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477516
2013
Emotion Review
Vol. 5, No. 3 (July 2013) 321329
The Author(s) 2013
ISSN 1754-0739
DOI: 10.1177/1754073913477516
er.sagepub.com
Linda A. Camras
Michael M. Shuster
Abstract
Emotion theories based on research with adults must be able to accommodate developmental data if they are to be deemed
satisfactory accounts of human emotion. Inspired in part by theory and research on adult emotion, developmentalists have
investigated emotion-related processes including affect elicitation, internal and overtly observable emotion responding, emotion
regulation, and understanding emotion in others. Many developmental studies parallel investigations conducted with adults. In
this article, we review current theories of emotional development as well as research related to the several aspects of emotion
designated above. Beyond providing an overview of the field, we hope to encourage greater cross-fertilization and research
collaboration between developmental psychologists and scholars who focus on adult emotion.
Keywords
emotional development
Corresponding author: Linda A. Camras, Department of Psychology, DePaul University, 2219 N. Kenmore Ave., Chicago, IL 60614, USA. Email: lcamras@depaul.edu
Interestingly, some developmentalists have produced theories that include elements of several perspectives described
before. For example, Alan Sroufes (1996) theory of emotional
development retains elements of earlier differentiation theories
(i.e., discrete emotions deriving from less differentiated earlier
reactions). However, like dynamical systems proponents, he
describes emotional development in infancy as involving a
series of qualitative shifts that he ties to cognitive development.
Holodynski and Friedlmeier (2006) have proposed an internalization model that also involves emotion differentiation, but they
attribute such differentiation more to sociocultural shaping.
Camras (2011) has proposed a framework incorporating contributions from differentiation, dynamical systems, and functionalist perspectives. She views emotions as dynamical systems
attractor states that also become more differentiated with age,
but attributes developmental changes in emotion to a broader
range of factors including (but going beyond) those identified
within the functionalist framework.
Emotion Elicitation
A variety of processes may lead to emotion elicitation. For
example, emotions may be induced as the result of conditioning
(e.g., Watsons famous example of Little Albert) or conscious
appraisal of experiences in relation to ones goals (e.g., losing a
favorite toy). However, developmentalists have primarily
approached the question of emotion elicitation from two
perspectives: temperament and socialization.
Temperament
Although several models of temperament have been proposed
(see Dyson, Olino, Durbin, Goldsmith, & Klein, 2012), that of
Rothbart and her colleagues is currently generating the most
active research. Rothbart, Sheese, Rueda, and Posner (2011)
define temperament as constitutionally based individual differences in reactivity and regulation in the domains of affect, activity, and attention (p. 207). Based primarily on parent reports
using questionnaire measures, several categories of affective
reactivity are included in Rothbarts model: fearful distress/fear,
frustration/irritability/anger, sadness, and positive affectivity
(Rothbart & Bates, 2008). Individual differences in the manifestation of these emotions are due to both differences in reactivity
and also to differences in the regulation of these reactive tendencies. While temperament is thought to have an inherent basis
(e.g., related to genetic variation; Rothbart & Bates, 2008), the
role of environment is recognized in that characteristic response
tendencies may both be relatively stable yet change over time as
a result of experience. For example, in a short-term longitudinal
study, Calkins (2002) found continuity in the level of anger/
frustration shown by infants who experienced negative parenting, but not for infants who experienced positive parenting.
Similarly, in an extensive program of longitudinal research on
behavioral inhibition, Kagan and his colleagues (see Kagan &
Fox, 2006) have shown that many children categorized as highly
Emotion Socialization
While nonsocial experiences may be important influences on
emotion elicitation (e.g., falling may produce fear of heights),
most developmental research focuses on the actions and activities of social agents. We begin by presenting a conceptual model
of parents emotion socialization proposed by Eisenberg and
her colleagues (Eisenberg, Cumberland, & Spinrad, 1998;
Eisenberg, Spinrad, & Cumberland, 1998), although other
excellent models have been proposed that have much in common with that of Eisenberg etal. (e.g., Halberstadt, Denham, &
Dunsmore, 2001; Holodynski & Friedlmeier, 2006; Saarni,
1999). While focusing on parents behaviors with respect to
children, the model can be readily extended to cover other
socialization agents as well as infants and adolescents as
socialization targets.
Eisenberg and colleagues (Eisenberg, Cumberland, &
Spinrad, 1998; Eisenberg, Spinrad, Cumberland, 1998) distinguish four categories of parental emotion-related socialization
behaviors (ERSBs): (a) parents own emotional expression,
(b) reactions to the childs emotions (i.e., contingent responding), (c) discussion of emotion with or in the presence of the
child, and (d) management of childrens exposure to emotioninducing situations. Importantly, the effects of parental behaviors on childrens emotions may be moderated by a number of
factors (e.g., type of emotion involved, temperament of the
child, whether parental behavior is directed toward the child or
toward another). Cultural variability also characterizes emotion
socialization (see Cole & Tan, 2007, for review).
Parents own emotional expression is an important source of
knowledge about emotion. For example, once infants begin to
engage in social referencing (i.e., seeking information about
others emotional responses when they are unsure how to
respond themselves; J. J. Campos & Stenberg, 1981), they begin
to learn what types of stimuli should evoke particular emotions.
Similarly, parents contingent responses to childrens spontaneously expressed emotion provide information regarding whether
the parent considers the childs emotion to be appropriate.
Parents may reinforce, ignore, punish, and/or model an alternative emotional response to that displayed by the child. For
example, in a classic study of family conflict, Patterson (1982)
found that parents of aggressive children tend to both model and
reinforce anger reactions to perceived provocations. Discussion
of emotion also may occur during family conflicts, for example,
Emotion Responding
While elicitation refers to the when component of the emotion process, emotion responding refers to the how, that is,
how emotions are manifested in behavioral output or internal
response processes. Perhaps the biggest challenge to studying
emotional development is the fact that there is no gold standard of observable behavior that can be used to determine
whether or when an emotion has been produced (J. Campos,
Frankel, & Camras, 2004). This is particularly problematic for
studies of infants and young children who cannot verbally
report their emotion experience. Differential emotions theory
originally attempted to solve this problem by positing a unique
inherent link between specific facial expressions and their
corresponding discrete emotions (Izard & Malatesta, 1987).
However, evidence for such a strict relationship is lacking even
in infancy (Camras & Fatani, 2008; Camras & Shutter, 2010).
In consequence, evidence that a particular response reflects a
particular emotion in infants and young children must rest on
observing systematic emotion-appropriate correspondences
between eliciting circumstances, facial and vocal expressive
behaviors, and nonfacial responses. In the following discussion, we will consider these three components and their
interrelationships.
Neurophysiological Responses
In contrast to many researchers studying adult emotion, developmentalists have not been concerned with identifying distinct
neural substrates for different discrete emotions. Instead, most
research attempts to identify indicators associated with wellbeing and maladjustment (Dennis, Buss, & Hastings, 2012).
Four types of measures are commonly used: electroencephalography (EEG) measures (e.g., of cerebral lateralization),
heart rate measures (e.g., vagal tone and vagal suppression),
Emotion Understanding
An important component of social and emotional competence is
the ability to understand others emotions so that one may
respond appropriately (Denham, 1998; Halberstadt etal., 2001;
Saarni, 1999). We consider emotion understanding to be the
ability to understand the relations among components of the
emotion process, for example, eliciting situations and appraisals
thereof, relational goals associated with each emotion, expressive and behavioral responses, verbal labels, and (arguably)
internal feelings. For example, understanding the links between
emotional facial expressions and the relational goals of the
expresser (e.g., between disgust expressions and avoiding contact) would ideally allow children to predict the expressers
behavior and generate a suitable response. Numerous studies
have found that greater emotion understanding in children is
related to greater social competence and emotional adjustment
(e.g., Izard etal., 2011).
The capacity to understand emotions develops across infancy
and childhood and is preceded by more basic abilities to discriminate among emotional expressions and match expressive
stimuli across different modalities (e.g., happy faces with happy
voices). Emotion discrimination is the ability to perceive morphological differences between emotional and nonemotional
expressions as well as between different types of emotional
expressions. Newborns demonstrate such differential responding to happy speech versus other emotional and nonemotional
speech patterns (Mastropieri & Turkewitz, 1999). Four-monthold infants can discriminate among happy, angry, and neutral
facial expressions (Serrano, Iglesias, & Loeches, 1995). By 5
months, infants smile more at positive versus negative infantdirected speech (Fernald, 1993) and show a preference for positive over negative facial expressions during face-to-face
interactions (DEntremont & Muir, 1999). At around 5 months,
infants also demonstrate an ability to match emotional stimuli of
different modalities based on valence (e.g., positive vocalizations with positive facial expressions; Walker-Andrews, 1986).
According to Walker-Andrews (2008), bimodal (i.e., facial and
vocal) processing facilitates the further development of emotion
understanding. However, while 5-month-olds can discriminate
and match expressive stimuli, there is still no clear evidence that
these infants understand relationships between these expressive
behaviors and other emotion components (e.g., elicitors and
behavioral responses).
The first convincing evidence of such emotion understanding is older infants ability to seek and appropriately use others
emotion signals to guide their behavior, as seen in social referencing studies (J. J. Campos, Thein, & Owen, 2003). For example, 8.5-month-old infants are more hesitant to approach a toy
when their mother produces a negative rather than a positive
vocalization. Similarly, 12-month-olds are more likely to cross
a visual cliff when their caregiver displays a positive rather than
a negative facial expression. By 12 months, infants can also use
cues such as gaze direction and body posture to determine if an
affective display is intended for a specific target. For example,
Mumme and Fernald (2003) found that when infants viewed an
experimenter produce a negative expression while looking at
one of two objects, the infants subsequently avoided only the
visually targeted object. By 10 months, infants also engage in
affect sharing (e.g., by smiling and gazing back and forth
between an object and the caregiver; Jones, Collins, & Hong,
1991; Venezia, Messinger, Thorp, & Mundy, 2004).
Although infants respond differentially to positive versus
negative expression in social referencing studies, these investigations provide no strong evidence that they can distinguish
among different emotions within the same valence (e.g., anger
vs. fear). Beyond 14 months infants begin to use verbal emotion
labels for different negative emotions in natural settings
(Bretherton, Fritz, Zahn-Waxler, & Ridgeway, 1986). However,
using more controlled experimental procedures, Widen and
Russell (2008a, 2008b) concluded that evidence for differential
understanding of negative emotions by 2-year-olds and even
3-year-olds is still not strong. Widen and Russell propose a differentiation model in which children first understand emotions
only in terms of valence and arousal. Thus, preschoolers first
differentiate among negative emotions according to how arousing they are. For example, when asked to choose facial expressions to put in a box marked anger, preschoolers first exclude
expressions of low-arousal emotions such as sadness, followed
by fearful, and finally disgust expressions (Russell & Widen,
2002). Differentiation continues throughout childhood and may
proceed more rapidly for some emotions and emotion components than for others. For example, in emotion-naming tasks,
children may perform better when presented with stories depicting causes and consequences of different negative emotions
than with they do when presented with facial expressions
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