined as participatory, demo
cratic, and tolerant values and attitudes. Comparative studies of political socialization include
the pioneering work of Almond and Yerba (1963) as well as that of Tomey and Hess (1969).
Sorne studies compared adults with varying levels of schooling whereas others compared
children in different national contexts exposed to different curricula (see, for example, Tomey's
(1976) cross-national study of civics education). The underlying assumption was that in demo
cratic societies schools were instruments of democracy and more schooling thus led to more
democratic outlooks and practices. Just exactly how schools accomplished this goal was un
clear, with sorne arguments emphasizing curriculum and teachers as organizational resources,
whereas broader sociological accounts stressed the citizenship-conferring character of the
school asan institution (Dreeben, 1968; Meyer, 1977).
This political socialization research direction continues in the form of the current and
ongoing second intemational study of civic education and also in comparative case studies of
education, democracy, and human rights, such as Starkey (1991). Many ofthe new democra
cies seem especially interested in understanding how schools can shape democratic orienta
tions. However, more recent studies raise questions about earlier generalizations. Weil (1985),
for example, showed that the link between schooling attained and political tolerance varies
across countries. In countries with a more authoritarian legacy or regime, better educated
people are not more politically tolerant. This kind of finding suggests that in this domain of
inquiry, one should also eschew unqualified generalizations. The political context within which
schools operate may be an important contingency in ascertaining the relationship between
education and politically democratic beliefs and values.
These studies raise sorne of the same issues of conceptualization and measurement as
those earlier mentioned with respect to schooling and productivity. The reliance on paper
and-pencil tests as assessments of democratic orientations can be challenged; perhaps more
educated actors are better prepared to figure out the correct responses and therefore inflate
their scores. This criticism, however, begs the question asto why the more educated are better
able to ascertain the more normatively acceptable political response.
Even if we did accept the face validity of the earlier findings, the levels-of-analysis argu
ment made earlier with respect to schooling and economic development applies here, too.
That is, one cannot infer the positive effects of expanded education on political democracy on
the basis of individual data on schooling and values. The impact of education on the systemic
rules of the game that constitute political democracy need to be directly studied, not inferred
from individual-leve!data.
Much comparative theorizing argued or presupposed that an educated citizenry was es
sential for the establishment and maintenance of a political democracy. In this context the
United States was often invoked as a country that both expanded schooling and political de
mocracy relatively early in its history (Lipset, 1963). Comparative evidence supporting this
generalization was found for both more developed (Cutright, 1969) and less developed coun
tries (Adelman & Morris, 1973). These and other studies typically employed cross-sectional
research designs, raising the same set of issues generated in response to the early work on

education and economic development. Using the same indicators of political democracy ear
lier analyzed but extending these measures over time, one study showed that participation in
lower levels of schooling (but not in higher education) positively affected political democracy
(Ramirez, Rubinson, & Meyer, 1973). However, a more recent study with more and better
measures of political democracy found significant effects of higher education (Benavot, 1992b).
This study also shows that the effects of education vary across time periods, further suggesting
the more conditional character of the relationship between educational expansion and politi
cal democracy.
Other studies have focused on political order and national integration. Sorne scholars
feared that a bloated system of higher education would result in political instability; cross
national analyses showed no such effects (Gurr, 1971). There is also no evidence that educa
tional expansion influences the type of political regime in a country (Thomas, Ramirez, Meyer,
& Gobbalet, 1979). A more qualitative assessment of the role of education in promoting na
tional integration in Malaysia concluded that education has failed to bolster national integra
tion (Singh & Mukherjee, 1993), in stark contrast with the enormous faith placed in the na
tion-building potential of education in the 1950s and 1960s (see the papers in Coleman, 1965).

Cultural Development
Though closely related to studies ofboth economic and political development, modemization
theory and research also focused on forms of personal development that were related to cul
tural development. Modemization theorists drew on Parson's (1957) theories of structural
differentiation to explain how institutions multiply and the simple structures of traditional
society become more complex in response to changes in technology and/or values. For most
of these theorists, modemization was roughly equivalent to Westernization.
McClelland (1961), for example, argued that child-rearing practices tied to Western no
tions of individualism and progress give rise to a greater number of individuals with high
levels of need achievement, which in tum produce an achieving society, driven by the need to
achieve ever higher levels of output and productivity. These child-rearing practices and similar
efforts in schoollead to the formation of personal modernity, a condition characterized by a
high sense of optimism, efficacy, and self-direction (Inkeles & Sirowy, 1983; Inkeles &
Smith,
1974). Severa!case studies sought to document the passing of traditional society in partas a
function of expanded schooling. More recent work examining the effect of varying types of
educational experiences on personal modemity among Algerian students shows that more modem
orientations are positively influenced both by instruction in French and by field of study, with
science students exhibiting more modem outlooks than those in the humanities (Coffman, 1992).
This study suggests that not all educational experiences may have the same modemization
consequences. Whereas literacy may be in sorne generic sense modernizing, it may also be
compatible with personal orientations quite different from those depicted by the theory.
Whether modernization could be distinguished from Westernization was a recurring is
sue in this literature. Just as there were those who argued that there were multiple paths to
economic development, sorne researchers contended that there were diverse personal orienta
tions and institutional arrangements compatible with undertaking modernization. Addition
ally, just as a causal link between more schooling and both more productive and more demo
cratic individuals did not necessarily add up to economic growth and political democracy,
respectively, so too a tie between expanded education and more modem persons would not

suffice to justify causal inferences at the societal leve!. Cross-national comparisons at the

societallevel were needed. The literature contains early efforts to conceptualize societal mod
emization and the contribution of schooling to societal modemization (Black, 1967; Eisenstadt,
1963). However, the concept proved to be more complex than either economic development
or political democracy. Few studies more attempted directly assess the impact of education on
societal modemity.
One obvious avenue of research involves the influence of education on inequality, be
cause part of what it means to be a modem society is to be a more open and, thus presumably,
a more egalitarian society. Despite a plethora of cross-national studies on income inequality,
little work has examined whether there is less income inequality in countries with more ex
panded education. One unpublished study suggests no effects (Shanahan, 1994); this finding
is consistent with more structural theories of social inequality (Boudon, 1974). Little work has
directly examined the influence of education on other forms of inequality; for example, be
tween women and men. At the individuallevel of analysis, one study shows that more edu
cated people are not necessarily more supportive of govemment efforts to reduce inequality
between men and women (Davis & Robinson, 1991). More societal-level analyses indicate
that the expansion of women's share of higher education positively influences their share of
the paid labor force (Weiss, Ramirez, & Tracy, 1976). It is often assumed that women's ex
panded access to education will have broad, positive development effects, but much more
research in this area is needed.

Summary
At the individuallevel of analysis, we find evidence that schooling positively influences wages
but debate continues on whether wages are an adequate measure of productivity. There is also
support for the hypothesis that more educated individuals are more politically active, though
the effects of schooling on political tolerance are more variable. Lastly, more schooled indi
viduals exhibit sorne values in line with modemization theory, but whether this is simply
evidence of greater Westemization in general remains unsettled.
None ofthese findings, however, warrant societal-level inferences. Direct crossnational comparisons have increasingly been undertaken. Whereas earlier work
emphasized global educational effects, more recent studies distinguish between the effects of
different types of schooling and those brought about by different kinds of populations
undertaking education. There is partial support for arguments emphasizing the economic
benefits of expanded school ing, especially more technical forms. In contrast, the political
or cultural consequences of educational expansion and the educational source of political or
cultural development remain to be explored.

EFFECTS OF DEVELOPMENT ON EDUCATION

The chicken and egg question regarding the relationship between education and economic
development also applies to the ways in which education affects political and cultural devel
opment. Perhaps education is more a consequence of economic, political, and cultural devel
opment rather than its cause, or perhaps causation is reciproca!. Much of this literature di
rectly operates at the societallevel, with the expansion of the educational system as a main
dependent variable. More recent studies focus on specific aspects of the educational system,
such as curricular emphases or specific fields of study, or on the access and attainment of

specific populations, such as women. In what follows we focus primarily on these cross-na
tional studies.
Sorne of the literature focuses on the rise and expansion of mass schooling whereas
other studies deal with the formation and growth of higher education. Links between
schooling and market forces and between schooling and the state have also been analyzed in
this research tradition. This review first considers studies of mass schooling, then turns to
research on higher education. We cover only studies in which educational outcomes are
examined as a function of development variables.

Mass Schooling
Historians and sociologists increasingly recognize that the rise of mass schooling cannot be
adequately accounted for asan outcome ofindustrialization (Maynes, 1985; Ramirez, 1997).
This general observation is well illustrated in a case study of the rise of mass schooling in
Sweden, a study that reveals the compatibility of mass schooling with a preindustrial eco
nomic base (Boli, 1989). Despite the popularity of both more conservative and more radical
variants of logic of industrialization arguments, historical evidence fails to support the fa
vored causal claim that mass schooling arose as a function of economic development. Nor is
it the case that the expansion of primary school enrollments is mainly driven by economic
development. Cross-national multivariate analysis of panel data shows that much primary
enrollment growth is unrelated to various measures of economic development (Meyer, Ramirez,
Rubinson, & Boli-Bennett, 1977; Meyer, Ramirez, & Soysal, 1992). Throughout the 20th
century mass schooling has expanded in more developed and in less developed countries.
An alternate set of claims revolves around political factors. Historians and sociologists
have linked the rise of mass schooling to the rise of the nation-state (Bendix, 1964; Reisner,
1927). Mass schooling for the production ofloyal citizens is indeed a theme in the rise of mass
schooling. However, there is no evidence that the more integrated nation-states were the ones
that early on launched mass schooling (andas noted in the prior section, the success of mass
schooling in promoting national integration has been challenged). Nor is a simple democratic
story plausible, as mass schooling emerged in both more democratic and more authoritarian
regimes in North America and in Western Europe in comparable time periods (Ramirez &
Boli, 1987). The aforementioned cross-national analyses of primary educational expansion
also failed to show convincing political and societal modernization effects.
In the post-World War 11 era the commitment to expand mass schooling cuts across all
sorts of national boundaries and socioeconomic formations. The mixed evidence notwith
standing, there is much official and popular confidence in the transformative powers of school
ing. There is also much worldwide consensus on the right of all to schooling. The erosion of
primary enrollments in this country or in that region can thus be discussed as both an eco
nomic anda moral crisis (Fuller & Heyneman, 1989), a crisis that increasingly commands
the attention of both national authorities and transnational organizations. This point is reexam ined in the section on translating international development into educational discourse.
These findings may be interpreted along more historicist accounts of the rise of mass
schooling (see, for example, many of the chapters in Mangan, 1994) or, alternately, from more
generalizing sociological perspectives that emphasize the role of transnational forces. The
historical approach suggests that, via multiple paths, different economies, polities, and civil
societies converged on the value of expanding mass schooling. In contrast, macrosociologists
have postulated that a single model of progress and justice formulated at the world level

contributes to commonalities in mass schooling outcomes in otherwise diverse societies. The

influence of these models triggered education as a nation-building project, quite apart from its
actual impact on nation building and on related development activities. In sorne societies,
though, the nation was more directly managed by the state whereas in others nation building
involved social movements loosely coupled to the state bureaucracy.
In the 18th and 19th centuries the role of education within these emerging models was
much more modest than its present status. Schooling for the masses literally started as school
ing for differentiated and subordinated strata, but increasingly schools were imagined as bea
cons of progress and as pillars of the republic. This elevated view of schooling emerged even
as nation-states themselves emerged as imagined, progress-seeking communities of solidarity
(Anderson, 1991). By the late 19th century one could assert that the Franco-Prussian War had
been won by the Prussian schoolmaster. Throughout the 20th century the putative links be
tween schooling and development grew, less as a function of varying levels of societal devel
opment and more as an outcome of the common articulation of world development blueprints
(Ramirez, 1997). Later we address the mechanisms through which world development blue
prints are established and disseminated.
More recent studies have examined the impact of varying levels of development on cur
ricular content and emphases (Kamens, Meyer, & Benavot, 1996). These studies show sur
prisingly similar trends in curricular development, trends that seem unrelated to the require
ments of local economic or political structures orto the interests of local masses or elites (see
the chapter by McEneaney and Meyer in this volume for a review of this literature.) Other
cross-national research has focused on the changing trends in curricular requirements for girls
and for boys in primary and secondary schooling, trends that suggest gender de-differentiation
(Ramirez & Cha, 1990). This study also suggests that the growth of mass schooling involved
expanding schooling for both boys and girls.

Higher Education
Earlier case studies of the development of higher education focused on cross-national organi
zational and institutional differences and sought to explain these differences (Clark, 1977a,
1977b). In these and in related cross-national studies, variations in levels of political central
ization account for variations in the degree to which higher education is regulated by state
authorities (Ramirez & Rubinson, 1979). Variations in academic govemance structures have
also been examined as a function of both market forces and state legacies. In this tradition a
recent comparative study concluded that systems that strongly differentiate at the secondary
level are more likely to have lower degrees of differentiation at the higher level (e.g., Ger
many) than those with relatively low levels of secondary school differentiation (e.g., the United
States, Windolf, 1997). This analysis also suggests that the response of higher education ex
pansion to market forces (business cycles) will be greater in societies where markets are more
influential than state bureaucracies, moreso in the United States than in Germany.
The expansion of higher education has not always been regarded as evidence of progress.
Not only was there greater skepticism regarding its positive effects, the elite character of
higher education was taken for granted until well after World War 11. Increasingly, higher
education has become nearly a mass institution in sorne countries, whereas in others the aspi
ration to tum higher education into a more mass-friendly setting is evident. There is little
evidence that the expansion of higher education is mainly a function of the level of economic
growth; there is much evidence that the expansion of women's share of higher education is a

worldwide trend (Kelly, 1991). In less developed countries the newness ofthe system ofhigher
education positively influences the growth of women's share, a process that suggests that the
age of a country influences its receptivity to changing world emphases on who should enter
into higher education (Bradley & Ramirez, 1996).
There is also evidence that the content ofhigher education is becoming more diversified
and more present-oriented in its coverage. Despite their distinctive historical legacies and
thick cultural milieus, more universities and especially the many newer ones seem more con
nected to both mass schooling institutions and to broad development concerns than in prior
eras (Frank, Wong, Meyer, & Duncan, 1996). Perhaps it is true that more peoples and more
societies are organizing themselves as if there were "no salvation outside higher education"
(Shils, 1971). This may explain sorne ofthe interna} opposition to externa} pressures to curb
the growth of costly higher education orto defray sorne of the costs with user fees and tuition.
These pressures are often applied by the World Bank as part of programs to rationalize re
source allocations in the education sector.

Summary
The emergence and expansion of mass schooling is difficult to account for as a function of
national or societal properties, such as the level of development. The extent to which school
ing is more directly linked to state bureaucracies or more open to market forces varies in large
partas a consequence of how much society itself is market- or state-driven. However, the
worldwide character of the expansion and the universalistic nature of the rationale for expan
sion suggests that external factors play a significant role.
We find more cross-national variation in the internal organization of higher education,
but here too the historical trend is in the direction of greater massification. Thus, massification
of both basic schooling and higher education in the 20th century appear to be attuned to
transnational blueprints for promoting development through education. Individual-leve} de
mands for more schooling are on the rise, with issues of gender commanding greater attention
than in past decades. Increasingly the core debates hinge on what constitutes quality educa
tion, which is increasingly construed as the key to development.
We are left with our paradox: to date, empirical research has been unable to establish
universal causallinks between education writ large and development, especially at the soci
etal level of analysis. Nevertheless, by the end of the 20th century, common blueprints of
education for development appear in many international education declarations and covenants,
as well as in national strategies and policies. The next section focuses on the mechanisms
through which these blueprints have been produced and diffused throughout the world.

MECHANISMS FOR DIFFUSION

In the post-World War II era, common blueprints emphasizing education for development
have emerged and have been rapidly disseminated. The result has been an increase in common
educational principies, policies, and even practices among countries with varying national
characteristics. Attempts to explain the growth of educational isomorphism* have empha*The term isomorphism means the tendency for collectivities engaged in similar enrterprises to adopt similar
social structures (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983).

sized coercion, imitation, and conformity to norms (Berman, 1983, 1997; Meyer, Nagel, &
Snyder, 1993). Missing from most of this literature is an analysis of the mechanisms that
generate this isomorphism. This section addresses this gap in the following four subsections.
First, we trace the translation of abstract, rarified ideas about progress and justice into rational
discourse about education and development at the globallevel. Second, we describe the for
malization of that discourse into intemational development organizations. Finally, we look at
the role of intemational development professionals in institutionalizing and modifying that
discourse about education and development.
Figure 7.1 outlines our argument, starting from the premise that world ideas about progress
and justice translate into discourse about development and, more specifically, about education
and development. This rationalizing discourse facilitates the rise ofboth networks of develop
ment professionals and intemational development organizations. These professionals and or-

WORLD CULTIJRAL BrEPRINTS OF DEVELOPMENT

INTERNATIONAL...
DISCOURSE

INTERNATIONAL ...INTERNATIONAL
ORGANIZATIONS
PROFESSIONALS

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES

INTERNATIONAL
DECLARATIONS, CONVENTIONS,
& FRAMEWORKS FOR ACTION

NATIONAL
PLANS OF ACTION

NATIONAL EXPANDED
DEFINITIONS OF
HUMAN RIGHTS, CITIZENSHIP, & DEVELOPMENT

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
NATIONAULOCAL

NATIONAULOCAL
NGOs

LOCAUNATIONAL
ACTION UNDERTAKEN CONSISTENT
WITH EXPANDED DEFINITIONS OF
HUMAN RIGHTS, CITIZENSHIP, & DEVELOPMEN

FIGURE

7.1. Mechanisms for carrying blueprints of development and education.

Development and Education

175

ganizations, in tum, sharpen and standardize the discourse by coordinating activities that show
case discourse. Intemational conferences are one example of these types of activities; be
tween 1944 and 1990, various United Nations organizations sponsored more than 16 global
conferences on specific areas of development, such as family planning, water and sanitation,
and food. Each of these conferences brought together not just national delegations but also
scores of intemational development organizations.
By the time of the first Education for All Conference in 1990, standard products of these
conferences included nonbinding declarations and frameworks for action. These declarations
and their associated frameworks typically invoke the highest ideals of progress and justice,
thereby making it practically mandatory for nationa1 delegations to endorse them. Given the
prominent role played by ideals in both the declaration and framework for action, the national
plans developed subsequent to the conference often incorporate expanded definitions of hu
man rights, citizenship, and development.
For most of the postwar period this conference-declaration-national plan cycle contrib
uted toa significant amount of loose coupling (Meyer et al., 1993; Nagel & Snyder, 1989)
between on the one hand, national education policies produced in response to intemational
norms and, on the other hand, the implementation of these policies at the subnationallevel. In
recent years, however, the govemmental intemational development organizations have in
creasingly recruited and supported the participation of intemational, natonal, and local non
governmental organizations (NGOs) in international conferences. They also support NGO
efforts to monitor the implementation of declarations and national plans of action at the na
tional and the locallevels. With the advent of new, inexpensive electronic communications,
local NGOs can publicize natonal plans at the national and the locallevel and can draw
intemational attention when national governments fail to implement those plans (see, for ex
ample, Social Watch, 1996). Fisher (1998) suggested that this may lead to tighter coupling
between internatonal norms and acton at the subnationallevel.
The following subsections describe the process shown in Figure 7.1 in greater detail as it
relates to education and development. Note that most arrows in Figure 7.1 are two way, indi
cating that these nodes are reciproca!and iterative. In general, over time, links between educa
tion and development grow tighter and more institutionalized; the meaning of development
and, by extension, of educaton broadens; and emphasis shifts from an exclusive concern with
collectve economic growth to incorporate individual rights and justice.

Expanding Discourse and Organizations

Since the end of World War 11, a world culture emphasizing progress and justice (Fagerlind &
Saha, 1983; Meyer, Poll, Thomas, & Ramirez, 1997; Robertson, 1992) produced a
ratonaliz ing discourse about development, and, over time, constructed a central role for
education in the development process. The most legitimate actors became nation-states
with broad na tional and individual development goals and with individual citizens whose
education was linked to their development and the development of their nation-state.
An expanded definition of development derives from the United Nations' (UN) 1948
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations, 1948). The Declaraton makes ex
plicit each individual's rights toa mnimum standard of living but does not specify how that
standard will be ensured: "Article 25, Para l. Everyone has the right toa standard of living
adequate for the health and well being of himself (sic) and of his family, including food,
clothing, housing, and medical care and necessary social services.... "

Later efforts, however, to translate the nonbinding 1948 Declaration into binding inter
national covenants led to further elaboration of the imperative for states to provide for indi
vidual development and of the wealthier states to provide assistance to poorer states to help
them fulfill this responsibility.
Article 11, Para l.
adequate standard
States Parties will
effect the essential
1966)

The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to an
of living ... and to the continuous improvement of living conditions. The
take appropriate steps to ensure the realization of this right, recognizing to this
importance ofinternational co-operation based on free consent. (United Nations,

These documents helped to create a world of developed and developing countries, with
the former encouraged to provide the latter with foreign aid or development assistance. Origi
nally, multilateral organizations, such as the UN, expected to be the main conduits of this
development assistance. The advent ofthe Cold War, however, circumvented the UN's coor
dinating mandate (Black, 1986); by the 1950s, many Westem countries began channeling
development assistance through primarily religious organizations and through NGOs already
established in former colonies, a practice that has grown over time (Organization for Eco
nomic Cooperation and Development, 1988). In addition, in the 1960s and 1970s, most high
income countries also formed bilateral govemmental development organizations. As a result,
by the early 1990s, there were about 250 multilateral, 40 bilateral, and 5,000 intemational
nongovemmental development organizations (Chabbott, 1996). Over time, as their density
increased, these organizations became increasingly bureaucratized and professionalized. Al
though initially focused on sectors immediately associated with economic production (such as
agriculture or infrastructure), intemational development organizations eventually broadened
into all social and economic sectors, including education.
In addition, both of the documents excerpted previously emphasize that the target of
development is not the national economy-the traditional "wealth of nations"-but everyone.
Individual development became the means to national development and individual develop
ment was equated with individual education in many UN documents. The best known of these
include Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations, 1948),
which defines education as a human right, and Articles 13 and 14 of the Intemational Cov
enant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (United Nations, 1966), which expands on
this theme. In 1990 more than 150 nations accepted by acclamation the Declaration ofEduca
tion for All, reiterating these rights and consequences and reaffirming their belief in the rela
tionship between development and education at the global, national, and individuallevels:
l. Recalling that education is a fundamental right ...

;
2. Understanding that education can help ensure a safer, healthier, more prosperous and
environmentally sound world, while simultaneously contributing to social, economic,
and cultural progress, tolerance, and intemational cooperation;
3. Knowing that education is an indispensable key to, though nota sufficient condition
for, personal and social improvement ... UNESCO 1993)
Note that this passage sets out both normative (education as a right) and instrumental (educa
tion as an essential input to development) arguments to promote education. For most of the
postwar period, instrumental arguments, often drawing on human capital constructs (Schultz,
1963), dominated liberal organizations (i.e., the World Bank, USAID). In contrast, normative
arguments tended to prevail among more progressive funders (i.e., the UN agencies, the Nor
dic bilateral organizations; Buchert, 1994)
Finally, the universalistic focus in the development discourse, that is, everyone, increased

emphasis within international development agencies on individual welfare and on broad par-

18

Colette Chabbott and Francisco O. Ramirez

ticipation in the development process. By the late 1980s, this translated into an increasing
focus on previously marginalized groups, such as ethnic minorities and women. Education
became a central theme in efforts to raise these groups to a higher status.
In summary, we have described the mechanism by which discourse at the globallevel
about the nature of development simultaneously prompted the expansion of discourse about
education and development, the formation of international development organizations, and
the proliferation of activities to promote it, such as international conferences. The next section
examines the evolution of the content of discourse about education in the context of shifting
discourse about development. Whereas in this section, development discourse facilitated the
creation of a field of international development organizations, in the next we show how, once
created, these organizations generate secondary discourse that results in an emphasis on dif
ferent levels and types of education in different decades.

Translating International Development into Educational Discourse

Since the end of World War 11, institutionalized discourse on development within the UN
justified the formation of dozens of formal UN-affiliated organizations with the express pur
pose of operationalizing the UN's Charter, Declaration, and Covenants. The UN's commit
ment to promoting education as a human right was manifest in the relatively early creation of
the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO, f. 1946).
Iones (1990) emphasized the importance of the objective, material needs of the Allies to
rebuild education systems shattered by World War 11 in establishing UNESCO as an action
oriented organization. An emphasis on psychology and on international peace was deeply
embedded in UNESCO, which popularized Clement Atlee's notion that "wars begin in the
minds of men." Illiteracy-or the lack of exposure to the socializing influence of schooling
was therefore constructed as a threat to peace (Iones, 1990). In addition, UNESCO's early
education approaches, such as fundamental education, assumed a causal link between educa
tion and development. Margaret Mead, one of a series of social scientists and humanitarians
called upon to help UNESCO define its mission, declared:
The task of Fundamental Education is to cover the whole of living. In addition, it is to teach, not
only new ways, but the need and the incentive for new ways ... if the new education is to fill
the place of the old, it has to cover all areas of living ... In many countries new fundamental
education is carried on by teams including social workers, graduate nurses, agricultura!assistants,
home econo mists, hygiene experts. (quoted in Jones, 1990)

UNESCO's mandate envisions the organization as the main conduit for much develop
ment assistance. Like other UN organizations, UNESCO suffered a major setback with the
advent of the Cold War. Since then, many bilateral organizations, and even sorne other UN
organizations, created education sections. In addition, several other intergovernmental orga
nizations specializing in educational development emerged, such as the International Institute
for Educational Planning (IIEP, f. 1963; see King, 1991 for a more complete catalog ofinter
national educational development organizations). Although UNESCO tried from time to time
to mount ambitious globallevel programs, such as the World Literacy Program, its main con
tribution to educational development became reports, pilot projects, and conferences (Iones,
1990).
Many factors contributed to the rise of what Cox (1968) called the ideology of educa
tional development. UNESCO's regional conferences helped to create common vocabulary
and goals. A group of American economists (Becker, 1964; Schultz, 1963) provided the ratio-

nallink between education and development in the form ofhuman capital theory. U.S. founda
tions supported both economic research and expanded support for the study of education and
development in other countries (Berman, 1992). Finally, intemational development organiza
tions expanded their education departments, promoted specific education policies and projects,
and funded new educational and research networks in developing countries (McGinn, 1996).
The education policies promoted by the intemational development organizations, how
ever, do not necessarily derive from the educational research described in earlier sections,
rather they tend to mirror the shifting ideas about national development (Berman, 1997; Coombs,
1985; Watson, 1988). Table 7.1 is a simplified mapping of the major approaches to national
development in the decades since World War II, as articulated in the mainstream practitioner
literature (Amdt, 1987; J. Lewis & Kallab, 1986; J. P. Lewis, 1988; Meier, 1995). Alongside
these development approaches, we show the corresponding discourse about educational de
velopment and the educational priorities associated with this discourse (P. Iones, 1997; P. W.
Iones, 1990, 1992). To emphasize the overlapping quality of many of these ideas, the lines
demarcating decades are dashed, not solid.
Although there is much overlap in these decades, trends are evident. First, the concept of
development shifts from national control and orientation to intemational funding and global
orientation. Second, we see increasing complexity in the way the process of development is
imagined, with newer approaches subordinating but not entirely replacing older ones. But,
most important, we see national development increasingly defined in terms of individual wel
fare, rather than simply in terms of national economic growth and, concurrently, a push to use
TABLE 7.l. Themes in National Development and Educational Development Discourse, 1950-1995
Decade Development discourse
1950s

Community development
Technology transfer
Comprehensive national
planning
Industrialization

1960s

Educational development discourse

Educational priorities

Fundamental education (1949-1955)

Functional education

Rural extension training

Adult literacy for health &
agriculture
Universal primary education

Manpower planning

Modernization

Human capital theory

Economic growth
Dependency

Manpower planning
Functional education

Basic human needs

Growth with equity

Basic education
Equalizing educational opportunity

Integrated rural development

New International Economic
Order

Teaching "neglected groups"

Pedagogy of the oppressed

Poverty reduction

Human resources development

Structural adjustment

Educational efficiency and

effectiveness
Q_ m!itl:m_!!ig

Sustainable human
development

Meeting basic learning needs

Formal secondary and higher

schooling
Technical and vocational training
Vocationally oriented literacy

--------------------------------------------1970s

1980s

1990s

Poverty alleviation

Social

Formal primary schools

Nonformal education for youth
and adults
Literacy education
Adult/lifelong learning

Formal primary and secondary

schools
Education administration and
finance
_
Universal formal primary and
secondary schools
dimensions of

Quality learning
adjustment

Girls' education

Quality of classroom teaching and

currculum

universal access to primary education as a key measure of both individual welfare and na
tional development. This rationalization-that individual welfare, particularly individual ac
cess to quality education is at the very center of development-creates the foundation on
which to build broader, normative arguments for education and for development.
Beginning in the second row of Table 7.1, the comprehensive economic development
planning approach promoted in the 1950s by a variety of governments and international donor
organizations assumed that each nation-state was a relatively autonomous, self-contained unit.
Prudent management of domestic resources was the supposed determinant of national devel
opment, and it might be achieved with little help from the outside world. During this decade,
UNESCO implemented fundamental and later functional education programs, introducing lit
eracy as a part of a broad approach to community development. Universal primary education
was assumed to be a low-cost activity that required locally trained teachers and no scarce
foreign exchange.
In the 1960s, rapid economic growth became prerequisite to development, still promoted
by central planning. Educational planners urged developing countries to focus their limited
budgets on formal secondary and higher schooling in subjects related to industrialization.
Technical and vocational training also received support, as well as vocationally oriented lit
eracy. Education was rarely mentioned as a right, but rather as instrumental to industrial de
velopment.
In the 1970s, as sorne speculated that economic growth was increasing, rather than de
creasing the ranks of the impoverished in many countries, the concept of development was
expanded to include social as well as economic aspects. During this decade, basic human
needs emerged, along with the idea that the international community had a responsibility to
meet these needs in nation-states where weak economies and administrative infrastructure
rendered it impossible for national governments to do so. Sorne more radical analyses ex
tended the responsibilities of the international community even further, suggesting that a New
International Economic Order might be necessary to address chronic social and economic
imbalances at the world level that favored the rich countries and maintained the economic
disadvantages of the poorer ones.
In this context, a basic education, capable of equipping both adults and children to par
ticipate more fully in their societies, became the focus of development agency attention. Edu
cation was the way to equalize economic opportunity and to incorporate previously neglected
groups. Along with formal primary schools, UNESCO in the 1970s emphasized adult literacy
and lifelong education, and various international development organizations explored the po
tential of nonformal, that is, out-of-school, education.
In the 1980s, structural adjustment brought home the message that no nation is an island;
all are part of the world financia!system. This implied that nation-states-both developed
and developing-should adjust their domestic economic policies and structures to conform to
the international system, not vice versa, and that those nation-states that do not keep their
financial house in order will forfeit sorne degree of their financia!sovereignty.
Although manpower planning of the 1950s failed to prepare most countries to handle the
educational crises in the 1960s and 1970s, a variation on it-human resources development
became very popular in the 1980s. With education defined as a basic human need, human
resources development became a prerequisite to social or human development and momen
tum built toward establishing minimum standards of basic education for all individuals, par
ticularly previously disadvantaged groups (Allen & Anzalone, 1981). More emphasis was
placed on formal primary and secondary schools, particularly on improving efficiency and
their ability to serve all citizens.

Western nation-states reacted to global recession in the early 1990s with cutbacks in
development assistance to both multilateral and bilateral organizations. This reinforced the
influence of the World Bank in education in developing countries. The Bank maintained its
large structural adjustment loans and continued to employ more social science researchers
than any other international development organization (Jones, 1997). By the early 1990s,
however, the World Bank was coupling its structural adjustment loans with social dimensions
of adjustment packages. In general, these packages were designed to strengthen the borrower
country's capacity to monitor the effects of structural adjustment on the poor and to channel
compensatory program funds through grassroots NGOs. By the mid-1990s, World Bank lit
erature was speaking of development with a human face and about sustainable human devel
opment rather than aggregate economic growth.
The World Bankjoined with UNESCO, UNICEF, and the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) to sponsor the World Conference on Education for All (1990, Jomtien,
Thailand). Whereas instrumental arguments lingered just below the surface in much of the
focus on girls' education, normative arguments showed up in the claim ofuniversality in the
title ofthe conference, ofhuman beings having inalienable learning needs (Inter-Agency Com
mission. World Conference on Education for All, 1990), and of underlying equity concerns
embedded in calls for quality education for all (King & Singh, 1991).
The World Bank, convinced that the social returns to primary schooling were higher than
for any other type of schooling, promoted formal primary and secondary schools. In the inter
est of equity, both the Bank and other international development organizations devoted more
attention in the 1990s to school quality, both in terms of classroom teaching and curriculum.
Most countries now have a national policy mandating universal primary education and the
decade has been marked by interest in alternate ways to get children, particularly girls, in
remote and/or conservative areas into modern schools (Ahmed, Chabbott, Joshi, & Pande,
1993).
In summary, the measures of development as an international and a national concern
have changed since the 1950s from a narrow focus on national economic growth to incorpo
rate measures of individual welfare and human rights. At the same time, the locus of responsi
bility for the development imperative has shifted from the national to the globallevel. Finally,
education became inextricably linked with notions of development, and the levels and types of
education emphasized in different decades mirror trends in broader development discourse,
not necessarily empirical research on education and development.
None of the education approaches described previously (fundamental education, func
tional education, quality learning for all, etc.) was fully implemented and therefore the postu
lated contribution of education to development that each claimed has never been empirically
established. However, these theories about the relationship between education and develop
ment were asserted and reiterated at hundreds of international conferences in the postwar
period, many of them aimed particularly at officials in low-income countries and in interna
tional development agencies. The role of professionals in promoting these conferences that, in
turn, promoted different levels and types of education because oftheir putative links to devel
opment, is the subject of the next section.

Professionalizing Educational Developrnent

Between the end ofWorld War II and the beginning ofthe 1980s, the background and compo
sition of the staff of international development organizations changed significantiy. Originally

Development and Edncation

181

recruited from former colonial officers, from children of missionaries, and from war relief
workers, newer staff includes former volunteers with organizations like the Peace Corps and
Intemational Voluntary Service and highly educated, expatriate officials from developing coun
tries, fleeing political upheaval or in search of a larger professional milieu (Chabbott, 1996).
The work of the staff in governmental and nongovemmental development organizations
has grown more bureaucratic and professionalized over time. Development professionals have
created and are now sustained by a network of support organizations and publications. Por
example, membership in the Society for International Development (f. 1957) now includes
close to 10,000 individuals and over 120 organizations or agencies in 60 countries. The bi
monthly International Development Abstracts (f. 1982) covers more than 500 journals and
other serial publications and the Development Periodicals Index (f. 1991) lists about 600.
With respect to the education sector, the study of developing countries has occupied consider
able space in major comparative and international educationaljournals and conferences since
the 1950s. By the late 1970s, specialization in educational development led to the establish
ment of at least one journal (the Intemational Journal ofEducational Development, f 1981); a
dozen postbaccalaureate degree programs, such as the Stanford Intemational Development
Education Committee (f. 1965); and associations, such as the Nordic Association for the Study
of Education in Developing Countries (f. 1981).
In spite of their efforts to professionalize, the routine barriers created by lengthy tours
overseas and by preoccupation with the politics of securing government funding tend to iso
late development professionals from the Western academic community. Like professionals in
all fields, many intend but few are able to remain up-to-date with new developments in their
fields, such as debates in recent decades about the gray nature of the relationship between
education and development.
Nonetheless, these professionals play a role in the rise in interest in education and over
seas development in Western schools of education. Por example, volunteer teachers returning
from service with relief agencies and with later development agencies (i.e., pre-professionals
in our terms), such as the American Priends Service Committee and the Peace Corps, brought
new interest in developing countries to international education departments in graduate schools
of education. In addition, development agencies funded short-term and long-term training for
officials and academics from developing countries, creating an important source of revenue
for sorne schools of education. The Pord Poundation funded the creation or expansion of
development departments in many schools of education in the United States. Most directly,
development agencies generated a demand for experts in education who could provide advice
to ministries of education in developing countries. Within academia, the study of education in
developing countries usually resided in a broader department of comparative and/or interna
tional education in a school of education.
Despite their symbiosis, the challenge to human capital theory mounted in academic
circles rarely surfaced in professional educational development circles. Instead, professional
debates have focused more on the relative strength of instrumental (education asan input to
economic growth) versus human rights justifications for education and for the value of differ
ent levels of education in different contexts. Paith in the power of education to address core
development concerns has grown over time, as described in the preceding section. This faith
culminated in the 1990 World Conference on Education for All (EPA).
As noted previously, since the late 1950s, international development conferences have
proved a popular way for chronically underfunded international development organizations to
move the development agenda forward, to raise global awareness about a particular problem,
and to call on nation-states to bring resources to bear on that problem. By 1990, various UN

24

Colette Chabbott and Francisco O. Ramirez

and other donor organizations had sponsored hundreds of world and regional educational
conferences and had produced more than 77 recommendations to education ministers and
about a dozen general declarations on the subject of education.
By 1990 all of the components of the blueprint described earlier in Figure 7.1, which
allowed intemational development professionals to legitimately initiate, sponsor, and follow
up world development conferences, were in place. The blueprint includes creating a sense of
crisis about sorne sector at the globallevel (Coombs, 1968, 1985); mobilizing govemmental
consensus around a non-binding declaration and a framework for action; generating national
plans of action; generating additional national and intemational funding for those plans; es
tablishing intemational means to monitor compliance with national plans; and, wherever pos
sible, translating the subject of the conference into a binding international covenant or defin
ing it more forcefully as a human right (UNESCO, Education for All Forum Secretariat, 1993).
In addition, the Education for All conference was one of the first global conferences to
invite development NGOs, both international ones and those formed in developing countries,
as full participants. These NGOs later helped to monitor national governments' compliance with
agreements made at the conference. Equipped with inexpensive facsimile machines and electronic
mail connections to other groups and organizations around the world, local NGOs are able to
report lags in government efforts to tum intemational commitments into action (Social Watch,
1996).
The impact of EFA on literacy and on primary school enrollments, or even on interna
tional development assistance levels to education, has yet to be assessed (Bennell &
Furlong,
1998; Hallak, 1991). Meanwhile, the effects of the EFA Conference and other international
development projects on the way education is defined, organized, and appears at the global,
national, and classroom levels, particularly in low-income countries, remains to be explored.

Summary
Intemational development professionals have invoked taken-for-granted ideals to mobilize
both nation-states and NGOs around a menu of technical-functional education needs. These
ideals, the professionals' claims oftechnical-functional expertise, and the degree to which the
professionals have gained global acceptance of certain activities, such as international confer
ences, increase the influence of these professionals beyond their individual or collective so
cial, economic, or political status.
In this sense development professionals should not be mainly construed as powerful
agents pursuing their own interests or those of their nation-states of origin. These profession
als have, along with other mechanisms, played an important role in recent decades in diffusing
blueprints of education and in the development and the expansion of different levels and types
of education in different decades. They have mainly accomplished this by enacting the role of
objective experts and of rational managers, engaged in highly legitimate activities,
associated with sorne of the most taken-for-granted notions of progress and justice at the
globallevel.

CONCLUSIONS
The relationship between education and development is a problematic one. Individual schooling
tends to raise individual wages, make individuals more politically active (though not neces

25
sarily more tolerant), and promote modern attitudes. Whether these effects can be largely

Development and Education

attributed to education or whether, instead, they are evidence of more general processes of
Westernization remains to be explored.
The effects of different types of education at the societal level, on national economic,
political, and/or cultural development, are ambiguous. Mass education has hada positive and
relatively robust effect on national development. The effects of higher education on societal
development, in contrast, have not been significant and/or consistent.
The effects of development on education are no less problematic. Mass schooling is not,
as was previously asserted, a rational response to increasing demand for literate workers in the
course of modernization; in both developed and developing countries, mass education was
instituted far in advance of any functional need for it. Instead, since the end of World War 11,
the expansion of education appears to be attuned to the transnational blueprints for promoting
development through education.
These blueprints are reflected in international development discourse articulated by de
velopment professionals in international organizations and diffused through the various ac
tivities of those organizations, including international conferences. The blueprints are informed
by broad and pervasive world models of progress and justice, in which education is valued
both as a human capital investment andas an inalienable human right. Nation-states are ex
pected to commit themselves to education for development goals and strategies and they fre
quently do so, independent of local economic, political, or social conditions. The results are
familiar ones: loose coupling between policies and practices and practices out of sync with
local realities.
The institutionalization of these blueprints tends to lower the effects of national develop
ment on educational expansion, because all countries now engage in such expansion; increase
the effects of national development on educational quality, as more national resources are
channeled to education; increase individual returns to education by increasing credentialism;
and decrease collective returns because all countries are expanding education at the same
time. Further studies are needed to measure the magnitude of these and other effects.
More broadly, further studies are needed to focus on the conditions that produce stronger
ties between education and development. Many prior reviews of the education and develop
ment literature have made this point, emphasizing the influence of varying societal and educa
tional conditions on, for example, schooling and productivity (Rubinson & Brown, 1994).
This review suggests that a new generation of studies should examine the institutionalization
of world blueprints and their transnational carriers. The scope, coherence, specificity, and
status of these blueprints vares over time. The degree to which transnational carriers cooper
ate or compete, specialize or overlap in area or content focus, are viewed as merely reflecting
national interest, or are celebrated as autonomous beacons of professionalized expertise, also
varies. Much research is needed to ascertain whether and in what ways this variation in world
blueprints and their transnational carriers conditions ties between education and development
at both the societal and individuallevel of analysis.

REFERENCES
Adelman. I., & Morris, C. T. (1973). Economic growth and social equity in developing countries. Stanford, CA:
Stanford University.
Ahmed, M., Chabbott, C., Joshi. A., & Pande, R. (1993). Primary education for al!: Learning jrom the BRAC
experience. Washington, DC: Academy for Educational Development.
Allen, D. W., & Anzalone, S. (1981). Basic needs: New approach to development-But new approach to educa
tion? lnternational Review oj Education, 27(3), 209-226.

Almond, G., & Yerba, S. (1963). The civic culture. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined communities (2nd ed.). London: Verso.
Anderson, C. A., & Bowman, M. J. (1976). Education and economic modernization in historical perspective. In L.
Stone (Ed.), Schooling and society (pp. 3-19). Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Arndt, H. W. (1987). Economic development: The history of an idea. Chicago: University of Chicago.
Baker, D. P., & Jones, D. P. (1993). Creating gender equality: Cross-national gender stratification and mathemati
cal performance. Sociology of Education, 66(2, April), 91-103.
Becker, G. (1964). Human capital: A theoretical and empirical analysis, with special reference to education.
New York: National Bureau of Economic Research (Columbia University Press).
Benavot, A. (1989). Education, gender, and economic development: A cross-national study. Sociology of Educa
tion, 62, 14-32,
Benavot, A. (l992a). Curricular content, educational and expansion, and economic growth. Comparative Educa
tion Review, 36, 150-174,
Benavot, A. (1992b). Educational expansion and economic growth in the modern world, 1913-1985. In B. Fuller
& R. Rubinson (Eds.), The political construction of education (pp. 117-134). New York: Praeger.
Bendix. R. (1964). Nation-building and citizenship. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Bennell, P., & Furlong, D, (1998). Has Jomtien made any difference? Trends in donor funding for education and
basic education since the late 1980s. World Development, 26(1), 45-59,
Berg, L. (1970). Education andjobs: The great training robbery. Boston: Beacon.
Berman, E. H. (1983). The influence of the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller Foundations on American foreign
policy: The ideology of philanthropy. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Berman, E. H. (1992). Donor agencies and third world educational development, 1945-85. In R. F. Arnove, P. G.
Altbach, & G.P. Kelly (Eds.), Emergen! issues in education: Comparative perspectives (pp. 57-74). Albany,
NY: State University of New York Press.
Berman, E. H. ( 1997). The role of foundations, bilateral, and international organization in the diffusion of the
modern school. In W. K. Cummings & N. F. McGinn (Eds.), International handbook of education and devel
opment: Preparing schools, students and nations for the twenty-first century (pp. 137-152). New York:
Pergamon.
Black, C. E. (1967). The dynanics ofmodernization. New York: Harper and Row.
Black, M. (1986). The children and the nations: The story of UNICEF. Potts Point, Sydney, Australia: P.I.C. Pty
Ltd.
Boli, J. (1989). New citizenship for a new society: The institutional origins of mass schooling in Sweden. New
York: Doubleday.
Boudon, R. (1974). Education, opportunity, and social inequality: Changing prospects in western society. New
York: Wiley.
Bowles, S., & Gintis, H. (1976). Schooling in capitalist America. New York: Basic Books.
Bradley, K., & Ramirez, F. (1996). World polity and gender parity: Women's share ofhigher education, 1965-985.
Research in Sociology of Education and Socialization, 11, 63-92.
Buchert, L. (1994). Education and development: A study of donor agency policies on education in Sweden, Hol
land, and Denmark. International Journal of Education Research, 14(2), 143-157.
Caillods, F., Gottelmann-Duret, G., & Lewin, K. (1996). Science education and development: Planning and policy
issues at secondary leve/. Pars: Unesco, International Institute for Educational Planning.
Carnoy, M. (1995). The economics of education, then and now. In M. Carnoy (Ed.), International Encyclopedia of
Economics of Education (2nd ed., pp, 1-7). Oxford, England: Pergamon,
Carnoy, M. (1998). Notes on the production and use of knowledge in the education sector. Stanford, CA: Stanford
University School of Education.
Chabbott, C. (1996). Constructing educational development: International development oganizations and the
World Conference on Education for All. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Stanford University, School of
Education, Stanford, California.
Clark, B. (l977a). Structure of post-secondary education. In A. Knowles (Ed.). International encyclopedia of
higher education (Vol. 8). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Clark, B. (1977b). The Changing Relations between Higher Education and Government: Sorne Perspectives from
Abroad. New Haven, CT: Institute for Social Policy Studies.
Coffman, J. M. (1992). Arabization and Islamization in the Algerian university. Unpublished doctoral disserta
tion, Stanford University, Stanford, California.
Coleman, J. S. (Ed., 1965). Education and political development. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Collins, R. (1971). Functional and conflict theories of educational stratification. American Sociological Review,
36, 1002-1019.

Collins, R. (1979). The credential society: A historical sociology of education and stratification. New York:
Academic Press.
Coombs, P. H. (1968). The world educational crisis: A systems!analysis. New York: Oxford University Press.
Coombs, P. H. (1985). The world crisis in education: The view from the eighties. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Cox, R. W. (1968). Education for development. In R. N. Gardner & M. F. Millikan (Eds.), The global partnership:
International agencies & economic development (pp. 310-331). New York: Frederick A. Praeger,
Cutright, P. (1969). National political development: Measurement and analysis, In M. Eckstein & H. Noah (Eds.),
Scientific investigations in comparative education (pp. 367-383). New York: Macmillan.
Davis, N. J., & Robinson, R. V. (1991). Men's and women's consciousness of gender inequality: Austria, West
Germany, Great Britain, and the United States. American Sociological Review, 56, 72-84.
Denison, E. (1962). The sources of economic growth in the United States and the alternatives befare us. New
York: Committee for Economic Development.
DiMaggio, P. J., & Powell, W. W. (1983). The iron cage revisited: Institutional isomorphism and collective rationality in organizational fields. American Sociological Review, 48(Apri!), 147-160.
Dreeben, R. (1968). On what is learned in school. Reading, MA: Addison Wesley.
Eisenstadt, S. N. (1963). The political systems of empires. New York: The Free Press.
Fagerlind, l., & Saha, L. (1983). Education and national development: A comparative perspective. Elmsford, NY:
Pergamon.
Fisher, J. (1998). Non-governments: NGOs and the political development of the third world. West Hartford, CT:
Kumarian.
Frank, D., Wong, S.-Y., Meyer, J., & Duncan, S. (1996). Embedding national society: History as a map of the
world: 1895-1994. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, New
York.
Fuller, B., & Heyneman, S. P. (1989). Third world school quality: Curren!collapse, future potential. Educational
Researcher, 18(2, March), 12-19.
Fuller, B., & Rubinson, R. (Eds., 1992). The political construction of education: The state, school expansion, and
economic change. New York: Praeger.
Gamier, M., & Hage, J. (1990). Education and economic growth in Germany. Research in Sociology of Education
and Socialization, 9, 25-53,
Garnier, M., Hage, J., & Fuller, B. (1989). The strong state, social class, and controlled school expansion in
France, 1881-1975. American Journal of Sociology, 95, 279-306.
Gurr, T. (1971). A causal model of civil strife: A comparative analysis using new indices. In J. V. Gillespi & B. A.
Newvold (Eds,), Macro-quantitative analysis: Conflict, development, and democratization. Beverly Hills,
CA: Sage.
Hage, J., & Garnier, M. (1990). Social class, the hesitan!state, and the expansion of secondary schools in Britain,
1870-1975. Research in Sociology of Education and Socialization, 9, 55-80.
Hage, J., & Garnier, M. (1992). Strong sales and educational expansion: France versus Italy. In B. Fuller & R.
Rubinson (Eds.), The political construction of education (pp. 155-171). New York: Praeger,
Hallak, J. (1991). Educationfor al!: High expectations or false hopes. Paris: UNESCO. Institute for International
Educational Planning.
Hanushek, E., & Kim, D. (1996). Schooling, labor force quality, and the growth ofnations. Unpublished manuscript, University of Rochester, Department of Economics, Rochester, New York.
Harbison, F., & Myers, C. (1964). Education, manpower, and economic growth. New York: McGraw-Hill. Honig,
B. (1996). Education and self-employment in Jamaica. Comparative Education Review, 40(2), 177-193. Inkeles,
A., & Sirowy, L. (1983). Convergen!and divergent trends in national educational systems. Social Forces,
62(2, December), 303-333.
Inkeles, A., & Smith, D. H. (1974). Becoming modern: Individual change in six developing countries. Cam
bridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Inter-Agency Commission. World Conference on Education forAl!. (1990). Meeting basic learning needs: A
visionfor the 1990s. Paris: World Conference on Education forAl!.
Jones, P. (1997). On world bank education financing. Review article. Comparative Education, 33(1, March), 117-129.
Jones, P. W. (1990). UNESCO and the politics of globalliteracy. Comparative Education Review, 34(1), 41-60.
Jones, P. W. (1992). World bankfinancing of education: Lending, learning and development. New York: Routledge.
Kamens, D. H., Meyer, J. W., & Benavot, A. (1996). Worldwide patterns in academic secondary education curricula. Comparative Education Review, 40(2), 116-138.
Kelly, G. (1991). Women and higher education. In P. G. Altbach (Ed.), 1nternational Higher Education: An ency
clopedia (pp. 297-323). New York: Garland Publishing Company.

King, K. (199 1). Aid and education in the developing world: The role of the donar agencies in educational
analysis. Essex, UK: Longman.
King, K., & Singh, J. S. (1991). Improving the quality of basic education. Paper presented at the Conference of
Commonwealth Education Ministers, Barbados.
Knight, J. B., & Sabot, R. H. (1987). The rate of return on educational expansion. Economics of Education Re
view, 6(3), 255-262.
Lewis, J., & Kallab, V. (Eds., 1986). Development stages reconsidered (Vol. 5). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.
Lewis, J. P. (Ed., 1988). Strengthening the poor: What have we learned (Vol. 10). New Brunswick, NJ: Transac
tion.
Lipset, S. M. (1963). Thefirst review nation. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.
Lockheed, M., Jamison, D., & Lau, L. (1988). Farmer education and farmer efficiency: A survey. In T. King (Ed.),
Education and income (pp. 111-152). Washington, DC: World Bank.
Lundgreen, P. (1976), Educational expansion and economic growth in the nineteenth century Germany: A quanti
tative study. In L. Stone (Ed). Schooling and society (pp. 20-76). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins,
Mangan, J. A. (Ed., 1994). A significan! social revolution: Cross-cultural aspects of the evolution of compulsory
education. London: Woburn Press.
Maynes, M. J. (1985). Schooling in western Europe: A social history. Albany, NY: State University of New York
Press.
McClelland, D. (1961). The achieving society. New York: The Free Press.
McGinn, N. (Ed., 1996), Crossing lines: Research & policy networks for developing country education. Westport,
CT: Praeger.
Meier, G. (1995). Leading issues in international development (6th ed.), New York: Oxford University Press.
Meyer, J., Boli, J., Thomas, G. M., & Ramirez, F. O. (1997). World society and the nation state. American Journal
of Sociology, 103(1), 144-181.
Meyer, J. W. (1977). The effects of education asan institution. American Journal of Sociology, 63, 55-77.
Meyer, J. W., & Hannan, M. T. (Eds., 1979). National development and the world system: Educational, economic,
and political change, 1950-1970. Chicago: University of Chicago.
Meyer, J. W., Nagel, J., & Snyder, C. W., Jr. (1993). The expansion of mass education in Botswana: Local and
world society perspectives. Comparative Education Review, 37(4, November), 454-475.
Meyer, J. W., Ramirez, F. 0., Rubinson, R., & Boli-Bennett, J. (1977). The world educational revolution, 19501970. Sociology of Education, 50(0ctober), 242-258.
Meyer, J. W., Ramirez, F. 0., & Soysal, Y. (1992). World expansion of mass education, 1980. Sociology of Edu
cation, 65(2), 128-149.
Nagel, J., & Snyder, C. W. (1989). International funding of educational development: Externa!agendas and inter
na! adaptations-the case of Liberia. Comparative Education Review, 33(1), 3-20.
Olneck, M. R., & Bilis, D. B. (1980). What makes Sammy run? An empirical assessment of the Bowles-Gintis
correspondence theory. American Journal of Education, 89(1), 27-61.
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. (1988). Voluntary aid for development: The role of
non-governmental organisations. Paris: OECD.
Parsons, T. (1957). The school class as a social system. Harvard Education Review, XXIX(4) 297-318.
Psacharopoulos, G. (1973). Returns to education. San Francisco, CA: Jossey Bass.
Psacharopoulos, G. (1989). Time trends of the returns to education: Cross-national evidence. Economics of Edu
cation Review, 8, 225-231.
Psacharopoulos, G., & Woodhall, M. (1985). Education for development: An Analysis of investment choices. New
York: Oxford University Press.
Ramirez, F., & Boli, J. (1987). The political construction of mass schooling: European origins and worldwide
institutionalization. Sociology of Education, 60, 2-17.
Ramirez, F., & Lee, M. (1995). Education, science, and development. In G. A. Postiglione & L. W. On (Eds.),
Social change and educational development (pp. 15-39). Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong,
Ramirez, F., & Rubinson, R. (1979). Creating members: The political incorporation and expansion of public
education. In J. Meyer & M. Hannan (Eds.), National development and world system (pp. 72-84). Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Ramirez, F., Rubinson, R., & Meyer, J. (1973, September). National educational expansion and political devel
opment: Causal interrelationships, 1950-1970. Paper presented at the SEADAG Seminar on Education and
National Development, Singapore.
Ramirez, F. O. (1997). The nation-state, citizenship, and educational change: Institutionalization and globaliza
tion. In W. K. Cummings & N. F. McGinn (Eds.), International Handbook of Education and development:
Preparing schools, students and nationsfor the twenty-first century (first ed., pp. 47-62). New York: Pergamon.

Ramirez, F. 0., & Cha, Y.-K. (1990). Citizenship and gender: Western educational development in comparative
perspective. Research in Sociology of Education and Socialization, 9, 153-173.
Reisner, E. H. (1927). Nationalism and education since 1789. New York: MacMillan.
Robertson, R. (1992). Globalization: Social theory and global culture. London: Sage.
Rubinson, R., & Brown, l. (1994). Education and the economy. In N. J. Smelser & R. Swedborg (Eds.),
The handbook of economic sociology (pp. 583-599). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Ryoo, J.-K., Nam, Y.-S., & Carnoy, M. (1993), Changing rates of return to education over time: A Korean case
study. Economics of Education Review, 12(1), 71-80.
Samoff, J. (1995). Analyses, agendas, and priorities in African education: A review of externally initiated, com

missioned supported studies in Africa, 1990-94 (Inventory and analytic overview of African education sec
tor study ). Pars: UNESCO: Working Group on Education Sector Analysis Lead Agency, Association for the
Development of African Education.
Schofer, E., Ramirez, F., & Meyer, J. (1997). The effects of science on national economic development 19701990. Toronto, Ontario. Paper presented at the American Sociological Association.
Schultz, T. P. (1993). Returns to women's education. In E. M. King & M. A. Hill (Eds.) Womens education in
developing countries (pp. 5-93). Washington, DC: The World Bank.
Schultz, T. W. (1963). The economic value of education. New York: Columbia University Press.
Shanahan, S. (1994). Educaton and inequality: A cross-national analysis. San Diego, CA: Paper presented at the
annual meeting of the Pacific Sociological Association, March.
Shils, E. (1971). No salvation outside higher education. Minerva, 6, 313-321.
Singh, J. S., & Mukherjee, H. (1993). Education and national integration in Malaysia: Stocktaking after thirty
years of independence. International Journal of Educational Development, 13(2), 89-102.
Social watch. (1996). Social watch: The starting point. Montevideo, Uruguay: Instituto del Tercer Mundo.
Spring, J. (1972). Education and rise ofthe corporate state. Boston: Beacon Press.
Starkey, H. (Ed., 1991). Socialisation of school children and their educationfor democratic values and human
rights. Amsterdam: Council of Europe/Swets and Zeitlinger.
Stromquist, N. ( 1989). Determinants of educational participation and achievement of women in the Third World:
A review of the evidence anda theoretical critique. Review of Educational Research, 59(2), 143-183,
Thomas, G., Ramirez, F., Meyer, J. W., & Gobbalet, J. (1979). Maintaining national boundaries in the world
system: The rise of centralist regimes. In J. W. Meyer & M. Hannan (Eds.), National development and the
world system. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Torney, J., Oppenheim, A. N., & Farnen, R. F. (1976). Civic education in ten countries: An emprica! study
(ERIC). New York: Wiley.
Torney, J. V., & Hess, R. D. (1969). Teachers, students, and poltica!attitude development. In G. Lesser (Ed.)
Psychology and the Educational Process. Glenview, IL: Scott Foresman.
UNESCO. Education for All Forum Secretariat. (1993). Educationfor all: Status and trends. Pars: UNESCO.
United Nations. (1948). Universal declaration of human rights. San Francisco, CA: United Nations.
United Nations, (1966). International covenant on economic, social, and cultural rights. New York: United Na
tions.
Walters, P. B., & O'Donnell, P. J. (1990). Post-World War 11 higher educational expansion, the organization of
work, and changes in labor productivity in the United States. Research in Sociology of Education and Social
ization, 9, 1-23.
Walters, P. B., & Rubinson, R. (1983). Educational expansion and economic output in the United States, 18901969: A production function analysis. American Sociological Review, 48(4, August), 480--493.
Watson, K. (1988). Forty years of education and development: From optimism to uncertainty. Educational Review,
40(2), 137-174.
Weil, F. (1985). The variable effect of education on attitudes: A comparative historical analysis of anti-semitism
using public opinion survey data. American Sociological Review, 50, 458--475.
Weiss, J. A., Ramirez, F. 0., & Tracy, T. (1976). Female participation in the occupational system: A comparative
institutional analysis. Social Problems, 23, 593-608.
Windolf, P. (1997). Expansion and structural change: Higher education in Germany, the United States, and
Japan, 1870-1990. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

The Effects of Schooling on Individual Lives

31