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1/4/16
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CM
ndrew Schonebaum is
assistant professor of Chinese literature
at the University of Maryland. He is the
coeditor of Approaches to Teaching The
Story of the Stone (Dream of the Red
Chamber).
MY
CY
CMY
ISBN 978-0-295-99518-2
healing, literature,
NOVEL MEDICINE
Novel Medicine is a highly provocative book. Schonebaum seeks to deal with the
discourse of illness as reflected by late imperial and early modern literary masterpieces. His research examines a wide range of subjects, from narrative literature
to cultural history, and from medicine as an episteme to medicine as a social
institution. Schonebaum particularly focuses on the circulation of infectious
diseases as a point of reference to changing notions of the body, disease, hygiene,
medical technology, and socioeconomic dynamics of early modern China.
schonebaum
The genius of this book is to take what appear to be three disparate realms
healing/medicine, literature, and religionand demonstrate that they shared a
common literary logic. The world before the introduction of modern science
and biomedicine is thus revealed to be wrought of a surprising and equally valid
common sense. In focusing on recycling, quotations, and oblique references
among familiar and obscure texts, Schonebaum has painted a dynamic picture
of vernacular knowledge on the eve of Chinas modernity.
andrew schonebaum
NOVEL
MEDICINE
healing,
literature,
and popular
knowledge
in early
modern china
Novel Medicine
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Novel Medicine
he aling, li t er at ur e , a nd popul a r
k now l e d g e i n e a r ly mode r n c h i n a
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Andrew Schonebaum
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con t en ts
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Introduction
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Acknowledgments
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I would like to thank Marta Hanson, Dore Levy, Shang Wei, and
Yi-Li Wu for taking the time to read the entire manuscript and for
providing me with their invaluable comments and support. Thanks
to Margaret Wong for her devotion to teaching the Chinese language
to me and to many, many other high schoolers. Dore Levy introduced
me to the study of Chinese literatureits rigors and its pleasures
for whom and for which I am extremely grateful. I owe a great deal
of gratitude to David Rolston, whose thoroughness in commenting
on the manuscript helped me to make connections, excise tangents,
and saved me from making numerous embarrassing errors. I learned
from him an enormous amount about Chinese fiction and about
my own topic. I also am indebted to David Wang, Charlotte Furth,
Carlos Rojas, Paize Kuelemans, Anthony Yu, Volker Shied, Yenna
Wu, and Kirk Denton for their suggestions on the various articles
and talks that make up parts of this book. Nathan Sivin, Hsiu-Fen
Chen, Chang Che Chia, Angela Leung, Bob Hymes, Charles Stone,
and Paul Unschuld also gave generously of their time in answering my
many e-mail queries. Guiling Hu helped me to locate and fix errors
of pinyin and Chinese. Thank you to the editors of Modern Chinese
Literature and Culture for allowing me to reprint parts of my article Vectors of Contagion and Tuberculosis in Modern Chinese Literature from their spring 2011 volume. This work was aided by a
grant from the American Philosophical Society. I am grateful for the
institutional support of Columbia University and the Heyman Center for Humanities, SUNY New Paltz, Bard College, and the University of Maryland. The staff at the National Library of Medicine,
Starr Library, Gest Library, Staatsbibliothek zuBerlin, the Wellcome
Library, Academia Sinica, McKeldin Library, Hornbake Library, and
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Acknowledgments
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Library of Congress have all been enormously helpful in their willingness to help me track down materials. My colleagues Michele Mason,
Bob Ramsey, and Eric Zakim gave sound guidance at various stages
of development. I am grateful to the two anonymous readers of my
manuscripttheir suggestions were extremely helpful. Thanks also
to Lorri Hagman of the University of Washington Press. Richard
C. Y. Chung was very helpful and a good friend. Pat Hui has been
a great facilitator and an inspiration for my studies of Chinese culture all along. Most of all, I would like also to thank Angus Worthing, Eugene Poon-Kaneko, Andy Auseon, my parents, and especially
Chava Brandriss, Ella, Maggie, and Molly for their support and
expertise. I love you.
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Novel Medicine
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It was the summer of 1843, and in Tai County the okra flowers had
just bloomed. Lu Yitians aunt, Madame Zhou, enjoyed making medical concoctions and people came from all around seeking her treatment. There was a man who had been severely scalded, so that his
body was covered in festering sores, and no one had been able to
affect a cure. He came to beg for a prescription of Ms. Zhou. She
thus consulted the novel Flowers in the Mirror (Jinghua yuan, 1818)
by Li Ruzhen (1763?1830) because she knew that it used a great
deal of well-documented and extensive evidence (zhengyin haobo)
and because the medical prescriptions work very well (zhibing douxiao). She found in this satirical fantasy of adventures to strange
lands a prescription for burns that called for okra flowers soaked in
sesame oil to be applied topically. Ms. Zhou followed the prescription, and the patient recovered quickly. Thereupon, she picked all of
the okra blossoms in the area, put them in bottles of sesame oil, and
distributed them. According to Lus cousin, who related this story to
him, there were none who, having received this medicine, were not
cured with it.1
The ways that novels and medicine illuminated each other in the
last decades of imperial rule in China may seem like an unusual topic,
but this passage provides some clues about what can be gained from
such an investigation. The aunt of a medical expert (or, rather, a literate medical amateur, author, and official) gets a prescription from a
novel, and her nephew incorporates it into his store of medical knowledge. He then records the story and the prescription in his medical text
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The civil service examinations that determined the amount of official responsibility and compensation had become so crowded with
candidates that passing them was virtually impossible. Odds of
securing employment were also reduced by increasing graft and the
practice of purchasing office by those rich merchants who, despite
their wealth, were otherwise looked down upon. Literati had been
turning to other professions, such as tutor, doctor, editor, or author,
for a few centuries, in greater numbers near the end of the Ming
dynasty (13681644) and in still greater numbers during the Qing
(16441911) when Manchu rulers were even less inclined to appoint
Han Chinese to office.
This was the time that the novel began to establish itself as a new
and important genre in China. The situation of literati, turning their
esteemed hobbies into mundane, practical professions, is likely one
of the reasons why the Chinese novel (xiaoshuo) has a particularly
encyclopedic nature. After spending their youth memorizing philosophical and historical texts, literati who failed the official exams
that were the sole determinant of official employment had to ply a
tradeand tutoring, writing, and practicing medicine were among
the most popular of these. This context gave rise to the scholarnovel, identified by unity of plot, structural coherence, and single
authorship, in contradistinction to folk novels, with their patchwork
of traditional stories, incorporated a broad range of practical knowledge. Many novelists in China turned to vernacular literature in part
to display their knowledge of medicine, science, architecture, mathematics, poetry, and myriad other areas of inquiry. The new genre
accommodated (and later served as) encyclopedic texts as much as it
portrayed quotidian life, entertained the reader with complex plots,
and enabled literati to comment on their increasingly nebulous place
in society.
The account of Ms. Zhous practice, even if it is apocryphal, illustrates that medical belief and practice were intersecting with fiction
in early modern China. Educated doctors who read the literature of
elite medicine by day and entertainment literature by night encountered these intersections, as did lay practitioners and readers. Literate
people, an increasingly diverse group who read and produced diverse
texts, understood the world and their bodies place in it through a
frame of both elite and vernacular knowledge. When ill, we want to
know not just the etiology of our disease but what our disease means.
In China, as elsewhere, the experience of disease was conditioned
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polygeneric, and interdisciplinary texts, are also a vast cache of depictions and explanations of the quotidian and popular knowledge. They
illuminate how illness and the body were understood in individual
works and as trends in literary history. As complex texts that are both
narrative and instructive, written by and for literati, scholarly novels of
early modern China share much with medical compendia and case histories, and even materia medica produced in the same period. Fictional
texts were used or imagined as medical texts, but medical texts increasingly looked like fiction and dramacontaining a great deal of narrative and dialogue, and drawing upon a wide range of sources, including
poetry and fictional literature, as evidence to back their claims. Studying these kinds of texts together also makes sense because they were
being published in great numbers for the first time starting in the sixteenth century, often sharing the same publishing houses, editors, readers, and, sometimes, authors.7 Metaphor and figurative language are
powerful forces that alter how people understand their bodies and their
world, but they also codify complex notions, and resist change. The
flourishing of these texts marked a watershed moment in publishing
and reading culture, and they exerted long-term effects on the public
imaginary with both their content and their form.
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say, even physicians of the higher order were still not quite gentlemen. 22 These elite outsiders, who were elevating the practice of
medicinein status, at least, if not in efficacyplay a part in the
history of fiction and drama, just as authors of fiction and drama
were similarly seeking to establish those genres as legitimate practices of educated gentlemen.
Ruyi status identified people who readtexts, the body, and patterns (li). The Golden Mirror of the Medical Lineage (Yizong jinjian),
published for use as a teaching manual at the Qing Imperial Academy
(Taiyi Yuan), stated, If physicians are not intimately familiar with
books, they will not understand principle [li]. If they do not understand principle, they will not be able to recognize the situation clearly.
Then when they go to treat illness, they will vacillate and be indecisive, their medicines will not accord with the sickness, and it will be
difficult to obtain an efficacious result.23 Those who claimed status
as ruyi created for themselves a new lineage of texts, and vilified the
old one that relied on transmission of knowledge from one person to
another as a tainted heredity that could not discern patterns.
Which practice, practitioner, or idea is esteemed over others as
medical is often a point of contestation between elite and popular
texts. Complicating the situation, the knowledge and ability of literate medical amateurs overlapped with those of professional physicians, yet early modern observers clearly considered certain people to
be doctors and others not. 24 Ms. Zhou, who consulted Flowers in the
Mirror for a prescription, was a healer, and her nephew Lu Yitian was
not a physician in the strict sense but a literate medical amateur, yet
he claimed authority for himself by publishing medical texts. Moreover, that Ms. Zhou herself was a literate healer reflects an increasing
access to textual medicine and the degree to which medical publishing incorporated popular methods of healing. 25 Popular medicine
increasingly was communicated through published works as literacy
rates increased and many medical texts in the late Mingand Qing
contained useful medical knowledge. Before the late imperial period,
most of these were books published by renowned physicians to engage
their peers on topics of medical theory. These texts were reprinted in
the great imperial collections and discussed by other famous physicians down through the centuries. They remained elite but were no
longer the only textual sources of medical knowledge.
Medicine had been elite because of its written status, and the status of its practitioners, who were officials or scholar-physicians (yi,
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