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Current Emotion Research in Developmental Psychology


Linda A. Camras and Michael M. Shuster
Emotion Review 2013 5: 321
DOI: 10.1177/1754073913477516
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EMR5310.1177/1754073913477516Emotion ReviewCamras & Shuster Emotional Development

VIEW FROM A DISCIPLINE

Current Emotion Research in Developmental


Psychology

Emotion Review
Vol. 5, No. 3 (July 2013) 321329
The Author(s) 2013
ISSN 1754-0739
DOI: 10.1177/1754073913477516
er.sagepub.com

Linda A. Camras
Michael M. Shuster

Department of Psychology, DePaul University, USA

Abstract
Emotion theories based on research with adults must be able to accommodate developmental data if they are to be deemed
satisfactory accounts of human emotion. Inspired in part by theory and research on adult emotion, developmentalists have
investigated emotion-related processes including affect elicitation, internal and overtly observable emotion responding, emotion
regulation, and understanding emotion in others. Many developmental studies parallel investigations conducted with adults. In
this article, we review current theories of emotional development as well as research related to the several aspects of emotion
designated above. Beyond providing an overview of the field, we hope to encourage greater cross-fertilization and research
collaboration between developmental psychologists and scholars who focus on adult emotion.

Keywords
emotional development

The study of emotional development languished for decades


during the mid-20th century as scholars focused their attention
on cognitive development under the influence of Piagets landmark theory. Nevertheless, inspired by the revival of interest in
adult emotion, some developmentalists began to turn their
attention to infant and childrens affect starting in the 1970s.
Like their adult-oriented colleagues, developmental researchers
subscribe to the notion that emotion-related processes include
affect elicitation, internal and overt observable responses, emotion regulation, and understanding emotion in others. These
aspects of emotion are inextricably interrelated and thus, the
topical divisions we use in this review are somewhat artificial.
Nonetheless, this should not impede our goal of presenting an
overview of current theory and research.

Theories of Emotional Development


In 1932, Katherine Bridges published a highly influential monograph, which dominated the literature on emotional development for several decades. Bridges described infant emotions as
originating in a state of diffuse excitement that first differentiates to generate delight and distress and then more distinct emotion states such as fear, anger, elation, and affection. Although
Bridgess account was primarily descriptive in nature, she
implicitly attributed the timing of emotional development to
maturational processes.

More recently, several theories of emotional development


have been proposed that align themselves with competing contemporary views of adult emotion. According to Carroll Izards
differential emotions theory (DET; Izard & Malatesta, 1987),
discrete basic emotions also emerge according to a maturational
timetable. However, in contrast to K. M. B. Bridges (1932),
DET asserts that discrete basic emotions (e.g., anger, fear) are
not preceded by less differentiated affective states (e.g., distress). Instead, the core constituents of emotion (currently conceived as neural and experiential; Izard, 2009) are hard-wired
systems with distinct motivational properties that emerge de
novo at specific preprogrammed ages. After the emergence of
an emotion, its further development involves elaboration via
integration into a cognitive affective scheme that involves
links between the emotion itself and associated eliciting situations, instrumental actions, and regulatory responses.
In contrast to DET, Camposs functionalist view of emotional development does not assume the existence of hardwired emotion systems involving invariant neural or even
experiential core components. Instead an emotion is a relational process through which an individual attempts to establish, change, or maintain some significant aspect of his or her
relationship to the external or internal environment (K. Barrett
& Campos, 1987; Campos, Walle, Dahl, & Main, 2011). Thus,
emotional responses are wholly functional rather than fixed or
preprogrammed.

Corresponding author: Linda A. Camras, Department of Psychology, DePaul University, 2219 N. Kenmore Ave., Chicago, IL 60614, USA. Email: lcamras@depaul.edu

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322 Emotion Review Vol. 5 No. 3

Functionalists have delineated a useful list of phenomena


that are involved in emotional development (J. J. Campos,
Barrett, Lamb, Goldsmith, & Stenberg, 1983). These include
changes in: (a) relational goals, (b) interpretation of the environment in relation to those goals, (c) capacities that may enable
the pursuit of emotional goals (e.g., language, motoric capabilities, cognitive functioning), and (d) capacities related to the
ability to revise (i.e., regulate) initial emotion response tendencies. For example, anger may be conceptualized as an emotional
process in which the individual attempts to overcome an impediment to a goal that is perceived to be of significance to the
individual. During childhood, some children may develop the
goal of preserving their reputation with peers and a child may
then respond with anger to indications of disrespect by other
children. However, interpretation of peer behaviors as indications of disrespect also undergoes development as children learn
that certain verbal declarations are intended as insults (e.g.,
Mamas boy!). Responses to such reputational impediments
also change. For example, as children become more linguistically adept, they may respond with counterinsults rather than
physical aggression. In addition, children may learn to defer
producing an immediate anger response in the service of a competing relational goal (e.g., to avoid getting into trouble).
However, developments in cognitive skills (e.g., memory, executive functioning) may eventually enable children to exact their
revenge at a later time.
One emerging contemporary perspective on emotional
development is the dynamical systems approach (see Camras &
Witherington, 2005, for review). Like the functionalist perspective, the dynamical systems approach emphasizes flexibility
rather than fixity in emotion responding. With some exceptions,
proponents of both views assert that any specific emotion episode may or may not include a particular emotion component
(e.g., an emotional facial expression). Such variability may
reflect topdown cognitive processes (e.g., deciding to defer
expressing ones anger). However, dynamical systems theorists
place greater emphasis on the influence of bottomup contextual factors that may or may not be cognitive in nature. For
example, Camras and her colleagues have shown that facial
expression production is sometimes determined by nonemotion
factors such as gaze direction or co-occurring instrumental
behaviors. To illustrate, Camras, Lambrecht, and Michel (1996)
found that 5- to 7-month-old infants produce surprise expressions when opening their mouths to incorporate a familiar object
(e.g., put a familiar toy in their mouth).
Dynamical systems proponents posit qualitative shifts in the
organization of emotions (termed phase shifts) that may occur
both in real time and also during the course of development.
Such shifts will occur when some key component of the system
reaches a critical threshold. For example, in real time, infants
may shift from smiling to crying when the intensity of stimulation reaches a certain level. Across development, major shifts in
emotion responding may occur when children reach critical
developmental milestones in domains such as cognitive, language, and motor development (e.g., self-produced locomotion
via crawling; J. Campos, Kermoian, & Zumbahlen, 1992).

Interestingly, some developmentalists have produced theories that include elements of several perspectives described
before. For example, Alan Sroufes (1996) theory of emotional
development retains elements of earlier differentiation theories
(i.e., discrete emotions deriving from less differentiated earlier
reactions). However, like dynamical systems proponents, he
describes emotional development in infancy as involving a
series of qualitative shifts that he ties to cognitive development.
Holodynski and Friedlmeier (2006) have proposed an internalization model that also involves emotion differentiation, but they
attribute such differentiation more to sociocultural shaping.
Camras (2011) has proposed a framework incorporating contributions from differentiation, dynamical systems, and functionalist perspectives. She views emotions as dynamical systems
attractor states that also become more differentiated with age,
but attributes developmental changes in emotion to a broader
range of factors including (but going beyond) those identified
within the functionalist framework.

Emotion Elicitation
A variety of processes may lead to emotion elicitation. For
example, emotions may be induced as the result of conditioning
(e.g., Watsons famous example of Little Albert) or conscious
appraisal of experiences in relation to ones goals (e.g., losing a
favorite toy). However, developmentalists have primarily
approached the question of emotion elicitation from two
perspectives: temperament and socialization.

Temperament
Although several models of temperament have been proposed
(see Dyson, Olino, Durbin, Goldsmith, & Klein, 2012), that of
Rothbart and her colleagues is currently generating the most
active research. Rothbart, Sheese, Rueda, and Posner (2011)
define temperament as constitutionally based individual differences in reactivity and regulation in the domains of affect, activity, and attention (p. 207). Based primarily on parent reports
using questionnaire measures, several categories of affective
reactivity are included in Rothbarts model: fearful distress/fear,
frustration/irritability/anger, sadness, and positive affectivity
(Rothbart & Bates, 2008). Individual differences in the manifestation of these emotions are due to both differences in reactivity
and also to differences in the regulation of these reactive tendencies. While temperament is thought to have an inherent basis
(e.g., related to genetic variation; Rothbart & Bates, 2008), the
role of environment is recognized in that characteristic response
tendencies may both be relatively stable yet change over time as
a result of experience. For example, in a short-term longitudinal
study, Calkins (2002) found continuity in the level of anger/
frustration shown by infants who experienced negative parenting, but not for infants who experienced positive parenting.
Similarly, in an extensive program of longitudinal research on
behavioral inhibition, Kagan and his colleagues (see Kagan &
Fox, 2006) have shown that many children categorized as highly

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Camras & Shuster Emotional Development 323

inhibited in early childhood (i.e., who presumably would score


high on fear and shyness using Rothbarts measures) become
substantially less inhibited later in development. Nevertheless,
early temperament can be a predictor of later socioemotional
adjustment as has been demonstrated in several studies. For
example, in a widely cited longitudinal investigation, Caspi and
Silva (1995) found that undercontrolled 3-year-old children
(who showed more anger/frustration and lower attentional control) were more likely to later report less satisfactory social and
emotional relationships and more antisocial behavior during
adolescence and adulthood.

Emotion Socialization
While nonsocial experiences may be important influences on
emotion elicitation (e.g., falling may produce fear of heights),
most developmental research focuses on the actions and activities of social agents. We begin by presenting a conceptual model
of parents emotion socialization proposed by Eisenberg and
her colleagues (Eisenberg, Cumberland, & Spinrad, 1998;
Eisenberg, Spinrad, & Cumberland, 1998), although other
excellent models have been proposed that have much in common with that of Eisenberg etal. (e.g., Halberstadt, Denham, &
Dunsmore, 2001; Holodynski & Friedlmeier, 2006; Saarni,
1999). While focusing on parents behaviors with respect to
children, the model can be readily extended to cover other
socialization agents as well as infants and adolescents as
socialization targets.
Eisenberg and colleagues (Eisenberg, Cumberland, &
Spinrad, 1998; Eisenberg, Spinrad, Cumberland, 1998) distinguish four categories of parental emotion-related socialization
behaviors (ERSBs): (a) parents own emotional expression,
(b) reactions to the childs emotions (i.e., contingent responding), (c) discussion of emotion with or in the presence of the
child, and (d) management of childrens exposure to emotioninducing situations. Importantly, the effects of parental behaviors on childrens emotions may be moderated by a number of
factors (e.g., type of emotion involved, temperament of the
child, whether parental behavior is directed toward the child or
toward another). Cultural variability also characterizes emotion
socialization (see Cole & Tan, 2007, for review).
Parents own emotional expression is an important source of
knowledge about emotion. For example, once infants begin to
engage in social referencing (i.e., seeking information about
others emotional responses when they are unsure how to
respond themselves; J. J. Campos & Stenberg, 1981), they begin
to learn what types of stimuli should evoke particular emotions.
Similarly, parents contingent responses to childrens spontaneously expressed emotion provide information regarding whether
the parent considers the childs emotion to be appropriate.
Parents may reinforce, ignore, punish, and/or model an alternative emotional response to that displayed by the child. For
example, in a classic study of family conflict, Patterson (1982)
found that parents of aggressive children tend to both model and
reinforce anger reactions to perceived provocations. Discussion
of emotion also may occur during family conflicts, for example,

the child may be instructed regarding what emotion should


properly be experienced. However, emotion-socializing discussion also takes place at other times (e.g., while observing episodes of other childrens emotion, reading stories that involve
emotion, recalling shared past experiences). For example,
Miller, Fung, Lin, Chen, and Boldt (2012) found that when
relating stories involving childrens past transgressions,
Taiwanese mothers often indicated that the child should feel
shame. Lastly, regarding Eisenbergs fourth category, parents
may introduce the child to emotionally challenging situations in
order to provide opportunities for emotion socialization.
Combining examples of the several emotion-socializing behaviors in a single episode, parents may respond to their childs fear
of dogs by introducing the child to a friendly puppy while demonstrating positive affect and explaining to the child why dogs
should not to be feared.

Emotion Responding
While elicitation refers to the when component of the emotion process, emotion responding refers to the how, that is,
how emotions are manifested in behavioral output or internal
response processes. Perhaps the biggest challenge to studying
emotional development is the fact that there is no gold standard of observable behavior that can be used to determine
whether or when an emotion has been produced (J. Campos,
Frankel, & Camras, 2004). This is particularly problematic for
studies of infants and young children who cannot verbally
report their emotion experience. Differential emotions theory
originally attempted to solve this problem by positing a unique
inherent link between specific facial expressions and their
corresponding discrete emotions (Izard & Malatesta, 1987).
However, evidence for such a strict relationship is lacking even
in infancy (Camras & Fatani, 2008; Camras & Shutter, 2010).
In consequence, evidence that a particular response reflects a
particular emotion in infants and young children must rest on
observing systematic emotion-appropriate correspondences
between eliciting circumstances, facial and vocal expressive
behaviors, and nonfacial responses. In the following discussion, we will consider these three components and their
interrelationships.

Expressive Behavior and Action Tendencies


Facial and vocal expressions are present from birth and have
received the most attention in studies of infancy. Neonatal crying is acknowledged to indicate distress as it generally occurs in
situations that would be expected to elicit a distress response
(e.g., inoculation, hunger; R. G. Campos, 1989). In contrast,
neonatal smiling is more ambiguous. Neonatal smiling occurs in
response to gentle sensory stimulation (e.g., stroking the forehead) and may be seen during sleep (Emde & Harmon, 1972).
Some neonatal smiles include the cheek raising component proposed to distinguish genuine versus nongenuine expressions of
happiness (Messinger etal., 2002), but some neonatal smiles do

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324 Emotion Review Vol. 5 No. 3

not. Irrespective, most developmentalists follow Sroufe (1996)


in interpreting newborns smiles as reflecting the reduction of
tension engendered by mild stimulation, rather than as an
expression of happiness.
Starting at around 6 weeks of age, infants begin to produce
smiles in social situations, particularly in response to their care
givers (Emde & Harmon, 1972). Such social smiles are generally interpreted as reflecting happiness/joy (primarily because
they occur in situations during which positive emotion would be
expected to occur). Mastery smiles also begin to occur in situations that would be expected to induce positive emotion (e.g.,
achieving a goal after some effort; Lewis, Alessandri, &
Sullivan, 1990). However, by 3 years of age, some children also
smile in negative emotion situations. For example, they will
smile to the gift giver after receiving a disappointing present,
although in private they express more negative emotion (Cole,
Zahn-Waxler, & Smith, 1994). Such findings suggest that at
least some preschool children can dissimulate their expressive
behavior.
While there is general agreement about which facial components indicate negative affect in infants (e.g., contracting the
brows, lowering the lip corners), there is considerable controversy as to whether different negative expressions reflect different discrete negative emotions (e.g., anger vs. fear vs. sadness as
opposed to nonspecific distress; Camras & Shutter, 2010). As
indicated earlier, while DET describes distinct facial expressions for each discrete negative emotion, there is little evidence
that during the first year these expressions are differentially distributed across situations in which different negative emotions
are being induced. For example, Camras etal. (2007) found that
11-month-old Chinese, Japanese, and American infants produced similar facial expressions in response to both nonpainful
arm restraint and presentation of a disembodied toy gorilla
head.
Interestingly, although facial expressions were not differentiated in the Camras etal. (2007) study, raters viewing videotapes
of the infants (with facial expressions electronically obscured)
judged the babies to be experiencing different negative emotions
(primarily fear during the gorilla presentation and anger/frustration during arm restraint). Thus raters could use situational and
nonfacial cues to make judgments about infants discrete negative emotions. Objective coding of the infants nonfacial behaviors determined that infants showed more behavioral stilling
during growling gorilla and more physical resistance during arm
restraint. Presumably observing these behaviors influenced
the raters emotion judgments. Nonetheless, these behavioral
responses also are not unique to fear or anger. For example, stilling may occur in surprise and interest situations as well as during
episodes of fear.
Still, some adult-oriented theories of emotion propose that
different action tendencies are inherently linked to different discrete emotions (e.g., Frijda, 1986). While theoretically plausible, research with even younger infants has not produced
clear-cut evidence for this position. Camras, Sullivan, and
Michel (1993) found that limb movements accompanying
DET-designated anger expressions in a 4- to 9-week old

infant were more active and jerky than those accompanying


DET-designated sad expressions, and that sad expressions
were accompanied by little movement overall. However, no
goal direction in the infants movements could be discerned.
Using a contingency-learning procedure in which infants can
produce a desirable audiovisual stimulus by moving their arm,
Lewis etal. (1990) found concordance between increased arm
pulling and increased production of DET-predicted anger
expressions during extinction. However, Sullivan and Lewis
(2003) subsequently found an inverse relationship (i.e.,
decreased arm pulling and increases in anger expression)
when contingent learning was followed by loss of the contingency (i.e., losing control of stimulus presentation). Thus,
covariance between facial and behavioral responding disappeared when arm pulling was discovered to no longer be functional. These results are consistent with the functionalist
principle of equipotentiality (J. J. Campos etal., 2011), indicating the arm pulling and facial expressions operate independently according to their situationally specific functionality
even during infancy.
During the second year, infants motoric and cognitive capabilities increase and they begin to show situation-related behaviors that lead many researchers to infer the presence of new
emotions. For example, when made the center of attention, toddlers often show signs of avoidance (e.g., lowering their heads,
avoiding eye contact and/or hiding their face; Lewis, 1995).
These situationally embedded responses are interpreted as indicating embarrassment. After accidentally breaking a toy, 2-yearolds may hide their transgression and avoid the experimenter or
may approach the adult and attempt to repair the damage. These
situationally embedded responses have been interpreted as indicating shame (in the first case) or guilt (in the latter case;
K. C. Barrett, Zahn-Waxler, & Cole, 1993). Thus shame and
guilt are not manifested through distinct facial expressions, but
rather through behaviors that appear to facilitate the functional
goals associated with these self-conscious emotions.
As infants grow older, development of more advanced
meansends behaviors and executive functioning allows children to employ a wider range of instrumental behaviors in the
service of emotion-related goals (J. J. Campos etal., 2011;
Thompson, 2011). This is adaptive since actions required to
achieve ones goals vary greatly across situations. As we will
argue further in what follows, goal-directed emotion-related
actions can be conceptualized as being forms of regulated
emotional behaviors.

Neurophysiological Responses
In contrast to many researchers studying adult emotion, developmentalists have not been concerned with identifying distinct
neural substrates for different discrete emotions. Instead, most
research attempts to identify indicators associated with wellbeing and maladjustment (Dennis, Buss, & Hastings, 2012).
Four types of measures are commonly used: electroencephalography (EEG) measures (e.g., of cerebral lateralization),
heart rate measures (e.g., vagal tone and vagal suppression),

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Camras & Shuster Emotional Development 325

functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI; e.g., amygdala


activation) and neurohormonal measures (e.g., cortisol
responding, oxytocin). Many findings parallel those obtained
in similar studies with adults. For example, Davidson and Fox
(1989) demonstrated that infants and children who show relatively greater left frontal EEG activation are also more likely to
show positive affect and approach behavior, while those who
show greater right frontal activation show more negative affect
and behavioral inhibition. Other studies have found EEG differences between children with different types of behavior
problems (Stieben etal., 2007). Regarding heart rate measures,
low vagal tone (i.e., high resting heart rate and low variability)
has been associated with adverse outcomes including greater
behavioral inhibition and negative emotionality (Beauchaine,
2001; Hinnant & El-Sheikh, 2009; Kagan & Fox, 2006). While
relatively few fMRI studies have been conducted with children, their results have been largely consistent with the adult
literature. For example, Thomas etal. (2001) found that anxious children showed increased amygdala activation in response
to negative stimuli while depressed children showed a lesser
response. Cortisol reactivity has been studied primarily as a
stress response and has been linked to emotional difficulties
and psychopathology in children (Gunnar & Vasquez, 2006;
Heim, Owens, Plotsky, & Nemeroff, 1997; Strang, Hanson, &
Pollak, 2012). Research on cortisol reactivity has also highlighted the influence of experience on physiological responding. For example, infants and young children raised in adverse
circumstances (e.g., maltreating families, international orphanages) often demonstrate atypical patterns of cortisol reactivity
(Cicchetti & Rogosch, 2012; Gunnar, Morison, Chisholm, &
Schuder, 2001).

Emotion Responding and Emotion Regulation


The conceptual distinction between emotion and emotion regulation has been widely debated in the developmental literature
as well as the nondevelopmental literature (e.g., Cole, Martin, &
Dennis, 2004; Gross & Feldman Barrett, 2011). Tied to this
debate are methodological challenges involved in attempting to
distinguish regulated from unregulated emotion behaviors. In
their widely cited article, Cole etal. (2004) presented a number
of suggestions regarding methodologies for distinguishing
spontaneous emotion responding from emotion regulation.
However, an alternative would be to avoid making distinctions
between spontaneous/unregulated versus regulated emotion and
consider all forms of emotion responding to be the product of
multiple influences that include both biological predispositions
and past experiences (J. Campos etal., 2004; J. J. Campos etal.,
2011; Camras, 2011; Thompson, 2011). Temporal changes in
the form of ones emotional behaviors over the course of an
episode (e.g., bringing ones temper under control) would be
considered a shift or reorganization of emotional responding
that occurs because new influencing factors (including emotionrelated goals) are brought to bear on the situation (e.g., the realization that an important relationship is being jeopardized and
needs to be preserved).

In early infancy, most emotion regulation/reorganization is


actually induced by adults who may try to comfort or distract
distressed infants (Kopp, 1989). However, the infants ability to
shift attention is thought to influence the effectiveness of adult
efforts and later to allow infants to sometimes regulate/reorganize
their own emotion by disengaging from the distress-producing
stimulus (e.g., looking away from a stony-faced mother; Cohn
& Tronick, 1983). Individual differences in infants ability to
shift attention are related to differences in emotional negativity
(Rothbart etal., 2011). During the course of development, children gradually assume a greater role in organizing and reorganizing their own emotional behaviors (see L. J. Bridges &
Grolnick, 1995). For example, they are less likely to seek help
from their parents in an emotionally challenging situation (e.g.,
a delay of gratification task). Improvements in effortful control
(i.e., childrens general ability to regulate their behavior) make
a critical contribution to their ability to organize and reorganize
their emotion responses. In addition, socialization plays an
important role in influencing the behaviors that children
produce in an emotion situation.

Socialization of Emotional Behavior and Regulation


The parenting behaviors described in Eisenberg etal.s
(Eisenberg, Cumberland, & Spinrad, 1998; Eisenberg, Spinrad,
& Cumberland, 1998) model provide children with information
about how (or how much) to behaviorally respond when an
emotion is elicited. For example, parents positive expressivity
is related to their childrens tendency to express their own positive emotion (Halberstadt & Eaton, 2002). Childrens positive
expressivity is related to their greater social competence (e.g.,
lesser aggression) and better emotional adjustment (e.g., higher
self-esteem; Halberstadt, Crisp, & Eaton, 1999). For negative
emotion, however, the picture is different. That is, parent negative expressivity does not always (or only) result in imitation by
the child. For example, the relationship between parents and
childrens negative expressivity declines between toddlerhood
and early childhood (although it increases again in late adolescence; Halberstadt & Eaton, 2002). As emphasized by social
cognitive theory (Bandura, 1989), childrens imitative tendencies are moderated by many factors including the childs interpretation of and own response to others behaviors. For example,
young children may be frightened by parents anger and aggression and they may react by developing anxiety rather than (or in
addition to) becoming bullies (Crockenberg & Langrock, 2001).
Another important factor moderating the relationship
between parents and childrens emotional expression may be
whether the parents expression is a contingent response to the
childs own emotional display. For example, to explain the
declining relationship between parents and childrens negative
expressivity during childhood, Halberstadt and Eaton (2002)
speculated that parental anger in response to the childs expression of negative affect may come to suppress the childs own
expression of negative emotion in the home. Further research on
contingent responding suggests that disparaging or punishing
a childs undesirable emotional expression is less effective in

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326 Emotion Review Vol. 5 No. 3

encouraging socially desirable responding than is emotion


coaching (i.e., acknowledging the childs emotion and helping
him or her learn to more effectively cope with the eliciting situation and their own emotional response; Fabes, Leonard,
Kupanoff, & Martin, 2001; Gottman, Katz, & Hooven, 1997).
For example, Morris, Silk, Steinberg, Myers, and Robinson
(2007) found that mothers encouragement of attention refocusing and cognitive reframing were associated with the lessening
of childrens angry and sad expressions after receipt of a disappointing gift. In contrast, Lunkenheimer, Shields, and Cortina
(2007) found that disparaging or dismissing childrens emotions
can be a risk factor for both externalizing and internalizing
behavior problems in middle childhood.
Emotion coaching as a contingent response to childrens
undesirable affect also involves Eisenberg, Cumberland, &
Spinrad (1998) third category of emotion-related socialization
behaviors, that is, discussion of emotion, However, as indicated
earlier, emotion-socializing discussions also occur in situations
during which the child is not currently experiencing the emotion
(e.g., story-reading, observation of others emotion, recollections of past emotion episodes; Thompson, 2006). Numerous
studies have found relationships between family discussion of
emotion and childrens emotion understanding (e.g., Dunn &
Brown, 1994).

Emotion Understanding
An important component of social and emotional competence is
the ability to understand others emotions so that one may
respond appropriately (Denham, 1998; Halberstadt etal., 2001;
Saarni, 1999). We consider emotion understanding to be the
ability to understand the relations among components of the
emotion process, for example, eliciting situations and appraisals
thereof, relational goals associated with each emotion, expressive and behavioral responses, verbal labels, and (arguably)
internal feelings. For example, understanding the links between
emotional facial expressions and the relational goals of the
expresser (e.g., between disgust expressions and avoiding contact) would ideally allow children to predict the expressers
behavior and generate a suitable response. Numerous studies
have found that greater emotion understanding in children is
related to greater social competence and emotional adjustment
(e.g., Izard etal., 2011).
The capacity to understand emotions develops across infancy
and childhood and is preceded by more basic abilities to discriminate among emotional expressions and match expressive
stimuli across different modalities (e.g., happy faces with happy
voices). Emotion discrimination is the ability to perceive morphological differences between emotional and nonemotional
expressions as well as between different types of emotional
expressions. Newborns demonstrate such differential responding to happy speech versus other emotional and nonemotional
speech patterns (Mastropieri & Turkewitz, 1999). Four-monthold infants can discriminate among happy, angry, and neutral
facial expressions (Serrano, Iglesias, & Loeches, 1995). By 5

months, infants smile more at positive versus negative infantdirected speech (Fernald, 1993) and show a preference for positive over negative facial expressions during face-to-face
interactions (DEntremont & Muir, 1999). At around 5 months,
infants also demonstrate an ability to match emotional stimuli of
different modalities based on valence (e.g., positive vocalizations with positive facial expressions; Walker-Andrews, 1986).
According to Walker-Andrews (2008), bimodal (i.e., facial and
vocal) processing facilitates the further development of emotion
understanding. However, while 5-month-olds can discriminate
and match expressive stimuli, there is still no clear evidence that
these infants understand relationships between these expressive
behaviors and other emotion components (e.g., elicitors and
behavioral responses).
The first convincing evidence of such emotion understanding is older infants ability to seek and appropriately use others
emotion signals to guide their behavior, as seen in social referencing studies (J. J. Campos, Thein, & Owen, 2003). For example, 8.5-month-old infants are more hesitant to approach a toy
when their mother produces a negative rather than a positive
vocalization. Similarly, 12-month-olds are more likely to cross
a visual cliff when their caregiver displays a positive rather than
a negative facial expression. By 12 months, infants can also use
cues such as gaze direction and body posture to determine if an
affective display is intended for a specific target. For example,
Mumme and Fernald (2003) found that when infants viewed an
experimenter produce a negative expression while looking at
one of two objects, the infants subsequently avoided only the
visually targeted object. By 10 months, infants also engage in
affect sharing (e.g., by smiling and gazing back and forth
between an object and the caregiver; Jones, Collins, & Hong,
1991; Venezia, Messinger, Thorp, & Mundy, 2004).
Although infants respond differentially to positive versus
negative expression in social referencing studies, these investigations provide no strong evidence that they can distinguish
among different emotions within the same valence (e.g., anger
vs. fear). Beyond 14 months infants begin to use verbal emotion
labels for different negative emotions in natural settings
(Bretherton, Fritz, Zahn-Waxler, & Ridgeway, 1986). However,
using more controlled experimental procedures, Widen and
Russell (2008a, 2008b) concluded that evidence for differential
understanding of negative emotions by 2-year-olds and even
3-year-olds is still not strong. Widen and Russell propose a differentiation model in which children first understand emotions
only in terms of valence and arousal. Thus, preschoolers first
differentiate among negative emotions according to how arousing they are. For example, when asked to choose facial expressions to put in a box marked anger, preschoolers first exclude
expressions of low-arousal emotions such as sadness, followed
by fearful, and finally disgust expressions (Russell & Widen,
2002). Differentiation continues throughout childhood and may
proceed more rapidly for some emotions and emotion components than for others. For example, in emotion-naming tasks,
children may perform better when presented with stories depicting causes and consequences of different negative emotions
than with they do when presented with facial expressions

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Camras & Shuster Emotional Development 327

(Widen & Russell, 2010). In contrast, they may perform better


when presented with surprise facial expressions than with stories of surprise situations. Nonetheless, by the age of 5, children
can generally match facial expressions and verbal labels to stories describing eliciting situations for a range of negative emotions (Camras & Allison, 1985). However performance on more
complex tasks requiring the child to generate or respond to
some verbal emotion labels and facial expressions (especially
disgust expressions or the word disgust) may be relatively
poor (Widen & Russell, 2008c).
Understanding individual differences in others emotion
responding is also an important component of emotion understanding. Between the ages of 2 and 4 years, children show an
increased ability to understand that other people may have
desires and beliefs that differ from their own (Wellman, Cross,
& Watson, 2001). Therefore they can begin to acknowledge
individual differences in emotional responding based on personality, past experiences, and past emotions (Gnepp & Gould,
1985). Such understanding increases during middle childhood
as childrens cognitive capacity to integrate information from
various sources develops.
Most research focuses on when emotion understanding develops rather than how it develops. However, the principles of
Eisenberg, Cumberland, & Spinrad (1998) socialization framework (i.e., modeling, contingent responding, and discussion) can
also be applied to the development of emotion understanding.
Regarding modeling, Holodynski and Friedlmeier (2006) have
proposed that when infants imitate the emotion expressions they
observe, they produce somatosensory and bodily experiences
associated with the emotion and thus link these feelings with
both the facial expression and the surrounding eliciting circumstances. Although there is little direct evidence that such a process occurs in infancy, the proposal is consistent with adult
embodiment studies emphasizing the role of facial mimicry in
emotion understanding (Niedenthal, Barsalou, Winkielman,
Krauth-Gruber, & Ric, 2005). Regarding contingent responding,
Holodynski and Friedlmeier (2006) also note that caregivers
often imitate infants facial expressions. When caregivers do so,
infants may develop associations between their own internal
feeling states and the facial expressions shown by the caregiver
(Holodynski & Friedlmeier, 2006). As indicated earlier, much
research on emotion understanding has focused on discussion as
a means of socialization. For example, Doan and Wang (2010)
found that childrens emotion understanding is positively related
to maternal discussion of other peoples thoughts and feelings in
both European American and Chinese immigrant families.

Future Directions and Concluding Remarks


In this article, we attempted to provide a brief overview of
contemporary theory and research on emotional development.
Our overarching goal has been to inspire more efforts to bridge
the gap between emotion scholars who focus on adults and
those who focus on infants and children. We have argued that
emotion theories based on research with adults must also be
able to accommodate developmental data if they are to be

deemed satisfactory accounts of human emotion. For example,


appraisal theories of emotion elicitation merit testing in children and adolescents as well as in adults. At the same time, we
believe that developmental researchers should attend more
carefully to issues that are receiving considerable attention in
the adult-oriented emotion literature. For example, much
developmental research assumes the existence of discrete
emotions as natural kinds, apparently unaware that the status of such entities is highly controversial within the adult literature (see L. F. Barrett, 2006). We hope that future
developmental research will consider the implications of such
controversies. In addition, we would suggest that greater
awareness of the adult emotion literature might lead to new
avenues of developmental investigation. For example, while
considerable research has been conducted on facial expressions in infancy and adulthood, the natural history of their
development during the interim periods of childhood and adolescence remains to be documented. In conclusion, we hope to
encourage developmental and nondevelopmental scholars to
reach out to each other in order to produce a new generation of
research that can increase our understanding of both adult
emotion and its developmental origins.

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