Motivations, Attitudes and Integration

A Study in the motivations and attitudes of Middle Eastern Third

Country Nationals towards integration in the Netherlands

Adib Abdulmajid
University of Tilburg
Department of Cultural Studies
2015

Management of Cultural Diversity

Motivations, Attitudes and Integration

A Study in the motivations and attitudes of Middle Eastern Third Country Nationals
towards integration in the Netherlands

by
Adib Abdulmajid

Management of Cultural Diversity

Supervised by: Dr. Massimiliano Spotti
Department of Cultural Studies
University of Tilburg
July. 2015

Preface
Studying management of cultural diversity has brought me to a new haven of knowledge,
broadening my scope of understanding to a world governed by globalization. This study has
been conducted at a moment when issues of immigration and integration became challenges
for Western European countries, and The Netherlands is no exception. Over six months, I
have met individuals who have escaped their war-torn countries of origin looking for a safe
haven and a new beginning. Their stories of escape struck me and their experiences raised
my awareness about a different kind of life hardships. Yet, they were able to express
themselves in an impressive way. Although the journey to this thesis has not been easy, the
knowledge it provided me with is undeniably great. I hereby would like to thank every
asylum seeker and refugee who allowed me to dive deep into his/her experiences in order to
come up with the results outlined in the coming pages. I would like to thank the lawyer S.
Koolen, who spent years defending human rights, for his contribution to this study. Special
thanks to F. Sulaiman for his support. Furthermore, I couldnt have gone through this journey
without the assistance and supervision of dr. M. Spotti, and my second reader dr. K. Yagmur.
Finally, my gratitude to my family that has always been my source of inspiration, and my
fianc who supported and empowered me throughout the process of this research.

Abstract
This study examines the impacts that preconceived opinions and beliefs of Middle-Eastern
refugees have on their life in the Netherlands and how their attitudes towards integration do
influence their life in the new host country. The central research question is: How do the
motivations of Middle-Eastern refugees influence their attitudes towards integration in the
Netherlands? This area of research has been studied through collecting data from the field as
well as reviewing official procedures that shape the experience of asylum seekers and
refugees. Interviews have been conducted with Middle-Eastern asylum seekers and refugees,
and a lawyer specialized in asylum cases. At the institutional level, the data collection process
has involved studying policies and procedures of the Dutch authorities in terms of asylum
and integration. The analysis of the data leads to recommendations to the Immigration and
Naturalization Service (IND) to improve asylum policies and procedures as well as
integration programs.
Keywords: Motivations, attitudes, integration, asylum seekers, refugees, discourse

Table of contents
Background information ........ 1
Preface ....... 2
Abstract ..... 3
1. Introduction ...... 6
1.1. Globalization .... 6
1.2. Super-diversity ....... 7
1.3. Refugees and Asylum Seekers ....... 8
2. Research Problem Statement .......... 10
2.1. Research Question ........................... 11
2.2. Relevance ........ 12
3. Theoretical Background ......... 13
3.1. Migration ..... 13
3.2. Motivations: Preconceived Opinions and Beliefs .... 15
3.3. Attitudes ...... 17
3.4. Integration .. 18
3.4.1. Integration and Its Different Facets ..... 21
3.4.2. Cultural, Socio-economic and Political Integration .... 23
4. Methodology . 25
4.1. Research design ...... 25
4.2. Sample strategy ... 25
4.3. Data collection .. 26
4.4. Data analysis ......... 27
4.5. Research quality indicators ..... 28
5. Findings . 29
5.1. Analysis of Dutch policy documents around integration ... 29
5.1.1. Entry regulations and restrictions 29
5.1.2. Asylum policies and procedures ........ 31
5.1.3. Integration policy at national level ... 35
5.2. Mediation: Legal assistance and beyond .. 39
5.2.1. Introduction to the respondent ...... 39
5.2.2. Assisting asylum seekers .... 40
4

5.2.3. Asylum policies and procedures from mediators point of view ............ 41
5.2.4. Mediators and asylum seekers: expectations and relationship of trust ......... 45
5.3. Asylum seekers: motivations, experience and attitudes towards integration ........... 47
5.3.1. Asylum seekers and their stories................ 47
5.3.2. Asylum motivations: preconceived opinions and beliefs ............ 49
5.3.3. Experiencing asylum procedures in the Netherlands .... 52
5.3.4. Integration as defined by asylum seekers ..... 54
5.3.5. Aspirations and future plans ..... 56
5.4. Refugees: motivations, experience and attitudes towards integration ...... 58
5.4.1. Refugees and their stories .......... 58
5.4.2. Refugees: preconceived opinions and beliefs ..... 60
5.4.3. Experiencing asylum procedures in the Netherlands .... 62
5.4.4. Integration as defined by naturalized refugees ..... 64
5.4.5. Naturalization and integration ........ 66
6. Conclusions and discussion ....... 69
6.1. Recommendations ...... 72
6.2. Limitations and future research ..... 73
References ................. 75

1. Introduction
With the continuous influx of asylum seekers into Europe, the issue of integration remains
extensively debated among the concerned authorities and institutions. In the Netherlands,
despite the strict asylum policies and procedures, considerable numbers of asylum seekers
still arrive to the country seeking refuge. Amid efforts to integrate those recognized as
refugees within the Dutch society, questions arise regarding the preconceived opinions and
beliefs of the refugees about the host country and the receiving society. Middle-Eastern third
country nationals constitute a considerably large group of refugees in the Netherlands, and
the intensifying conflicts across that region contribute to the increasing movement of
migration. Every asylum seeker is believed to have developed a certain image of the
Netherlands before departure from home country. Once they arrive to the Netherlands and
apply for asylum, they undergo a set of procedures in a phase that may reconstruct their
preconceived beliefs and influence their attitudes towards integration in the long run. This
study delves into the motivations of Middle-Eastern asylum seekers and refugees,
investigating their preconceived opinions and beliefs before arriving to the Netherlands and
how these influence their attitudes towards integration after settlement.
Challenges associated with migration and integration are considered as products of
globalization and super-diversity.
1.1. Globalization
Globalization is viewed as a process of transformation of local or regional phenomena into
global ones. It is deemed an ongoing process that implies integrity of local and regional
societies and cultures through worldwide networks of exchange (Grabovszki, 2002). Sheila L.
Croucher (2004) describes globalization as a process by which the people of the world are
unified into a single society and function together. This process is a combination of economic,
technological, socio-cultural and political forces. Zygmunt Bauman (1998) argues that
globalization has become one of the words of our time that is being used in various contexts
and understood in different ways. What appears as globalization for some, means
localization for many others; signaling new freedom for some, globalizing processes appear
as uninvited and cruel fate for many others. (Bauman, 1998: 4). In his Dictionary of
6

Globalization, Andrew Jones (2006) defines the concept of globalization in terms of growing
interrelatedness and interconnectedness of the various aspects of society. According to
Gunter and Hoeven (2004), globalization, since its emergence in 1960s, has been remarkably
associated with the ongoing flows of information and communication, which implies bringing
societies closer together, but also causing marginalization to a considerably large part of
countries and societies. Bauman argues that an integral portion of the globalizing processes
includes progressive spatial segregation, separation and exclusion. In his study of
globalization, Bauman finds immobility as an unrealistic option in a world characterized by
permanent change. According to him, being local in such a globalized world indicates a level
of social deprivation and degradation. The social dimension of globalization relates to the
impact of globalization on the life and work of people, their families, and their societies.
Beyond the world of work, the social dimension includes security, culture and identity,
inclusion or exclusion from society, and the cohesiveness of families and communities.
(Gunter & Hoeven, 2004: 5). Characterized by increased mobility and communication, the
world, according to Jan Blommaert (2010), has remarkably moved from the usual community
perspective to a more complex world of symbolically and materially interconnected villages,
towns and neighborhoods. Such material or symbolic ties often take place in unpredictable
ways. This shift has brought about ''new opportunities as well as constraints, new
possibilities as well as new problems, progress as well as regression'' (Blommaert, 2010: 4).
As such, globalization relates to the growing challenges of integration and migration across
the globe, raising concerns regarding the issues of cultural identities and social cohesion in
increasingly diversified regions. Globalization as a notion is considered a progressive
integration of societies. Migration is viewed as one of the main characteristics of
globalization, which emphasizes the configurations of remarkable differences across societies
as immigrants occupy new cultural spaces in a host country (Zamora, 2002). As a process,
globalization is associated with the increased interconnectedness across national borders
and the augmented tendency towards international migration.
1.2. Super-diversity
The concept of super-diversity emerged in the last decade to address the greatly changing
nature of global migration. According to Steven Vertovec (2007), the new forms of global
migration have brought about a transformative diversification of diversity in terms of
7

peoples movements, reflecting diverse ethnicities, countries of origin, languages and a

multiplication of remarkable variables affecting how, where and with whom people live.
Therefore, associating diversity only with ethnicity reflects a shortage in understanding other
aspects that diversity implies, especially with the increasingly changing nature of migration
across the globe. In order to fully understand the complex nature of the current migrationdriven diversity, other aspects of this phenomenon need to be taken into consideration by
policy-makers, social scientists and the public. Vertovec points out that the additional
variables to be recognized in terms of diversity include differential legal statuses and their
concomitant conditions, divergent labour market experiences, discrete configurations of
gender and age, patterns of spatial distribution, and mixed local area responses by service
providers and residents. The dynamic interaction of these variables is what is meant by
super-diversity. (Vertovec, 2007: 1025). The rise of super-diversity is viewed by Ulrich
Beck (2011) as an inevitable result of global flows of migration, capital, information and risks.
It is also associated with political and social challenges. According to Zetter (2007), the superdiversity of ethnic minorities and migrant groups encounters issues of public perceptions
about cohesion, citizenship and national identity. The transition from diversity to superdiversity is viewed as a departure from the previously possible definition of migrants and
refugees in a relatively clear way to a phase of complexity in terms of defining these groups.
This increased diversity causes concerns regarding the mounting racial intolerance towards
migrants across Europe (Zetter, 2007). The notion of super-diversity remains a complex one.
As Beck argues: We do not even have the language through which contemporary superdiversity in the world can be described, conceptualized, understood, explained and
researched. (Beck, 2011: 53).
1.3. Refugees and Asylum Seekers
The 1951 Geneva Convention of Refugees defined a refugee as someone who has left his/her
country of normal residence due to a well-founded fear of suppression and persecution, and
is unwilling or unable to return. There is a large degree of confusion regarding the difference
between an asylum seeker and a refugee. Both terms are often used incorrectly or
interchangeably. On the one hand, an asylum seeker is someone who is looking for an
international protection but whose application for refugee status has not yet been
determined and his claim for refuge has not yet been recognized. A refugee, on the other
hand, is someone who has already been granted status and recognized under the 1951
8

Geneva Convention. The Conventions definition of a refugee is a person who: owing to

well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership
of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is
unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or
who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence
as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it.
(UNHCR, 2007: 16). However, the definition of refugee does not include other groups or
individuals who emigrate their country of origin due to only war or other kinds of civil
disturbance, natural disasters or famine in search for a better life. The United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) illustrates that economic migrants usually leave their
country of origin voluntarily in order to look for better living conditions. If this kind of
migrants chose for returning home theyll still enjoy protection from their government.
Whereas refugees escape due to threats of suppression and are unable to return safely to
their home countries under the same prevailing circumstances.
According to UNHCR, the refugees figures have seen a dramatic increase between 1970s and
1990s, reaching a peak of approximately 18 million refugees in 1992. This estimated number
has fallen by a third to 12 million in 2001 (UNHCR, 2001). In their study about asylum
policies in Europe, Hatton and Williamson (2004) document that the UNHCRs records of
refugee rates between 1992-2001 couldnt accurately report all cases, especially those
integrally displaced and living in refugee-like situations, explaining that the same period saw
the 10.7 million new refugee arrivals and 16.5 million exists. Europe hosted a sharply
increased number of refugees between the late 1980s and the early 1990s. This was
considered a rapid growth of asylum seekers in Europe. Hatton and Williamson (2004)
document that the European Union received 68% of asylum applications in that period, while
the rest were registered in North America.
In the last few years, the number of asylum seekers who were forcibly displaced due to
violence and conflict has reached the highest degree since World War II (IOM, 2014). By the
end of 2013 refugees documented by the UNHCR were estimated at 16.7 million, up from
15.2 million refugees in 2011. According to the International Organization for Migration
(2014), more than 50% of refugees worldwide are based in urban and rural areas, not in
asylum centers or refugee camps. The main refugee groups in the recent years include
9

Palestinians, Syrians, Iraqis, Afghans, Sudanese and Somalis. Among the major host countries
in Western Europe are Germany, Sweden, France and the Netherlands.
2. Research Problem Statement
The main focus of this research is studying the influence of the motivations of Middle-Eastern
asylum seekers on their attitudes towards integration before and after obtaining residence
permit in the Netherlands. Motivations are key to this study because they can have either
positive or negative influence on the attitudes of Middle-Eastern refugees in the process of
integration. The image built by the asylum seekers both before arriving to the Netherlands
and while being part of asylum procedures including application, interviewing,
investigation, residency in asylum centers, decisions made by the ministry on their cases and
the housing could either match or mismatch the reality. This reality can be defined in terms
of asylum procedures and integration programs as implemented by the Dutch authorities.
Such a match or mismatch can determine the path of the refugees integration process in the
long run. The valorisation implications of this research is meant to provide a better
understanding for the employees of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (Immigratieen Naturalisatie-Dienst, hereafter IND) regarding the motivations and attitudes of the MiddleEastern asylum seekers in order to facilitate the improvement of the decision-making process
within the ministry concerning types of staying permits and integration programs. This
research involves interviews with middle-Eastern asylum seekers and refugees; an
investigation of the procedures pursued by the IND concerning asylum and integration
programs; the role of the mediators between both parties asylum seekers/refugees and the
ministry who are believed to have influence on the decisions made by the IND regarding
asylum cases.
Several studies touched upon the issue of integration among Middle-Eastern refugees in the
Netherlands. According to Halleh Ghorashi (2005), the Dutch government implements a strict
refugees policy, that reinforces the image of refugees as a source of problem in the society.
Such policies affect the lives of the refugees even after becoming Dutch citizens (Gorashi,
2005). Refugees with higher educational levels are considered as having a higher chance for
integration as well as employment (Bevelander and Lundh, 2007). The study by Bevelander
and Lundh (2007) dives deep into the impacts of a refugees educational background on
10

integration and employment in the UK. Whereas in the Netherlands less has been
investigated about the same topic, which makes this area of research interesting and worth
studying because of its relevance regarding the aspect of motivations and attitudes of various
groups of refugees from Middle-Eastern origins.
2.1. Research Question
This study investigates whether the motivations of asylum seekers from Middle-Eastern
countries have an impact on their integration. Motivations, which are here understood as
preconceived opinions and beliefs, are key element in this study. They include the image built
by asylum seekers before arriving to the Netherlands. This image includes several
dimensions, such as the perceived image of the Netherlands as: a defender of the basic
principles of human rights; a culturally-diverse state that maintains principles of equality and
justice; and an economically developed country which preserves the welfare of its citizens.
The reality as perceived by asylum seekers can shape their attitudes through their experience
of asylum procedures on the one hand; and the integration programs they undergo once
recognized as refugees on the other hand. This reality can be defined in terms of asylum
procedures and integration programs as implemented by the Dutch authorities. The match or
mismatch between the expectations and reality may determine the integration of those
refugees.
The main research question is: How do the motivations of Middle-Eastern refugees influence
their attitudes towards integration in the Netherlands?
Sub-questions
1. Institutional Level
1.1. How is the concept of integration defined by the discourse of the national policy
documents used in the Netherlands between 2008-2015?
1.2. How do the operators within the IND conceive asylum seekers motivations and
how do they conceptualize integration in their own discourse?
2. Mediators
2.1. How do asylum policies and procedures influence motivations and attitudes of
asylum seekers according to mediators?
11

2.2. How do mediators relate to the motivations of asylum seekers in terms of

preconceived opinions and beliefs about the new host country?
3. Asylum seekers
3.1 What is according to Middle-Eastern asylum seekers understood as integration?
3.2. How do the asylum seekers backgrounds contribute to the shaping of their
motivations and influence their attitudes in terms of integration?
3.1. What are the (short-term) consequences of the match or mismatch between
asylum seekers motivations and actual experiences on their attitudes towards
integration in the Netherlands?
4. Refugees
4.1 What is according to Middle-Eastern refugees understood as integration?
3.3. How do the refugees backgrounds contribute to the shaping of their motivations
and influence their attitudes in terms of integration?
3.4. What are the (long-term) consequences of the match or mismatch between
refugees motivations and actual experiences on their attitudes towards
integration in the Netherlands?
2.2. Relevance
This study dives deep into a poorly investigated field of research, in that there is not much
research done on the motivations of asylum seekers and their influence on the attitudes
within the framework of the integration process. Based on contacts with IND employees,
there is a need to obtain an understating of the motivations and attitudes of Middle-Eastern
asylum seekers. Such an understanding may play a role in improving the decision-making
process by the authorities regarding this group of asylum seekers. There are several studies
conducted about the issue of integration among Middle-Eastern refugees in the Netherlands
(Bevelander and Veenman, 2006; Ghorashi, 2005), but the motivations of the refugees were
mostly ruled out. It follows that this study can lead to new insights into how this group of
asylum seekers and refugees builds its image about the Western countries in terms of human
rights issues and welfare, and how they experience the asylum procedures and the
integration process.

12

3. Theoretical Background
3.1. Migration
Castles and Miller (2003) document that migration used to be a genuine part of human
history since early times. Migration takes different forms, including asylum seeking, family
reunification and labour migration. It partially implies a self-perpetuating dynamic when a
large number of migrants settle in a certain country or region (De Haas, 2010). Those settle
early tend to establish migrant networks that play a significant role to attract new migrants.
Migrant networks are considered one of the main determinants for new migrants selection of
a host country (Massey & Espinosa, 1997). Such networks become information providers
regarding the living experiences in a certain host country. According to Farrell (2008),
migration networks can contribute to the facilitation of migration either through providing
potential migrants with basic and fundamental information about the process itself, or
explaining the economic opportunities to those planning to emigrate, or rather by offering
personal assistance to newcomers. Such networks are deemed to be a social capital that
facilitates individuals access to resources in a host country. Migrant networks also help in
minimizing social, psychological and economic costs of migration (De Haas, 2010). Dolfin and
Genicot (2006) argue that understanding regulations of the migration process is deemed to
be crucial for the development of migration policy. Understanding the significance of migrant
networks, also known as transnational networks, is deemed to be necessary while handling
issues related to immigration policy (De Haas, 2010).
Middle-Eastern countries tend to be viewed as migration liability (Bommes et al, 2014), as
the general conception indicates that the excessive political suppression, the rising
population growth and the deteriorating economic conditions cause a mounting movement of
migration from this region. However, there is an apparent diversity between countries of the
region, especially with the recent political and economic changes (Bommes et al, 2014).
Geddes (2014) argues that the European Union perceives migration from the Middle-East as
a threat to be guarded against. This has been obvious in the reactions of EU states to influx of
migrants and refugees since the start of the so-called Arab Spring in late 2010. The EU has
taken different measures to decrease migration inflows from the Middle-East, particularly
13

through combating trafficking and irregular migration. This approach, according to Geddes, is
not new. Most of the capitalist states used to resort to such strategies and measures on the
basis of comparable conceptualizations of migration as a risk that requires management and
as a threat and danger which need to be guarded against.
Irregular migration has emerged in Western countries since World War II, and it has
remarkably increased in the last decades (Castles & Miller 2003). This increase, especially in
north-western Europe, is believed to be a consequence of the end of foreign labour
recruitment on the one hand, and the mounting suppression and deteriorating economic
conditions in developing countries on the other hand. The 1990s witnessed a dramatic
increase in the numbers of asylum seekers in Western countries, many of them werent
granted asylum and chosen to stay illegally in their countries of destination (Koser & Lutz,
1998). As a reaction to the increasing numbers of irregular migrants, European governments
have developed new policies (Albrecht 2002). As a first step, the governments aimed at
controlling the external borders of the EU in order to restrict the access of irregular migrants.
However, this strategy hasnt shown large effect in decreasing irregular migration (Cornelius
2005). It has also been a costly strategy for the EU, as the costs of preventing irregular
migration exceeded the economic damage brought about by the irregular migration (Albrecht
2002). Thence, the European policymakers have considerably shifted their focus to the
internal control procedures (Broeders & Engbersen, 2007). Although the borders control
policies are deemed to be important according to policymakers in Europe, such a control has
been largely described in terms of exclusion. At an internal level, the control policies were
represented in the exclusion from public services and formal institutions of society, increased
employers sanctions and police surveillance, and expulsion and incarceration of irregular
migrants (Broeders & Engbersen, 2007). According to Duvell (2006), neither strong external
controls nor systems of internal control showed success in managing the issue of irregular
migration in Europe.
In the Netherlands, four main categories of migrants can be identified. The first group of
migrants is distinguished as colonial migrants arriving from Surinam, Moluccas and the
Dutch Antilles (Zimmermann, 1995). Secondly, the labour migrants group who started
arriving to the Netherlands in the 1960s, mainly from the Mediterranean countries. The third
group is the family migrants, including family reunion and family formation by previously
14

settled migrants. Fourthly, the refugee migrants, whose number increased from the 1990s
onwards in the Netherlands, especially from the Middle-East and Africa (Zorlu & Hartog,
2001).
3.2. Motivations: Preconceived Opinions and Beliefs
Providing a definition of motivation, Ryan & Deci (2000) argue that to be motivated mainly
entails to be moved to do something. Feelings of inspiration and enthusiasm are deemed to
be the building block for motivation behind certain behaviours and actions. Ryan & Deci
(2000) further differentiate two types of motivations; intrinsic and extrinsic. The intrinsic
motivation is characterized by carrying out an activity for its inherent satisfaction, rather
than certain separable consequences. Such kind of motivation is neither derived from nor
influenced by external pressures or prods. Intrinsic motivation exists within individuals as
well as in their relations with each other in terms of activities (Ryan & Deci, 2000). On the
other hand, the extrinsic motivation is defined as a construct that pertains whenever an
activity is done in order to attain some separable outcome (Ryan & Deci, 2000, p. 60). The
extrinsic motivation varies according to its relative autonomy. It either reflects selfregulation or external control. In terms of migration to the West, the motivations may vary
according to the reasons behind resorting to a specific Western country. These may include
economic incentives (Luthra, Platt & Salamonska, 2014), which imply that immigrants intend
to look for better living conditions than that in the country of origin. Motivations of
immigration may also reflect political and humanitarian circumstances in home country; and
the aspiration to be hosted by a developed country that may enjoy perceived degree of
freedoms and welfare.
Studies that examine the incentives behind choosing a specific country to apply for asylum
make a distinction between push- and pull factors (Doornbos et al, 2001). Doornbos et al.
(2003) define the push factors as the background that leads the asylum seeker to leave
his/her country of origin, while they explain the pull factors as determined by the
attractiveness of a particular country of destination. Additionally, Bocker and Havinga (1996)
identify a third set of factors that considerably influence the asylum seekers and their final
destinations. This set of factors includes the conditions and circumstances of the journey. The
high degree of dependence on smugglers and the unforeseen urgency situations during the
journey are considered major constraints. This limits the range of options an asylum seeker
15

has in comparison with a regular migrant (Bocker and Havinga, 1996). In more specific
terms, Bocker and Havinga identify several determinants for an asylum seekers choice for a
country of destination: First, the ties between the country of origin and the receiving asylum
country, which may include colonial ties, similarities in language, culture and the presence of
an immigrant community which can be used as a social safety net; Second, the characteristics
of the host country, which entails the asylum policies and regulations, employment and
education opportunities, and the democratic image; Third, the conditions and circumstance
of the journey, including the influence of the travel agents or smugglers and the accessibility
to the countries. Although both researchers explain that none of these factors is superior or
predominant over others, yet they conclude that the features of the country of destination
remain less determining than the circumstances in the country of origin and the conditions of
the journey as experienced by the asylum seeker. As Bocker and Havinga put it: The more
acute the situation, the less anticipated the flight, the less information on possible options, the
less money available, the fewer the options - the greater the role played by accessibility.
(1997: 58).
Doornhein and Dijkhoff (1995) illustrate the ambiguity of what the asylum seekers could
anticipate regarding the asylum procedures. While answering the interviewers question
during the first hearing about their motives for choosing the Netherlands as a destination
country, the asylum seekers raised four major points: that they have applied in the
Netherlands coincidently, that they intentionally selected this country for its reputation
concerning safety and welfare, that they had family members or friends living in the
Netherlands, and that the Netherlands is a democratic country which maintains basic
principles of equality and human rights (Doornhein and Dijkhoff, 1995: 53-63).
In their study of the asylum seekers motivations and expectations to chose the Netherlands
as a final destination to apply for asylum and their preconceived opinions and beliefs in this
regard, Hulshof et al (1992) collected data from 677 respondents. The results of the study
show that 36% of the respondents have intentionally come to the Netherlands, mainly
because of the presence of relatives or friends, or due to the attractiveness of the positive
image of the Dutch society. Yet not all of them could identify their choice as a conscious one,
as 4% of them didnt answer the question of the interviewer about the motives. The outcomes
of the research also show that 60% of the respondents claimed to have arrived to the
16

Netherlands coincidently, arguing that the smuggler has chosen their final destination. Some
of them said they were stranded in the Netherlands and were obliged to apply for asylum
there, while others explained that the Netherlands was the only destination given by the
smuggler. Interestingly, the higher educated respondents reported making a conscious choice
for the Netherlands, having a clearer image of the Netherlands and being better informed
than the less educated respondents (Hulshof et al, 1992). When the experience of asylum
seekers during the procedures does not correspond with their expectations and preconceived
beliefs, a state of disappointment may overshadow this experience, causing negative
consequences for their integration in the long run.
3.3. Attitudes
According to Hogg & Vaughan (2005), an attitude is a relatively enduring organization of
feelings, beliefs and behavioural tendencies towards some socially significant groups, objects,
events or symbols. Attitudes are also deemed psychological tendencies that are expressed
through the evaluation of certain entities with specific levels of favour or disfavour (Eagly &
Chaiken, 1993). Consistency is considered as a main underlying assumption regarding the
link between attitudes and behaviour, which entails that a persons behaviour is viewed as a
consistent reflection to that persons attitudes. The strength of a persons attitudes towards
certain issues or groups is believed to predict the degree of influence on his/her behaviour
(Icek & Fishbein, 1977). In this study, the attitudes of asylum seekers and refugees are
investigated in terms of settlement and integration. Influenced by motivations, the attitudes
of asylum seekers and refugees may determine the degrees of their willingness to participate
in the Dutch society and accomplish a certain level of integration. This is also reflected in the
way these refugees are settled within the society as a whole.
Jacobsen (2001) differentiates between self-settlement and assisted settlement of refugees.
Self-settlement, also known as dispersed or spontaneous settlement, takes place when a
refugee intends to settle within the local community without receiving any direct official
assistance (Jacobsen, 2001), which is a decision made by the refugee as influenced by his/her
motivations and reflected in his/her attitude. While the assisted settlement entails that a
refugees status within the mainstream society is planned, organized and determined by
official authorities, which may have different consequences on his/her path of life in the host
17

country (Jacobsen, 2001). This is believed to have links with the issue of integration following
the settlement process.
The general attitude in the host country towards refugees and migrant groups plays a major
role in the formation of the attitudes of refugees themselves towards the country and its
regulations, especially in terms of integration. Hjerm and Bohman (2012) document that antiimmigrant attitudes remarkably increase in times of declining economy and high degree of
unemployment in a host country. Additionally, the political climate plays a role in the public
attitude towards refugees and other migrant groups, especially when the influence and
prevalence of nationalist and right wing political parties increase over immigration and
integration-related policies. Such a political climate contributes to the constantly raising
inflame of xenophobic attitudes among members of the receiving society towards
immigrants, including refugees (Hjerm and Nagayoshi, 2011). This can lead to serious
consequences on the attitudes of refugees themselves towards the receiving society, causing
negative reactions regarding the integration process.
3.4. Integration
Robinson (1998) describes integration as a fuzzy notion that holds different facets across
disciplines. Integration is seen as a controversial issue that doesnt have a clear definition. In
the case of refugees and immigrants, this concept is believed to be a part of a considerably
complex process of participating in and becoming part of a new society (Castles et al, 2002).
This controversial and widely debated concept is being perceived differently by the public of
a host country as well as the refugees themselves. Thus, whether an immigrant or refugee is
well integrated or not relies too much on how the notion of integration is perceived by
stakeholders, who mostly vary in their perspectives. It is seen as a two-way process that
needs some degree of adaptation by the host country and the refugee (Castles et al, 2002).
Literature on immigration studies defines integration in terms of access to social services,
and the social service provision in the host-country that contribute to the facilitation of
resettlement among immigrants (Korac, 2003). According to Reitz (2002), there are four
determinants for the degree of integration among immigrants and refugees in a host country,
which include the pre-existing ethnic relations between the host-country and home-country,
the governments policies and programs, labour markets and the constantly changing
18

international boundaries. In spite of the repeated academic attempts to clearly define the
concept of integration, the notion remains a highly controversial one and exposed to
continuous discussions. Castles et al (2002) argues that there is no generally accepted model
or definition of immigrant or refugee integration, stressing that the notion remains hotly
debated and controversial.
Brandt (2010) explains that refugees and immigrants share specific aspects of integration
process in a receiving society, but emphasizes two major distinctions in this regard: First,
refugees are separated from home countries due to fear or threat of persecution. Second,
refugee resettlement locations are often exogenously determined, meaning resettlement
agencies, rather than market forces, dictate geographic placement when family reunification
is not a possibility, (Brandt, 2010: 13). Such kinds of distinctions contribute to the reduction
of transnational networks and oblige refugees to re-establish social relations and ties in a
host country. Beside those recognized as refugees on political or humanitarian bases, there
are economic immigrants who are driven by pure economic reasons, escaping oppressive
poverty in home country and seeking better living conditions in a host country. The
integration process of refugees takes place in a different time frame in comparison to the
economic immigrants, which, according to Cortes (2004), plays a role in the increasing
degree of investment in human capital as well as more advanced economic outcomes for the
refugees in contrast with the economic immigrants. In order to guarantee an active
membership of refugees in the host society through the educational, social, legal, economic
and cultural means, a special focus should be given to the integration programs (ECRE, 1999).
Khan (1997) documents that it is more likely for refugees to invest in schooling and
education than other groups of foreign-born residents. The availability of opportunities plays
a role in creating safety, which is deemed to be a major building block for the integration of
refugees and immigrants within a host society (Refugee Council, 1997). Robinson (1998)
suggests that employment is a key factor in maximizing the chance of integration of a migrant
in a host country. The main characteristics that make employment of a high importance for
integration among refugees and immigrants include the facilitation of interaction with the
host society, the development of language skills and the promotion of economic
independence. As Tomlinson and Egan (2002) explain, one of the most critical roles
employment plays in terms of integration is that it helps refugees restore self-esteem and
19

encourages reliance. Employment is even viewed as a main barrier to a refugees successful

integration (Feeney, 2000).
Integration as a concept can be understood in different ways by various actors, depending on
their perspectives and interests (Castles et al, 2002). According to Favell (1998), integration
is an umbrella term that covers a broad range of disciplines and processes. As a social
psychologist, Berry (1994) interprets the notion of integration as a process determined on
the basis of the changeability of host society and the migrant groups over time, leading to the
emergence of new identities. It is deemed to be one of the potential dimensions of the process
of acculturation. Integration, as Berry (1997) puts it, takes place when a migrant or refugee
shows an interest in preserving his/her cultural background and participates, at the same
time, in interactions with other social components in the host country. Apart from the sociocultural definitions of integration, different dimensions of this concept were identified by
sociologists. Portes (1997) explains integration in terms of multidimensionality, defining
integration as a multidimensional process that involves individuals, immigration and refugee
organizations, and the society as a whole. According to Fyvie et al (2003), in order to
guarantee progress in terms of integration among immigrants and refugees, the functional
dimensions of this process should be taken into account. Fyvie emphasizes that education,
training, labour market, housing and health are critical for integration. Literature also
stresses the importance of developing specific integration-related typologies that include
various fields such as social, functional and civic areas that are believed to have influence on
the integration process (Zetter et al, 2002). Korac (2003) argues that in policy the main
concern is having some quantifiable and tangible aspects of the integration process, which is
referred to as a top-down method with a focus on structural elements of the system, without
making efforts to explore the connection between the different aspects of integration. Thus,
the range of integration aspects and their interrelationships remain a poorly investigated
area of research (Korac, 2003).
Over the past decade, several models of integration have competed and coexisted in the
Netherlands (Scholten, 2011). The multicultural model, Scholten explains, implies the
tendency to institutionalize cultural pluralism in a way that confirms the cultural
emancipation of immigrant groups as a key factor for their integration within the Dutch
society. The socio-economic discourse has coexisted alongside multiculturalism in the
20

Netherlands, emphasizing the importance of immigrants participation in fields like education

and labour. These two models have been competing with the discourse of assimilation, which
stresses the importance of the social cohesion and the national norms and values in relation
to integration of immigrants (Entzinger, 2005). Despite the relatively long history of
migration, the Dutch society remains unable to cope with the different consequences of
receiving migrant groups. The issue of integration is generally explained as a social problem,
while its definition remained unclear and sometimes contested. According to Scholten
(2011), the concept of integration in the Netherlands has undergone decades of controversy
both on academic and political levels. Defining the immigrant integration has drawn on
various broader societal norms and values (Scholten, 2011). Scholten argues that integration
is largely a value-laden concept that has constantly been connected to particular normative
conceptions of the nation-state. This way, the nation-state is the main party that defines
integration as a social issue. The correlation between immigrant integration and conceptions
of the nation-state has been evident in the Netherlands in terms of revision of its national
imagined community within the framework of globalization as a continuous social process
(Scholten, 2011). Despite the fact that integration has become largely accepted within the
political and academic discourse in many European countries, including the Netherlands, its
definition and explanation remained weak and fragile (Scholten, 2011). Rein and Schon
(1994) describe the multiplicity of integration models and frames as evidence to the
intractably controversial nature of the integration concept.
3.4.1. Integration and Its Different Facets
The controversy and academic debate about the issue of immigrant integration is illustrated
through academic literature, which has been remarkably divided concerning the topic,
reflecting a broad variety of national models of integration. Lahav (2004) documents that
every country differs in its considerations and procedures regarding the types of rights
granted to the groups of migrants, according to their status and how this status is being
perceived by the host country, and on the basis of specific rules and regulations designed in
accordance with the policies of the government at that country. Academic literature
distinguishes three main strategies for migrant integration; these include assimilation,
multiculturalism and exclusion.

21

Boswell (2003) explains the concept of assimilation as an extreme conception of the meaning
of being a citizen in a certain country. This notion involves the complete readjustment and
full adaptation to the receiving societys norms and values, culture, rules and regulations, and
national identity by the migrant, which may lead to the recognition of a migrant and his/her
descendants as full members of the host society and identified as a part of the rest of the
population (Castles, 2000). The assimilation process basically requires a total abandonment
of ones previous identity and cultural background as a precondition in order to become
recognized as a member of the host society. France is traditionally considered as a
representative of the assimilation model (Regout, 2011).
Multiculturalism, on the other hand, implies that ethnic minorities could succeed in
integration when the cultural identity of each minority group is recognized and
acknowledged as having an equal value to the prevalent one (Messina & Lahav, 2006). Thus,
multiculturalism stresses the importance of coexistence between the different values,
religions and cultures. It recommends minority groups to maintain their cultural identities as
a starting point towards a successful integration in a society where cultural diversity can be
appreciated and seen as enrichment to the mainstream culture. Unlike assimilation,
multiculturalism requires a lower degree of adaptation by immigrants to the culture of the
receiving country. Boswell (2003) argues that the rationale behind multiculturalism could be
twofold: it could either be born out of a pragmatic calculation in countries where assimilation
is considered as impossible or counterproductive, or it could be defended on the grounds of a
commitment to cultural pluralism. Multiculturalism is usually associated with the AngloAmerican model of the liberal pluralist state, which values the individual freedom of its
members, allows scope for a considerable degree of cultural diversity and embraces only a
minimal concept of shared identity between residents (Boswell, 2003:76). Among Western
European countries, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom are renowned for their
multicultural approach to integration (Regout, 2011).
The Exclusionist model is the third strategy identified in literature on integration policies.
The exclusionist approach is basically characterized by restrictive policies that entail
excluding immigrants from the political community in the host country. This strategy is
aimed at artificially preserving a temporal character to immigration. Germany is considered
as a classical example for this model (Regout, 2011).
22

Carrera (2006) argues that such traditional models of integration do not exist anymore,
emphasizing that they developed in association with the post-national contemporary policies
in Western Europe. Thus, many countries are believed to have abandoned their traditional
approaches to integration. According to Regout (2011), the Netherlands, the United Kingdom
and France used to be referred to in terms of classical models of integration; however, they
have been moving towards an increasingly nuanced approach to the issue. The French ideal
of assimilation has largely evolved in the recent years, as the notion of assimilation in France
has been progressively substituted with insertion and later integration (Regout, 2011). The
Netherlands and the United Kingdom have begun to break away from their multicultural
ideal, and have instead developed more assimilationist policies (Geddes, 2003).
3.4.2. Cultural, Socio-economic and Political Integration
Boswell defines integration as a process of incorporating immigrants and ethnic minorities
into the economy, society and political life of their host country (Boswell, 2003: 75). Thee
dimensions to integration could be identified: cultural, socio-economic and political
integration.
The cultural integration, which is subject to a broad wave of debates and interpretations,
cannot be easily definable. However, this approach generally implies a sufficient knowledge
of the language and understanding of the norms and values of the receiving society. The
cultural integration is deemed to be hard to measure. Countries adopting an Assimilationist
model are considered less disposed to accommodate this dimension of integration (Castles,
2000).
The second aspect is the socio-economic integration, which basically implies access to
welfare, education, housing, social services and employment. The socio-economic aspect of
integration is believed to play a significant role in providing immigrants with the opportunity
to function in and contribute to the society in the host country. The socio-economic
dimension of integration has gained an increasing importance and considered as a main
concern for West European countries in the recent years (Regout, 2011).
The third aspect is the political and legal integration. Researchers view this aspect as the
most controversial dimension of integration, basically because of its implication of granting
political rights to a migrant. The political rights include the right to vote and to be elected,
23

along with other rights usually given to citizens of the host country. The political and legal
integration mostly require naturalization or citizenship, which implies a kind of exclusivity
(Messina & Lahav, 2006). Regout (2011) argues that the rights granted to non-citizens tend
to become comparable to those obtained by citizens. Some Western European countries, such
as the Netherlands, have granted the local voting rights to the long-term residents who only
possess a residence permit. Boswell (2003) stresses that the political and legal integration is
deemed to be the final stage of integration.

24

4. Methodology
4.1. Research design
In order to answer the research question, this study has involved a qualitative research
strategy. This strategy fits this study the best since it requires an in-depth understanding and
knowledge of the motivations and attitudes of the Middle-Eastern refugees and their
perception of the Dutch asylum procedures and the integration process in the Netherlands.
This study is based on ethnographic interpretive approach, which requires studying complex
activities that lead to social interactions (Blommaert & Dong, 2010). An ethnographic
research has been conducted, by using the general interview guide approach as a format,
which entails preparing a questionnaire with a degree of flexibility according to the context of
the interviews to give respondents the opportunity to express themselves and their
experiences.
4.2. Sample strategy
In this study, snowball sampling has been applied. Taking into consideration the constraints
on reaching the Middle-Eastern group of asylum seekers and refugees (Biernacki, P., &
Waldorf, D., 1981), snowball sampling has provided the researcher with an opportunity to
have access to several respondents eligible and willing to take part in this study. Snowball
sampling involves individuals recruiting other individuals from their social network to
participate in the research (Faugier, J., & Sargeant M., 1997). The respondents involved in this
research were then selected in a balanced way so to include different age groups, various
periods of residence in the Netherlands and different educational backgrounds.
Table 1, sample balanced on status, age, educational background

Asylum seeker (Max. 1 year in NL)

Refugee (Min. 5 years in NL)

High education age 18-30

Low education age 18-30

High education age 31-50

Low education age 31-50

1
25

As illustrated in Table 1, the participants are equally spread on education, status and period
of residence. The research thus involves 8 interviews, 4 of which have been conducted with
asylum seekers, and 4 others with refugees. This group of participants has been chosen on
the basis of their affiliation with certain Middle-Eastern countries.
Applying the snowball sampling has helped the researcher in reaching a professional lawyer,
specialized in handling asylum cases and providing clients with legal support. One
respondent has been taken as a case study within the research.

4.3. Data collection

The data collection has involved three levels of investigation. First, this research includes an
institutional level, in this case the Dutch governments policies, as well as procedures
implemented by the IND. The recently documented governmental asylum and integration
policies have been reviewed and investigated. The institutional level of investigation within
the framework of this study is a descriptive part, mainly focused on the contextual role of the
IND regarding asylum procedures and integration process. This can provide a specific insight
into the justice aspect of handling asylum cases as well as the incentives behind the prevalent
discourse about Middle-Eastern refugees in the Netherlands.
Second, one lawyer specialized in asylum cases has been included in the research. The aim of
this case was to investigate the role of a mediator. The mediator tries to manage the needs of
the asylum seekers in order to be recognized as refugees, and receive a residence permit. A
case study on a mediator (lawyer) has enriched the data with insights from a considerably
neutral party. The mediator can be said to be neutral since he/she delves into the asylum
cases on the one hand, and studies decisions and laws made by the government on the other
hand. Furthermore, this study has investigated how the mediators relate to the motivations
of asylum seekers as clients.
Third, Middle-Eastern asylum seekers and refugees in the Netherlands have been included in
this research. Asylum seekers who have recently arrived to the Netherlands, undergoing
asylum procedures, witnessing unprecedented experiences, trying to start a new life in a
receiving country, within a new set of norms and values. This research has also included
26

refugees who have already been granted asylum and recognized as refugees, and have spent
at least five years in the Netherlands and have reached certain extent of integration. This
research has involved several case studies including different age groups, various educational
backgrounds, and different periods of residence in the Netherlands. Taking into account that
this study is based on a qualitative research strategy, eight asylum seekers and refugees have
been involved in the research. The interviews have been conducted in the respondents
mother-tongue, either Arabic or Kurdish, as the researcher speaks both languages on a
mother-tongue level. This has invited the respondents to express themselves more freely and
tell their stories without language constraints or formal restrictions. Furthermore, the
researcher himself has been a refugee in the Netherlands nearly six years before conducting
this research. His own experience has helped him approaching the respondents in a
convenient way to build a relationship of trust and collect the data necessary to answer the
research question.
4.4. Data analysis
In the process of data analysis, the researcher has raveled out the connection between
motivations as asylum seekers preconceived opinions and beliefs and the attitudes
towards integration after being recognized as refugees in the Netherlands in accordance
with what has been presented in the central question and demonstrated in the collected data
of this study. Data analysis is considered as an attempt to construct and structure an image
that reflects what is seen and collected during the research (Blommaert & Dong, 2010) in
order to answer the central question of this study. Analysis of the qualitative data is defined
as a range of procedures and processes that involves moving from the data collected into a
certain form of interpretation, understanding and explanation of the subjects and situations
relevant to the area of research at hand (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996). The process and
procedures of data analysis mainly imply examining the meaningful and symbolic content of
the data. As a qualitative research, this study takes the grounded theory approach (Charmaz,
2003) as a method to integrate the data collection and analysis, as well as advancing a
conceptual analysis of the data. The data analysis in this study has started with selective
coding in accordance with the theories included in the research. The data has been
categorized based on these codes and notions, to be linked then to relevant subcategories
after specifying properties of each category (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Within the framework
27

of the grounded theory approach, the researcher has conducted constant comparisons during
the analysis process.
4.5. Research quality indicators
The main quality indicators used in this study are objectivity, reliability, internal validity and
external validity. This has played a major role in increasing the credibility of this study and
decreasing its limitations. In order to intensify the validity of this study, data triangulation
has been used through the collection of multiple data about a same phenomenon (Heaton,
2004). Using semi-structured interview has helped enhancing the internal validity,
maintaining objectivity and enabling the researcher to avoid biases, as it provided the
researcher with a structure that ensured posing questions directly related to the study to
facilitate the process of analysis. Regarding the external validity, although this study is not
meant to generalize its results to other groups, yet the cases included can provide valuable
inputs leading to findings that can become a part of a wider range of categories based on
relevant theoretical models (Blommaert & Dong, 2010). In terms of reliability, the researcher
has taken into consideration that the findings of this study should be reproduced by using
similar methodology (Golafshani, 2003). However, since the conditions under which this
study has been conducted cannot be easily repeated in an exactly similar manner (Golafshani,
2003), the results of this research cannot be optimally reliable. This is basically related to the
uniqueness of the context in which this research has taken place. In order to strengthen the
reliability of the study, the questions have been repeated in different settings, tackling
general as well as personal aspects of the lives of the informants during the interviews.

28

5. Findings
This chapter provides an outline to the results of this study. The sections of this chapter will
follow the same order of the sub-questions, beginning with the institutional level that
includes a descriptive part on the national policy framework, then moving to the mediation
level, and concluding with the outcomes of the research at the level of asylum seekers and
refugees.
5.1. Analysis of Dutch policy documents around integration
In the Netherlands, issues associated with immigration, such as entry regulations and
restrictions, asylum procedures and integration have been continuously debated and have
shifted back and forth in the recent years. Formal regulations have been identified and
pursued by the concerned authorities in the Netherlands, aimed at coping with a continuous
influx of asylum seekers into the country, handling cases of those apply for asylum, and
managing the integration of those recognized as refugees and allowed to stay.
5.1.1. Entry regulations and restrictions
Foreign nationals are required to hold correct travel documents in order to access the
Netherlands. Among those denied access for lack of supportive travel documents are asylum
seekers who look for protection in the Netherlands. In Paragraph A1/7.3 of the Aliens
Regulation, it is stipulated that anyone who does not fulfill the asylum requirements must be
denied entry and placed in detention. Within the framework of border control policies,
foreign nationals who lack supportive documents are being held in detention in the Schiphol
Justice Complex, known as border detention. This can only be otherwise if the asylum seeker
is a minor or the asylum seekers are a family with children. These latter exceptions have been
introduced on 1 September 2014 (Staatscourant 201, 25182). Under particular conditions,
the Netherlands has the power to enforce a certain degree of limitation on the freedom of
foreign nationals in the context of immigration. According to Article 6 of the Foreign National
Act, before applying the measure of border detention, cases are being individually considered
to whether or not impose such a measure. Amnesty International quotes the Dutch State
Secretary of Justice as saying: It is my policy to detain aliens [under Article 6] until they meet
29

their obligation to return. (Amnesty, 2008: p.11). According to the UNHCR, border detention
was routinely applied on asylum seekers before 2008 (Amnesty, 2008: p. 17). Over the recent
years, a considerable shift has taken place in the border control policies. Most of the asylum
seekers who undergo a border detention in the Netherlands are later being granted access to
the country. An initial assessment of the asylum seekers identity takes place upon arrival at
the airport or seaport by the Royal Netherlands Military Constabulary.
Another legal way to restrict immigration is the deployment of the so-called Mobile Oversight
of Aliens (MTV-controle), mentioned in article 50 of the Aliens Act 2000 and article 17a of the
Aliens Decision 2000. Such patrols are aimed at preventing organized people smuggling into
the Netherlands. Subsequently, means of public transportation are to be more closely
checked for the sake of preventing illegal migrants from entering the country as well as to
uncover networks of people smuggling. The Royal Military and Border Police (KMar) are thus
enabled to conduct more extensive checks on roads, waterways and flight routes. As
explained in a an official statement by the Dutch government:
The government is aware that international trains to the Netherlands are being used for
this purpose. Enabling the KMar to conduct more extensive checks puts them in a better
position to tackle the problem KMar, the Public Prosecution Service, the National Police,
the Immigration and Naturalisation Service and the Expertise Centre on Human
Trafficking and People Smuggling are working together closely to obtain a better
understanding of the increased influx of immigrants and investigate organised people
smuggling. The main objective of expanding mobile immigration control is to support
these operations (Government of the Netherlands, May 2014).
Aliens who encounter such controls are not placed in border detention or denied entry. That
is not possible since they have officially entered the country. They are rather stopped and
transported to a police station for a hearing (article 50, Aliens Act 2000). If they, at some
point, claim to be asylum seekers, a different set of rules will apply. They, as other illegal
immigrants, may be detained (article 59, Aliens Act 2000). However, after claiming asylum,
an asylum seeker will be considered to reside lawfully in the Netherlands (Section
Administrative Law of the Council of State, 20 November 2014, ECLI: NL: RVS: 2014: 4319).
In those cases, detention will not be routinely applied; a balance of interests is required
(Paragraph A6/6.a Aliens Regulation 2000). A maximum period of four weeks of detention
30

applies to asylum seekers, during which the application must be processed; otherwise, the
applicant must be released and transferred to an asylum centre (article 59, paragraph 4,
Aliens Act 2000).

5.1.2. Asylum policies and procedures

According to the Immigration and Naturalization Service (IND), there are four conditions for
an asylum seeker to be granted a staying permit in the Netherlands. These four conditions
also defined as permit categories include:
1. An asylum seeker who is persecuted in his own country on grounds of race,
religion, nationality, political opinions or membership of a particular social group.
2. An asylum seeker who runs a risk in his own country or being subjected to
inhuman treatment such as torture.
3. An asylum seeker who has legitimate reasons to fear that he will fall victim to
random violence.
4. An asylum seeker who has a family member who has recently been granted a
residence permit asylum (IND: Publication-no 6071; Article 29, Aliens Act 2000).
As for general asylum regulations and procedures, a major change has been made in July
2010 (Staatsblad, 2010: 244). Before 2010, two basic procedures existed: The fast track
procedure, known as 48-hour-procedure, and the 6-month-procedure. The government has
then eliminated the fast track procedure and introduced a new 8-day-procedure. The purpose
of this change was to guarantee more accurate examination for the cases by providing an
asylum seeker with a preparation period during which he/she has the opportunity to consult
his/her lawyer before being officially interviewed. The newly introduced 8-day-procedure
was also meant to include those who had to undergo a 6-months-procedure, aiming at
providing the asylum seeker with clarity about the INDs intention regarding his/her case
more quickly than it used to be before. Another officially declared reason for this change was
to include recognized refugees into integration programs more quickly. Thus, the 8-dayprocedure was introduced as the new regular procedure, while the 6-months-procedure was
then considered as an exceptional procedure allocated for specific cases (Staatsblad 2010,
244).

31

Once the asylum seeker notified the authorities about his/her wish to apply for asylum,
he/she then undergoes a certain set of procedures. Before these procedures start, the asylum
seeker will, normally (exceptions are mentioned in article 3.109, paragraph 7, Aliens Decision
2000), be given a rest and preparation period (article 3.109 Aliens Decision 2000). During
that period, of at least six days, the asylum seeker will receive a medical examination and will
be prepared by his/her lawyer. Subsequent to this initial phase, the asylum procedures
commence. The general asylum procedure includes an initial interview, followed by a
detailed interview, possibly an intention to refuse the application, and finally a decision is
made by the IND (articles 3.110-3.114, Aliens Decision 2000).
I.

Application: An asylum seeker first reports to the Aliens Police in Ter Apel.
His/her identity is to be registered and he/she applies for asylum there. After a
resting and preparation period, he/she will go through the General Asylum
Procedure. During this procedure, the asylum seeker stays in a reception centre of
the Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers (COA).

II.

Initial Interview: During a first hearing, the so-called initial interview, the asylum
seeker talks to an IND employee about his/her identity, nationality and traveling
route to the Netherlands.

III.

Detailed Interview: In a second hearing, the so-called detailed interview, the

asylum seeker gets an opportunity to tell the IND employee why he/she has
applied for asylum. A legal assistance counselor will prepare the asylum seeker
for this interview and may be present during the interview. The legal assistance
counselor may also request a volunteer of the Dutch Council for Refugees
(Vluchtelingenwerk Nederland, VWN) to attend the interview. The questions are
asked in Dutch. Therefore, an independent interpreter is to be present as well.
After the initial and the detailed interviews, the IND decides if it is possible to
handle the application within eight working days. If a further investigation is
necessary, requiring a lot of time, the application will from then on be handled
under the Extended Asylum procedure. During this procedure, the asylum seeker
will temporarily stay in an asylum seekers residence centre of the COA.

IV.

Detailed Interview in the Extended Asylum procedure: Almost all asylum seekers
who are transferred to the Extended Asylum procedure have had a detailed
interview in the General Asylum procedure. In some cases, another detailed
32

interview will be held. The IND must decide on the application for asylum within
six months. It sometimes takes longer based on the associated investigations
required.
V.

Decision:
A. Granting the application: If the IND is of the opinion that the asylum seeker
meets the requirements for an asylum residence permit, he/she will be
granted a temporary residence permit. He/she will be allowed to apply for a
permanent residence permit at a later stage.
B. Rejecting the application: If the IND is of the opinion that the asylum seeker
does not meet the requirements for a residence permit for asylum, he/she will
be informed of that opinion in writing (the so-called intended rejection). The
asylum seeker and his/her legal assistance counselor may reply to this
opinion. If the IND does not change its mind, the asylum seeker will receive a
negative decision and must leave the Netherlands. The asylum seeker may
initiate an appeal procedure before the court against that decision.

This procedure will normally take eight days at maximum. An extended asylum procedure
may take place based on the case. The extended period will prolong the term to decide on the
asylum application to a period of six months (article 3.108a, Aiens Decision). This period can
be extended for six more months if advice or research by a third party is needed; for example,
a research by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the asylum seekers country of origin
concerning the statements brought forward by the asylum seeker (article 3.108a, Aliens
Decision 2000). Furthermore, article 43 of the Aliens Act 2000 stipulates that, regardless of
the terms mentioned above, a decision moratorium can be given for one year. A decision
moratorium implies a temporary suspension of decision-making process on individual
asylum cases according to the country of origin. Such a moratorium has been applied to
Syrian asylum cases in the period between July 2011 and July 2012.
In case of denial, the decision would be referred to court with assistance of an asylum lawyer
defined as a mediator in the context of this research. If a negative decision is reached within
the general procedure, an appeal must be lodged within one week (article 69 Aliens Act
2000) and the appeal will not have an automatic suspensive effect (article 82 Aliens Act
2000). However, the asylum seeker can also request the regional court for an interim or
33

provisional measure. Until the regional court decides on the latter, the asylum seeker will
normally be allowed to stay in the Netherlands (paragraph C2/9 Aliens Regulation 2000).
There are several reasons for refusing an application for an asylum permit. First, there are
the so-called imperative grounds, mentioned in article 30 of the Aliens Act 2000. These
include the fact that another country is held responsible for the application (the most wellknown ground is the Dublin Regulation 604/2013). Second, the so-called facultative grounds
have been introduced based on article 31 of the Aliens Act 2000. These grounds include the
question whether the authorities can provide effective protection to an asylum seeker (article
3.37c Instruction Aliens 2000), or whether the asylum seeker can relocate safely inside his
country of origin (article 3.37d Instruction Aliens 2000). In these cases, a permit may be
denied if the criteria are fulfilled. Besides these grounds, the law provides specific
circumstances that can be used against the asylum seeker but are themselves insufficient to
refuse the application. These grounds are mentioned in article 31, paragraph 2 of the Aliens
Act, and paragraph A5/6.2 of the Aliens Regulation. It goes beyond the scope of this research
to discuss all of them in detail; it is more interesting to look at the evolution in the application
of these grounds in the policies of the IND. An oversight might be found in the recent
developments regarding the evaluation of the credibility of an asylum seeker. From 2 July
2015, the Aliens Act 2000 will be amended based on new directives from the EU. The IND has
already introduced a set of amendments since the start of January 2015 (Staatscourant 2014,
36910). These changes include the abolition of the credibility assessment based on the
principle of positive persuasiveness. This principle has been applied since the introduction
of the Aliens Act 2000 (April, 2001). It implies that if one of the grounds mentioned in article
31 of the Aliens Act 2000 applies, the statements of the asylum seeker must have a positive
persuasiveness. The statements do not fulfill this criterion if one (Section Administrative Law
of the Council of State, 7 February 2012, 201107990/1/V2) or more of the statements,
regarding the essence of the asylum claim, is not credible, i.e. a statement made during the
interview is vague, brief or contradictory. The principle of positive persuasiveness applies if
one of the following, non exhaustive, grounds is applied:
I.

The alien already applied for asylum under another name.

II.

The alien did not follow an instruction mentioned in article 55 Aliens Act 2000.

III.

The alien did not report himself without delay to the national authorities after
34

entering the country.

IV.

The alien provided fake documents and maintained that these are authentic.

V.

The alien provided (intentionally) travel- or identity documents that do not

concern him/her.

VI.

The alien did not provide necessary documents concerning his travel and
identity.

Since the 1st of January 2015, this principle has no longer been applied. The IND has
introduced a new form to assess the credibility of the application (Staatscourant 2014,
36910; Workinstruction 2014/10). Central to the new policy is the integral credibility
assessment, instead of the positive persuasiveness (Staatscourant 2014, 36910). In short, this
principle leads to a credibility assessment of each relevant aspect separately, while including
statements, documents and country information (Workinstruction 2014/10).
After the credibility assessment comes the question whether the asylum seeker qualifies for
any of the grounds for protection mentioned above. The IND makes its own policy for certain
countries of origin (paragraph C7, Aliens Regulation 2000). In such policies, the IND has the
power to indicate certain categories of people (known as minority groups) as vulnerable.
This can mean that all members of such a group receive protection as a rule, or a lower
burden of proof is needed to show their fear of persecution in their country of origin. For
instance, single women from Iraq are designated by the IND as a vulnerable minority and
receive a permit as a rule. A member of a persecuted minority group is protected as a rule,
without any individual assessment (paragraph C2/3.3, Aliens Regulation 2000). The same
applies to an asylum seeker from a country or region that has been designated as an
exceptional situation in which every civilian is in danger of harm (paragraph C2/3.3, Aliens
Regulation 2000).

5.1.3. Integration policy at national level

The government of the Netherlands defines integration as a process of increasing
participation by immigrants in the Dutch society (Statistics Netherlands, 2012). According to
the Dutch integration policy, refugees are expected to acquire skills that include a sufficient
language proficiency, earn their own income, share and respect the fundamental values of the

35

Dutch society such as equality, freedom, responsibility, solidarity and tolerance (Integration
policy: integration, bonding, citizenship, 2011).
The Dutch national policy towards integration has shifted back and forth in the recent years.
The government introduced the first integration courses in 1998, when municipalities of the
Netherlands were given the responsibility of integrating migrants by providing them with
orientation and language courses. Newcomers, as well as settled migrants, were offered to
join such courses on a voluntary basis. Such language and orientation courses were facilitated
and financed by the government. The authorities didnt impose specific requirements
concerning language proficiency at the end of the process (Klaver & Ode , 2012). However, the
government has later become remarkably involved in monitoring and enforcing migrant
integration. In 2003, a decentralization policy regarding integration took place, requiring
municipalities to look after the integration of settled migrants (Entzinger, 2012).
Consequently, local governments took the responsibility of managing the integration of
migrants, including refugees. Orientation and language courses were regularly offered, and
social assistance became a part of the integration policy to guarantee migrants participation
in labour market and the Dutch society. This process was facilitated with the contribution of
NGOs (IOM, 2010, part 2).
In January 2013, the Dutch integration policy saw a primary shift. The Civic Integration Act
was essentially amended, moving the responsibility for integration from the government and
local authorities to the migrants themselves. The objective of the new policy is to centralize
integration procedures and requirements by strongly emphasizing the migrants
responsibility towards their own integration.
The government believes foreign nationals must participate in Dutch society, for example
by working or receiving an education. A command of the language is a condition for this
If you settle in the Netherlands, you have a duty to integrate and must take a civic
integration exam (Government of the Netherlands, Aug. 2014).
Besides making migrants responsible for their own accomplishments and performance in
terms of participation in society and language proficiency, the new integration policy
enforces rigorous controls and penalties on migrants who fail to pass integration exam.
Migrants who started to arrive to the Netherlands after January 2013 are obliged to manage
36

the various aspects of integration, which include covering the expenses of courses and exams.
Yet the government may provide those with limited resources with loans to fulfill their
obligations in this regard. Furthermore, the new integration policy introduced a legislation
that allows the Dutch authorities to deprive a migrant of his/her residence permit if the one
concerned has failed to pass the allocated examinations. Although this legislation doesnt
include those with an asylum permit, still the latter are required to follow the same
integration procedures.
The government consistently monitors the effort migrants make to integrate. If you do not
make enough effort, you may lose your residence permit. This will not happen if you have
a right to asylum but even then you must still make an effort to integrate (Government of
the Netherlands, Aug. 2014).
Language proficiency is ranked at the top of integration requirements in the Netherlands.
Learning Dutch is deemed to be a key factor for any migrant to contribute to the society and
become eligible to benefit from possible privileges. The government also emphasizes that
migrants should understand and learn about their rights and obligations and the basic values
of the Dutch society. According to the January 2013 Act, the new integration policy also
promotes migrants participation in the labor market. A migrants competencies and skills
obtained abroad are taken into consideration to increase access to job opportunities for those
qualified. This Act also raises the number of years required for a migrants eligibility to
participate in local or national elections, naturalization and ability to apply for social
assistance from five to seven years. However, those who do not have a sufficient command of
the Dutch language will be excluded from social assistance benefits.
Learning the language opens the door to Dutch society It is also important that foreign
nationals know their rights and obligations and understand the fundamental values of
Dutch society (Government of the Netherlands, Aug. 2014).
The new legislation (Act January 2013) entails that integration policy is assigned to the
Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, while migration and asylum policies remain the
responsibility of the Ministry of Security and Justice, under which the Immigration and
Naturalization Service (IND) operates (Government of the Netherlands, 2013).
Table 2, Overview of documents collected

37

Document

Aliens Act 2000

Issuance
Government of the
Netherlands.

Description
Formal law accepted by the Parliament of the
Netherlands concerning immigration. The law deals
with the general layout and arranges the way further
regulation may and can be made.
Legislation based on Aliens Act 2000, contains
different procedural and some material criteria,
including the general material criteria for each
residence permit.

Aliens Decision 2000

Government of the
Netherlands.

Aliens Regulation
2000

Secretary of State for

Security and Justice,
The Netherlands.

Contains the policy of the IND, explaining the way

the IND uses its competences, not arranged in formal
laws.

Instruction Aliens
2000

Minister of Justice,
The Netherlands.

Aliens Instruction 2000: Legislation based on the

Aliens Act 2000, contains more practical procedural
issues and some minor material conditions.

Staatsblad, 2010:
244

Government of the
Netherlands.

Amendment of the Aliens Decision 2000, concerning

the new asylum procedure.

Dublin Regulation
604/2013

European Union.

The Civic Integration

Act 2013

Regulation from the European Union, arranging the

member state of the EU responsible for the asylum
application of an asylum seeker.

Government of the
Netherlands.

The formal law stipulating the integration obligation

and the general procedural issues and material
issues.

Staatscourant 2014,
36910

Secretary of State for

Security and Justice,
The Netherlands.

Decision from the Secretary of State to change the

Aliens Regulation, aimed at changing the way in
which the credibility is assessed in asylum cases.

Staatscourant 2014,
25182

Secretary of State for

Security and Justice,
The Netherlands.

Decision from the Secretary of State to change the

Aliens Regulation, aimed at limiting children in
detention, especially at the borders.

Immigration and
Naturalization
Service (IND).

An internal memorandum from the IND explaining

the way in which the credibility of an asylum
application should be assessed in detail. This is
based on the new policy, mentioned in Staatscourant
2014, 36910.

Workinstruction
2014/10

38

5.2. Mediation: Legal assistance and beyond

Studying the motivations and attitudes of asylum seekers in the Netherlands requires an
insight from a neutral party that is involved in asylum cases and aware of their preconceived
beliefs regarding procedures, legal and social assistance. From here stems the significance of
studying the mediation level.
5.2.1. Introduction to the respondent
Stefan Koolen, 34, was born and raised in Rotterdam, the Netherlands. As a child and
adolescent, I never felt really in my place, since I tried to cut loose my ties with church,
family and friends. Yet, I was curious about various aspects of the society. Thus, I started
to commit myself to the immigration-related issues, first as a volunteer at the Dutch
Council for Refugees. That experience has provided me with new opportunities and
interests. My first interest was working in an asylum seekers centre, because that is the
place where a decisive difference in the procedures can be made. Additionally, I
sympathized with the social problems the refugees encountered (i.e. financial and
social). I liked to meet highly motivated asylum seekers. I also wanted to work more with
the legal issues central to asylum seekers, i.e. the procedures. So, I started applying at
law firms concerned with asylum cases. Fortunately, I was accepted and became able to
combine both jobs (at a law firm and an asylum centre). This taught me a great deal. I got
to know the persons, the practical problems and the legal side of the matter. Then my
interest increased in the legal aspect and I decided to become a lawyer, given the fact
that a lawyer plays a crucial role in assisting asylum seekers and their cases. As a social
worker, you are not in a position to make a real difference. I was also interested in the
legal puzzles associated with the asylum cases. After completing my legal studies, I was
able to accomplish the aspiration of being a lawyer. Ive been working with asylum
seekers and other immigrants for years, and I currently represent my clients at the court
and during administrative procedures.

39

5.2.2. Assisting asylum seekers

In the Netherlands, asylum seekers receive legal and procedural aid by two main parties: The
Dutch Council for Refugees (Vluchtelingenwerk Nederlands, VWN) on the one hand, and
specialized lawyers on the other hand.
The Dutch Council for Refugees provides consultations and assistance services to asylum
seekers. The social workers of the council also play the role of mediation between the asylum
seekers and the specialized lawyers as well as the authorities. During the asylum procedures,
the VWN workers update their clients about the recent developments of their cases, explain
the procedures, clarify content of official decisions made on the cases by the Immigration and
Naturalization Service (IND), explain the potential consequences of each kind of official
decision and accordingly illustrate legal arrangements. They also provide asylum seekers
with relevant information about their possible opportunities in the Netherlands in the long
run. With an experience of eight years as a member of the Dutch Council for Refugees, the
respondent explains:
We discuss their cases and the chances of success for any procedure. An asylum seeker
needs a future, at least a reasonable prospect to a future. Although we believe that the
one who tries his best should stay, the reality is that the decisions on asylum applications
are not fairly made As long as I was fairly certain that someone is at risk in his country
of origin I would not give up helping him. (S.K.-1/150415)
Helping asylum seekers to understand the procedures and the consequences of negative
decisions by the IND is not an easy task for the social workers of the VWN. Most of the asylum
seekers try to stress their right to a staying permit in the Netherlands, without having a
sufficient understanding of the grounds upon which a staying permit is being granted.
Additionally, a considerable proportion of asylum seekers have a preconceived opinion
based on advice by peers about how to present their cases to the officials of the IND in a
convincing manner. This preconceived opinion also implies a certain degree of
underestimation regarding the INDs handling of the applications. According to the VWN
expert, such preconceived beliefs may stand obstacle between the asylum seeker and the
legal mediators who try to assist him/her during the preparation phase before being

40

interviewed by the IND officials or during the stage of responding to a negative decision on
his/her case. As the expert illustrates:
We provide them (asylum seekers) with relevant information about the formal asylum
application and we try to help them substantiate their applications. This is a golden
opportunity to make sure no asylum seeker was rejected before having an understanding
about the difficulties of these procedures. We prepare them to provide a complete image
of their cases to the IND. This is not easy, since many asylum seekers cannot see the
downsides of the process, and many remain confident in their cases, simply because it is
either the truth or because their peers told them it is easy. (S.K.-1/150415)
As mediators, lawyers specialized in asylum cases play an essential role in responding to a
negative decision by the IND on an asylum application. They thoroughly study the cases and,
together with their clients, they review the reasons for the negative decision. A lawyer may
request additional evidence or supportive documents concerning the statements made by the
asylum seeker during interviews with the IND officials. The main goal is to prepare the
rejected asylum seeker for either an appeal at court or to submit a new application. Believing
in the right of an applicant to obtain a residence permit is of high importance for a lawyer to
further defend the case.
We try to find new evidence to file another application in cooperation with the asylum
seeker As a Lawyer, I try to focus on victims of torture, who have more difficulties in
bringing forward a coherent story and who are not willing to share the depths of their
suffering with anybody. One of my clients was a Kurdish woman from Turkey who suffered
detention and torture. I tried to interfere and slow the procedure down. I made sure all
evidence was collected and the IND was notified. I also arranged a medical research into
the psychological and physical results of the torture, to be used as evidence. Although the
procedure lasted for several years due to certain complications, she was finally granted a
permit. (S.K.-1/150415)

5.2.3. Asylum policies and procedures from mediators point of view

According to mediators, shortening the duration of asylum procedures as introduced by the
new asylum policy (Staatsblad 2010) has both pros and cons for the asylum seekers. One of
41

the main positive aspects of the new asylum procedures is the minimization of waiting
period. In the past, many asylum seekers had to wait for a long period of time, sometimes
even years, for a decision by the IND on their applications. The waiting phase usually takes
place in a refugee camp, and is mainly associated with feelings of uncertainty and frustration
for the asylum seeker. As the expert argues:
Insecurity and waiting are two of the most damaging aspects for an asylum seeker who
undergoes procedures. With the new policy, the timeframe during which a decision is
made has been shortened enormously. This has positive aspects for applicants. (S.K.1/150415)
However, this limited time during which the asylum applications are being reviewed and
studied by the IND may also have negative consequences for the asylum seeker. The time
pressure considerably affects the preparation phase observed by the mediators. Also, the
possibility of collecting sufficient evidence on the case is being restricted and may lead to a
negative decision by the IND due to lack of clarity or accuracy. A limited knowledge by an
asylum seeker about the procedures might constraint his/her ability to demonstrate his/her
right to a staying permit. Hereby the legal expert explains:
Asylum cases should be carefully processed to avoid rejection on basis of credibility
issues. An asylum seeker needs to sufficiently understand the procedures, which may
require some time. A time pressure may cause frustration and conflict for the asylum
seeker, which could negatively affect his/her performance during the interviews with IND
officials, and a rejection may be a result, regardless of the credibility of the applicants
story. (S.K.-1/150415)
One of the main groups applying for asylum in the Netherlands at the moment is the Syrian.
As their country endures a state of war, most of the Syrian asylum seekers are being granted
a staying permit within a short period of time. According to the specialized lawyer, most of
Syrian asylum seekers receive a positive decision by the IND after few days of submitting
their applications. In some cases, however, the INDs response to certain applications by
Syrian asylum seekers may take longer than for their peers. Such situations take place
especially when the IND has doubts about an applicants country of origin, which requires
further investigation and thus longer time before making a decision on the case. This may
42

also lead to a certain degree of frustration for an asylum seeker due to lack of sufficient
understanding about the procedures.
They (Syrian asylum seekers) do not accept that because they expect to receive a staying
permit in days like their peers. They get impatient and unwilling to wait, even if the
formal procedure requires that. This is simply because they are not prepared for such a
possibility, and they compare their situation with those of others. An extended
preparation phase is necessary to get the asylum seeker properly informed (by mediators)
about what to expect. (S.K.-1/150415)
Even during the initial phase of procedures, many asylum seekers are focused on their future
in the Netherlands. This stems from their preconceived belief that they will receive a staying
permit within days, and then move on to issues like family reunification, work or study.
According to the expert, the first meeting between an asylum seeker and his/her lawyer
mostly contains a sort of clash of expectations. This may lead to some degree of mistrust
between the asylum seeker, as a client, and the lawyer, as a mediator.
Furthermore, the quality of the decision-making process and its governing rules are also
considered as a source of frustration for a lawyer. An asylum lawyer usually takes a critical
position towards the INDs decisions. Specialized lawyers seem unsatisfied with the way the
IND handles asylum cases. According to the expert, decisions made by the IND on asylum
cases mainly concern credibility issues. Questioning the credibility of a case stems from the
personal interpretation of IND officials. Asylum cases are being assessed on the basis of
statements made by an asylum seeker during the hearings. The expert stresses that the
assessment of an application can be influenced by politics and public debates. Also, the
procedural context in which the interpretation of an asylum case takes place can influence
the decision of whether or not to grant a staying permit to an asylum seeker.
Many decisions are randomly made, based on the interpretation of IND officials. In many
occasions, the lack of understanding the specifics of a case leads to a refusal of an asylum
seeker, which causes frustration for us as lawyers. For instance, the IND argues that a
political activist would act in a way that puts him at risk in his country of origin, therefore
his actions and convictions are reviewed by IND officials as non-credible. This is one way
to refuse an asylum application based on inaccurate interpretation. I believe that many
43

political activists would rise against injustice and persecution in their countries, and
when their life is at risk they have the legitimate right to receive refuge in a country like
the Netherlands. Human rights treaties explicitly try to protect these persons. Otherwise,
wed be submitting ourselves to injustice and de facto rule. (S.K.-1/150415)
The IND does not always accept asylum seekers with sufficient documents and consistent
cases. However, lawyers are more motivated to assist such applicants than less equipped
ones. An adequately trustworthy asylum case gains more support from lawyers.
According to the expert, group-based decisions made by the IND on cases of asylum seekers
from a certain country of origin have pros as well as cons. A group-based decision-making,
like in the case of Syrians or Iraqis as they mostly descend from war zones, may help the
applicants by minimizing their uncertainty in the short run. A temporary staying permit is
granted by the IND on basis of general conditions in a country of origin of asylum seekers.
This way, specific groups have greater opportunity to be accepted by the IND than others.
However, exceptions are possible when a case requires further investigation by the
concerned authorities in the Netherlands. On the other hand, the unawareness of the
temporary nature of such permits may have negative consequences for asylum seekers in
the long run. As soon as the Dutch government recognizes the security conditions of
applicants country of origin as stable, those who received a temporary staying permit will
most likely be obliged to return home. As the expert puts it:
This could be the case for refugees who received a group-based temporary permit
without having any individual claim, like no political activities in home country before
departure. Thus, as soon as our (Dutch) government considers their country to be safe,
their status will be revoked and theyll be returned home. This could be severely
disappointing for an asylum seeker. (S.K.-1/150415)
In such cases, reapplying and starting a new asylum procedure becomes a harder task for a
lawyer, and the chances of success are very little.
Mediators hold a critical position towards asylum policies and procedures in the Netherlands.
Although the recent amendments in the Dutch asylum procedures carry some positive
aspects, further improvement in the system is needed in order to meet the satisfaction of the
mediators.
44

5.2.4. Mediators and asylum seekers: expectations and relationship of trust

Asylum seekers stem from different countries of origin, and they perceive the legal assistance
during asylum procedures differently. For a lawyer, building a bridge of trust with an asylum
seeker, as a client, is no easy task. According to the experienced lawyer, many asylum seekers
believe that a lawyer is appointed by the Dutch authorities to work on the behalf of the IND.
This causes a state of mistrust for some asylum seekers towards their lawyers. This is evident
when a client doesnt reveal all specifics of his/her journey to the Netherlands or the reason
for leaving his/her home country. Hereby, the respondent illustrates:
Some of them do not know what the essence of legal assistance is, while others suspect
that lawyers cooperate with the government since lawyers are being paid by the
government and not by the asylum seekers. Therefore it is hard to build a relationship
based on mutual trust, which I find necessary. (S.K.-1/150415)
When it comes to the relationship between asylum seekers and lawyers, a clash of
expectations is possible. As an ethical principle, lawyers are responsible for preparing their
clients for all possibilities, including short term and long term consequences of each kind of
decision made by the IND on asylum cases. The extensive explanation of negative
consequences of IND decisions causes frustration and disappointment for most of optimistic
asylum seekers. The expert argues that such a situation negatively influences the relationship
between a lawyer and an asylum seeker. An asylum seeker expects his/her lawyer to
reassure a positive decision from the IND by providing a case with valuable inputs and
sufficiently prepare the client before undergoing the actual procedures. Whereas a lawyer
expects his/her client to have a consistent case in order to proceed, and that a lawyers main
responsibility is to explain the procedures to the asylum seeker and communicate the case
with the IND. Thus, this state of mistrust is caused by an asylum seekers high expectations on
the one hand, and a lawyers insufficient understanding of those expectations before
proceeding with the case on the other hand. As the expert puts it:
A lawyer needs to establish a relationship of trust with the clients by understanding their
(asylum seekers) culture and their expectations. Such an understanding can facilitate the
lawyers task of addressing the reality without harming the relationship of trust with the
client. (S.K.-1/150415)
45

He further explains that studying an asylum seekers background is necessary for a lawyer to
provide assistance in a more effective way. This becomes possible when a lawyer is well
informed about an asylum seekers educational attainment, country of origin and ethnic
affiliation. This can help the lawyer to understand a clients attitude towards and perception
of legal assistance during asylum procedures. Taking Syrian asylum seekers as an example,
the experienced lawyer explains the diversity of this group in terms of educational and
cultural background, stressing that those with higher educational achievements are easier to
approach and build a bridge of trust with compared to the less educated.
A mediators awareness about the preconceived opinions and beliefs of asylum seekers
regarding procedures is deemed to be a condition for building a relationship of trust. This can
facilitate communication between the mediator and an asylum seeker on the one hand, and
between the mediator and the IND officials on the other hand. As the expert argues:
If Im unaware of their (asylum seekers) expectations or motivations, my advice and help
cannot be conveyed or understood properly. So, when I want to inquire about them, I need
to address my clients in accordance with their motivations. For example, I informed a
Syrian asylum seeker about Dublin agreement (finger prints in one EU country prevents
application in another), because he told the police that he arrived in Sicily and registered.
He, however, did not understand the reason why I informed him about Dublin, since many
Syrians arrived in Italy and received residence permits here (in the Netherlands). In that
case, I am defending myself retrospectively and by doing so I already created
mistrust/suspicion, I violated his expectations without proper introduction. It will then
require more energy and effort to reestablish trust. (S.K.-1/150415)
Asylum lawyers are also required to further motivate their clients, especially in case of
rejection by the IND. A lawyer needs an effort from an asylum seeker in bringing up more
proof in order to convince the IND and the court about his/her right to a staying permit. The
expert emphasizes that in such a situation, the lawyer needs to understand the initial
motivations of his/her client in order to get them continue the fight for their right. Among
the expectations of asylum seekers concerning the mediators is that the latter are prepared to
invest time in the case and understand the details of each claim. However, many lawyers
suffer from time pressure and do not consider that its their own duty to oblige a client to
provide further proof and details on the case. In many cases, the lawyer requires an asylum
46

seeker to fully inform him/her about the specifics of the case. On the basis of that, the lawyer
determines the extent to which he/she can assist. Thus, the relationship between a mediator
and an asylum seeker seems to be characterized by interdependence.

5.3. Asylum seekers: motivations, experience and attitudes towards integration

5.3.1. Asylum seekers and their stories
Ali: A 20-year-old Iraqi asylum seeker from the city of Mosul. He was obliged to leave his
studies at the college of engineering in Mosul due to mounting violence. He has also left
his volleyball team behind before seeking asylum. Ali has lost four family members in the
Iraqi war. He escaped the fist of the IS hardline group. When ISIS terrorists took control
of Mosul, I knew the story is over for me there, and I decided to leave after I witnessed
the beheading of dozens civilians at the hands of the radical group, he says. After
crossing the border to Turkey, Ali met a smuggler who arranged his rout to the
Netherlands. Spending four days inside a dark truck until arriving to the final destination
has been a tough journey for the young asylum seeker. Its an unforgettable experience;
an escape from death in Mosul, through darkness inside a closed truck, to light in the
Netherlands, thus describes Ali his journey. He applied for asylum upon his arrival three
months ago. The IND hasnt decided yet whether Ali is allowed to stay. They demanded
him to hand in official documents to approve his identity. Ive lost all my documents on
my way from Mosul to the Netherlands. They demand me to bring a birth certificate or
an ID card, but its impossible as my hometown is currently run by the IS radical group. I
dont know where else to go if they wont allow me to stay here, he says. Despite the
challenges, Ali is determined to complete his education and start a new life after ten
years of traumatic experience.
Hamza: A 25-year-old Syrian asylum seeker from the city of Afrin. Before arriving to the
Netherlands four months ago, Hamza went through a long illegal journey. After making a
deal with a smuggler, he left his hometown of Afrin in Syria and headed to the Turkish
coastal city of Izmir, where a small boat carried him alongside 60 other illegal
passengers to the Greek Island of Samos, from which he headed to Athens and then with
a truck to the Netherlands. He applied for asylum and experienced life in 5 refugee
camps within four months in the Netherlands. Hamza escaped Syria to avoid joining the
47

Assad army that was demanding him to serve in the military. He fled to avoid
involvement in war crimes. He also refused to join rebel factions for his belief that
everyone carrying weapon in Syria is held accountable for the destruction of his
homeland. For whom shall I fight and against who? The armed factions have killed
thousands of civilians, he argues. Hamza was granted asylum in April and he is allowed
to stay in the Netherlands. The young Syrian man is optimistic about starting a new life
away from war; a life characterized by safety, welfare and freedom of speech.
Jamshid: A 46-year-old Syrian asylum seeker from the city of Kobane. As a member of the
Kurdish minority group, Jamshid suffered persecution in Syria; he has been denied civil
rights for his ethnic affiliation. His mother-tongue has been excluded from the
educational system, which prevented him from completing his primary education. Thus
he was obliged to work in construction since his early years. After the invasion of the
radical group of the Islamic State into his hometown Kobane, Jamshid has been displaced
with his family and crossed the border into neighboring Turkey. The poor living
conditions in refugee camps in Turkey led him to seek a way into Europe. Leaving his
family behind in order to seek better living conditions for them elsewhere, Jamshid
resorted to a smuggler who arranged his journey to Europe. It hasnt been easy for him
to reach Greece by a small boat. Several passengers sank on the way. I cannot believe
that Im still alive, he says. From Athens he made his way to Spain and then to France
with a false passport. Although he aspired to reach Sweden where his brother is based,
Jamshid was captured at the Netherlands border and had no other choice than applying
for Asylum immediately. However, he is satisfied with the asylum procedures in the
Netherlands, especially after obtaining staying permit following three months of
application. His only wish at the moment is to reunify with his wife and four children,
and start a new life away from his war-torn homeland. I want to forget about everything
I experienced in Syria. I want to forget the suppression and brutality Ive witnessed for
46 years of my life. I want to start a new life in the Netherlands together with my family
and become a part of this democratic society, says Jamshid.
Mohammed: A 48-year-old Syrian asylum seeker from the capital Damascus. After 25
years of employment in a governmental institution, Mohammed was obliged to leave
Syria under pressures from the authorities. His son, 31, participated in anti-Assad
48

protests in Damascus, which put the whole family at risk. Afterwards, Mohammed has
been accused by the security forces of having links with the political opposition. He left
Syria together with his wife and four children. His son applied for asylum in Austria,
while he and his daughter applied in the Netherlands. His wife and two little daughters
had no other choice than staying in Turkey with a hope to reunify later with the family.
From the Turkish coastal city of Izmir, Mohammed took a boat with his 24-year-old
daughter to reach the European borders in Greece. When we approached the Greek
island of Samos, police found us. Most of the passengers jumped in the water out of fear.
At least 38 people sank in the Mediterranean, only six survived including my daughter
and me; thanks to God, he says. From Athens they took a direct flight to the Netherlands
as the only available destination through a smuggler. We had no other options, but we
believed that all European countries have the same standards of life and asylum
procedures, he adds. However, Mohammed experienced a state of shock in the
Netherlands. Im waiting already for six months in an asylum center without hearing
anything about my status. This is not what I expected, he says. He expressed his
dissatisfaction with the asylum procedures, saying that officials deal with him merely as
a number not as a human being. The rest of my family are suffering in Turkey while Im
helplessly stuck here under ambiguous conditions. I dont know how long it could take
until I have my staying permit and reunify with my whole family, he argues. The
unexpected experience of asylum procedures has changed the idea Mohammed had
about Europe, stressing that this will definitely have negative impacts on his integration
once hes allowed to stay in Netherlands. When I was obliged to escape Syria I felt
excluded, and now I have the same feeling in the Netherlands, he concludes.
5.3.2. Asylum motivations: preconceived opinions and beliefs
The Netherlands has a reputation of commitment to the basic principles of human rights.
Middle-Eastern asylum seekers choose for the Netherlands for their preconceived belief that
the Dutch government is willing to protect their rights as human beings, after being
persecuted in their home country. They all shared this belief prior to their arrival to the
Netherlands.

49

 ,
.
After being persecuted in my home country, when I decided to seek refuge in another
country to protect me and my rights as a human being, I could not find a better country
than the Netherlands. (A-3/130515)

, ,
.
The Netherlands is ranked at the top of countries that value human rights. The Dutch
government has established the International Criminal Court to prosecute those who violate
human rights, that is why I thought this country would be the most convenient destination
for me to apply asylum in. (H-2/280415)

.
I knew that countries like the Netherlands and Sweden respect human rights and provide
protection to asylum seekers. (J-4/130515)

. , ,
I had an image of the Netherlands to be one of the European countries that highly respects
human rights principles. (M-5/130515)
Another motive for Middle-Eastern asylum seekers to head to the Netherlands for seeking
refuge is the belief that the Dutch government maintains equality and fair opportunities for
all members of the society. Asylum seekers also believe that the Netherlands tries to preserve
the welfare of all of its citizens, including refugees. In the course of this research, the
respondents illustrated that the Netherlands is known for its critical position towards
discrimination, and that the government is believed to be highly committed to the principles
of equality, freedom and democracy.

,
.
I had an idea that the Netherlands enjoys democracy and maintains equality between its
citizens. I have also had an image that the treatment of the Dutch people with foreigners is
quite positive. (A-3/130515)

50

 ,
.
I expected this country to be democratic and treat everyone equally regardless of their
ethnic or cultural affiliations. (H-2/280415)

European countries are in general known for their democratic principles and fair
treatment with refugees. (J-4/130515)

, ,
.
I heard about this country that it treats everyone as human beings and gives fair
opportunity. I also had a picture of the country to maintain welfare of everyone without
discrimination. (M-5/130515)
All respondents had formed their opinions and beliefs about the Netherlands through their
social networks. In some cases, family members already based in the Netherlands provided
the asylum seekers with information about the country. In other cases, friends have been
used as a source of information. Those who havent chosen the Netherlands as a final
destination and yet applied for asylum in the country under certain circumstances still had an
image of the similarity of standards in west European countries.
Young Middle-Eastern asylum seekers have obtained further information about the
Netherlands and asylum procedures via the Internet. The data of this research shows that
young asylum seekers are literate with the use of the Internet compared to older fellows. This
topic was brought up by young respondents during interviews while answering the question
about the methods used to collect information about the Netherlands before applying for
asylum.

. .
I have also checked websites that provide information about the Netherlands and asylum
here. That was also helpful to confirm my image about the country. (H-2/280415)
.
. ,

51

I was positive about the Dutch society and the situation of refugees here. I looked for
information on internet sites and social media networks such as Facebook, where people
who applied for asylum here were mentioning the Netherlands in a positive way. (A3/130515)

5.3.3. Experiencing asylum procedures in the Netherlands

With mostly high expectations, asylum seekers arrive to the Netherlands and undergo a set of
procedures subsequent to submitting their applications. Middle-Eastern asylum seekers
seem to have a preconceived positive image about the Netherlands. However, the reality on
the ground doesnt always meet their expectations. The data of this study revealed that
asylum seekers with lower educational attainments and professional backgrounds in home
country are generally more satisfied with the initial phase of their life in the Netherlands than
those with higher educational attainments and professional backgrounds. This applies to
their experience of asylum procedures.
Hamza, who hasnt completed his primary education in Syria, explained that he so far had a
quite positive experience with the asylum procedures in the Netherlands.

. . .
My experience with the asylum procedures and the life in the asylum center confirmed the
image I had about the Netherlands before coming here. The treatment is quite decent and
there is a justice in the decision-making process about the applications. I can tell you that
what I have experienced so far even exceeds my expectations. (H-2/280415)
Jamshid, who dropped out from his primary school in Syria as well to work in construction,
also showed satisfaction with the asylum procedures and had a positive impression about the
services provided by the Dutch authorities to asylum seekers.

. ,
. ,
. .
. . ,
52

I have received all kinds of support since my arrival to the Netherlands. They have provided
me with all necessary services. The treatment is very decent and everything is available for
asylum seekers here. Officials of the IND were very kind to me and it did not take them too
long to accept my application and allowing me to stay. There is justice. I find Dutch people
very decent and kind to foreigners. I experience that every time I go out to the street of the
supermarket. Of course I was expecting this before coming to the country. I have suffered for
46 years of my life in Syria, only here I felt as a human being. I will always be grateful to this
country. (J-4/130515)
Unlike Hamza and Jamshid, Ali, who went to college of engineering in Iraq, showed less
satisfaction with the way the IND handles asylum cases. He argued that applications are not
being fairly reviewed. Ali also seems disappointed with the services provided in asylum
centers.

. ,
. ,
. . , ,
. . , ,
.
The authorities here do not care about the psychological status of asylum seekers. I have
been wearing the same clothes since I escaped Iraq because I do not have money to buy new
ones. Nobody ever asked me about my urgent needs. They (IND) have not made their
decision yet about my application because they want to investigate whether I am really
from Iraq. They did not believe me. They did not even take my educational background into
account. This is not what I have expected from the Netherlands. Not all services are
available. There are no activities to do in the asylum center. I feel depressed. I do not know
how long I have to wait here. (A-3/130515)
Muhammad, who holds a university master in public administration and worked for 25 years
as a governmental employee in Syria, was also disappointed with asylum procedures and life
in asylum center in the Netherlands. He even argued that hes in a state of shock with the
reality here. He expressed his complete dissatisfaction with the procedures and living
conditions in the asylum center. According to Muhammad, all his preconceived beliefs turned
to be baseless.
53

 . ,
. .
, .
. , .
.
. .
I had great expectations about Europe and especially the Netherlands, but my experience
with the reality here had turned my opinion 180 degrees. After six months of applying for
asylum here, I have not yet received any decision from the IND. I am suffering from a critical
health condition but I have not received the necessary treatment so far. The living
conditions in the asylum center are below the minimum standards. I have a very strong case
and I should have been granted a staying permit but they (IND) did not believe me. They did
not even take my professional background into consideration. There is no such a thing as
human rights here. They treat asylum seekers merely as files and numbers, not as human
beings. When I went to my appointment for an interview with the IND, they said there was a
problem with the system on the computer, so I had to return to the center and wait for a
new appointment, as if it was my own fault. Is this how developed countries look like? Until
this moment I cannot believe what is happening with me here. I am completely shocked.
(M-5/130515)
Thus, Middle-Eastern asylum seekers generally have positive preconceived beliefs about
asylum procedures and services in the Netherlands. In some cases, there is a degree of
positive match between the expectations and the reality. However, in other cases, the
experienced reality doesnt meet the expectations, which leads to frustration and switch of
opinion about the Netherlands and the INDs fairness in handling asylum cases.

5.3.4. Integration as defined by asylum seekers

Asylum seekers define integration as a process of becoming a part of the Dutch society and
feeling home in the Netherlands. Language proficiency is considered a first and essential step
towards integration. It opens the door towards an effective contribution to the society. This
contribution is understood as obtaining fair opportunities to study and work in the
Netherlands. According to the respondents, another condition for integration is the
acquaintance with and commitment to the Dutch laws and regulations. A sufficient
54

understanding of the Dutch traditions and culture is also considered necessary to facilitate
asylum seekers integration.
. .
.
Language is the key to integration. I believe I need to learn the language before anything
else. One also needs to know about the Dutch culture and the regulations to become a
member of the society. (A-3/130515)

.
. .
.
Having a sufficient language command will help me integrate in the Netherlands. Without
communication with Dutch people I cannot consider myself living in the Netherlands. I think
it is also important to learn about their culture and lifestyle. Integration is necessary for me
to find a good job and be accepted in the society. (H-2/280415)
. .
, .
.
.
When we talk about integration we are talking about feeling at home in the Netherlands.
Learning the language is a main condition. I also thing they will give me courses about
integration, then I can learn more about the history of this country and the Dutch way of
living. Then I can more easily approach people and they will be able to understand and
accept me. Integration also needs to know about their laws and to understand how life is
organized. (J-4/130515)
,
, . ,
.
.
Although I cannot think clearly due to my current unstable condition, but I do believe
learning the language will bring me closer to the Dutch people, and there the journey
towards integration starts. Knowing about their traditions is also important for a foreigner
55

to integrate, because without this knowledge a lot of misunderstandings may occur. And of
course the laws and regulations are important to know about in order to avoid anything
that may exclude a refugee from the Dutch social incubator. (M-5/130515)
Middle-Eastern asylum seekers generally agree that being integrated doesnt mean giving up
ones own cultural identity. The respondents believe that the Netherlands wont require them
to give up their mother tongue or traditions in order to be recognized as integrated members
of the Dutch society.
.
.
I do not think it is necessary to forget about your own identity in order to be accepted here.
I believe I can keep my cultural identity and get integrated at the same time. (H2/280415)

,
.
It is not a problem for me to give up everything in order to become a Dutch citizen and get
well-intergated. But still I do not think that would be necessary. (J-4/130515)
Thus, according to asylum seekers, learning Dutch, abiding by the national regulations and
respecting the Dutch culture are considered sufficient conditions to be accepted by the
society and be recognized as integrated in the Netherlands.

5.3.5. Aspirations and future plans

Asylum seekers who had a positive impression about asylum procedures showed a higher
degree of willingness to integrate and contribute to the society than those with a negative
impression.
Hamza and Jamshid, who were granted staying permits earlier than their fellows and had a
positive experience with the procedures, expressed their enthusiasm to make a career in the
Netherlands and contribute to the society as soon as they have the opportunity.

56

 . .
.
I have already started learning Dutch. I am absolutely ready to get integrated and I will do
whatever it takes. I am optimistic about my future here and I hope find a proper job in the
future and start a new life. (H-2/280415)

.
. , .
As soon as I receive an accommodation outside the camp, I will participate in a language
course. I will also try to learn more about life in the Netherlands to integrate quickly and be
able to have a decent job. I am currently focused on the family reunion procedures. But I am
optimistic. (J-4/130515)
However, Ali and Muhammad, who had a less positive impression about the asylum
procedures, expressed their disappointment and frustration regarding life in the Netherlands
and the associated issues of integration and future plans.
. . . .
I do not know. I am not very sure whether I can integrate in this country. I am frustrated.
Maybe it will take some time. (A-3/130515)
. ,
. .
.
Although I am sure I can integrate wherever I go, I do not think I will make any effort for it
in this country. My current experience with the procedures is shocking for me. I have a very
negative impression about they way I have been treated here. I cannot tell you how
depressed I am. It is very difficult for me to get out of this situation. (M-5/130515)
Asylum seekers who have a family are more focused on reunification issues. Theyre also
concerned with the integration and future of their children than their own future in the
Netherlands.
. .
. .

57

I keep asking my lawyer about the family reunification issue. It is very important for me to
have my children and wife around me. I am looking forward to that day. Here will be better
for the future of my children. (J-4/130515)
. .
. .
I do not know how long it would take to bring my family over here. I keep thinking about
this. I hope my children will have a different experience than mine. I hope they will have a
good future here. (M-5/130515)

5.4. Refugees: motivations, experience and attitudes towards integration

5.4.1. Refugees and their stories
Rania: A 27-year-old Palestinian refugee from Gaza Strip. She left her hometown with the
family, as her father was involved in political activities. As a 17-year-old girl, Rania
imagined to have a decent life with her family in the Netherlands. At that time, Ive
heard a lot about the commitment of the Netherlands to the basic principles of human
rights; thats how I built my image about this developed country in advance, she says.
However, being obliged to wait in an asylum camp for nearly five years without a staying
permit has turned that positive image upside down. Rania suffered depression due to
inactivity in the camp. I saw my father getting older and weaker over the years in the
camp, she says. When Rania and her family were recognized as refugees and were
granted staying permits, she started a new chapter of her life. Going to school was the
first step towards integration for me. Although I cannot easily forget the bitter memories
of asylum life, but I was able to make my way into the Dutch society, she says. Rania
now has a network of Dutch friends, which explains her advanced level of integration as
she says. I like to be addressed as an individual, not as a member of an ethnic group. Im
trying to make a positive impression about myself everywhere. Yet, what I cannot
understand is that I feel Dutch when Im with foreigners, and I feel like a Palestinian

58

when Im among Dutch fellows, she argues. Rania is now a masters student at the
University of Amsterdam, working hard for a better future.
Farhad: A 30-year-old Iraqi refugee from the city of Dohuk. He left his hometown during
the rule of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Farhad suffered trauma when his father was arrested
and sentenced to death by the former Iraqi regime in 1997. My father was a journalist
and he dared once to criticize Saddams regime, then he was executed. The case of my
father made the authorities at that time suspicious of the whole family. We were under
constant surveillance by agents of the secret service. When I felt that I may face a similar
fate as my father, I decided to escape with the support of my family, he says. Farhad
then went to Turkey and arranged his journey to the Netherlands through a smuggler. A
false passport helped him to fly to France, from which he took a train to the Netherlands.
A friend of mine advised me to come to the Netherlands, he adds. Although he was
recognized as a refugee quickly after his arrival, Farhad isnt satisfied with his life in the
Netherlands. For 10 years Ive been trying to get integrated within the Dutch society,
but Ive never succeeded. I always felt that the path towards integration in this country is
blocked. I always did my best at work, but Ive never been promoted. I tried hard to have
good relations with my Dutch colleagues and neighbors, but I failed as well. So now my
social network only includes foreigners (allochtonen), he says. Farhad currently works
at a leather factory in Dongen.
Ahmed: A 33-year-old Iraqi refugee from the city of Kirkuk. Eight years ago, Ahmed left
Iraq after being frequently threaten by an Islamist militia that had taken over his
neighborhood in Kirkuk. The militants demanded him to join their ranks and fight
against government forces. When he refused, they threatened him to execute all his
family members. We found a way out of Iraq. My whole family crossed into Jordan. But
we didnt feel very safe there. So, after two months we headed to Egypt, he says. After
spending three weeks in Egypt, Ahmed met a smuggler who helped him and his family to
reach Europe. It was an illegal journey. We traveled with fake passports that costed us
thousands of dollars. But fortunately weve finally been able to reach a safe haven, he
adds. The reputation of the Netherlands as a state that defends basic principles of human
rights has been the main stimulator for Ahmed and his family to head to this country.
Although the first impression he had subsequent to his arrival to the Netherlands was
59

positive, Ahmed currently endures difficulties in terms of integration. There are many
constraints that prevent a man like me from being integrated within the Dutch society. I
feel that the Dutch people prefer to hold a distance when dealing with foreigners. They
try to emphasize the ethnic markers whenever they have a chance to. The continuous
discussion about allochtonen (foreigners) and autochtonen (natives) illustrates that
there is no such a thing like a real integration, he argues. Ahmed currently works as a
salesman in Eindhoven.
Salim: A 49-year-old Syrian refugee from Aleppo. He studied medicine and then
specialized in gynecology. For twelve years, Salim has been working as a gynecologist at
his private clinic as well as in a public hospital in his hometown Aleppo. Being accused of
having ties with a banned political party in Syria, Salim suffered pressures by the
security forces in 2008. When the pressures mounted and his life became in danger, he
decided to escape Syria together with his family. Turkey was his first station, where he
met with a smuggler who arranged a direct flight for him and his family from Ataturk
airport in Istanbul to Amsterdam. They then applied for asylum and undergone a set of
procedures. After two years in a refugee camp, Salim and his family were granted a
staying permit. However, life hasnt been easy for Salim outside of the camp. Despite my
constant attempts to adjust my degrees in accordance with the Dutch educational
system, Ive made no progress. After working as a gynecologist in Syria for years, the
only chance Ive got here in the Netherlands is having a position as an assistant in a
clinic, which I find quite unfair, he says. The constraints he encountered while trying to
adjust his degree in the Netherlands has negatively affected Salims integration process.
How could I integrate into a society that hasnt yet appreciated my expertise and
scientific background? Im deeply disappointed, he concludes.
5.4.2. Refugees: preconceived opinions and beliefs
In spite of spending years in the Netherlands following asylum procedures, Middle-Eastern
refugees are still able to recall their preconceived beliefs about the host country before
arrival. All respondents shared the preconceived opinion that the Netherlands respects and
protects human rights.
. ,
60

When asking about the Netherlands, the first impression was that this is a country of
human rights. (R-7/090515)
.
. ,
I have heard a lot about their respect for refugees and their humanistic way of handling
asylum cases. I have heard that this country treats you as a human being, that is a main
reason for me to be here. (F-8/110515)
. .
The Netherlands a country where nobody is allowed to violate basic human rights, that is
how I was introduced to this country before coming here. (A-9/070515)
, ,
.
For a refugee, to be treated on a humanitarian basis is crucial, and the Netherlands has
always been at the top of Western countries that respect the basic principles of human
rights. (S-6/030515)
Another motive for Middle-Eastern refugees to head to the Netherlands is the countrys
reputation of enjoying justice, equality, democracy and welfare. Refugees expect the Dutch
authorities to recognize their right to an asylum permit. They also expect to become active
members of the society by being provided with fair opportunities in terms of work and
study equal to Dutch citizens. Furthermore, refugees anticipate better living conditions in
the Netherlands than in their home countries.
. .
. , .
I have expected the Netherlands to be a country of equality and democracy. A country
where there is no discrimination. This is the image I had about this country before coming
here. I also expected a better quality of life, especially in terms of safety. And above all, I
expected to continue my academic and professional life as I used to in Syria. (S-6/030515)

61

 .
. .
.
The main reason for choosing the Netherlands to apply for asylum was that I might enjoy a
better living conditions. I was awaiting a good job opportunity in this country to make a
better future. Another reason was that there is justice in this country. So I anticipated
getting a staying permit immediately after applying. (F-8/110515)
.
.
.
I had an idea about the Dutch people that they are welcoming refugees and do not
discriminate. I was motivated to complete my studies here. I also awaited the IND to handle
asylum cases fairly since this country is known for its commitment to the principles of justice
and equality. (R-7/090515)
. ,
.
Before coming to the Netherlands, I expected to receive a permit and become a citizen. I
thought then I would be able to have a decent job and become part of this society. (A9/070515)
Middle-Eastern refugees rely on their social networks to collect information about asylum
and life in the Netherlands. The data of this research shows that refugees usually form their
preconceived opinions and beliefs about the host country either through family members or
friends who have been living in the Netherlands or other western countries for years. Their
social networks introduce them with pros and cons of applying for asylum in a certain
western country.

5.4.3. Experiencing asylum procedures in the Netherlands

Refugees usually have high expectations when it comes to asylum procedures in the
Netherlands. However, the actual experience of the procedures is not always positive. The
data of this research illustrates that, in some cases, Middle-Eastern refugees are satisfied with
62

the procedures and life in asylum centers before being granted a staying permit and move to
an accommodation in a town or a city. While in other cases the data shows a negative
experience by refugees concerning asylum procedures. The respondents in this part of the
study recalled their experiences that took place years ago in asylum centers and IND
headquarters.
. , .
. . .

.
It was a good experience indeed. I was granted a staying permit within one year, while
others had to wait for several years. The VWN and my lawyer helped me a lot. Also the
situation in the asylum center was good. All necessary services were available. Yet I was
wondering why many people had to wait so long and then be expelled from the country
when they had nowhere else to go. (F-8/110515)
. . ,
. . .
Everyone was helpful, even the officials of the IND. They showed me respect and
understanding of the reasons why I fled my home country. Everything was positive during
the procedures and in the asylum center. And fortunately I received my staying permit. It
was a fair decision indeed. (A-9/070515)
. .
. .
. .
.
I do not want to remember that phase of my life. I had to wait for five year in the camp.
That caused my depression. I saw many people get staying permits and move on with their
lives, while I had to wait together with my family all those years. At that time I recognized
there was no justice. The IND could not make the right decision on my familys case despite
all the evidences. It has been very hard for me to go through all of that. (R-7/090515)

63

 . , . ,
. , .
. .
On the one hand, the treatment was very decent, and the lawyer was very helpful. On the
other hand, I had to wait for two years in the camp. There was no clear reason for this. It
took the IND two years to make a decision about my case, I do not know why. Maybe
because they did not believe me in the beginning, although I provided them with several
supporting documents about my case. I can tell you that I was really depressed at that time
due to the long period of waiting. (S-6/030515)
Thus, refugees who were granted a staying permit within a shorter period of time showed
more satisfaction with asylum procedures than those who had to wait longer. Using the term
camp to describe an asylum center conveys a dreadful image for the experience of a lengthy
residence in the center.
All respondents emphasized the helpful assistance of their lawyers and social workers of the
VWN during the procedures. Refugees who received a staying permit within a shorter period
of time also showed satisfaction with the treatment of the IND officials and the decisionmaking process. Whereas those who had to wait longer in asylum centers suffered
depression and expressed their disappointment with the way the IND operates.

5.4.4. Integration as defined by naturalised refugees

According to Middle-Eastern refugees, integration is a process of learning about the Dutch
society and being accepted as members of this society. On the one hand, refugees need to
learn the language and understand the Dutch mentality, traditions and lifestyle. On the other
hand, the Dutch society is required to accept refugees cultural background. As respondents
explained, it is not only the responsibility of refugees to seek integration in the Netherlands,
but it is also the responsibility of the Dutch society to perceive them as members and provide
them with fair opportunities to contribute to the society.
.
.
64

Learning the language and understanding the traditions are very necessary for any refugee
to integrate in the Netherlands. But one also needs the right opportunities to feel accepted
and subsequently make more efforts to integrate and contribute to the society in this
country. (A-9/070515)
.
. .
.
To become well-integrated one needs to understand the Dutch mentality through living and
working among natives. But the society itself is also responsible for a refugees integration.
There should be fair work opportunities. We need to feel accepted in order to be more
motivated to integrate. (F-8/110515)

. . , .
.
Integration requires knowing about the native society and its customs how life is
organized and what the best ways are to create close relationships with the Dutch people.
Without this, a new member cannot feel as a part of this society. It takes a lot of effort
indeed. Also one needs to feel that his own cultural background is appreciated. (R7/090515)
. .
. , .
. . ,
. ,
Understanding the Dutch culture and language is the first condition to integrate. This can
help in living harmoniously with the rest of the society in the Netherlands. Also showing
respect to the laws and regulations is necessary. On the other hand, the society itself should
show respect to the cultural identities of its new members. The society should be receptive
and provide good opportunities, whether in work domain or in the academic field. They
should appreciate the expertise of refugees. If both sides make sufficient efforts, I think there
will be no problem with the integration issue. (S-6/030515)
65

Refugees explain the degree of their integration in accordance with the opportunities they
are given in the Netherlands. Contribution to the society is not only the responsibility of
individuals, but also the responsibility of the society itself. Refugees show willingness to
adapt to the Dutch culture, but they also emphasize the limited opportunities they are
provided with in the society. On the one hand, refugees define integration in terms of learning
the language and obtaining knowledge about the Dutch culture and traditions. On the other
hand, they rely on the acceptance of the society itself by providing them with the right
opportunities to integrate.

5.4.5. Naturalisation and integration

Naturalisation, defined as obtaining citizenship, is not a sufficient condition for a refugee to
feel as an integrated member of society in the Netherlands. In all cases, being granted a Dutch
passport hasnt changed refugees attitudes towards integration. The process of integration
takes efforts on the part of the refugees as well as the Dutch society itself. Most of the
respondents blamed the society for not providing them with the right opportunities to
advance on the ladder of integration.
. .
. . ,
.
Naturalisation plays no role at all. It did not give me a feeling of becoming Dutch or
becoming a genuine part of the society. When I feel excluded at work and when my Dutch
neighbors do not give me the chance to be closer, that document in my pocket cannot
change my life. There is discrimination in this country. I think that is the main reason why I
failed to integrate after all these years. (F-8/110515)
. ,
. ,
, .
. . ,
. , .
Obtaining the Dutch passport gave me a feeling of security, because I am now allowed to
stay permanently in the Netherlands with my family. However, naturalization has not
66

eliminated the constraints I endure at work and in my daily life. I tried hard to be
integrated, but I can say I have not succeeded yet. Nobody can blame for avoiding contacts
with my Dutch colleagues at work, because every time I tried it ended with failure. They are
in a different mood every time they come to work. I do not know how to approach those
people. I cannot understand them. Also, the continuous discussion about allochtonen and
autochtonen illustrates that there is no such a thing like a real integration. (A-9/070515)
. . .
. . .
. ,
. .
Naturalisation has not changed my feeling towards my identity. It did not really influence
my integration. I feel integrated to a certain degree. I work among Dutch colleague and I
have never had a problem with them. Yet I do not feel that I am well integrated. My negative
experience over the years played a role in that. I have not been recognized as a doctor in this
country, which undermined my feeling of belongingness to this society compared to my
situation in Syria. My relation with the society is built on mutual respect, no more. I do not
really belong here. (S-6/030515)
. .
, .
. ,
. .
It makes no difference whether a person is naturalised or not in order to be integrated. I
feel integrated in the Dutch society. I have many Dutch friends. Only when my Dutch friends
discuss the issue of differences between allochtonen and autochtonen I get confused,
because I feel more like Dutch when I am with foreigners, and in some situations I feel
Palestinian. This identity issue is no big deal for me. I like to be addressed as an individual.
(R-7/090515)
Refugees expect similar rights and opportunities as other Dutch citizens. Naturalisation plays
a minor role in the integration of Middle-Eastern refugees. The refugees explain that the

67

attitude towards integration is formed prior to the naturalisation phase. It depends on their
experiences in the society over the years subsequent to being granted a staying permit.

68

6. Conclusions and Discussion

In this chapter, the results of this study will be summarized and the central research question
will be answered. The research question is: How do the motivations of Middle-Eastern refugees
influence their attitudes towards integration in the Netherlands?
Motivations, defined in this study as preconceived opinions and beliefs, have a considerable
influence on the attitudes of Middle-Eastern asylum seekers and refugees towards
integration in the Netherlands. Middle-Eastern Third Country Nationals share a positive
image about the Netherlands prior to their arrival. Middle-Eastern asylum seekers and
refugees have a preconceived belief that the Dutch government is willing to protect their
rights as human beings and to fairly handle their asylum cases. They also expect to become
active members of the society by being provided with fair opportunities. This is based on
their preconceived opinion that the Netherlands is a democratic country that maintains
principles of equality and justice. Furthermore, they anticipate better living conditions in the
Netherlands than in their home countries. The respondents had formed their opinions and
beliefs about the Netherlands through their social networks. Young Middle-Eastern asylum
seekers have obtained further information about the Netherlands and asylum procedures via
the Internet. With mostly high expectations, Middle-Eastern asylum seekers arrive to the
Netherlands and undergo a set of procedures subsequent to submitting their applications.
After being recognized as refugees and given the chance to stay in the Netherlands, they
experience life within the society. However, the reality on the ground doesnt always meet
their expectations. The match or mismatch between the preconceived image of the
Netherlands and their actual experiences seems crucial for their attitudes towards
integration.
Middle-Eastern asylum seekers and refugees define integration as a process of becoming a
part of the Dutch society and feeling home in the Netherlands. Language proficiency is
considered a first and essential step towards integration. It opens the door towards an
effective contribution to the society. This contribution is understood as obtaining fair
opportunities to study and work in the Netherlands. According to the respondents, another
condition for integration is the acquaintance with and commitment to the Dutch laws and
69

regulations. A sufficient understanding of the Dutch traditions and culture is also considered
necessary to facilitate refugees integration. Middle-Eastern asylum seekers and refugees
generally agree that being integrated doesnt mean giving up ones own cultural identity.
Naturalization plays a minor role in the integration of Middle-Eastern refugees. According to
the respondents, the attitude towards integration is formed prior to the naturalization phase.
It depends on their experiences in the society over the years subsequent to being granted a
staying permit.
Furthermore, this study has revealed that:

Asylum seekers and refugees who were granted a staying permit within a shorter period
of time showed more satisfaction with asylum procedures than those who had to wait
longer.

Asylum seekers with lower educational attainments and professional backgrounds in

home country are generally more satisfied with the initial phase of their life in the
Netherlands than those with higher educational attainments and professional
backgrounds.

Highly educated asylum seekers anticipate convenient academic and professional

positions in the Netherlands, whereas those with lower educational attainments aspire for
a stable life regardless of the nature of their jobs.

Young asylum seekers are highly motivated to integrate within the Dutch society, whereas
the older asylum seekers are more concerned with the integration of their children than
themselves.

Highly educated refugees showed more understanding to the issue of integration and the
diversity of the Dutch society than the lower educated refugees.

All refugees showed dissatisfaction with the work environment in the Netherlands,
arguing that employers do not provide them with promotion opportunities under the
pretext of insufficient language proficiency.

This study has also shown that the social workers of the VWN and specialized asylum lawyers
play a major role in bridging asylum seekers with the operators of the IND. The legal
assistance helps raising the awareness of asylum seekers about asylum procedures in the
70

Netherlands. Mediators provide asylum seekers with the necessary support to get a staying
permit. They also assist in motivating applicants once they are rejected by the authorities and
help them to reapply. The results of this study have illustrated that the Dutch Council for
Refugees (Vluchtelingenwerk Nederland) and asylum lawyers provide consultations and
assistance services to asylum seekers. They play the role of mediators between the asylum
seekers and the authorities. During asylum procedures, they update clients about the recent
developments of their cases, explain the procedures, clarify content of official decisions made
on the cases by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (IND), explain the potential
consequences of each kind of official decision and accordingly illustrate legal arrangements.
They also provide asylum seekers with relevant information about their possible
opportunities in the Netherlands in the long run. Mediators hold a critical position towards
the way the IND handles asylum cases. Decisions made by the IND on asylum cases mainly
concern credibility issues. Questioning the credibility of a case stems from the personal
interpretation of IND officials. Asylum cases are being assessed on the basis of statements
made by an asylum seeker during the hearings. The assessment of an application can be
influenced by politics and public debates. Also, the procedural context in which the
interpretation of an asylum case takes place can influence the decision of whether or not to
grant a staying permit to an asylum seeker.
This study has revealed that Middle-Eastern asylum seekers are attracted to the Netherlands
because of its reputation as a state that maintains principles of equality, justice, protection of
human rights, preservation of human welfare and the perceived European panacea of
democracy. These findings are in line with the definition of pull factors introduced by
Doornbos et al (2001) in terms of attractiveness of a particular country of destination. This
also confirms the explanation provided by Bocker and Havinga (1996) about the role of the
preconceived characteristics of a host country in attracting asylum seekers. Bocker and
Havinga emphasize that a country's asylum policies and regulations, employment and
education opportunities, and its democratic image attract a migrant's attention. This study
has shown that refugees mainly rely on their networks to gain information about the
Netherlands, which is aligned with the description of Massey & Espinosa (1997) about
migrant networks as determinants for new migrants selection of a host country. De Haas
(2010) explains that understanding the significance of migrant networks, also known as
71

transnational networks, is deemed to be necessary while handling issues related to

immigration policy.
The findings of this study have indicated that integration is a multifaceted and complex
concept. This is in line with Robinsons (1998) definition of integration as a fuzzy notion that
holds different facets across disciplines. According to the data of this research, integration
implies becoming part of the prevalent society and contributing to it. This contribution
requires efforts by a refugee and the society itself. On the one hand, a refugee needs a
minimum degree of knowledge and willingness in order to integrate. On the other hand, the
Dutch society bears the responsibility of providing fair opportunities to its new members in
order to facilitate their integration. Fyvie et al (2003) emphasize that education, training,
labour market, housing and health are critical for integration. Castles et al (2002) define
integration as a two-way process that needs some degree of adaptation by the host country
and the refugee. Furthermore, Portes (1997) explains integration in terms of
multidimensionality, defining integration as a multidimensional process that involves
individuals, immigration and refugee organizations, and the society as a whole. This is in line
with the findings of this study about the mutual responsibility of the different stakeholders to
facilitate refugees integration in the Netherlands. Moreover, the results of this study have
shown that the three dimensions of integration political, cultural and socio-economic are
necessary to meet for a refugee to consider himself/herself as well integrated. Messina &
Lahav (2006) identify political integration as a process of providing political and legal rights
to migrants in order to guarantee their equality with other citizens of the host country.
Castels (2000) explains that cultural integration requires a sufficient knowledge of the
language and understanding of norms and values of the receiving country. The socioeconomic integration, according to Regout (2011), implies access to welfare, education,
housing, social services and employment. Reaching these aspects of integration is deemed to
be crucial for refugees to function as regular members of the society.
6.1. Recommendations
1. Unifying services in all asylum centers in the Netherlands, as some centers are less
serviced than others.

72

2. Offering preliminary courses on Dutch language and integration in asylum centers to

prepare recognized refugees for life in the Netherlands.
3. Providing psychological support for asylum seekers from conflict zones, and taking their
health conditions into account during asylum procedures.
4. Facilitating family reunification procedures for recognized refugees in order to minimize
the constraints of starting a new life in the Netherlands.
5. Providing asylum seekers with a sufficient preparation phase in order to thoroughly
discuss their cases with lawyers and collect the required documents before undergoing
asylum procedures. A clear case with supportive documents facilitates the decision-making
process at the IND and helps avoiding lengthy investigations later on.
6. Providing refugees with fair opportunities in the Netherlands in accordance with their
academic and professional backgrounds. This can help in decreasing feelings of exclusion on
the refugees part, facilitate their integration in the Netherlands and increase their
willingness to contribute to the Dutch society.
6.2. Limitations and future research
This study is based on interviews with asylum seekers, refugees and a legal assistant, as well
as a review of public documents in the Netherlands.
While the number of respondents is sufficient for this study, future studies on the same topic
with a higher number of respondents may provide richer and more reliable findings.
All asylum seekers who participated in this study were male, and most of the refugees were
male as well. This study only included one female respondent. This was due to the difficulty
of having access to female asylum seekers and refugees in the mostly conservative MiddleEastern communities. Future research may include a higher number of female respondents in
order to bring about new findings that this study lacks.
Furthermore, some of the asylum seekers who participated in this study have not given
permission to record their interviews for security concerns. Therefore, the researcher
resorted to handwriting in collecting the respondents answers during the interview.
Although the essence of every answer has been written, some of the data may have been
missed, preventing thorough analysis of the respondents speech in some cases.
73

This study focused on Dutch policy documents that have been released in the last few years in
order to analyze the current national discourse on immigration and integration in the
Netherlands. Future research can shed more light on the development of the national
discourse through studying documents issued in the past decades in order to provide a
thorough analysis of the immigration and naturalization policies in the Netherlands.

74

References
Albrecht, H. J. (2002). Fortress Europe? Controlling illegal immigration. European Journal of
Crime. Criminal Law and Criminal Justice: Vol 10/1, 1-22.
Bauman, Z. (1998). Globalization: the Human Consequences. New York: Columbia University
Press.
Beck, U. (2011). Multiculturalism or cosmopolitanism: How can we describe and understand
the diversity of the world?. Social Sciences in China 32(4): 52-58
Berry, J.W. (1997). Immigration, Acculturation and Adaptation, in Applied Psychology. An
International Review, Vol. 46 (1) pp. 5-68.
Bevelander, P. and Lundh, C. (2007). Employment integration of refugees: the influence of local
factors on refugee job opportunities in Sweden. Discussion Paper No. 2551. Bonn: Institute for
the Study of Labor.
Bevelander, P. and Veenman, J. (2006). Naturalisation and socioeconomic integration: the Case
of the Netherlands. Bonn: Institute for the Study of Labor.
Biernacki, P., & Waldorf, D. (1981). Snowball sampling: Problems and techniques of chain
referral sampling. Sociological Methods & Research, 10(2), 141-163.
Blommaert, J. (2005). Discourse: A Critical Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Blommaert, J., & Dong, J. (2010). Ethnographic fieldwork: A beginners guide. Bristol:
Multilingual Matter.
Blommaert, J. (2010). Te Sociolinguistics of Globalization. Cambridge approaches to language
contact. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bocker, A. & Havinga, T. (1996). Asylum Migration to the European Union: Patterns of origin
and destination. Nijmegen, Institute for Sociology of Law.

75

Bommes, M., Fassmann, H., Sievers, W. (2014). Migration from the Middle East and North
Africa to Europe. Past Developments, Current Status and Future Potentials. Amsterdam:
Amsterdam University Press.
Boswell, C. (2003). European Migration Policies in Flux. Changing Patterns of inclusion and
exclusion. Blackwell, Oxford: Chatham House Papers.
Brandt, K. L. (2010). Making immigrant integration work: a case study of refugee resettlement
in Philadelphia, PA. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Broeders, D. & Engbersen G. (2007). The fight against illegal migration: Identification policies
and immigrants counterstrategies. American Behavioral Scientist: 50 (12): 1892-1609.
Carrera, S. (2006). A Comparison of Integration Programmes in the EU: Trends and
Weaknesses. Centre for European Policy Studies: Brussels. (Challenge Papers, 1).
Castles, S., Davison, A. (2000). Citizenship and migration: globalization and the politics of
belonging. Basingstoke, Macmillan, 2000.
Castles, S., Korac, M., Vasta, E., & Vertovec, S. (2002). Integration: Mapping the Field. Oxford:
Refugees Studies Centre, University of Oxford.
Castles, S. & Miller, M.J. (2003). The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in
the Modern World. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke.
Charmaz, K. (2003). "Grounded Theory." The SAGE Encyclopedia of Social Science Research
Methods. SAGE Publications.
Coffey, A., B. Holbrook and P. Atkinson (1996). Qualitative Data Analysis: Technologies and
Representations. Sociological Research, vol. 1, no. 1.
Cornelius, W. (2005). Controlling unwanted immigration: Lessons from the United States,
1993-2004. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies: 31 (4): 775-794.
Cortes, K.E. (2004). Are refugees different from economic immigrants? Some empirical
evidence on the heterogeneity of immigrant groups in the United States. The Review of
Economics and Statistics, 86, 465-480.
76

Croucher, S.L. (2004). Globalization and Belonging: The Politics of Identity, a Changing World.
Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield.
De Haas, H. (1010). The Internal Dynamics of Migration Processes: A Theoretical Inquiry.
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 1587-1617.
Dolfin, S., Genicot, G. (2006). What Do Networks Do? The Role of Networks on Migration and
Coyote Use. Georgetown: Georgetown University.
Doornbos, N., Kuijpers, A. M., & Shalmashi K. (2001). Refugees in their way to a safe country.
Centre for Migration Law. University of Nijmegen.
Doornhein, L. & N. Dijkhoff (1995). Toevlucht zoeken in Nederland. WODC nr. 148, Arnhem.
Eagly, AH., Chaiken, S. (1998). Attitude Structure and Function. McGraw-Hill.
Entzinger, H. (2005). Changing the rules while the game is on: Fron multiculturalism to
assimilation in the Netherlands, in M. Bodemann & G. Yukadul (eds.), Migration, citizenship,
ethnos: Incorporation regimes in Germany. Western Europe and North America. New York:
Plagrave MacMillan.
European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE). (1999). Position on the integration of
refugees in Europe. London: ECRE.
Farrell, E. J. (2008). Negotiating Identity: Discources of Migration and Belonging. Sydney:
University of Sydney.
Faugier, J., & Sargeant M. (1997). Sampling hard to reach populations. Journal of Advanced
Nursing, 26, 790-797.
Favell, A. (1998). Philosophies of Integration: Immigration and The Ideal of Citizenship in
France and Britain. Basingstoke: Macmillan.
Feeney, A. (2000). Refugee employment. Local Economy, 15(4), 343-349.
Fyvie, A., Ager, A., Curley, G. & Korac, M. (2003). Integration Mapping the Field Volume II:
distilling policy lessons from the mapping the field exercise. Home Office Online Report
29/03.
77

Geddes, S. (2003). The Politics of Migration and Immigration in Europe. London: SAGE.
Golafshani, N. (2003). Understanding Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research.
University of Toronto.
Government of the Netherlands. (2015). Government to intensify mobile immigration control.
Official website. Retrieved from: http://www.government.nl/news/2014/05/23/government-tointensify-mobile-immigration-control.html

Grabovszki, E. (2002). The Impact of Globalization and the New Media on the Notion of World
Literature. Comparative Literature and Comparative Cultural Studies. West Lafayette: Purdue.
Gunter, B.G., Hoeven. R. (2004). The Social Dimension of Globalization: A Review of the
Literature. Policy Integration Department, International Labour Office, Geneva.
Heaton, J. (2004). Reworking qualitative data. London : Sage Publications Limited.
Hjerm, M. and Bohman, A. (2012). Framlingsfientlighet hundra ar av forskning. Framtider,
tidskrift fran Institutet for framtidsstudier, nr 2 2012.
Hjerm, M. and Nagayoshi, K. (2011). The composition of the minority population as a threat:
Can real economic and cultural threats explain xenophobia? International Sociology 26(6).
Hogg, M. & Vaughan, G. (2005). Social Psychology (4th Edition). Prentice Hall: London.
Hulshof, M., L. de Ridder & P. Krooneman. (1992). Asielzoekers in Nederland. Amsterdam:
Instituut voor Sociale Geografie Universiteit van Amsterdam.
Icek, A., Fishbein, M. (1977). Attitude-behavior relations: A theoretical analysis and review of
empirical research. Psychological Bulletin, Vol 84(5), 888-918.
Jacobsen, K. (2001). The forgotten solution: local integration for refugees in developing
countries. Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy, Tufts University.
Jones. A. (2006). Dictionary of Globalization. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Khan, A. (1997). Post-migration investment in education by immigrants in the United States.
Quarterly Review of Economics and Finance, 37, 285-313.

78

Korac, M. (2003). Integration and how we facilitate it: A comparative study of the settlement
experiences of refugees in Italy and the Netherlands. Sociology, 37, 51- 68.
Koser, K., Lutz, H. (1998). The New Migration in Europe: Social Constructions and Social
Realities. London: Macmillan Press.
Lahav, G. (2004). Immigration and Politics in the New Europe. Cambridge University Press:
Cambridge.
Luthra, R., Platt, L. & Salamonska, J. (2014). Migrant diversity, migration motivations and early
integration: the case of Poles in Germany, the Netherlands, London and Dublin. The London
School of Economics and Political Science.
Massey, D., Espinosa, K. (1997). Whats Driving Mexico U.S. Migration? A Theoretical,
Empirical, and Policy Analysis. American Journal of Sociology, 383-414.
Messina, A., Lahav, G. (2006). The migration reader: exploring Politics and Policies. Boulder,
Lynne Rienner, 2006.
Portes, A. (1997). Immigration Theory For A New Century: Some Problems and Opportunities.
International Migration Review, 31, 799-825.
Refugee Council. (1997). An agenda for action - challenges for refugee settlement in the UK.
Regout, S. (2011). The Integration of Immigrant Communities in France, the United Kingdom
and the Netherlands: National Models in a European Context. Migration Studies Unit: London
School of Economics and Political Science.
Rein, M. & Schon, D. (1993). Reframing policy discourse. in F. Fisher and J. Forester (Eds.).
The Argumentative Turn in Policy Analysis and Planning. Durham, NC: Duke University
Press. 145-166.
Rietz, J. (2002). Host societies and the reception of immigrants: Research themes, emerging
theories and methodological issues. The International Migration Review, 36(4), 1005-1019.
Robinson, Robinson, V. (1998). Dening and measuring successful refugee integration,
79

Proceedings of ECRE International conference on Integration of Refugees in Europe, Antwerp

November 1998. Brussels: European Council on Refugees and Exiles.
Ryan, R. and Deci, E. (2000). Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivations: Classic Definitions and New
Directions. University of Rochester.
Scholten, P. (2011). Framing Immigrant Integration: Dutch Research-Policy Dialogues In
Comparative Perspective. IMISCOE Research. Amsterdam University Press.
Schwarz, N. and Bohner, G. (2001). The Construction of Attitudes. University of Michigan &
University of Kent. 436-457.
Shi-xu, (2007). Discourse as Cultural Struggle. Hong Kong University Press. Intercultural
Pragmatics, 2007, v. 4-2, p. 85-96.
Statistics Netherlans. (2012). Jaarrapportage integratie 2012. Retrieved from
Rijksoverheid.nl: http://www.rijksoverheid.nl/documenten-enpublicaties/rapporten/2013/02/19/jaarrapportage-integratie-2012.html
Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and procedures for
developing grounded theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Tomlinson, F., & Egan, S. (2002). From marginalization to (dis)empowerment: Organizing
training and employment services for refugees. Human Relations, 55(8), 10191043.
United Nations High Commission for Refugees (2001). The State of the Worlds Refugees:
Fifty Years of Humanitarian Action. Geneva: UNHCR.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (2002). Statistical Yearbook, 2001. Geneva:
UNHCR.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (2007). Convention relating to the status of
refugees. Geneva: UNHCR.
Vertovec, S. (2007). Super-diversity and its implications. Ethnic and Racial Studies: 30(6):
1024-1054.

80

Zetter, R. (2007). More Labels, Fewer Refugees: Remaking the Refugee Label in an Era of
Globalization. Journal of Refugee Studies, 20(2).
Zimmermann, K. (1995). Tackling the European migration problem. Journal of Economic
Perspectives: 9 (2), 45-62.
Zorlu, A., Hartog, J. (2001). Migration and Immigrants: The Case of the Netherlands. Institute
for Migration and Ethnic Studies. University of Amsterdam. Migration policy and the
economy: international experiences. Munchen: Hans Seidel Stiftung, 2001.

81