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TITLE PAGE:
Scott E. Robinson*
And
Angela Bies
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Abstract:
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Introduction
Numerous and frequently poignant stories emerged after Hurricane Katrina in the fall of
2005. Most remember the horror stories of the crowds of people neglected at the Superdome.
Many remember the images of entire neighborhoods being washed away as the flood waters
overtook the levees in New Orleans or wiped away as the storm scoured coastal communities.
The result of these perceptions resulted in a negative assessment of how ―the government‖
(defined broadly) handled the disaster. Not all of the stories, however, were so negative. Amid
the stories of government neglect and incompetence (which sadly, often overshadowed stories of
the heroism and competence of many civil servants), many contrasting stories emerged about the
successful efforts of private companies and nonprofit organizations to provide relief. These
organizations who provided services to those affected by a disaster but whose mission was not
primarily disaster related. Examples of such secondary disaster organizations include local
churches that provided shelter or food to people in their community who lost their homes;
schools that enrolled the children of evacuees; or animal protection organizations that provided
assistance to evacuees with pets. These stories led to a shift in public perception about the role
and capacity of government to address future disasters adequately, and led many to call for an
increased role for private and nonprofit organizations, as secondary disaster organizations, in
The emergence of private and nonprofit actors as key players in disaster response has
raised the profile and perceived utility of secondary disaster organizations in emergency
management. It is now clear that emergency preparedness must include a role for local business
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organizations, local welfare agencies, local education institutions, local religious institutions, and
many others. It is increasingly clear that effective disaster response calls for the incorporation of
organizations for which disasters are not their primary mission. In this paper, we address two
Texas public school districts, we investigate how school districts (not primarily disaster
organizations) connect to nonprofit organizations (including many relief organizations and non-
disaster nonprofits). In the first part of the paper, we discuss the existing literature on
collaboration and emergency response. From this literature, we adapt general hypotheses related
hypotheses focus on the role of organizational structure to create capacity for collaboration. We
then describe a survey that we conducted of Texas school districts to assess their collaborative
practices in emergency response and its results. Finally, we discuss the most important questions
Collaboration has been the subject of great interest in policy and practice discussions
(e.g. Choi, 2008; Gazley & Brudney, 2007; Graddy & Chen, 2006) and become a popular subject
of speculation and research in public administration (Foster & Meinhard, 2002; McGuire, 2006;
O’Toole, 1997; Waugh & Streib, 2006). Despite such interest, collaboration is defined variously
central concern resting on the issue of at what point a cooperative relationship transforms into a
collaborative one. Across this continuum, for example, collaboration might span from structures
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that are informal and episodic, such as collaboration on a task force by business, citizen, and
nonprofit organizations to address an acute public health concern, to highly formalized contracts
Collaboration has also been defined in terms of process aspects around a problem about
which ―parties that see different aspects of a problem can constructively explore their differences
and search for solutions that go beyond their own limited visions of what is possible‖ (Gray,
1989, p. 5). It is clear, however, collaboration ―suggests something less than authoritative
coordination and something more than tacit cooperation‖ (Foster, 2002, p. 19). Collaboration for
address a disaster response need, whether as part of an existing collaboration or in the context of
involving government, business, nonprofits and philanthropies, communities, and/or the public
as a whole‖ (2006, p. 44). The specific policy domains in which people have investigated
collaborative public management have ranged from environmental regulation (Koontz &
Thomas, 2006), social service delivery (Provan & Milward, 1995), and –the focus of this paper –
emergency management (Waugh & Streib, 2006; Simo & Bies, 2007). In each of these areas,
writers have been optimistic that collaborative practices will improve outcomes and efficiency,
as well as increase the democratic inclusion of stakeholders. However, there are still many
(Robinson, 2006).
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One gap in our knowledge that is particularly salient to collaboration and emergency
response is the proclivity for secondary disaster organizations to engage in collaborative public
management practices, and more specifically, the proclivity for collaboration with nonprofit
partners. Why is it that some secondary disaster organizations connect with other organizations
In the sections that follow, we explore the dynamics of collaboration with special
controversies over the meaning of collaboration as well as the forces that are hypothesized to
predispose some organizations to collaborate. The section concludes with general hypotheses
Choosing To Collaborate
A key area requiring investigation is how partners choose to link into collaborative
networks. For the most part, research (especially the large N quantitative literature) has focused
participate is central to the democratic potential of collaborative networks. Fung (2006) warned
of the illusory nature of some forms of participation. Even large numbers of participants in
administrative processes may not be particularly democratic if the participants are similar and
fail to represent the diversity of the effected population. A key mistake, Fung noted, was to
assume that self-selected participation systems would likely result in diverse participants. While
the solutions to the potentially skewed distribution of participants are not obvious or inexpensive,
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can choose many types of potential partners in their collaborative activities. Government
organizations can primarily (or exclusively) choose to work with other similar agencies, with
government agencies at other levels of government or in other policy areas, or with any number
or range of governmental actors. Most of the early research on collaboration focused on these
It has been increasingly clear that intergovernmental collaboration is not the only type of
collaboration happening (Bryson et al., 2006). For reasons ranging from shrinking budgets to the
popularity of New Public Management decentralization and divestiture reforms, it appears that
there are an increasing number of partnerships between public agencies and nonprofit and
initiated as or moderated by a contract and its terms (Brown & Potoski, 2003; Van Slyke, 2003).
Despite the growing interest in cross-sector partnerships, very little is known about how these
partnerships form when the collaboration is more emergent, episodic, or mutual and not
relatively little is known about the relationship of structural characteristics and the propensity to
collaborate , Below we first concentrate on the importance of collaboration in the specific area of
emergency management and then turn to the issues specific to collaboration with nonprofit
organizations.
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Scholars and practitioners in emergency management have been among those most active
emergency management taxes the capacity of any organization or community. As has been
evident in the aftermath of recent emergencies ranging from terrorist attacks to natural disasters,
no one organization – or even municipality or state – can deal with large-scale emergencies
alone. It is nearly impossible, then, to effectively prepare for or respond to emergencies without
extensive collaboration.
Louise Comfort has been a pioneer in researching collaborative public management in the
area of emergency response. Her work on complexity theory and the management of emergency
response networks has made it clear to researchers and practitioners alike that emergency
response requires collaborative networks and that these networks raise a number of new
questions about the governance of these arrangements (Comfort,1994, 2007). The most basic
question raised in these studies was ―who is it that participates in disaster response?‖
Recent research into large scale disaster response has noted the prominent role of
nonprofit organizations in providing response and relief service. For example, research on the
response to disaster. Robinson, Berrett, and Stone (2006) described the emergence of many new
partnerships between nonprofit organizations and local government officials in the Dallas/Fort
Worth area, as well as among networks of nonprofit organizations. This early research showed
how the picture of emergency response following the hurricanes of 2005 would have been
woefully incomplete without including the nonprofit collaborations. Similarly, Simo and Bies
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(2007) documented the diversity of nonprofit collaborations along the Gulf Coast generally
collaborations in disaster response have documented that there are many such collaborations.
What is lacking is a theory of why some collaborative relationships emerge while many other
potential collaboration fail to materialize. Why do some organizations have a diverse set of
collaborative partners while others collaborate with few (or no) external partners? We seek to
address this question. Before we present our research, we want to take a moment to discuss
achieve public purposes. Such collaboration routinely cuts across across government, business,
and nonprofit sectors (Milne, Iyer, & Gooding-Williams, 1996), especially as nonprofit-public
sector collaborations become a prominent feature of public service delivery in the United States
argued that a desire for resource stability facilitates collaboration. The authors found that the
resources, with ―funding for nonprofits‖ and its ―expertise and capacity for government‖ as
predictors (p. 340). Government and nonprofit respondents provided ―remarkably similar‖
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community relations, and promoting shared goals (p. 398). Their research also suggested that
nonprofits differ in some respects from government in terms of motivations to partner, with
Gazley and Brudney also explored factors that explain ―non-collaboration.” The authors
found that ―concerns about internal capacity and mission, rather than external factors such as
statutory pressure, appear to provide the strongest rationale for entering or avoiding public-
private partnerships‖ (p. 412). Jang and Feiock (2007) also suggested that the costs of
collaboration and subsequent influence of nonprofits’ financial stakeholders are associated with
collaborative behavior.
characteristics and local policy environments may have a significant effect on the form and
intensity of collaborative efforts (Sowa, 2008, p. 317). In her study of interagency collaborations
to deliver early childhood services between school districts and community-based organizations,
Sowa (2008) emphasized the importance of examining the type of resources shared between
partners, because varying degrees of commitment ―may produce significant variation in the
implementation of these collaborative service delivery mechanisms‖ (p. 317). To the extent that
nonprofit organizations operate on different resource bases than organizations in other sectors,
Sowa’s argument suggests that there may be inherent difficulties in cross-sector collaboration.
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collaboration that crosses sector boundaries between government and nonprofit organizations.
Given the prominence of these collaborations and the complexities involved in crossing sector
boundaries, it is important to test propositions about why some government organizations choose
to collaborate with nonprofits while others do not. The next section develops general
propositions about when organizations are likely to seek collaborative partners grounded in the
Theoretical Expectations
Based on the existing literature reviewed above, we have expectations about the sorts of
factors that would increase the probability that a public agency would seek to collaborate with a
nonprofit organization. It would be prohibitively complex to assess all of the possible factors that
can influence the propensity to collaborate with nonprofits. We have chosen to focus on how
organizational structure affects the propensity to collaborate. We will control for other potential
factors in the empirical test, but our theoretical focus will be on structure in this section.
First, we expect larger organizations to possess the slack resources and the opportunities
for structural specialization to facilitate collaboration of any type. As a general effect, this should
Organizations generally seek to protect their core operations from turbulence in the environment.
Managers don’t want the people who perform functions close to the core mission of the
organization to worry about the supply of resources or other potentially uncertain components of
the environment. As a result, they create specialized units to monitor and interact with the
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uncertain environment. Only larger organizations, though, have the economies of scale to devote
resources to these sorts of specialized units. Larger organizations can have separate press
relations units, analysis departments, or the like. All of these units serve to keep people
explanations for collaboration have been supported in the nonprofit literature (e.g., Gazley &
Brudney, 2007; Guo & Acar, 2005; Foster & Meinhard, 2002; Singer & Yankey, 1991). The
diversity of the evidence convinces us that this phenomenon is general across sectors. As a
Proposition One: Larger organizations are more likely to collaborate than smaller ones.
structure is also likely to be important. Using the same Thompsonian logic as above, one expects
to see greater investment in boundary spanning operations in organizations where resources are
sufficiently centralized to realize economies of scale. If resources are decentralized, each unit
divides the potential base for such boundary spanning organization. Where these resources are
instead centralized, it is more likely that an organization can overcome the threshold start-up
costs needed to create a boundary spanning relationship. As a result we also propose the
following:
Proposition Two: Organizations with a greater degree of centralization are more likely to
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We outline our approach to testing these propositions and the results of our tests in the next
section.
These propositions call for extensive data on the collaborative behavior of organizations
and a testable model of these behaviors. In this section, we review the data collection strategy
and our approach to operationalization, a nested regression model with which we simultaneously
test hypotheses derived from propositions one and two, and the results of the analysis.
Data Collection
variety of policy arenas. We chose to test these propositions within the context of emergency
management and disaster response. Specifically, this choice allows us to test the propositions
related to collaboration with nonprofit organizations in ways that would not have been possible
in other policy arenas. We chose to survey Texas public school superintendents about their
collaborative behaviors for a variety of reasons related to the strength of this sampling frame and
First, this sampling frame is well studied and provides us a background against which to
compare our survey methodology – reducing the probability of results that are the result of
unpredicted characteristics of an untested sampling frame. Second, the sampling frame is one
where repeated surveys have resulted in relatively high response rates. This reduced the chance
that the survey would result in a data set that was too small for statistical analysis. Third,
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previous research on the sample frame allows us to leverage years of previous research to test
propositions about structural and financial characteristics of the agencies. Fourth, the subject area
of collaboration (emergency management and disaster response) was salient, allowing for survey
measurement at a time when the respondents were most likely to be deliberately choosing
collaborative strategies – rather than operating under unconscious forces of structural inertia.
We conducted the survey in the immediate aftermath of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita
(about 60 days after Katrina). One should not discount the importance of this salience. Salience
makes the survey a better test of conscious strategies, but may misrepresent more typical
strategies – but this is a question for future investigation. While this salience does create an ―easy
test‖ of collaboration – it tests for collaborative behaviors when these behaviors are most likely –
it is appropriate to use an easy test strategy when studying relatively unstudied behaviors (like
Finally, the sampling frame includes an array of organizations that varied on all of our variables
(large and small districts, districts with recent or distant emergency experience, etc.).
The survey went to all public school district superintendents in Texas with two follow-up
waves. The final response rate was approximately 50%. Comparisons of the respondents to
known characteristics of the non-respondents suggest that the respondents were slightly (though
not statistically significantly) more affluent than non-respondents and significantly larger on
average (though of a relatively small magnitude). With these comparisons, we are confidents that
the results of the survey provided reasonable approximations of the population values.
Operationalization
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The survey consisted of a series of questions related to the effect of the then recent
hurricanes on the school district, the superintendent’s perceptions and attitudes relevant to
emergency management, and the district’s collaborative relationships with a broad range of other
organizations. We also linked the responses to generally available data on the structural and
financial characteristics of the school districts. Our survey provides operational measures
All of the propositions engage collaboration with nonprofit organizations. This is the
dependent variable of the study. There are diverse strategies for measuring collaboration
(Robinson & Gettis, 2007). Since there is no consensus on the measurement of collaboration, we
operationalization in which we asked whether the district had ―collaborated with nonprofit or
relief organizations‖ in the aftermath of the hurricanes. This approach allows each respondent to
define the term collaboration. Previous analysis of this measure suggests that this is a moderate
measure that balances the potential for too low a threshold of collaboration (such as ―whom have
you communicated with‖) or measures that ask about a larger commitment of time to the
collaboration.
The second dependent variable uses one of the higher commitment measures of
collaboration. We asked whether the school district ―holds regularly scheduled meetings‖ with
these nonprofit or relief organizations. This type of collaboration is rarer and represents a greater
degree of commitment to the collaboration (Robinson & Gettis, 2007). This dual dependent
variable strategy allows us to test whether the strength of the propositions depends on the
definition of collaboration itself. In both cases, the survey questions directed respondents to
report collaborations ―since Hurricane Katrina.‖ This shrank the reference period to the final 3
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months of 2005. We have greater faith in patterns observed across tests using multiple
operationalizations of collaboration.
Each proposition also includes an independent variable. The first proposition is related to
organizational size. We use state data on each school district to measure each district’s size. For
each district, we included the logged total number of full time equivalent employees as the
measure of size. This measure is highly correlated (at around .997, depending on the year) with
other popular measures of district size such as total enrollment. We logged the value to reduce
what was a significant skew. This measure of size represents organizational size and not the
geographical area served by the district. This limitation will be important as we discuss the future
The second proposition deals with the structural centralization within the district. We
operationalized this concept in two ways. First, we included a measure of the percentage of the
district budget dedicated to central administration. High values indicate a leader’s general
preference for centralized offices rather than campus-based capacity. This measure is similar to
et al. 2007). Second, we asked specifically about the district’s strategy toward delegating
preparedness activities to the individual campus level. The specificity of the question should
balance the pressures toward reporting centralized emergency preparedness with the general
predisposition among education administrators (and the programs that certify them) to pursue
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campus-based policymaking. The result was a response pattern that suggests variety in district
While we expect that these measures of size and centralization to explain some of the
not expect that these propositions will explain all of the variation. We take various steps to
ensure that spurious forces are not contaminating our inferences related to propositions one and
two. To control for the differences in disaster vulnerability and recent disaster experience, we
included variables that measure reported impact of recent disasters as well as the perceived
likelihood that the district will experience a disaster in the near future.
Even with the control for disaster vulnerability, there are a variety of factors that could be
organizations. The set of variables omits a variety of important concepts in collaborative public
management that we simply could not simultaneously measure. To assess whether our model is
greatly affected by this under-specification, we tested two models. The first is as described
above. The second specification includes an additional variable of how many collaborations,
other than those reported with nonprofit and relief organizations, the superintendent reported.
This serves as a control for general collaborative predisposition and will account for all of the
unmeasured factors related to both general collaboration and nonprofit collaboration. Any
reported effects in the models that include the general collaborative tendency measure indicate
the influence of the variable on the specific probability of collaborating with nonprofit and relief
1
These two measures of centralization do not present multi-collinearity problems in that they are uncorrelated
with each other.
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organizations –beyond the effect that the variable has on general collaborative tendencies. This
Regression Model
We test our two propositions using a probit regression model. The dependent variable
was given a value of 1 if the superintendent reported that the district had collaborated with
nonprofit or relief organizations (or had regularly scheduled meetings with them in the third
model). If the superintendent reported that they had not collaborated with nonprofit
organizations, the dependent variable was given a value of 0. Non-responses were omitted from
the analysis.
Besides logging the size and centralization variables (as described above), we assume
simple linear relationships between all of the independent variables and the dependent variables.
While nonlinear relationships are potentially interesting, we reserve those possibilities for future
We also tested models that added the general collaborative predisposition. The result is equation
2.
For each of the models, we employ robust estimators to produce robust standard errors.
Results
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The results of the three models are presented in Table 1. Model 1 performs relatively
well, successfully predicting 68% of collaborations and for a proportionate reduction of error of
37%. The model follows previous results on generalized collaborative behaviors in suggesting
that organizational size and centralization both make collaboration with nonprofit organizations
more likely. These three variables (including the two measures of centralization) are in the
predicted direction (larger organizations and greater centralization induce greater probability of
Models 2 and 3 provide tests on the robustness of these initial findings. Model 2 adds the
general collaborative tendency as an independent variable. This robust model performs better
overall with a predictive accuracy of 76% with a proportionate reduction in error of 52%. This
additional variable changes the nature of the estimated values. As one would predict, the general
collaborative tendency is strongly significant. The effect size is also quite large.
Figure 1 illustrates the size of the effect of general collaborative tendency. Using the
collaboration for each level of general collaborative tendency while holding all other variables at
their mean (for continuous variables) or median (for ordered variables). For purposes of
illustrates, the expected value of an otherwise typical district with no other collaborations is less
than 20% likely to collaborate with a nonprofit or relief organization. The line in the center of
each box plot is the median prediction with the grey and outer enclosed areas representing the
uncertainty around the estimated median. An organization with five other collaborative partner
types (the maximum possible) is over 80% likely to collaborate with a nonprofit or relief
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organization. These predicted probabilities give an indication of the large effect size of
The introduction of such a baseline variable, much like adding a lagged dependent
variable in a time series model, reduced the magnitude and significance of the other components
in the model. The size of the organization is still significant though the effect size is reduced by
25%. Still, the variables representing organizational size and centralization were significant in
both models.
Model 2 serves as a hard test for any variable, so we focus our analysis on the results of
this hard test. Figure 2 illustrates the effect of organizational size on the probability of
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collaboration with nonprofit or relief organizations. The figure reports the estimated probability
of collaboration for an organization at each decile within the sample (e.g., an organization that is
larger than only 10% of other districts, an organization larger than only 20% of other districts,
etc.).
As seen in Figure 2, when all other variables were held at typical values larger
organizations are much more likely to collaborate with nonprofit and relief organizations.
Districts larger than only 10% of other districts were about 20% likely to have reported
collaboration. Districts larger than 90% of other districts were about 80% likely to report
collaboration.
Figures 3 and 4 report the effect of our two measures of centralization. Both general
centralization and emergency management centralization are significant factors in the prediction
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of collaborations with nonprofit and relief organizations. Figure 3 shows that the effect of
general centralization can increase the probability of collaboration from 25% to 70% as one
moves from the first to the ninth decile of centralization. Similarly, Figure 4 shows that as one
moves from planning that is reported as entirely or mostly campus-based to entirely district-
based, the expected probability of collaboration with nonprofit or relief organization increases
from 34 to 54%.
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Model 3 changes the dependent variable to regularly scheduled meetings with nonprofit
and relief organizations. The baseline probability of such collaborations is much lower. In the
survey sample, only 15% of districts reported holding regularly scheduled meetings with
nonprofit or other relief organizations. The relative rarity of the collaborations makes estimating
a model predicting the relatively rare events difficult. The predictive power of the model seems
strong at 85%, but this represents only a 3% proportionate reduction of error because the naïve
model of simply always predicting that a district will hold no regularly scheduled meetings will
be correct only 84% of the time. Proportionate reduction of errors is typically low in the presence
included it here as well. Here again, generalized collaborative tendency is the most important
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explanatory variable. Figure 5 illustrates the effect of general collaborative tendencies, all other
variables held at typical values. It is important to notice that the scale of the figure has been
changed. Although the figures for collaboration reported simulated probability ranging to 100%,
the figures for regularly scheduled meetings only go to 50% because of the rarity of the
prediction.
Figure 6 illustrates the impact of organizational size on regularly scheduled meetings. Again, the
variable is significant but the effect is only dramatic at large district sizes.
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centralization. General centralization has the same muted effect seen for size and general
centralization is not significant in this model. The implication is that the tendency to schedule
regular meetings with nonprofit and relief organizations is not related to reported tendencies for
internal emergency planning, but only to general district policies regarding centralization.
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Our results just scratch the surface of the issues related to collaboration with nonprofit
organizations. These initial results suggest that there is much to learn about why collaborations
emerge. Structural factors provide some leverage in explaining the collaborative behaviors of
these civil servants. The mix of influences depends on the nature of the collaboration. The results
do more to reveal the limitations of the extant conceptual toolbox related to collaborative public
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Consider this example. The findings depend on whether collaboration is defined openly
(in this case, allowing survey respondents to define it for themselves) or whether a strict
definition requiring regularly scheduled meetings is used. The evidence suggests that these two
different activities are quite distinct. This raises the question of whether the data represent two
different types of collaboration, two extremes of one essential type of collaboration, or whether
only one of these is bona fide collaboration. We do not currently possess the conceptual
framework to distinguish between these possibilities nor is there sufficient consensus on the
definition of collaboration to distinguish between different types. This sort of conceptual work is
While conceptual limitations affect our ability to interpret the results of the analysis,
significant data limitations are also present. The survey used here went to public managers and
provides insight into the government side of the cross-sector collaboration. What we do not have
is data on the nonprofit side of the collaboration. The review of the literature revealed some
important similarities between the theories of public sector collaboration and cross-sector
collaborations; in the present research we were not able to test propositions about the nonprofit
The key data we still need to develop is on the supply side of the cross-sector
function of the needs and resources of the region (Bielefeld & Murdoch 2004, p. 222). Studies
(e.g., Gronbjerg & Paarlberg, 2001; Wolch & Geiger, 1983) have confirmed the robustness of
this assumption. More specifically, population growth (Bielefeld, 2000), community wealth
(Wolch & Geiger, 1983; Wolpert, 1993; Corbin, 1999), and proportion of older residents
(Gronbjerg & Paarlberg) have been identified as determinants of the nonprofit supply. Peck
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(2008) summarizes the literature on the nonprofit location as tending to frame the determinants
explanations for nonprofit motivation to collaborate, it has generally not been explicit and has
typically been defined in non-spatial terms. Measurement challenges may partially account for
this gap, as may the fact that the collaboration and supply literature streams have developed
concurrently, but for somewhat distinct purposes. Service provision by nonprofits has been used
as a measure of nonprofit sector size, as has annual expenditures by nonprofits. Spatial analyses
characteristics. To the extent that larger school districts are in locations with a greater supply of
partners, some of the role of size in the statistical models may be picking up factors related to
nonprofit partner supply. The inclusion of the general collaborative propensity addresses this
problem to a great extent. To the extent that nonprofit supply is related to the supply of other
sorts of actors (general partner density), the general collaboration propensity control variable will
partial out these factors. All that will remain are the elements unique to nonprofit supply and not
correlated with the supply of other actors – a much more limited problem.
It is not surprising that there are few data on the supply of nonprofit organizations. There
are considerable conceptual difficulties in developing such a measure. What is the relevant range
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of a spatial measure of nonprofit supply? Should we only count nonprofit organizations located
within the geographic boundaries of, in this case, a school district? What prevents a nonprofit
from nearby assisting? How broad should we draw that circle? Our intuition is to bring the
measure up to the level of a metropolitan standard area – but this measure is itself difficult to
implement and would dramatically reduce our sample to school districts within MSAs. Despite
these difficulties, future work that directly measures nonprofit partner supply would be a great
addition to the model. Further, to be able to parse nonprofit partner supply by primary or
secondary mission focus on emergency and disaster response could assist understanding of cross-
sector collaboration in the specific policy domain of emergency response and could have
network formation.
This research leaves us wanting to press forward in three directions. First, we want to
elaborate the theory of collaboration to understand better which factors should be related to
which types of collaboration. Second, we would like to collect data (beyond the available IRS
Form 990 data) on the nonprofit side of these cross-sector collaborations to see how structural
elements on the partner’s side can influence the emergence of partnerships. Third, we would like
partners. These developments should provide considerable insight into cross-sector collaborative
networks.
With the increased importance of secondary disaster organizations, it becomes all the
more important to understand the dynamics of collaboration. In the cases studied here,
management and disaster response with nonprofits to varying degrees. The data suggest that
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these secondary organizations may be limited by their organizational structures as to the level of
collaboration they are likely to seek. However, these secondary organizations are those that most
need to seek additional resources (including expertise) from partners. Attempts to cultivate
management and disaster response needs to be sensitive to the importance of structure and the
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______________________________________________________________________________
Propensity
Controls for perceived likelihood of disasters and the impact of recent disasters were also
included in all models.
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