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TECHNOSUBJECTIVITY

TECHNOSUBJECTIVITY INDEX
YY

INDEX.............................................................................................................................................1
STRATEGY/DEFINITION/NOTES...............................................................................................2
Shells/Overviews:
TECHNOSUBJECTIVITY SHELL (1/4)......................................Error! Bookmark not defined.
TECHNOSUBJECTIVITY SHELL (2/4)......................................Error! Bookmark not defined.
TECHNOSUBJECTIVITY SHELL (3/4)......................................Error! Bookmark not defined.
TECHNOSUBJECTIVITY SHELL (4/4)......................................Error! Bookmark not defined.
KATO 2A/N.....................................................................................................................................3
Links:
LINKS: NUCLEAR EXTINCTION..........................................Error! Bookmark not defined.-9
LINKS: BLUE DOT/SPACE.....................................................................................................3-13
LINKS: SPACE/CAPITALISM.......................................................................................................3
LINKS: SELF/OTHER....................................................................................................................3
LINKS: GLOBALISM/HOMOGENITY........................................................................................3
LINKS: GLOBALISM/STRATEGIC GAZE..................................................................................3
LINKS: SCHELL/LIFTON.............................................................................................................3
LINKS: JAMESON.........................................................................................................................3
LINKS: AHISTORICAL INQUIRY................................................................................................3
Impacts:
IMPX: 3RD WORLD COLONIZATION..........................................................................................3
IMPX: 3RD WORLD DESTRUCTION............................................................................................3
IMPX: CAPITALIST EXPLOITATION.........................................................................................3
IMPX: RACISM & DIGNITY........................................................................................................3
IMPX: COLONIALISM............................................................................................................3-29
Alternative:
ALT: REJECT THE AFF...............................................................Error! Bookmark not defined.
ALT: NUKE INFASTRUCTURE....................................................................................................3
Answers
A2: VIRILIO....................................................................................................................................3
A2: NOT TESTING ANYMORE.................................................................................................3

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STRATEGY/DEFINITION/NOTES
Techno-strategic gaze happens when rockets first went into space and took a picture of the
globe. This allowed us to map and see the entire globe all at once. This surveillance directly
monitors and controls indigenous nations and 3rd world peoples around the globe.
4th World This term is used mostly for places that have been ghettoized by the First World
much like the Third World. The main difference I have noticed is that the 4th world are nations or
peoples who have felt the effects of radioactive colonization. I have chosen to edit this word out
of the underlining in the cards apparently some teams have some specific criticisms of this
term so it may be best to avoid it. The beauty of Kato is that there are no answers so Im trying to
keep it that way.
Technosubjectivity Much like the techno-strategic gaze, it is the cloud through which we see
the rest of the world. Our job by running the criticism is to try to check back the
technosubjectivity that has infected our discourse and policymaking.

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1NC
IN THE AGE OF DISCURSIVE IMPERIALISM AND THE
ACCELERATING DRIVE FOR PURE EXTERMINATION OF THE
PERIPHERY - RADIOACTIVE COLONIZATION IS USED AS A MEANS
OF ONGOING GENOCIDE AGAINST INDIGENOUS PEOPLES. THEIR
DISCURSIVE CONSTRUCTION IS SYMPTOMATIC OF THE TECHNOSTRATEGIC GAZE WHICH WARNS OF A UNIQUE NUCLEAR WAR
WHILE SIMULTANEOUSLY OBSCURING AND LEGITIMIZING THE
ONGOING DESTRUCTION OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES ALREADY
PUSHED TO THE BRINK OF ABSOLUTE GENOCIDE
MASAHIDE KATO 1993

Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing

Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
The vigorous invasion of the logic of capitalist accumulation into the last vestige of
relatively autonomous space in the periphery under late capitalism is propelled not only
by the desire for incorporating every fabric of the society into the division of labor
but also by the desire for "pure" destruction/extermination of the periphery." The
penetration of capital into the social fabric and the destruction of nature and preexisting
social organizations by capital are not separable. However, what we have witnessed in the
phase of late capitalism is a rapid intensification of the destruction and extermination of the
periphery. In this context, capital is no longer interested in incorporating some parts of the
periphery into the international division of labor. The emergence of such "pure"
destruction/extermination of the periphery can be explained, at least partially, by another
problematic of late capitalism formulated by Ernest Mandel: the mass production of the
means of destruction." Particularly, the latest phase of capitalism distinguishes itself
from the earlier phases in its production of the "ultimate" means of
destruction/extermination, i.e., nuclear weapons.
Let us recall our earlier discussion about the critical historicalconjuncture where the notion
of "strategy" changed its nature and became deregulated/dispersed beyond the boundaries
set by the interimperial rivalry. Herein, the perception of the ultimate means of destruction
can be historically contextualized. The only instances of real nuclear catastrophe
perceived and thus given due recognition by the First World community are the
explosions at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which occurred at this conjuncture. Beyond this
historical threshold, whose meaning is relevant only to the interimperial rivalry, the
nuclear catastrophe is confined to the realm of fantasy, for instance, apocalyptic
imagery. And yet how can one deny the crude fact that nuclear war has been taking

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place on this earth in the name of "nuclear testing" since the first nuclear explosion at
Alamogordo in 1945? As of 1991, 1,924 nuclear explosions have occurred on earth.
The major perpetrators of nuclear warfare are the United States (936 times), the
former Soviet Union (715 times), France (192 times), the United Kingdom (44 times), and
China (36 times). The primary targets of warfare ("test site" to use Nuke Speak
terminology) have been invariably the sovereign nations of Fourth World and
Indigenous Peoples. Thus history has already witnessed the nuclear wars against the
Marshall Islands (66 times), French Polynesia (175 times), Australian Aborigines (9 times),
Newe Sogobia (the Western Shoshone Nation) (814 times), the Christmas Islands (24
times), Hawaii (Kalama Island, also known as Johnston Island) (12 times), the Republic of
Kazakhstan (467 times), and Uighur (Xinjian Province, China) (36 times)." Moreover,
although I focus primarily on "nuclear tests" in this article, if we are to expand the
notion of nuclear warfare to include any kind of violence accrued from the nuclear
fuel cycle (particularly uranium mining and disposition of nuclear wastes), we must enlist
Japan and the European nations as perpetrators and add the Navaho, Havasupai and other
Indigenous Nations to the list of targets. Viewed as a whole, nuclear war, albeit
undeclared, has been waged against the Fourth World, and Indigenous Nations. The
dismal consequences of "intensive exploitation," "low intensity intervention," or the
"nullification of the sovereignty" in the Third World produced by the First World
have taken a form of nuclear extermination in the Fourth World and Indigenous
Nations.
Thus, from the perspectives of the Fourth World and Indigenous Nations, the nuclear
catastrophe has never been the "unthinkable" single catastrophe but the real
catastrophe of repetitive and ongoing nuclear explosions and exposure to
radioactivity. Nevertheless, ongoing nuclear wars have been subordinated to the
imaginary grand catastrophe by rendering them as mere preludes to the apocalypse.
As a consequence, the history and ongoing processes of nuclear explosions as war
have been totally wiped out from the history and consciousness of the First World
community. Such a discursive strategy that aims to mask the "real" of nuclear warfare in
the domain of imagery of nuclear catastrophe can be observed even in Stewart Firth's
Nuclear Playground, which extensively covers the history of "nuclear testing" in the Pacific:
Nuclear explosions in the atmosphere ... were global in effect. The winds and seas
carried radioactive contamination over vast areas of the fragile ecosphere on which we
all depend for our survival and which we call the earth. In preparing for war, we were
poisoning our planet and going into battle against nature itself."
Although Firth's book is definitely a remarkable study of the history of "nuclear testing" in
the Pacific, the problematic division/distinction between the "nuclear explosions" and the
nuclear war is kept intact. The imagery of final nuclear war narrated with the
problematic use of the subject ("we") is located higher than the "real" of nuclear
warfare in terms of discursive value. This ideological division/hierarchization is the
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very vehicle through which the history and the ongoing processes of the destruction of
the Fourth World and Indigenous Nations by means of nuclear violence are obliterated
and hence legitimatized. The discursive containment/obliteration of the "real" of
nuclear warfare has been accomplished, ironic as it may sound, by nuclear criticism .
Nuclear criticism, with its firm commitment to global discourse, has established the
unshakable authority of the imagery of nuclear catastrophe over the real nuclear
catastrophe happening in the Fourth World and Indigenous Nations almost on a daily
basis.

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IF THEY ATTEMPT TO KICK, SEVER, OR PERM OUT THEIR

REPRESENTATIONS THEN WE WIN. INTENTIONS ARE
IRRELEVANT AND RHETORIC IS POLICYMAKING THE REASONS
WE PASS PLANS ARE EQUALLY IMPORTANT AS THE PLANS
THEMSELVES AND FAILURE TO CRITICIZE THE ENTIRE POLICY
OPTION RESULTS IN RACISM AND LEAVES DEBATERS UNABLE
TO ACCOUNT FOR THEIR ACTIONS
GEHRKE 1998
[Pat J, Former Debate Coach and Rhetorical Scholar, Critique Arguments as Policy
Analysis: Policy Debate Beyond the Rationalist Perspective, Contemporary
Argumentation and Debate, 19, 1998, pp. 18-39]
Arguably, some policies may intend no more than their implementation. However,
that does not free such policies from responsibility for far more than they intend.
While methods for considering these interpretive and communicative aspects of a policy
are beyond the rationalist perspective, any evaluation of policy options must consider these
communicative perspectives. To limit these interpretations to the intentional and the
nave is to limit policy discourse and policy analysis, destroying our ability to consider
the communicative effects and influences of policy advocacy. In her analysis of the
published reports of the Tuskegee study, Martha Solomon notes that one reason the
Tuskegee experiment continued for as long as it did was that the rhetorical
conventions of the scientific community obscured and encouraged neglect of crucial
human concerns (243244). Her focus necessarily extends far beyond the intentional,
naive, rogate meanings of the Tuskegee texts. While recognizing these language choices
were not intentional attempts to deceive or manipulate, Solomon accounts for their
occurrence and impact upon the policy process. Attempts at similar analysis of proposed
policies might act as a check against policy actions such as the Tuskegee study.
Ignorance of these aspects of policy analysis may persuade debaters that policies that
meet rational cost-benefit criteria are always the most effective and preferential
policy options, regardless of how they characterize individuals or communicate roles
and obligations. Similarly, it will leave debaters unable to account for the often
enduring and dramatic effects of the communicative aspects of policies and policy
advocacy.

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The alternative is to shatter image based politics of Nuclear

War.
This solves the technological subjective gaze that causes the
affirmative to overlook the destruction the first world.
MASAHIDE KATO 1993

Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing

Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
The question now becomes: Can there be a productive link between the struggles of the
Fourth World and Indigenous Peoples against the exterminating regime of nuclear
capital/state, and First World environmentalist and antinuclear social movements?
This link is crucial and urgent for a subversion of the global regime of capital/state.
Nevertheless, we have not yet seen effective alliances due to the blockage that lies
between these social movements." The blockage, as I have shown in this article, is
produced primarily by the perception and discourse of the social movements in the
North, which are rooted in technosubjectivity. The possibility of alliances, therefore,
depends on how much First World environmentalist and antinuclear movements can
overcome their globalist technosubjectivity, whose spatio-temporality stands in
diametrical opposition to the struggles of the Fourth World and Indigenous Peoples. In
other words, it is crucial for the former to shatter their image-based politics and come
face to face with the "real" of the latter."

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LINKS: NUCLEAR EXTINCTION

THREATS OF NUCLEAR EXTINCTION SECURE FIRST WORLD
PRIVELEGE, COLONIZE TEMPORALITY AND EXTEND POWER
OVER WOMENS BODIES
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
The latest form of domination through the mimetic relationship between (the First
World) self and matter via technosubjectivity unveils its uniqueness in the mode of
propertization. Technosubjectivity materializes the condition in which the First
World self establishes property relationship with what has not been coded in the
conventional space and time parameters (e.g., the earth, the ecosphere, life,
environment, the unborn, the future). For example, by using apocalypse, nuclear
critics set up a privileged discursive position whereby the First World self is
authorized to speak for amorphous "future" generations. This discursive position
entails a colonization of temporality by the First World self. The colonization of
"future" has an immediate effect: the preservation of unborn generations as a case
against extinction endorsed by some nuclear critics, for instance, cannot be isolated
from the extension of patriarchal self over women's bodies. In a similar vein, the
nuclear critics' assertion regarding the preservation of the ecosphere or the identification of
an individual with the earth as an antithesis to extinction betrays the extension of the First
World self over the space configured by the image of the globe. One should not, on the
one hand, discount the political significance of the environmentalism emerged from
the nuclear discourse; on the other hand, however, one should also be alert to the fact
that such environmentalism and also the notion of "futurity" discussed earlier are a
structural counterpart of the globalization of space and time by capital (both are
linked through technosubjectivity). The extension and propertization in terms of both time
and space proceeds instantaneously from the micro level to the macro level and vice versa:
"the earth, like a single cell or a single organism, is a systemic whole."" The holism
reconstructed here is a discursive translation of the instantaneous focal change (from
the image of the whole to the image of the spot) from the point of the absolute strategic
gaze. Overall, the nuclear critics' position in freezing the status quothat is, the
existing unequal power relationshipproduces nothing short of an absolute
affirmation of the latest forms of capitalist domination mediated by mechanically
reproducible images."
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KATO 2A/N
THEIR DISCOURSE OF POTENTIAL NUCLEAR EXPLOSIONS
CONTINUES AND OBSCURES ONGOING NUCLEAR VIOLENCE
AGAINST INDIGENOUS NATIONS AND THE PERIPHERY
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
Nuclear war has been enclosed by two seemingly opposite yet complementary regimes
of discourse: nation-state strategic discourse (nuclear deterrence, nuclear
disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation, and so on) and extra-nation-state (or extraterritorial) discourse (antinuclearism, nuclear criticism, and so on). The epistemology
of the former is entrenched in the "possible" exchange(s) of nuclear warheads among
nation states. The latter, which emerged in reaction to the former, holds the
"possibility of extinction" at the center of its discursive production.
In delineating the notion of "nuclear war," both of these discourses share an
intriguing leap: from the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki to the "possible"
nuclear explosions in an indefinite-yet-ever-closer-to-the-present future. Thus any
nuclear explosions after World War II do not qualify as nuclear war in the cognitive
grid of conventional nuclear discourse. Significantly, most nuclear explosions after
World War II took place in the sovereign territories of the Fourth World and Indigenous
Nations. This critical historical fact has been contained in the domain of nuclear testing.
Such obliteration of the history of undeclared nuclear warfare by nuclear discourse does
not merely posit the deficiency of the discourse. Rather, what it does is reveal the late
capitalist form of domination, whereby an ongoing extermination process of the periphery
is blocked from constituting itself as a historical fact.

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LINKS: BLEIKER
THEIR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVISM IS PART OF THE GLOBAL STRATEGY AND
CONTINUING BENIGN IMPERIALISM
NAYAR 1999 [Jayan, School of Law, University of Warwick, Symposium: Reframing International Law for the
21st Century: Orders of Inhumanity, Transnational Law and Contemporary Problems, 1999]

Indeed, much of what provides the descriptive content of world-order narratives

appears to be happening. Increased interaction at the global, let alone international,
level is taking place. Leisurely meanderings through the streets of any major city, or even
minor town, anywhere, provide ample sensory evidence of a globalization-led rise in
homogeneity of social experience and aspiration. From advertising hoardings to cinema
posters, restaurants to cyber-cafes, shopping malls to banks, hotels to discotheques, muzak
to top-tens, fashion of the chic to that of the executive, monocultures prevail. Everywhere,
local flavors provide an exotic touch of difference to the otherwise comfortable
familiarity of the global. Of course, such leisurely meanderings are limited to those
who have the resources by which to make such a comparative study, to those with the
mobility to "be anywhere"--the professional, the corporate player, the "global
activist," the footloose academic. For these, narratives of a "global world" find
appeal.
Thus, a "globalized" world-order has come to fit snugly within the common parlance
of these "global citizens" (politicians, lawyers, corporate actors, professional NGOists,
academics), and world-order possibilities have infused their imaginations. The struggle
ahead, from such vantage points, lies in determining what the image of order might be,
what the structures of a global order might look like. The rush to capture the symbolic and
futuristic landscape of world-order provides us with the rich exhortations of "new
beginnings," open to the intellectual expertise of both "right" and "left" politico-economic
orientations. These range from the "ordering" inclinations of U.S. State officials
asserting the right of "benign imperialism," n9 to the "reordering" demands of
progressive internationalists calling for "humane governance" n10 and
"neighborhood" perspectives. n11 Regardless of political and ideological
orientations, the underlying message of the rhetoric of world-order, however
conceptualized, is one of increased human welfare, freed now [*605] from the
ideological constraints of an outdated, geo-politically based state system. A new order
for these exciting times is the order of the day.

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SCHELL

THE LOCATION OF A POSSIBLE NUCLEAR EXTINCTION (USED BY SCHELL)

OSBSCURES AND LEGITIMIZES NUCLEAR VIOLENCE AGAINST INDIGENOUS
PEOPLES
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
Nuclear criticism finds the likelihood of "extinction" as the most fundamental aspect
of nuclear catastrophe. The complex problematics involved in nuclear catastrophe are
thus reduced to the single possible instant of extinction. The task of nuclear critics is
clearly designated by Schell as coming to grips with the one and only final instant:
"human extinctionwhose likelihood we are chiefly interested in finding out about"35
Deconstructionists, on the other hand, take a detour in their efforts to theologize extinction.
Jacques Derrida, for example, solidified the prevailing mode of representation by
constituting extinction as a fatal absence:
Unlike the other wars, which have all been preceded by wars of more or less the same type
in human memory (and gunpowder did not mark a radical break in this respect), nuclear
war has no precedent. It has never occurred, itself; it is a non-event. The explosion of
American bombs in 1945 ended a "classical," conventional war; it did not set off a nuclear
war. The terrifying reality of the nuclear conflict can only be the signified referent, never
the real referent (present or past) of a discourse or text At least today apparently."
By representing the possible extinction as the single most important problematic of nuclear
catastrophe (posing it as either a threat or a symbolic void), nuclear criticism disqualifies
the entire history of nuclear violence, the "real" of nuclear catastrophe as a
continuous and repetitive process. The "real" of nuclear war is designated by nuclear
critics as a "rehearsal" (Derrik De Kerkhove) or "preparation" (Firth) for what they
reserve as the authentic catastrophe." The history of nuclear violence offers, at best, a
reality effect to the imagery of "extinction." Schell summarized the discursive
position of nuclear critics very succinctly, by stating that nuclear catastrophe should
not be conceptualized "in the context of direct slaughter of hundreds of millions
people by the local effects."39 Thus the elimination of the history of nuclear violence
by nuclear critics stems from the process of discursive "delocalization" of nuclear
violence. Their primary focus is not local catastrophe, but delocalized, unlocatable,
"global" catastrophe.

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LINKS: BLUE DOT/SPACE

THE IMAGE OF THE EARTH FROM SPACE MUST BE TAKEN IN CONTEXT OF
THE AGE OF TRANSNATIONAL CAPITALISM WHICH IS PERMEATED WITH A
TECHNOSUBJECTIVITY THAT DOMINATES THE THIRD WORLD
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
Nevertheless, the significance of the image of the globe in the late capitalist phase
differs from that of earlier phases on three accounts. First, unlike in earlier phases, the
image of the globe is based on a photo image which is mechanically reproducible and
transmittable. The dissemination of images, which is ideological reproduction sui generis,
proceeds extensively with the commercialization of the unconscious. In other words, the
photo image of the globe needs to be situated in the historical context wherein
mechanically reproducible images are the very materiality of the reproduction of the
social order. Second, the notion of the globe is no longer anchored in a cartographic
abstraction of the surface of the earth, but is now a figure perceived by the camera's
eye. Thus the image ineluctably involves the problematic of technosubjectivity in the
construction of the social totality. Third, the image (ultimately the technosubject)
serves as a principle of equivalence between self (First World self) and matter in
general (earth, humanity, environment, and so on). In other words, technosubjectivity
renders the First World self capable of attaining an unprecedented mode of
domination over the rest of the world. I will defer my ideological analysis on the last two
points to the next section. Let us first focus on the emergence of the global discourse
facilitated by the dissemination of the image of the globe.

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LINKS: BLUE DOT/SPACE

THE SPATIALIZATION OF THE EARTH FROM SPACE ALLOWS FOR THE
PRIVELEGED TECHNO-STRATEGIC GAZE THAT RENDERS DIFFERENTIAL
BEINGS AS THE SAME IN ORDER TO COLONIZE THE THIRD WORLD
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
In 1945, amidst the ruins of war, Theodor Adorno noted the decay of the notion of
"strategy," which the fascist regime had raised to an "absolute" level. Moreover,
optimistically and mistakenly, he hoped for the downfall of technology with the demise of
strategy.' In the same year, three hundred freight car loads of V-2 rocket components
confiscated from Germany arrived at the White Sands Proving Ground, eighteen miles
west of Alamogordo, where the first nuclear bomb exploded on earth. Along with the
procurement of rockets, the United States adopted one thousand German military
scientists, many of whom later occupied important positions in the military, NASA,
and the aerospace industry. Originally, German scientists put the rocket to practical
use by revolutionizing access to an aerial view of the earth at the dawn of this century.
Historically speaking, the development of perceptive technology, warfare technology,
and strategy have always been closely intertwined.' Thus, not surprisingly, the first
experimental V-2 rocket launched from the White Sands Proving Ground in 1946 was
loaded with a camera that successfully captured the curvature of Earth, that is, a
partial image of the "globe." It took twenty years (until 1966) from the experiment until the
totality of the image of the globe became available to the First World community. The
"long-shot" of the globe rising from the lunar horizon taken from the Lunar Orbiter I
manifested the totality of the globe eloquently to First World eyes. The most commonly
circulated image of the globe, however, was shot by the crew of Apollo 8 in 1968. This
attainment of a photographic image of the globe marked the triumph of an
"absolute" strategic gaze.
Historical contestations over the privileged position of the gaze and hence over the
perspective with higher strategic significance ended with the emergence of the absolute
strategic gaze.' The newly emerged regime of the absolute strategic gaze rendered
obsolete the very notion of perspective and hence dimension.' Thus, Adorno's thesis was
proved to be wrong: the downfall of fascist state(s) merely marked the turning point when
strategy shifted its gear and dispersed beyond conventional (e.g., national) boundaries
with the help of the absolute strategic gaze.

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LINKS: BLUE DOT/SPACE

THE THIRD WORLD HAS BEEN RENDERED AS RESOURCES THROUGH
SATELLITE SURVEILLANCE
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
It is clear from the language "individualism" in the statements above that the image
of the globe (and other incorporeal bodies) is the outcome of the projection of late
capitalist private existence (i.e., the life world of the First World) onto the level of
generality." The self in question is not the self (the life world of the Third World,
Fourth World, and Indigenous Peoples) that has been endangered already by nuclear
wars. The subjectivity of the periphery, as discussed earlier in this article, has been
rendered matter (e.g., natural resources) through satellite surveillance. Under the
regime of technosubjectivity, the First World self assumes an unprecedented form of
domination by assimilating itself into matter, and thereby it conquers matter.

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LINKS: BLUE DOT/SPACE

BLUE DOT THEORY DOES NOT MAKE PEOPLE RESPECT THE EARTH IT
ALLOWS TOTAL COLONIZATION OF THE PLANET THROUGH THE TECHNOSTRATEGIC GAZE
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
As mentioned earlier, the absolute point of the strategic gaze abolishes the historical
contestation over perspectives, giving way to a total monopoly of interpretative media. The
camera's eye from outer space produced what had been long sought since the
invention of camera and the rocket: ahistorical or transcendental "rectitude."' An
aerial photographer captures the emergence of such rectitude very succinctly:
The advantage of hyperaltitude space photographs is that each one shows vast
terrains in correct perspective, from one viewpoint and at one moment of time.
Thus they are far more accurate than mosaics of the same area pieced together from
photographs taken from the constantly shifting points of view of conventional
aircraft at random periods of time, extending from dawn to sunset or even over
weeks and months, depending upon clear weather.
The pursuit of rectitude in the field of aerial photography has been none other than a
constant battle against the three-dimensional existence of forms and volumes that allow
more than a single point of view. With the vantage point of hyperaltitude from outer
space, "three-dimensional forms are reduced to texture, line and color."10 Rendering
the totality of Earth a two-dimensional surface serves no purpose other than for
technostrategic interpretation of the earth as data and maps, thereby disqualifying
"other" points of view (i.e., spatiolocality). In this way, with the back-up of
technoscientific reason, the "absolute" point of the strategic gaze manifests
uncontestable control as far as the interpretation of surface of the earth is concerned.
9

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LINKS: SPACE/CAPITALISM
SPACE BASED SATELLITES ARE CAPITALIST EXPLOITATION PAR
EXCELLENCE IN ORDER TO BREAK THIRD WORLD RESISTANCE WITHOUT
EVEN LETTING ANYONE FIGHT BACK
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
The final transfer of Landsat to a private corporation, the Earth Observation Satellite
Company (EOSAT), in 1984 consolidated an era of transnational capitalization of the
strategic gaze. France joined the competition for the remote-sensing satellite information
market with SPOT (satellite pour l'observation de la terre), which produced images with
10-meter resolution (as opposed to the 30-meter resolution provided by Landsat)." The
images reproduced by SPOT have further liquefied national configurations, replacing them
with the configurations of transnational capital. With the dissolution of the superpower
rivalry between the United States and the former Soviet Union, their terrain of
competition has shifted to launching commercial satellites on converted
intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) rockets. Herein, the integration of the First
World imperial states and TNCs has become total as far as satellite surveillance is
concerned. For example, Satelife, which is a private venture run by U.S. and former
Soviet specialists, aims to "give physicians in remote areas of developing countries access
to major centers of medical information located in industrialized countries." Planet Earth, a
U.S., Japanese, and West European project, is designed to monopolize "a relatively
detailed and accurate picture of the changes and interactions occurring in the planet
ecosphere."" Behind the rhetoric of such humanitarian postures, it is very clear the
TNCs and imperial states have secured a monopoly over transcendental space and
time, traversing and penetrating the Third World with impunity. Outer space thus
has become the space of transnational capital par excellence. One could say that
satellite surveillance perfected one of Sun Tzu's axioms, "supreme excellence consists
in breaking the enemy's resistance without fighting."22

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LINKS: SELF/OTHER
SELF/OTHER AND SELF/MATTER DICHOTOMY CONTRIBUTES TO LOCATING
THE THIRD WORLD AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AS RESOURCES TO BE ACTED
UPON
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
Thus dissolution between self and matter via technosubjectivity demarcates the
disappearance of the notion of territoriality as a boundary in the field of
propertization/colonization of capital. The globe represented as such in the age of
technosubjectivity clearly delineates the advent of nonterritorial space which
distinguishes it from the earlier phases of capitalism. According to David Harvey, the
Enlightenment conceptualization of the globe had a territorial demarcation, which
corresponds to the hierarchical division between self and the other:
I do want to insist that the problem with the Enlightenment thought was not that it had
no conception of "the other" but that it perceived "the other" as necessarily having (and
sometimes "keeping to") a specific place in a spatial order that was ethnocentrically
conceived to have homogeneous and absolute qualities."
Therefore, what is so characteristic of the global spatial order in late capitalism is a
total eradication of "the other" by abolishing the notion of territory. As I have
already discussed, what matters for the First World is no longer the relationship
between self and other but self and matter, which is nothing but a tautological selfreferential relation with self. This ontological violence against "the other"
underwrites the physical violence against the Third World, Fourth World, and
Indigenous Peoples.

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LINKS: GLOBALISM/HOMOGENITY
THE DESCRIPTION OF THE GLOBE AS A UNIFIED WHOLE SEERVES TO
MARGINALIZE THE PERIPHERY AND FUEL TRANSNATIONAL CAPITALISM
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
The fiction of the globe as a unified whole lends itself to the emergence of globalism.
The discourse of globalism is well epitomized in Richard Nixon's address to the "planet" in
1969: "for one priceless moment in the whole history of man, all the people on this earth
are truly one." The statement is ideologically more essential than what is later to be called
Nixon doctrine: it capitulates the global strategy of transnational capital in the post-Nixon
doctrine and post-Bretton Woods era. Therefore, we must read such seemingly
universalistic phrases as "global village," "one earth," "global community," and so
forth, very symptomatically. Those buzzwords are none other than the manifestation
of a global discourse signifying the emergence of a global transnational collectivity
disguised in "planetary" vocabularies.
24

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LINKS: GLOBALISM/STRATEGIC GAZE

GLOBALISM IS ACHIEVED BY OBLITERATING THE PERIPHERY
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
The pseudo-universalistic rhetoric of globalism is a discursive configuration of the
spatial and temporal homogenization discussed earlier. Susan Sontag also attributes
the emergence of the myth of homogeneous time and space to the photo image taken
from the point of the "absolute" strategic gaze:
Our very notion of the worldthe capitalist twentieth century's "one world"is like a
photographic overview. . . . This spurious unity of the worldis effected by translating
its contents into images. Images are always compatible, or can be made
compatible, even when the realities they depict are not."
The totality of the globe (i.e., the notion of "one world") is thus achieved by
obliterating the "other" side of the image, which Sontag calls "realities."

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LINKS: SCHELL/LIFTON
ALSO: DYSON AND THOMPSON

NUCLEAR CRITICISM IN SEEKING TO PREVENT FUTURE DISASTERS

OBSCURES AND LEGITIMIZES ONGOING NUCLEAR WARFARE AGAINST
INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
Nuclear criticism flourished particularly during the early 1980s in reaction to the
imminent "threat of limited nuclear warfare," which swept the entire European
continent as well as other countries in the First World bloc. Nuclear criticism has variants
depending on the perspectives and targeted audiences. The most notable critics belong to
what I call "popular nuclear criticism," which includes such authors as Jonathan
Schell, Robert Lifton, and Freeman Dyson. The leftists, most notably E. P Thompson, on
the other hand, made a less popularized and yet very serious critique of superpower nuclear
imperialism. Those earlier versions of nuclear criticism have offered a good text for
deconstructionists such as Jacques Derrida et al. in Diacritics.
Reflecting the historical context mentioned above, in which nuclear critique gained
unprecedented popularity, one can say that nuclear criticism has been shaped and
structured by the logic of superpower rivalry." The superpower rivalry has distracted
our attention from the ongoing process of oppression/violence along the North-South axis.
After all, the superpowers have functioned complementarily in solidifying the power of the
North over the South." Therefore, nuclear criticism has successfully mystified the
North-South axis as much as the superpower rivalry. Just as the facade of
superpower rivalry (or interimperial rivalry in general for that matter) gave legitimation
to the strategy of global domination of capital, nuclear criticism has successfully
legitimated the destruction of periphery through nuclear violence. What is significant
here is to locate the discourse in a proper context, that is, the late capitalist problematic. To
do so, we need to shift our focus back to the questions of strategy and technology
discussed earlier.

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LINKS: JAMESON
JAMESONS POSTMODERN CRITIQUE ULTIMATELY UNDERMINES
INDIGENOUS PEOPLES EFFORTS TO RESIST THE TECHNO-STRATEGIC GAZE
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
Frederic Jameson's proposed formula to cope with the global strategy of late transnational
capitalism is for us to gain a firmer grip on global space so that such space is brought to the
social level. According to him, in the process of socializing this latest spatial horizon
(becoming "Symbolic" of the "Imaginary" to use Lacanian terminology), "we may again
begin to grasp our positioning as individual and collective subjects and again a capacity to
act and struggle which is at present neutralized by our spatial as well as our social
confusion."" Nevertheless, let us not forget that the Symbolic in the global
configuration of space and time is none other than the discourse of technosubjectivity.
The construction of global space and time, accordingly, has been the ontological horizon of
the transnational capital/state with its control over the ultimate form of violence. The
"social and spatial confusion" (which again resonates in Lifton's formulation of the
"numbing effect") in the postmodern aesthetics that Jameson urges us to overcome,
stems not so much from the inadequate socialization of global space as from the very
meaning-generating machine of technosubjectivity. Thus Jameson's formula has a
strong possibility of legitimating technosubjectivity, which leads us nowhere but to a
further global integration of capital with its increased power of pure destruction.

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LINKS: AHISTORICAL INQUIRY

AHISTORICAL INQUIRY FREEZES TIME AND SPACE TO BE EXPLOITED IN
LINEAR CAPITALIST PROGRESS
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
One must dwell on the implications of this process of automated and institutionalized
preclusion of "realities" on the ontological terrain. The "realities" that are precluded
from the images belong to the domain that cannot be represented or captured in
homogeneous space and time, both in the production of photo images in general and
the image recapitulation of Earth produced by the absolute strategic gaze. However,
the realities as "otherness" of the homogenizing regime of space and time do not
necessarily configure the social forces that resist the transnationalization of capital. They
simply, as in the positive and negative image of photography, reveal the other side of the
movement for the accumulation of capital: differentiation as opposed to homogenization.
This flip side of accumulation is significantly obscured by globalist perception and
discourse. The process of differentiation includes differentiation in space, time, and power
(the North-South relationship in particular, for example). In sum, the process of
differentiation can be identified as "unequal development" of capitalism. Therefore,
the globalist discourse masks, for example, the ongoing (re)arrangement of
international division of labor (deindustrialization or creation of the "third worlds"
in the First World, and transformation of the Third World into a ghetto for
metropolitan capital), and historical accumulation of capital by the North, for further
intensification of the techno-automation of the production process in the metropoles. The
global discourse represents the sociality of the globe as an ahistorical,
undifferentiated whole that has been always and already there. Such ahistorical and
a-spatial image narratives, reinforced by the globalist discourse, recapture the classic
teleological narrative of the linear "progression" of capitalism.

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IMPX: 3RD WORLD COLONIZATION

THE TECHNO-STRATEGIC GAZE AUTHORIZES AN INVISIBLE INVASION OF THE
THIRD WORLD WITHOUT HAVING TO EVEN BATTLE FOR SUPREMACY
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
Politically speaking, the image recapitulation of the earth by transnational capital and
imperial states bespeaks their effort to reterritorialize/contain the spatial movements
of excolonies (the so-called "Third World movements"). Through an objectification
process of the periphery, TNCs have attempted to make the Third World disappear
from their screen by reclassifying it in the cognitive category of "natural resources."
The same process has taken place in the case of the Green Revolution, in which the
strenuous recolonization of the peripheral space was none other than a
counterrevolutionary attempt to destroy the hegemonic recomposition of the periphery (the
Third World movements). In both cases, what was at great stake was the sovereignty of the
Third World, that is, the relative autonomy of Third World space and time. By the
objectification of the periphery through the eye of the absolute strategic gaze, the
sovereignty of the Third World has been nullified without involving any conventional
battles. The Declaration of Bogota in 1976 signed by eight equatorial nations (Brazil,
Colombia, Congo, Ecuador, Indonesia, Kenya, Uganda, and Zaire) protested the First
World monopoly over satellite surveillance." It was a desperate attempt by the Third World
nations, who were faced with the invisible invasion and destruction of their sovereignty by
the TNCs and imperial states.

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IMPX: 3RD WORLD DESTRUCTION

THE TECHNOSTRATEGIC GAZE FUELS TRANS-NATIONAL CAPITALISM WHILE
REPRODUCING OPPRESSIVE CONDITIONS IN THE THIRD WORLD
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
Following the pathbreaking work of Ernest Mandel, Frederic Jameson posited nature in the
periphery and the unconscious as the latest fields of capitalist reterritorialization." The former is
related to the destruction of the relative autonomy of the peripheral space, which had not been
fully incorporated into the international division of labor through ever- expanding penetration of
transnational corporations (TNCs). (Jameson gives Green Revolution as a case in point.) The
latter is primarily a First World phenomenon whereby the mass media, particularly television,
deregulated or democratized the propagation of the mode of perception that had been confined to
the site of entertainment (a shift in the site of reception from theater to livingroom).7 The
absolutization of the strategic gaze facilitates the penetration of the logic of capitalist
accumulation into these two different domains at one stroke. On the one hand, the strategic
gaze furnishes the First World states and transnational corporations with an
unprecedented monopoly of space and time over the periphery, crushing the political thrust
of the Third World movements. On the other hand, the strategic gaze obliterates the
ongoing reproduction of power differentials (the "unequal development," or ceaseless
reproduction of international division of labor) from First World consciousness by
fabricating the illusion of homogeneity.

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IMPX: CAPITALIST EXPLOITATION

THE STRATEGIC GAZE ARRANGES THE GLOBE ACCORDING TO THE
MANDATES OF LATE CAPITALISM
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
As I have argued, the objectification of Earth from the absolute point of the strategic
gaze leads to a rearrangement of each locality into an order organized according to
the late capitalist strategy. Such rearrangement finds its expression in an
iconographic image of the globe representing the order of the world. The emergence
and propagation of this image have crucial relevance to Jameson's second thesis,
capital's penetration into the unconscious. Significantly, the commercialization of the
unconscious consolidates the First World way of seeing by disseminating images through
the mass media. One such manifestation of the First World way of seeing is the fiction
of the earth as a finite, unified and integrated whole. The representation of the globe
as a unified whole, however, is not a new concept: it has been the cognitive basis of
world-wide expansion of capital since the Renaissance.

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IMPX: RACISM & DIGNITY

United States nuclear weapons testing is an example of racist, colonialist policies of the
nuclear era focused on the devaluing of the lives of indigenous peoples.
Macllelan in 5 (Nic, The Nuclear Age in the Pacific Islands, The Contemporary Pacific, Volume 17, Number 2, Fall 2005:
researcher and journalist in Pacific islands, pp 353-4; sales)
From the beginning of the nuclear age, indigenous

peoples of the Pacific have borne the brunt of

nuclear weapons testing by France, Britain, and the United States. Seeking empty spaces,
the western powers chose to conduct Cold War programs of nuclear testing in the
deserts of central Australia or the isolated atolls of the central and south Pacific. But these
regions were not terra nullius, and a central feature of planning for nuclear testing was a
casual racism toward the indigenous inhabitants of the region.
A striking example comes from planning documents for the 1957 British nuclear tests at Christmas and Malden Islands,
code-named Grapple.1 In November 1956, a British military report outlined possible radiation dosages for people near
the Grapple nuclear tests. In the racist terminology of the time, the report notes:
For civilised populations, assumed to wear boots and clothing and to wash, the amount of activity necessary to produce
this dosage is more than is necessary to give an equivalent dosage to primitive peoples who are assumed not to possess
these habits. . . . It is assumed that in the possible regions of fallout at Grapple there may be scantily clad people in boats
to whom the criteria of primitive peoples should apply.2
A meeting held a week later agreed to inform the UK defense minister that independent authorities agree that. . . . only
very slight health hazard to people would arise, and that only to primitive peoples.3
Understandably, the primitive peoples of the Pacific were not impressed by British attitudes to their safety. In 1957, the
Indo-Fijian newspaper Jagriti noted: Nations engaged in testing these bombs in the Pacific

should realise the value of the lives of the people settled in this part of the world. They
too are human beings, not guinea pigs.4
This quest for human dignity underlies the emotion shown in regional opposition to
nuclear colonialism. Many other examples can be drawn from the US, British, and French
programs. The interconnection of racism, colonialism, and the nuclear era is
fundamental, and blaming the Anglo-Saxon powers for leading anti-nuclear sentiment against France downplays
the depth and range of opposition to nuclear testing in the Islands.

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IMPX: COLONIALISM
Nuclear testing, mining and dumping of native lands is seen as justified because natives are
deemed as surplus populations. Through reproductive harm, this is another example of
ongoing sexual colonization of native peoples that will continue until everything is
destroyed. Colonized and colonizer.
Smith in 3 (Andrea, Not an Indian Tradition: The Sexual Colonization of Native Peoples, Hypatia, Volume 18, Number 2,
Spring 2003, Cherokee Assistant Professor of Women's Studies at University of Michigan, pp. 81-2, Sales)

certain
populations become deemed as "surplus" populations and hence either worthy repositories of
environmental waste or scapegoats of environmental crisis in need of population control. Samir Amin describes this
One way in which capitalism has succeeded in continuing its unrelenting assault against the environment is that

process as "apartheid," where "sacrifices imposed on some do not carry the same weight as the benefits obtained by others"
(1977, 142). Those peoples who have already been rendered dirty, impure, and hence expendable are then forced to face the most
immediate consequences of environmental destruction. Unfortunately for colonizers, it is not so easy to contain environmental
degradation to those populations deemed expendable.

It is not an accident that 100 percent of uranium production takes place on or near Indian land (La
Duke 1993, 99). Nor is it a coincidence that Native reservations are often targeted for toxic waste
dumps. To date, over 50 reservations have been targeted for waste dumps (Beasely 1991, 40). Military and nuclear
testing also takes place almost exclusively on Native lands. For instance, there have already been at least 650
nuclear explosions on Western Shoshone land at the Nevada test site. Fifty percent of these underground tests have leaked
radiation into the atmosphere (Taliman 1991). Native peoples, the expendable ones, are situated to suffer

the
brunt of environmental destruction so that colonizers can continue to be in denial about the fact
that they will also eventually be affected. As Aime Cesaire notes, the processes of colonization are not containable;
ultimately everyone is impacted: "Colonial activity, colonial enterprise, colonial conquest, which
is based on contempt for the native and justified by the contempt, inevitably tends to change him
who undertakes it; that the colonizer . . . tends objectively to transform himself into an animal. It
is this result, this boomerang effect of colonization, that I want to point out" (1972, 20). [End Page 81]
A case in point is the

current plan to relocate all nuclear wastes into a permanent high-level nuclear
waste repository in Yucca mountain on Shoshone land, for a cost of $3.25 billion. Yucca Mountain is located on
an active volcanic zone where kiloton bombs are exploded nearby, thus increasing the risks of radioactive leakage (Taliman
1991). In addition, if this plan is approved, the proposed repository on Yucca mountain would receive nuclear wastes throughout
the United States. Only five states would not be affected by the transportation of high-level radioactive wastes. With up to 4,000
shipments of radioactive waste crossing the United States annually, trucking industry statistics reveal that up to fifty accidents per
year could occur during the thirty-year period during which nuclear waste would stream to Yucca Mountain (Taliman 1991).
Katsi Cook, Mohawk midwife, argues that this

attack upon nature is yet another attack on Native women's

bodies because the effects of toxic and radiation poisoning are most apparent in their effect on
women's reproductive systems. 6 In the areas where there is uranium mining, such as in Four Corners and the Black
Hills, Indian people face skyrocketing rates of cancer, miscarriages, and birth defects. Children
growing up in Four Corners are developing ovarian and testicular cancers at fifteen times the national average (Taliman 1992).

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Meanwhile, Indian women on Pine Ridge experience a miscarriage rate six times higher than the national average (Harden 1980,
15). And on the Akwesasne Mohawk reserve, one of the most polluted areas in the country, the PCBs, DDT, Mirex and HCBs

IMPX: COLONIALISM
[CONTINUED]
that are dumped into their waters are eventually become stored in women's breast milk (Contaminated 1994, 11).

Through the

rape of earth, Native women's bodies are raped once again.

As long as Native people continue to live on the lands rich in energy resources that government
or corporate interests want, the sexual colonization of Native people will continue. Native bodies
will continue to be depicted as expendable and inherently violable as long as they continue to
stand in the way of the theft of Native lands. The United States is indeed engaged in a
"permanent social war" against the Native bodies, particularly Native women's bodies, which
threaten its legitimacy (Stoler 1997, 69). Colonizers evidently recognize the wisdom of the Cheyenne saying, "A Nation is
not conquered until the hearts of the women [and their bodies as well] are on the ground."

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IMPX: COLONIALISM
Land withdrawal from indigenous peoples in the American West for nuclear use allows for
the recreation of 'virgin land'. The land of indigenous peoples was constructed as an
unproductive wasteland that must be made productive through nuclear waste disposal and
resource extraction. This all takes place on sacred lands of many indigenous tribes and is
focused away from white communities. Current nuclear policy continues the blindness to
indigenous viewpoints that is necessary for colonization.
Noon in 7 (David, The Triumph of Death: National Security and Imperial Erasures in Don DeLillo's Underworld, Canadian
Review of American Studies, Volume 37, Number 1, 2007,PhD. Ass. Prof. Of History Univ. of Alaska Southeast, pp. 100-2,
sales)

the consequences of such land withdrawals for the indigenous communities

who resided in the western half of the territory claimed by the United States. The aesthetic
authority that converts populated landscapes into depopulated,virgin land is by now well
understood; it is repeated within policy as well as imaginative discourses in ways that extend deep into North American
history (Kaplan, Greenfield, Noble). As Kuletz explains, the land-based native populations who reside in the
nuclear landscape bear its weight disproportionately.
Of equal importance were

Their lands have effectively been constructed in policy discourse as wastelands that are,
meanwhile, available for massive commitments to resource extraction and waste disposal.
Throughout the cold warand afterthe mining and milling of uranium took place in the
Navajoan desert, on lands traditionally occupied by Navajo, Hopi, Pueblo, and Ute peoples;
additional ancestral lands have been withdrawn from Western Shoshone, Southern Paiute, and
other communities to construct the nuclear West, including the Nevada Test Site; other research and testing
facilities (such as Los Alamos and White Sands) are located adjacent to Pueblo and Apache land, creating toxic downwind
conditions; and the disposal of high- and low-level waste has centred on reservation land held by Mescalero Apache, Skull Valley
Goshute, and San Ildefonso Pueblo, among other tribes. The controversial Yucca Mountain site, set to receive

the nations entire supply of high-level nuclear waste by 2010 at the earliest, is located on land
sacred to Western Shoshone,Southern Paiute, and Owens Valley Paiute communities (Kuletz 102).
The nuclear West and its indigenous populations have been deterritorialized in multiple ways,
so that the regions Indian presence has gone virtually unrepresented at a number of crucial
discursive points (e.g., policy making, epidemiological studies, film and fiction, and so on). Repeating the forms of
blindness that are vital to the making of empire, the erasure of native communities from the
politics and geography of the nuclear West is required so that the landscape may once more be
imagined as empty, useless for anything beyond the bonanza economy of extraction and disposal.
Invisible within the construction of the nuclear landscape, indigenous peoples are likewise
invisible to the affiliated scientific and technical communities that monitor the consequences of
weapons research and testing. The Nevada Test Site, for instance, remains one of the most devastated terrains in the

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[CONTINUED]

IMPX: COLONIALISM
[CONTINUED]
United States, with at least twelve-billion curies of radiation having been released into the atmosphere through atmospheric and
underground nuclear tests. In 1959, the Air Force staged at least eight reactor meltdowns in the Utah desert, with total radiation
outputs that exceededfourteen times overthose of the 1979 accident at Three Mile Island. In New Mexico, moreover, as
many as 244 simulated nuclear tests were conducted in the vicinity of Native American and

Hispanic communities during the 1940s and 1950s. These radiolanthanum (RaLa) tests were only
performed when winds were blowing away from Los Alamos, where white scientific
professionals were judged less expendable than minority communities. Affected communities not
only failed to learn of the tests beforehand, but they were also never advised that soil, air, and
water contamination quite likely lingered for years after the tests were halted (Kuletz 434).

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IMPX: COLONIALISM
Nuclear projects by the US are a continued form of colonial domination of indigenous
peoples that will continue to threaten the lives of not only natives but the rest of humanity.
Blaisdell in 98 (Kakuni, The Indigenous Rights Movement in the Pacific, In Motion Magazine, May 25, 1998,
http://www.inmotionmagazine.com/pacific.html, Prof. At Univ. Of Hawaii, Sales)
The second major event in 1946 was the onset of a 50-year era of Pacific nuclear testing led by the U.S. in
the Marshall Islands, followed by the United Kingdom (U.K.) in 1952 and France in 1966, heightening Cold War tension.
Because of crescendoing protests, the U.S. in 1962 concluded its Pacific nuclear testing with missile megaton explosions over
Kirimati (Christmas Island) and Kalama (Johnston Atoll). The cost was immeasurable human suffering and

radiation injury extending to succeeding generations, the disappearance of three Pacific atolls
and other extensive environmental degradation and the lasting bitterness of Pacific islanders. Yet,
in 1959, the U.S. military established a Pacific Missile Range Facility (PMRF) in the Marshall
Islands as the impact site for nuclear intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM). Moreover, in 966, France conducted
the first of 193 Pacific nuclear tests at Moruroa and Fangataufa atolls southeast of Tahiti which ended only after another clamor
of world-wide protests 30 years later in 1996.
Thus, the

Pacific indigenous rights movement was a response to the West's persistent colonial
domination in violation of the UN Charter's call for decolonization at that time and the West's Cold War
pretext for use of the Pacific islands for devastating nuclear testing.
However, the Pacific indigenous movement in the earlier years was feeble, sporadic, not regionally organized and received scant
public media attention. Even the terms "indigenous" and "indigenous rights" were yet to gain common usage.
Persistent nuclear detonations by the U.S. and France in 1975 spurred the first Nuclear-Free Pacific Conference held in Suva, Fiji,
sponsored by a Pacific-wide network of anti-nuclear groups. A Pacific People's Action Front (PPAF) was organized. This alliance
of indigenous activists and Western liberals was a major factor in shaping awareness and compelling Pacific governments to take
stronger anti-nuclear and anti-colonial stands.
Ensuing nuclear free conferences in Pohnpei in 1978, in 1980 at Kailua. Ka Pae'aina Hawai'i and in 1983 at Port Villa, Vanuatu,
produced a People's Treaty which subsequently became a People's Charter for a Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP).
The charter declared:

The Western imperialistic and

colonial powers invaded our defenceless region, they took over our lands and subjugated our
people to their whims. This form of alien colonial, political and military domination
unfortunately persists as an evil cancer in some of our native territories such as Tahiti-Polynesia, New
Caledonia, Australia, and New Zealand. Our environment continues to be despoiled by foreign powers
developing nuclear weapons for a strategy of warfare that has no winners, no liberators and
imperils the survival of all humankind.
"We, the people of the Pacific have been victimized too long by foreign powers.

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ALT: NUKE INFASTRUCTURE

Removal of nuclear infrastructure and weapons is a key step in the decolonization process
that is supported by indigenous peoples.
Macllelan in 5 (Nic, The Nuclear Age in the Pacific Islands, The Contemporary Pacific, Volume 17, Number 2, Fall 2005:
researcher and journalist in Pacific islands, pp 369-70; sales)

Regnault is correct in saying that regional concepts of security extend beyond nuclear
issues and are tied to broader notions of economic, social, or environmental vulnerability.
But despite this, questions of militarization and disarmament are important. The
presence of nuclear and military installations in the Islands is intimately linked to the
history of colonialism in the region and the reliance by small states on aid and
investment from northern hemisphere powers.
Regnault suggests that "the French presence in the Pacific has found new justification since
recent developments" such as political crises in Melanesia. The French government is
currently basking in the sunshine of improved relations with Pacific governments. But
today's balmy weather can change quickly to a winter of discontent. In a decade, New
Caledonia will come to the end of the Noumea Accords process, Bougainville will be
nearing the end of its ten-year autonomy transition, and West Papua's independence
movement will be on the boil. The issue of self-determination and political
independence will not disappear from the regional agenda, in spite of waning
international attention on the eradication of colonialism (Corbin 2000).
France has ongoing interests in the regionthe vast maritime resources of 7 million square
kilometers of Exclusive Economic Zone, the fourth largest reserves of nickel in the world,
and a strategic role as a midsized global power with territories in every corner of the globe.
But the Preamble to the 1998 Noumea Accord says "Decolonisation is the way to build a
lasting social bond between the communities living in New Caledonia today" (quoted
in Maclellan 2002 b, 90). If the French State reneges on its commitment to the
decolonization process, the "French presence in the Pacific" will be challenged again.
Given their experience of fifty years of nuclear testing, most Pacific citizens strongly
support nuclear disarmament. Through the United Nations, Pacific Island governments
have taken strong stands in support of a comprehensive [End Page 369] arms control
regime. But within the Islands, the actual nuclear infrastructuremilitary and
intelligence bases, missile testing facilities, and satellite monitoring installations
have yet to be removed. A truly independent and nuclear-free Pacific is still to be
created.

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A2: VIRILIO
WE RESIST THE FLATTENING OF TEMPORALITY INTO SPACES AND THE
CHRONOPOLITICS VIRILIO CRITICIZES
MASAHIDE KATO 1993
Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives 18, 1993, pp.
339-360
Flattening the surface of the earth has also brought about a radical change in the
regime of temporality. As the words of the aerial photographer quoted earlier reveal,
the notion of rectitude also depends on the construction of the single privileged
moment. The image of every part of the earth is now displaced onto that "absolute"
moment. In other words, the "absolute" point of the strategic gaze produces a
homogeneous temporal field (i.e., an a-temporal field, or to use common vocabulary, "real
time") in which juxtaposition of every locality, all matter" becomes viable." The so-called
"real time" is therefore the very temporality of the strategic gaze, that is, the absolute
temporality that presides over other forms of constructing time (i.e., chronolocality). Such
construction of temporality did not suddenly emerge with the advent of the new mode of
communication. It is a historical tendency of capitalism to displace geographical
distance onto temporal distance. As Karl Marx pointed out, development of
transportation and communication displaces spatial distance onto temporal distance, which
is arranged and hierarchized in relation to the metropoles." Therefore, to borrow Paul
Virilio's term, the development of transportation and communication transforms
geopolitics into "chronopolitics." The "instantaneous transmission" produced by
satellite communication has rendered metropolitan centers capable of pushing
chronopolitics further to the absolute level in which temporal distance reflects
nothing but the strategic networking of capital.

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A2: NOT TESTING ANYMORE

1. THIS ISNT AN ANSWER Our Kato 93 1NC evidence is not limited to testing of
nuclear weapons. Radioactive colonization continues today in the forms of nuclear waste,
uranium mining and other practices that perpetuate ongoing genocide every day.
2. TURN: They have missed the point of the criticism: radioactive genocide seen only as
the explosion of nuclear weapons obscures the ongoing nuclear war that indigenous
peoples face as a process of ongoing extermination.
3. INDIGENOUS PEOPLES ARE STILL FACING ONGOING MISSILE TESTING
AND RADIOACTIVE COLONIZATION
Macllelan, 2005
(Nic, The Nuclear Age in the Pacific Islands, The Contemporary Pacific, Volume 17, Number 2,
Fall 2005: researcher and journalist in Pacific islands, pp 367-8; sales)
Anti-nuclear sentiment is still strong among Pacific church, community, and citizens' groups,
such as the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement. Although nuclear testing in the Pacific has
ended, there are still many nuclear concerns in the region: proposals to dump nuclear
waste on [End Page 367] isolated atolls; uranium mining on indigenous peoples' land; and the
testing of a new generation of missile defense and satellite systems, which threaten the
militarization of space. France itself has not "moved on": in 2002, the French government increased its expenditure on
nuclear weapons by13 percent.10

Many Islanders are opposed to the shipment of nuclear wastes through the Pacific
Ocean. Over twenty tonnes of Japanese plutonium is stockpiled in France after reprocessing of wastes at La Hague.
French corporations like COGEMA with government supportjoin with Britain and Japan to transship plutonium,
MOX (mixed oxide) fuel, and high-level radioactive wastes through the two-hundred-mile Exclusive Economic Zones of
Pacific nations. Opposition to these nuclear transports has been repeated in every Forum Communiqu over the last
decade. It is New Zealand and Australia who have tried to moderate Island anger over the failure of the three shipping
nations to negotiate over issues of safety, liability, and compensation in case of accidents (Maclellan 2002).
Most importantly, indigenous communities in the Pacific are still living with the social,

economic, and environmental aftereffects of fifty years of nuclear testing.11 Through the
Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement and the Paris Network on Nuclear Testing, people from affected nations
have increased their campaigning in the last few years: Fijian soldiers and sailors seeking compensation for the effects of
nuclear tests at Christmas Island over forty years ago; the lobbying of Moruroa e Tatou, which links the former nuclear
workers from Moruroa and Fangataufa; Australian veterans of the atmospheric tests at Maralinga, Emu Field, and the
Monte Bello Islands campaigning for pension rights from the Australian and British governments; and the Marshall
Islands government lodging a "changed circumstances" petition to the US Congress in 2000, seeking to increase the level
of compensation provided by the United States for damage to people and property caused by US nuclear tests
( OBSARM 2002 ).

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