Ethnic Identity and Psych Well Being

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IMPACT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY

ON PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING
AMONG KOREAN AMERICANS IN THE UNITED STATES
By
Shinyoung Lee
A Dissertation
Submitted to the State University of New York at Albany
in Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
School of Social Welfare

Social Welfare
2001
UMI Number: 3039717
___
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ABSTRACT
Impact o f Ethnic Identity on Psychological Well-Being
among Korean Americans in the United States
Shinyoung Lee
The purposes of the study are (1) to identity the overall level o f ethnic identity
and psychological well-being; (2) to explore the differences in ethnic identity,
acculturation, self-esteem, and depression across the background variables; (3) to explore
the relationship among ethnic identity, acculturation, and psychological well-being;
finally, (4) to find predictors o f self-esteem and depression.
The quantitative methodology using a questionnaire package was adopted. The
participants were 217 Korean American adults living in the Albany, New York area and
New York City. The measurements used were Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measurement,
Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans-II, Rosenberg Self-esteem scale, and
Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression scale.
The findings are as follows:
1. Females had stronger ethnic identity than males. Frequency o f Korean church
attendance was significantly related to ethnic identity.
2. The second generation was far more likely to fall into the Integration and
Assimilation modes than the first generation. Length o f residence and the
frequency o f Korean church attendance were significantly related to acculturation
modes.
3. Ethnic identity was positively related to self-esteem ad negatively related to
depression.
ii
4. The variables at the final step o f the regression equation accounted for 29% o f
variance for self-esteem. Education, visits to Korea, length o f residence,
Integration, Assimilation, and ethnic identity were significant predictors o f self
esteem. Ethnic identity had the strongest effect on self-esteem.
5.
The variables at the final step o f the regression equation accounted for 16% of
variance for depression. Perceived discrimination and ethnic identity were
significant predictors o f depression.
The findings can be applied to multicultural social work practice. Further insight
into ethnic identity and mental health issues will promote the development o f prevention
and intervention programs to strengthen mental health among culturally diverse clients,
especially Korean Americans. The social policies should focus on not only the
preservation o f ethnic culture, but also helping immigrants adopt the mainstream culture.
Moreover, the provision for higher education for culturally diverse groups and programs
to lessen racial discrimination will enable better psychological well-being.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................ii
Table o f contents....................................................................................................................... iv
List o f tables............................................................................................................................. vii
List o f figures.......................................................................................................................... viii
Acknowledgements...................................................................................................................ix
I. INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................... 1
Statement of problems................................................................................................... 1
Purpose o f the study......................................................................................................4
Significance o f the study...............................................................................................5
H. LITERATURE REVIEW....................................................................................................7
Theoretical framework o f ethnic identity....................................................................7
Definition........................................................................................................... 7
Conceptual frameworks for the study of ethnic identity............................. 10
Ethnic identification among diverse groups................................................. 18
Factors associated with ethnic identity...................................................................... 19
Relationship between ethnic identity and psychological well-being......................27
Profile o f Korean Americans......................................................................................32
Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics........................................ 32
Ethnic identification among Korean Americans.......................................... 35
Mental health status........................................................................................ 37
ffl. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND HYPOTHESES...............................................41
IV. METHOD.........................................................................................................................45
Research design........................................................................................................45
Sample.......................................................................................................................45
Data collection.......................................................................................................... 46
iv
Human subjects concerns and ethics.........................................................................48

Measurements.............................................................................................................49
Data analysis plan.......................................................................................................54
V. RESULTS......................................................................................................................... 56
Reliability of the measures........................................................................................ 56
Demographic characteristics o f the participants......................................................61
Comparison of characteristics between the first and second generation...............65
Interrelationships among the demographics............................................................ 68
Ethnic identity, acculturation, self-esteem, depression according to background
variables..................................................................................................................... 70
Ethnic identity................................................................................................ 70
Acculturation...................................................................................................74
Self-esteem......................................................................................................78
Depression.......................................................................................................79
Relationship between ethnic identity and psychological well-being..................... 82
Relationship between acculturation modes and psychological well-being............84
Relationship among ethnic identity, acculturation, and psychological well-being
based on multiple regression analyses......................................................................87
VI. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS........................................................................92

Factors related to ethnic identity............................................................................... 92
Factors related to acculturation................................................................................. 95
Relationship among ethnic identity, acculturation, and self-esteem...................... 97
Relationship among ethnic identity, acculturation, and depression....................... 99
Limitations................................................................................................................ 103
Implications for social work.................................................................................... 104
Direct social work practice......................................................................... 104
Policy............................................................................................................ 106
Research........................................................................................................ 107
Conclusion................................................................................................................ 108
v
REFERENCES...................................................................................................................... 110
APPENDICES
Appendix A: English Version o f the Questionnaire...............................................121
Appendix B: Korean Version o f the Questionnaire............................................... 129
Appendix C: Questionnaire Administration Instructions......................................137
vi
LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 1: Terms used for four organizations......................................................................... 13
Table 2: Ethnic/racial identity development models...........................................................15
Table 3: Summary of variables and measurements............................................................. 53
Table 4: Internal consistency reliability coefficients o f the measures................................57
Table 5: Factor loadings by American Orientation Subscale items....................................59
Table 6: Factor loadings by Korean Orientation Subscale items........................................60
Table 7: Demographic characteristics o f participants..........................................................63
Table 8: Comparison o f characteristics between first and second generation...................66
Table 9: T-test by generation..................................................................................................67
Table 10: Pearson correlations o f key demographic characteristics.................................. 69
Table 11: ANOVA of ethnic identity and generation......................................................... 72
Table 12: ANOVA of ethnic identity and gender................................................................72
Table 13: Pearson correlations between ethnic identity and continuous demographic
variables.................................................................................................................. 73
Table 14: Criteria and frequency o f acculturation modes.................................................. 74
Table 15: Acculturation modes by generation..................................................................... 76
Table 16: Acculturation modes by gender............................................................................76
Table 17: ANOVA among acculturation modes and continuous demographic variables.77
Table 18: ANOVA among generation, gender, self-esteem, and depression.....................80
Table 19: Pearson correlation among continuous variables, self-esteem,
and depression.........................................................................................................80
Table 20: Summary of correlations among variables..........................................................81
Table 21: Pearson correlation among ethnic identity, self-esteem, and depression......... 83
Table 22: Pearson correlation between ethnic identity and psychological well-being
according to generation and gender...................................................................... 84
Table 23: ANOVA among acculturation modes, ethnic identity, self-esteem,
and depression........................................................................................................ 86
Table 24: Hierarchical multiple regression o f self-esteem................................................. 90
Table 25: Hierarchical multiple regression o f depression...................................................91
vii
LIST OF FIGURES
Page
Figure 1: General conceptual model...................................................................................... 41
Figure 2: Relationship between ethnic identity and acculturation...................................... 42
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to acknowledge Anne Fortune, the chairperson in the doctoral

committee. I developed the dissertation topic through independent studies with her. She
guided me in narrowing down the topic. During each stage o f the dissertation, she gave
me direction regarding the literature review, methodology, and analysis through
reviewing the draft and providing valuable comments. I also thank the committee
members, Blanca Ramos and Vivian Ng. They encouraged me a great deal and helped to
clarify and enrich the contents by providing different points o f view.
I would also like to thank all the Korean Americans who participated in the
survey. Without their participation, this dissertation could not have been written. In
particular, I appreciate many supporters including the pastors in Korean churches, church
members, friends, and Korean students in the school o f social welfare. They were always
willing to help me in data collection and review of the Korean version o f the
questionnaire.
I wish to acknowledge the love from my family and friends living in Korea. Even
though they are far away from me, they pray for me, encourage me, and support me. I
dedicate this dissertation to the memory o f my mother who passed away last year and
who was eager for me to complete my doctoral study in the United States.
ix
I. INTRODUCTION
Statement of problems
As the U.S. society becomes pluralized, an interest in ethnic identity is increasing
in research. Ethnic identity refers both to the sense o f belonging to an ethnic group and
the part o f a persons thinking, perception, feelings, and behavior that is related to ethnic
group membership (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992).
There are large individual differences in the degree to which aspects o f ethnic
identity are adopted. Some individuals will strongly identify with many aspects o f the
majority culture; some will only acknowledge their group; some will deny it. Since ethnic
groups differ in their history, cultural background, and current situation, ethnic identity is
predicted to vary with ethnicity. The minority group members showed greater ethnic
identity than whites (Martinez & Dukes, 1997). In addition, Asian Americans showed
lower ethnic identity scores than African and Hispanic Americans (Phinney & Alipuria,
1990).
The level o f ethnic identify varies according to factors such as age, gender,
income, education, language ability, church involvement, length o f residence and so
forth. These factors are important to better understand the nature o f ethnic identify.
However, there is little research examining all o f these factors. Researchers focused on
one or two variables, such as parenting behavior (Rosenthal & Feldman, 1992b), religion
(Bankston & Zhou, 1995), gender (Martinez & Dukes, 1997), age and gender (RotheramBorus & Lighthoot, 1998), school environment (Lysne & Levy, 1997), and generation
(Portes & MacLeod, 1996).
There is a fairly large body o f research regarding gender and generational

differences. Wooden, Leon, and Toshima (1988) found that there was no difference in
ethnic identity between boys and girls. However, Lysne and Levy (1997) found that
females identified more with their ethnic group than males. Nesdale & Rooney (1997)
and Rotheram-Borus & Lightfoot (1998) reported the opposite outcome that males had
stronger ethnic identity than females. With regard to generational difference, two studies
showed that the first generation immigrants had stronger ethnic identity than the second
generation (Rosenthal & Feldman, 1992a; Liebkind, 1993). However, Wooden et al.
(1988) found no difference in ethnic identity between generations. In addition, there are
differences in ethnic identity among the second generations depending on length o f stay
in the new culture, parenting styles, school environment, nativity, and so on. Therefore,
the significant factors influencing ethnic identity remain to be specified and assessed.
Research on the impact o f ethnic identity demonstrated that ethnic identity was
related to a sense o f belonging on campus (Lee & Davis, 2000), vocational behavior
(Leong & Chou, 1994), school grades (Phinney, 1992), substance abuse (Moran &
Fleming, 1999), and friendship preference (Ting-Toomey, 1981). More research has
reported the relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem. Greater ethnic identity
is related to higher self-esteem (Carson, Uppal, & Prosser, 2000; Lemon & Waehler,
1996; Matinez & Dukes,1997; Phinney & Chavira, 1993; Park-Adams, 1997). In
addition, higher self-esteem is associated with a proactive coping style against
discrimination (Phinney & Chavira, 1995), and higher grades in school (Phinney, Cantu,
& Kurtz, 1997).
Other research revealed that ethnic identity provided immigrants with personal
and external resources that enabled them to cope with acculturative stress, and thus
minimized psychological distress (Nesdale & Rooney, 1997). Liebkind (1996) found that
strong ethnic identity was significantly related to less anxiety and depression in
Vietnamese refugees and their children in Finland. Nesdale and Rooney (1997) found
that ethnic identity provided an individual with inner resources for handling prejudice and
discrimination. Chavira and Phinney (1991) reported that Hispanic adolescents with a
strong sense o f ethnic identity used more active strategies for dealing with discrimination
than adolescents with a weaker ethnic identity.
On the other hand, several researchers have investigated psychological well-being
based on both the level o f ethnic identity and acculturation. Integration (strong ethnic
identity and strong acculturation) and assimilation (weak ethnic identity and strong
acculturation) modes were correlated with a higher level o f psychological adjustment
than the separation (strong ethnic identity and weak acculturation) and marginalization
(weak ethnic identity and weak acculturation) modes (Nguyen, Messe, & Stollak, 1999;
Sanchez & Fernandez, 1993).
The Asian American group includes several diverse ethnic subgroups. Korean
Americans, who come to the United States as voluntary immigrants, are one o f the most
rapidly increasing immigrant groups in the United States (Min, 1995). As they realize the
differences in physical appearance, language, and cultural values, they struggle to define
themselves as well as to adjust to a new environment. Korean immigrants appear to have
a higher level o f depressive symptomatology. Hurh and Kim (1990) and Choi (1997)
found that Korean immigrants showed greater depression than other Asian American
3
groups. Korean college students also tend to have more depression than white students
(Aldwin & Greenberger, 1987; Greenberger & Chen, 1996; Okazaki, 1997).
Regarding ethnic identification, Moon (1998) found that adult Korean Americans
regarded their identity as Koreans as more important than that o f Korean Americans,
while Hong and Min (1999) found that the majority o f the second generation chose to
self-identity as Korean Americans. As Korean immigrants were immersed in Korean
culture prior to their migration, the older generation was likely to have stronger ethnic
identity than the younger generation (Kim & Kim, 1998; Min, 1995). However, Lee
(1995) found that the younger generation had stronger Korean cultural identification than
the older generation.
There were also different findings about the impact of ethnic identity on
psychological well-being among Korean Americans. Park-Adams (1997) found that
ethnic identity was significantly related to the psychological adjustment among Korean
American college students. In Shrake's study (1996), the ethnic identity level o f Korean
American adolescents had an inverse relationships with problem behaviors. However,
Kim and Pew's study (1994) demonstrated that ethnic identity was not related to quality
o f life and depression among Korean American women.
Purpose of the study

The purpose o f this study are to examine the impact o f ethnic identity on
psychological well-being among Korean Americans. Specifically, the study will (1)
identify the overall level o f ethnic identify, acculturation, and psychological well-being;
(2) explore the differences in ethnic identify, acculturation, self-esteem, and depression
4
across the background variables (e.g, generation, gender, income, education); (3)
discover certain significant factors that influence ethnic identity, acculturation, self
esteem, and depression; (4) explore the relationship among ethnic identity, acculturation,
self-esteem, and depression; finally (5) find predictors that account for self-esteem and
depression.
Significance of the study

Previous research reported differences in ethnic identity depending on age,
gender, marital status, geographical region, income, education, religious involvement,
length of residence, language ability, and so forth. The majority of research has used
nonprobability sampling methods, which have limitations for generalization. This
suggests further study to better understand the nature o f ethnic identity. Therefore, this
study is necessary in order to better understand the relationship among ethnic identity,
acculturation, and psychological well-being among diverse cultural groups, particularly
Korean Americans.
Strong ethnic identity does not necessarily imply a weak relationship or low
involvement with the mainstream culture. There are four possible relationships between
ethnic identity and acculturation. More studies using a two-dimensional model are needed
to examine the relationship between ethnic identity and acculturation. Furthermore,
research reports that bicultural identity is related to the best mental health. This research
is necessary to determine whether Korean Americans show the same results as other
ethnic groups.
Research shows that Korean Americans experience higher levels o f depression

than other Asian groups. Despite the rapid increase in the number o f Korean Americans,
research on their mental health is still in the exploratory stage. Furthermore, there is little
research about the impact o f ethnic identity on psychological well-being among Korean
Americans. The lack of empirical studies on Korean Americans raises the need for more
research. Therefore, this study will provide valuable information in order to better
understand mental health among Korean Americans.
As the social work profession is challenged to gain a better understanding o f
diversity, social workers will be required to be more culturally sensitive and competent.
When clinical social workers encounter culturally diverse clients, this research will help
them to work more effectively. If strong identification with the clients' own ethnic group
brings about good mental health, interventions should include enhancing ethnic identity.
Further insight into ethnic identity and mental health issues among Korean Americans
will provide social workers a direction for engagement, multicultural assessment, and
effective intervention strategies, thus increasing mental health service utilization. It will
also help policy makers expand mental health services and policies.
II.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Theoretical framework of ethnic identity

A. Definition
According to the social work dictionary, ethnicity is defined as "an orientation
toward the shared national origin, religion, race, or language o f a people"(Barker, 1999,
p. 160). However, ethnic identity is not defined in the dictionary.
According to Phinney and Kohatsu (1997), ethnic identity has been examined
primarily among European immigrants and extended to Hispanics, Asians, and more
recently, African Americans. Helms (1994) regards ethnic identity as ones attachment to,
sense o f belonging to, and identification with ones ethnic group members. Rogler,
Cooney, and Ortiz (1980) consider the concept o f ethnic identity in terms o f language
use, ability in affiliation with particular cultural values, and attitudinal preference for the
given culture. According to Rotheram and Phinney (1986), ethnic identity refers to the
individuals acquisition o f group patterns, including ones sense o f belonging to an ethnic
group, the part of ones thinking, perceptions, feelings, and behaviors toward an ethnic
group.
Other scholars break down ethnic identity into its various dimensions or
components in order to understand the concept of it more clearly. These components
serve as the basis o f a measure for ethnic identity. According to Isajiw (1990), ethnic
identity consists o f internal and external ethnic identity. Internal ethnic identity includes
cognitive, moral, affective or cathetic dimensions, whereas external ethnic identity refers
to language usage, ethnic-group friendship, participation in ethnic-group activities, ethnic
media preference, and maintenance of ethnic traditions. Sue, Mak, and Sue (1998)
7
discuss affective, cognitive, and behavioral components o f ethnic identity. O n the other
hand, Phinney (1998) regards components o f ethnic identity as self-identification, sense
o f belonging, positive and negative attitudes towards one's ethnic group, and ethnic
involvement.
The cognitive dimension includes self-image, knowledge o f the ethnic group's
heritage and history, and interest in ones group/cultural awareness or ethnic
consciousness. The affective dimension includes sense o f belonging, and positive and
negative attitudes toward one's ethnic group. Positive attitudes include pride in,
satisfaction, and contentment with ones own group. Acceptance refers to positive
attitudes. Negative attitudes can be seen as a denial o f ones ethnic group, including
displeasure, dissatisfaction, discontentment with ones ethnicity, feelings o f inferiority, or
a desire to hide ones cultural identity. In the studies with African American subjects, the
negative attitudes are phrased both as denial of "Blackness" and as preference for white
culture (Phinney, 1989).
The moral dimension includes obligation to their ethnic groups, such as a strong
sense o f duty to the family, protection o f honor and face o f the family, and marriage
within the ethnic group. The behavioral dimension is the most widely used indicator of
ethnic identity. It includes ethnic language usage, ethnic-group friendship, and
participation in ethnic-group activities, ethnic media preference, and maintenance o f
ethnic traditions (e.g., ethnic foods, celebration o f ethnic holidays, customs, and religious
practices). Strong identification with a particular culture is related to an increase in
culture-linked behaviors or activities. The research found that Chinese Americans and
Chinese Australians, who identified themselves as Chinese, participated in the most

ethnic practices and preferred in-group friendships (Rosenthal & Feldman, 1992a).
Phinney (1998) reported that about two-thirds of seventy studies o f ethnic identity
in journals since 1972 did not provide a clear definition o f ethnic identity. Moran and
Fleming (1999) also discussed that little empirical work has been carried out regarding
the operationalization o f ethnic identity in general. On the other hand, Helms (1994)
distinguishes racial identity from ethnic identity. That is, racial identity is based on a
sociopolitical model o f oppression and is concerned with how individuals develop
respectful attitudes toward their racial group. However, ethnic identity does not have a
theoretical emphasis on oppression/racism, but may include the prejudices and cultural
pressures that ethnic individuals experience conflicts with those o f the dominant group.
However, Resnicow, Soler, Braithwaite, Selassie, and Smith (1999) explained that
distinctions between racial and ethnic identity were not universally accepted in theory or
applied in practice.
In summary, ethnic identity has multiple aspects including a sense o f belonging
and commitment, positive and negative attitudes toward one's ethnic group, interest in
and knowledge about one's group, cultural awareness or ethnic consciousness, and
participation in cultural activities. Differences in understanding o f ethnic identity are
related to the diversity in how researchers have conceptualized it and in the questions
they have sought to answer. Therefore, there is a need for empirical work to clarify
concept o f ethnic identity. Even though race and ethnicity are not synonymous, the terms
racial and ethnic identity have been used interchangeably in the research o f ethnic
identity. Sue and Sue (1990) proposed a racial/cultural identity development model to
9
emphasize the impact of minority and racist experiences on the identity o f ethnic
minorities. Cross (1991) and Helms (1990) call their model a racial identity development
model. Resnicow and colleagues (1999) choose the aggregate term, racial/ethnic identity.
In the present study, the term ethnic identity was chose because ethnic identity seems to
be a broader concept including racial classification and cultural factors.
B. Conceptual frameworks for the study of ethnic identity

This part will be discussed in three distinctive frameworks for studying ethnic identity.
I. Social identity theory

Lewin (1948, cited in Phinney, 1998) asserted that individuals need a strong sense
o f group identification in order to maintain a sense of well-being. This idea was
developed in the social identity theory by Tajfel and Turner. According to Tajfel and
Turner (1986), the social identity theory posits that there is an underlying need to
maintain self-esteem and this need is linked to group identity. Group members
differentiate their own group from other groups and evaluate their own group more
favorably to enhance the self-concept. If their group is viewed negatively by society, they
may view themselves negatively. On the basis o f social identity theory, ethnic identity
would include attitudes towards an ethnic group and a sense o f belonging to their own
group (Roberts & Phinney, 1999).
An implication of the theory is that a favorable view o f the personal group would
be associated with higher self-esteem and an unfavorable view, lower social status, or
negative stereotypes would be associated with lower self-esteem. However, this
assumption is controversial. In Grossman, Wirt, and Davids' study (1985), Anglo
10
adolescents scored higher on self-esteem than Chicanos. Martinez and Dukes (1997)
found that self-esteem scores o f Latino adolescents are equal to Blacks or higher than
White and Asian adolescents. Phinney, Cantu, and Kurtz (1997) found that African
Americans scored higher in self-esteem than Latino and White adolescents. These
empirical findings demonstrate that there are other factors influencing self-esteem rather
than group membership per se. Phinney (1993) demonstrated that a positive sense o f
belonging to one's group enhanced self-esteem, while negative attitudes reduced it.
2. Acculturation framework
Acculturation refers to "the process of conditioning an individual or group to the
social patterns, behavior, values, and mores o f others"(Barker, 1999, p.3). Acculturation
focuses on how minority or immigrant groups relate to the dominant or host society,
whereas ethnic identity focuses on how they relate to their own ethnic groups as
subgroups of the larger society (Phinney, 1998). Furthermore, ethnic identity reflects the
degree o f identification members o f an ethnic group have toward their ethnic group,
while acculturation emphasizes the extent of attitude they have toward a dominant group
(Sue, Mak, & Sue, 1998). Acculturation is often confused with assimilation. Assimilation
refers not only to cultural and behavioral changes, but also to full socioeconomic
integration into another culture (Ramos, 1997, p.31).
There are two distinct models to explain the relationship between ethnic identity
and acculturation: a linear/ unidimensional/ bipolar model and a bidimensional/ twodimensional model. In the linear model, ethnic identity is conceptualized along a
continuum from strong ethnic ties at one extreme to strong mainstream ties at the other.
11
Acculturation is accompanied by a weakening o f ethnic identity. This approach is based

on the assimilationist perspective. There are three problems with a linear model. The first
problem is the assumption o f mutual exclusion. One culture is against another and it
assumes an inverse relationship between the ethnic and host culture. That is, high
involvement in one culture requires low involvement in the other. Second, there is a
possibility that one ethnic group may be more socially desirable than another group,
making difficult to measure true self-identification. Third, it is difficult to identify a true
bicultural person (Nguyen, Messe, & Stollak, 1999).
In contrast, the bidimensional approach assumes that cultural involvement is not
necessarily bipolar. Ethnic group members can have either strong or weak identifications
with both their own and the mainstream cultures. The bidimensional perspective is based
on two assumptions. First, the model presupposes that individuals differ to the extent to
which self-identity includes culturally based values, attitudes, and behaviors. Culture may
play a large role in the identities o f some individuals, whereas others may base their selfidentity on factors such as occupation or religion. Second, individuals are capable o f
having multiple cultural identities, each o f which may independently vary in strength
(Ryder, Alden, & Paulhus, 2000).
In the two-dimensional model, there are not only two acculturative extremes o f
assimilation or pluralism but at least four possible ways o f dealing with ethnic group
membership in a diverse society. As Table 1 shows, Phinney (1998) illustrates some o f
terms that have been used for each o f the four possibilities in research. The first group
has a strong sense o f ethnic identity and high degree o f acculturation. Individuals are
considered acculturated, or integrated, or bicultural. They are able to move comfortably
12
in both cultures. The second group has a weak sense of ethnic identity and high degree o f
acculturation. These individuals have a limited sense of belonging to their ethnic group o f
origin and identify most with the dominant culture. The third group has a strong sense o f
ethnic identity and low degree o f acculturation. People in this group have little or no
interest in the dominant culture and identify most with their ethnic group. The terms
ethnically identified or embedded, or separated or dissociated from mainstream culture
are used to describe a person in this group. The fourth group has a weak sense o f ethnic
identity and low degree o f acculturation. They are marginal to both their ethnic group and
the dominant culture. In conclusion, minority members can have either strong or weak
identifications with both their own and the mainstream cultures. Strong ethnic identity
does not necessarily imply a weak relationship or low involvement with the dominant
culture.
Table 1. Terms used for four organizations, based on degree o f identification
with both ones own ethnic group and the majority group
Identification with
M ajority G roup
Identification with Ethnic G ro u p

Strong
W eak
Strong
(1) Acculturated
Integrated
Bicultural
(2) Assimilated
W eak
(3) Ethnically identified

Ethnically embedded
Separated
Dissociated
(4) Marginal
Source: Phinney (1998), p.78.

Research demonstrates the theoretical superiority o f the two-dimensional model.
Sanchez and Fernandez (1993) applied this framework to the study o f ethnic
13
identification. They found that identification with the Hispanic culture was unrelated to
the U.S. culture and that the identifications were differently related to indices o f
adjustment. Nguyen, Messe, and Stollak (1999) examined the two-dimensional model
with Vietnamese adolescents in the U.S. In their study, the validity o f the bidimensional
model was demonstrated through the emergence of two culturally orthogonal factors in
the factor analysis, the moderately inverse correlation between Vietnamese culture and
U.S. culture composite scores, and the two cultures divergent relationships with the
adjustment indices. These surveys yield evidence that ethnic identity and acculturation
can and should be measured separately. The exact nature o f the relationship remains to be
specified and assessed.
3. Developmental framework
A developmental framework was provided by the Erickson theory o f ego identity
formation. According to Erickson (1968), identity formation takes place through a
process o f exploration that typically occurs during adolescence and that leads to a
commitment in identity domains. Based on the Erickson model, a number o f researchers
have developed models of ethnic or racial identity development.
Table 2 depicts the relationship between different identity development models
and specific terminology used for each model. Each model assumes a process that begins
with a lack o f awareness or understanding o f the person's ethnicity. The initial stage ends
when adolescents engage in exploration to learn more about their group. The final phase
leads to an achieved ethnic identity characterized by a commitment to their group.
14
Table 2. Ethnic/Racial Identity Development Models

Racial/
Cultural
Identity(Sue&
Sue, 1990)
Minority
Identity
(Atkinson et
a t, 1989)
Ego Identity
(Marcia et aL,
1994)
Racial
Identity
(Cross, 1991;
Helms, 1990)
Ethnic
Identity
(Phinney,
1989,1993)
Conformity
Dissonance
Resistance and
immersion
Introspection
Integrative
awareness
Conformity
Dissonance
Resistance and
immersion
Introspection
Synergetic
articulation and
awareness
Diffusion/
Foreclosure
Preencounter
Moratorium
Encounter
Immersion/
emmersion
Identity
achievement
Internalization
Exploration
Unexamined
Commitment
Achievement
Source: Sue, Mak, & Sue (1998), p.299.
According to Phinney and Kohatsu (1997), the unexamined ethnic identity stage
is accompanied by low self-regard and feelings o f inadequacy, whereas the achievement
stage is associated with a positive self-concept and lack of psychological distress.
Cross (1978) developed a four-stage model o f black identity that contributes to
the formation of specific racial identity attitudes and is a precursor o f many o f the more
recent models. Crosss four stages are: (1) preencounter, in which blacks deny their
culture and value the dominant society; (2) encounter, in which a situation occurs that
pushes the individual to question and reexamine old ways of thinking and behavior
accompanied with feelings o f guilt and anger with the dominant society; (3)
immersion/emersion, in which there is full commitment to black culture; and (4)
internalization, viewed as the final stage o f development, involving the resolution o f
conflicts with the dominant culture. These four themes describe self-concept issues
15
concerning race and parallel attitudes that the individual holds about Blacks and Whites
as a reference group. Cross' model o f nigrescence represents a comprehensive statement
o f Black racial identity development and offers a framework for understanding
adolescent racial identity development. Based on Cross' model, Parham and Helms
(1985) developed the Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS) that measures racial identity
attitudes reflective o f the four stages o f Cross.
In the mid-1980s, Helms (1984) introduced a white racial identity development
theory. There are two basic assumptions in her theory. One assumption is that Whites are
socialized to feel superior to ethnic groups by virtue o f their white skin alone. The second
assumption is that Whites can avoid, deny, or ignore dealing with their whiteness (Carter,
1995). Later, Helms (1990) revised and extended her 1984 model and developed a sixstage racial identity model for whites: contact, disintegration, reintegration, pseudo
independence, immersion-emersion, and autonomy. The White Racial Identity Attitude
Scale (WRIAS) assesses these six stages.
Ruiz (1990) presented a Chicano/Latino ethnic identity development model. The
model presents five stages (causal, cognitive, consequence, working through, and
successful resolution) in relationship to ethnic identity conflicts, interventions, and
resolution. On the other hand, Atkinson, Morten, and Sue (1989), and Phinney (1989)
developed different models that can be applied to diverse groups including white, black,
Hispanic, Native, and Asian American.
Atkinson, Morton, and Sue (1989) integrated the various perspectives and
proposed a Minority Identity Development (MID) model that can be applicable to all
people o f color. This model consists o f five stages: conformity, dissonance, resistance
16
and immersion, introspection, and integrative awareness. Sue and Sue (1990) expanded
the MID model and referred to their model as the Racial/Cultural Identity Development
(R/CID) model.
Phinneys model is a three-stage process based on Ericksons theory. In the first
stage, called unexamined ethnic identity, an individual unquestionably accepts the values
and attitudes of the dominant culture. In the second stage of ethnic identity,
search/moratorium, people become aware o f themselves as members o f a minority group,
explore their ethnicity including involvement in learning about their culture, but show
anger or outrage toward white society. In the third stage, ethnic identity achievement,
people accept their ethnicity and are proud o f their own ethnicity. Phinney (1989)
developed the Muitigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) to measure the extent o f
ethnic identity among diverse ethnic groups. The MEIM includes the stages of ethnic
identity development, self-identification, ethnic behaviors and practices, and belonging to
an ethnic group. In addition, Phinney (1992) added six items to assess other-group
orientation or attitudes toward interacting with out-group members. Therefore, the MEIM
reflects both social identity theory and developmental theory.
There are limitations when researchers use a developmental framework. Everyone
may not go through the stages in the same way. It is not clear whether or not ethnic
identity development is a linear process (Sue & Sue, 1990). The stage model does not
necessarily assume unidirectionality. Individuals may begin at any point on the
continuum and it is possible to recycle through stages (Resnicow et al., 1999). Recent
Asian immigrants who already have strong ethnic identity and then encounter cultural
biases in the United States may differ in identity formation. Asian Americans in the
17
United States include diverse ethnic groups with different backgrounds. Any single
theory o f Asian American identity development would be inadequate. Furthermore, there
is no research about a cultural specific model in ethnic identity development stage for
Asian Americans and Native Americans. Therefore, instruments reflective o f the stages
must be developed and validated empirically among various ethnic groups.
C. Ethnic identification among diverse groups

Scholars explain unawareness o f ethnicity among Whites. Phinney (1992) found
that the white adolescents had not given much thought about who they are. RotheramBorus and Lightfoot (1998) reported that Anglo students were less aware o f differences
in ethnic groups. According to Martinez and Dukes (1997), whites do not recognize
themselves as members o f an ethnic group. In the study o f Andrews and Lochner (1989),
many White adolescents assumed that the term ethnic group referred only to minority
group members, not to themselves. This unawareness or unconcern about ethnic identity
among whites seems to result in a lower score in ethnic identity than minority groups.
Martinez and Dukes (1997) conducted the survey including all five groups: Whites,
Native Americans, Blacks, Hispanics, and Asian Americans. The outcomes were that
Whites and Native Americans had lower ethnic identity, Blacks and Hispanics had higher
ethnic identity, and Asians had an intermediate level o f ethnic identity.
Roberts and Phinney (1999) found that Indian and Pakistani adolescents had
higher scores than African American middle school students. However, other studies
demonstrate Asian Americans had a lower score than African and Hispanic Americans.
Phinney and Alipuria (1990) compared ethnic identity among three minority groups
18
(African, Hispanic, and Asian Americans). The outcomes were that Blacks scored the
highest in ethnic identity search, whereas Asian Americans showed the lowest ethnic
identity search scores and the lowest correlation between search scores and self-esteem.
Rotheram-Borus and Lightfoot (1998) also found that Asian Americans report less ethnic
pride than African and Latino Americans. Phinney's study (1989) demonstrated that
ethnic consciousness o f Asian Americans was more negative than Black and Hispanic
peers. Furthermore, Asian students were more likely to express the desire to belong to
dominant ethnic groups if they had the choice.
In summary, research reported that ethnic identity is more salient among ethnic
minority groups than whites. In addition, Asian Americans showed the lowest ethnic
identity among minority groups. However, this result cannot be generalized, because
there are a few studies comparing ethnic identity across diverse ethnic groups, but also,
Asian Americans include diverse ethnic groups. Since ethnic groups differ in their
history, cultural background, and current situation, ethnic identity will show variety
across ethnic groups or within the same group.
Factors associated with ethnic identity

This part will discuss the variables that have been examined in research related to
ethnic identity in order to find important factors which generate different ethnic identity.
A. Gender
There were mixed outcomes regarding gender difference in ethnic identity.
Masuda et al. (1970), Phinney (1992), and Wooden et al. (1988) found that there was no
difference in level o f identification with their ethnic group between boys and girls.
19
However, Lysne & Levy (1997) and Rotheram-Borus & Lightfoot (1998) found that
females showed greater ethnic identity than males. In contrast, Nesdale and Rooney
(1997) and Rumbaut (1996) showed the opposite results. Females were more likely to
identify with the mainstream culture than males.
On the other hand, Martinez and Dukes (1997) found that Black and Asian
females had greater levels o f ethnic identity than males. However, Hispanics had no
difference between genders and Native Americans had small difference.
Based on these studies, gender difference in ethnic identity remains questionable.
Due to the diversity of ethnic groups, it should not be assumed that gender difference in
ethnic identity is applicable or constant across ethnic groups.
B. Generation
According to Hansen (1952, as cited in Newton, Buck, Kunimura, Colfer, and
Scholsberg, 1988), the second generation denied their ethnic heritage and adopted the
American culture, whereas the third generation became interested in rediscovering their
ethnic past and formed historical societies to recapture their ethnicity. With Hansens
view, Newton and colleagues (1988) conducted a survey among 30 Nisei (second
generation) and 30 Sansei (third generation) male Japanese-Americans. The outcomes
were that the Sansei showed a lower ethnic identify score and were more Americanized
than the Nisei. Furthermore, Wooden, Leon, and Toshima (1988) compared ethnic
identify among Sansei and Yonsei (fourth generation) Japanese Americans. The
outcomes demonstrated that there was not a big difference in Japanese American ethnic
20
identity between generations. Therefore, both research outcomes did not support
Hansens view.
Even though the first generation already had strong ethnic identity before
immigration, the process o f acculturation may weaken or strengthen their ethnic identity.
Rosenthal & Feldman (1992a) and Masuda et al. (1970) compared ethnic identity among
the first and second generation Asian Americans. The results showed that the first
generation had stronger ethnic identity than the second generation. In Liebkind's study
(1993) among Vietnamese refugees in Finland, the first generation Vietnamese identified
themselves more as Vietnamese than the second generation adolescents.
Several studies demonstrate that the second generations prefer to choose
binational identity rather than solely American or ethnic group identity. Portes and
MacLeod (1996) conducted a survey among second generation Hispanics residing in
Florida and California. The results showed that they identified more as hyphenated
Americans (35%), rather than plain Americans (17%) and Hispanics (25%). Waters
(1994) examined ethnic identity among the second generation West Indian and Haitian
Americans residing in New York City. Three types o f identities o f second generations
were revealed: black American identity (42%), ethnic or hyphenated national origin
identity (30%), and immigration identity (28%). Rumbaut (1996) conducted a survey
among 5,127 children o f immigrants (eighth and ninth graders) from Asia, Latin
America, and the Caribbean in southern California and south Florida. The Asian-origin
groups, especially Vietnamese and Filipinos, are more likely to develop binational
identities. In contrast, Latin America and Caribbean groups identified themselves as
Hispanic, whereas Mexican-origin youths identified themselves as Chicano.
21
Rogler, Cooney, and Ortiz (1980) examined the factors producing

intergenerational differences in ethnic identity among Puerto Rican families. Education
and age at arrival were significantly related to ethnic identity across generations.
However, Rumbaut (1996) suggested that nativity and citizenship have stronger effects
on ethnic identification than length o f stay in the United States because o f the nature o f
ones sociopolitical membership. Being bom in the U.S. (second generation status)
increases the possibility o f assimilative self-definition, as does naturalized U.S.
citizenship and a fluent use o f English. In contrast, those being foreign-born (1.5
generation), not a U.S. citizen, and having preference for and fluency in the parental
native language are more likely to associate with national origin identity. In Rumbaut s
study (1996), foreign-born youth (43%) identify themselves more with their own national
origin than the U.S.-born youth (11%). In Buriel and Cardoza' study (1993), Mexican
American adolescents bom in Mexico preferred calling themselves Mexican, whereas
those bom in the U.S. preferred the term Mexican American. The importance o f nativity
was suggested by other research conducted in Canada and Australia. According to Lay
and Verkuyten (1999), foreign-bom Chinese adolescents were more likely to label
themselves Chinese rather than Chinese Canadian in comparison with their Canadianborn counterparts. Rosenthal and Feldman (1992a) found that Australian-born Chinese
considered themselves to be less Chinese than foreign-bom Chinese.
C. Family context
The children's ethnic identify tends to mirror the perceptions o f their parents own
ethnic identify. Buriel and Cardoza (1993) examined the continuity o f intrafamilial ethnic
22
labeling among Mexican Americans. The outcomes were that students calling themselves
Mexican had parents who were also called themselves Mexican. Children who feel
embarrassed by their parents identify themselves as unhyphenated Americans, whereas
those who have higher status professional parents identify with their parents national
origin (Rumbaut, 1996). Parents who were involved in ethnic organizations influenced a
sense o f ethnic identity in their children (Bankston & Zhou, 1995).
The second generation may have conflicts between two cultures, their parents
culture and mainstream culture. Intergenerational conflict is more likely to influence
ethnic identity choices among second generation. Positive ethnic identity is nurtured in
the context o f a supportive family. Perception o f parental warmth was related to
childrens desire to embrace their parents beliefs (Okagaki & Moore, 2000). Rosenthal
and Feldman (1992b) found that parenting behaviors, such as warmth, control, and
autonomy promoting, contributed to the youths positive evaluation o f their ethnicity.
The family structure was related to ethnic identity. In Waters study (1994), African
American children who come from a single-mother family identified themselves as
Americans because o f lack of support from mother and parent-child conflict; thus
children differentiated themselves from parents.
D. Community/School context
Ethnic identity exploration and commitment might be heightened when the
community provides a subculture that affords cohesive ethnic group identification
(Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992). One social context of significance during adolescence is
school. Varied school environments are related to ethnic identity exploration and
23
commitment among ethnic minority adolescents. Lysne and Levy (1997) conducted a
survey among 101 Native American adolescents attending a school located on an Indian
reservation, and two public schools outside a reservation. The results identified that
adolescents with a dominantly Native American student body in high school had greater
ethnic identity exploration than those with a predominantly white student body. The
reason was that the Native American school had a greater chance to make contact with
Native American culture. In Rumbauts study (1996), youths attending inner-city schools
where most students are racial/ethnic minorities identify with their ethnic groups,
whereas those in upper-middle-class private schools identify with the mainstream culture.
On the other hand, some research examines impacts o f ethnic identity on school
activities. In Chavouss study (2000), African American students from a predominantly
white university who felt less fit in the school environment participated in more ethnic
group-dominated organizations than mainstream (non-African American) organizations.
In Mitchell and Dells study (1992), black students in reencounter, encounter, and
immersion stages participated in more cultural (black-oriented) activities than noncultural (non-black-oriented) activities. However, as they become more comfortable with
their racial identity (internalization stage), they are more likely to display interest and
openness in both cultural and non-cultural activities.
E. Socioeconomic status
Regarding socioeconomic variables, research shows different outcomes.
Phinneys findings (1992) showed that there was not a significant relationship between
socioeconomic status and ethnic identity. However, Portes and MacLeods study (1996)
24
identified that higher social-economic status contributed to lower Hispanic identity. In

Waters study (1994), youngsters who came from a middle-class background identified
with their ethnic groups, but the poorest students identified themselves as immigrant or
American.
F. Religion
Minority religious groups serve to integrate people into the dominant society by
teaching norms o f the dominant society and increasing minority solidarity (Bankston &
Zhou, 1995). Korean ethnic churches play important roles in maintaining ethnic identity
across generations and in providing psychological support among Korean immigrants
(Hurh & Kim, 1990). Bankston and Zhou (1995) examined religious participation, ethnic
identification, and adaptation among Vietnamese adolescents. The outcomes showed that
church attendance has a strong effect on ethnic identification. Moreover, ethnic religious
participation facilitated reaching high levels o f academic achievement and avoiding
substance abuse. However, it remains unclear whether ethnic religions promote or inhibit
the assimilation to the main culture.
G. Perceived racial discrimination

Perceived racial discrimination refers to a minority group members' subjective
perception o f unfair treatment of racial/ethnic groups based on prejudice and
ethnocentrism (Jackson, Brown, & Kirby, 1998).
Many studies have demonstrated the relationship between perceived
discrimination and psychological well-being, indicating that those who had perceived
25
racial discrimination had higher depression levels (Finch, Kolody, & Vega, 2000;
Kessler, Mickelson, & Williams, 1999; Liebkind & Jasinkaja-Lahti, 2000; Noh, Beiser,
Kaspar, Hou, & Rummems. 1999).
There is little research examining the relationship between discrimination and
ethnic identity. In Rumbaut's study (1996), perceptions o f discrimination affected
immigrant children in ethnic identity, indicating those who perceived discrimination were
more likely to remain loyal to a national-origin identity.
H. Length of residence
One study demonstrated that as people stay longer, they become more assimilated
(Kim and Rew, 1994). Another study found that as people stay longer, they adopt both
their ethnic culture and mainstream culture. In the study of Kim and Hurh (1993),
regardless of the length o f residence, Korean Americans have retained close social ties
with members o f their ethnic group. At the same time, as time passes, they associated
with Americans friends and accepted the American ways of life. Liebkind (1993) also
found that length o f stay had no effect on ethnic self-perception among older Vietnamese
refugees in Finland, whereas the longer the young refugees stayed, the more they felt
themselves to be not only Vietnamese, but also Finnish.
Interestingly, Tsai, Ying, and Lee (2000) found that the relations between being
American and being Chinese among Chinese immigrants were influenced by age o f
migration more than length o f residence in the United States. Yuh (1996) also reported
that age at immigration was a significant factor in ethnic identity. In the study o f ParkAdams (1997) among Korean American college students, years in Korea were
26
significantly related to ethnic identity, whereas years in the United States were not
significantly related to ethnic identity. Therefore, future studies should include
individuals who migrated to the United States at different stages o f identity development.
In summary, the factors associated with ethnic identity were discussed. Due to the
diversity o f ethnic groups, the research shows the mixed outcomes across ethnic groups
and even within groups. Gender difference in ethnic identity remains unexplained. Even
though the first generation and foreign-bom youths are more likely to identify with their
ethnic groups, the second generation may have a different level o f ethnic identity
depending on intergenerational conflict, parental ethnic socialization, peer groups,
nativity, and community context. An ethnic community provides an opportunity to have
contact with ethnic culture. A multi-ethnic community provides more interracial contact
that may lead to participation in more mainstream or multi-ethnic organizations.
Relationship between ethnic identity and psychological well-being

Self-esteem is considered an indicator o f mental health status or psychological
resilience in minority group members (Berry & Kim, 1988). High self-esteem is
associated with a proactive coping style against discrimination (Phinney & Chavira,
1995), high level o f acculturation (Flaskerud & Uman, 1996), and high grades in school
(Phinney, Cantu, & Kurtz, 1997).
Studies examining the relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem have
been inconsistent, with some showing a positive relationship (Carlson et al., 2000;
Lemon &Waehler, 1996; Matinez & Dukes, 1997; Phinney & Chavira, 1993; Resnicow
et al., 1999), and some showing no association (Lay & Verkuyten, 1999; Phinney, 1992).
27
These discrepancies may be due in part to the differing methods used to assess ethnic
identity (Phinney & Chavira, 1992). Furthermore, these differences may arise from
historical and cultural differences among ethnic groups (Phinney, Cantu, & Kurtz, 1997).
Rosenthal and Cichello (1986) found that ethnic identity was relatively
unimportant in predicting psychosocial adjustment in Italian Australian adolescents.
However, other research has shown that higher ethnic identity is related to higher
psychological well-being. Liebkind (1993) found that strong ethnic identity was
significantly related to less anxiety and depression in Vietnamese refugees and their
children in Finland. Martinez and Dukes (1997) assessed the effects o f ethnic identity on
adolescents well-being among White, Asian, Hispanic, African, and Native Americans.
The dependent variables measuring well-being were self-esteem, academic selfconfidence, and purpose in life. They found that greater ethnic identity was related to
higher self-esteem, purpose in life, and self-confidence. Bankston and Zhou (1995)
measured adaptation of Vietnamese adolescents in New Orleans by school grades and
substance abuse. They found that strong ethnic identity is related to high school grades
and less abuse o f alcohol and drugs. Roberts and Phinney (1999) found that ethnic
identity was positively related to psychological well-being, such as coping ability,
mastery, self-esteem and optimism, and negatively to loneliness and depression among
adolescents from diverse ethnic groups. Furthermore, a strong ethnic identity provides an
individual with inner resources for handling prejudice and discrimination. Chavira and
Phinney (1991) found that Hispanic adolescents with a strong sense o f ethnic identity
used more proactive strategies for dealing with discrimination, whereas adolescents with
a weaker ethnic identity used passive and aggressive strategies.
28
The importance o f ethnic identity is that it provides immigrants with resources

that enable them to cope with the acculturative stress, and thus m inim ise psychological
distress. Nesdale and Rooney (1997) conducted a survey among Vietnamese immigrants.
They demonstrated that ethnic identity provides personal resources (e.g., self-esteem,
sense o f self-mastery or self-efficacy, sense of trust in other individuals and the
community) and external resources (e.g., appraisal support, belonging support, tangible
support). The outcomes support a causal model in which migrant ethnic identity was an
indirect rather than direct predictor o f psychological distress.
As reviewed above, a person with strong ethnic identity generally experiences less
stress than a person with weak ethnic identity. However, Libkind (1993) found that the
first generation with strong ethnic identity had more depression than the second
generation with weak ethnic identity. Kaplan and Marks (1990) found that the younger
generation had a higher stress level than the older generation. There is little research
about how ethnic identity, psychological well-being, and generation interrelate and
influence each other. Further studies should be conducted that ask the questions: (1) Are
there differences in ethnic identity and psychological well-being according to generation?
(2) If yes, what factors bring about the differences?
Some research revealed different outcomes when they measured both the ethnic
culture and the mainstream culture. Sanchez and Fernandez (1993) conducted a survey
among Hispanic College students in the metropolitan Miami area. They found that the
American culture identification was related to less acculturative stress and less perceived
discrimination, whereas the Hispanic identification was related to neither. In addition,
among individuals with a high level o f ethnic identification, poor identification with the
29
mainstream resulted in more stress than high mainstream identification. Portes and
MacLeod (1996) examined Hispanic identity and its potential consequences among
second generation adolescents in Florida and California. The findings identified that
adolescents who identify themselves as Hispanic had lower college expectations, lower
self-esteem, and experienced greater discrimination than adolescents calling themselves
American. Nguyen and colleagues (1999) examined the relationship between
acculturation and adjustment among Vietnamese youths living in a primarily AngloAmerican community in Michigan. They found that involvement in the mainstream
culture was related to better outcomes for adjustment, whereas involvement in the
Vietnamese culture was related to more psychological distress, lower self-esteem, and
higher depression.
The above studies demonstrated that individuals with American cultural
identification had more psychological well-being than individuals with ethnic
identification. However, they did not suggest that increases in acculturation alienate the
individuals from their ethnic identity (Rogler, Cortes, & Malgady, 1991). According to
Nguyen, Messe, and Stollak (1999), this may be due to differences in the contexts in
which the study was conducted. In a predominantly American context, American culture
involvement may be important to function adaptively. Perhaps it is difficult to be
Vietnamese in the primarily American context o f Michigan and thus, distressing for those
interested in maintaining their ethnic roots. Conversely, distressed adolescents may be
more likely to cling to the traditional values and behaviors in which they feel most
familiar and secure. They further discussed that in other contexts where there is a
30
substantial population o f ethnic minorities, involvement o f American culture may not be

as essential.
Another possible explanation is an orthogonal model o f cultural identification
proposed by Oetting and Beauvais (1991), which is the belief that people can
simultaneously identify with more than one culture and that identification with any
culture has a positive impact on psychological well-being. According to Moran and
Fleming (1999), American Indian adolescents who identified with both Indian and white
cultures showed the highest psychological well-being scores. Bautista de Dominico,
Crawford, and De Wolfe (1994) studied Mexican American high school students in a
large midwestem city. The results indicated that identification with both Mexican and
U.S. cultures was related to greater self-esteem and better psychological well-being than
Mexican or U.S. cultural identity.
In summary, there are mixed outcomes concerning the possible impact o f ethnic
identity on psychological distress. In the research using the unidimensional model, strong
ethnic identity is related to better mental health. However, in the research using the twodimensional model, American culture identity is related to better adjustment, whereas
ethnic culture identify is related to more psychological distress. Therefore, they do not
seem to conclude that strong ethnic identify is related to better psychological well-being.
In addition, ethnic identify does not seem to be related to the actual degree of
acculturation. Although the immigrants said that they would prefer to keep their culture,
they actually acculturated to the mainstream culture (Jainskaja-Lahti and Liebkind,
2000). At the same tine, ethnic groups favor preserving heritage culture and language as
they adapt to the host culture (Laroche, Kim, Hui, Joy, 1996). According to Rosenthal
31
and Feldman (1992a), core elements o f ethnic identity, such as attitudes towards ethnic
memberships, may be less changeable than the other elements, such as the behavior and
knowledge aspect, over time.
Profile of Korean Americans

A. Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics
Koreans are one o f the most rapidly increasing immigrant groups in the United
States. The number o f Korean immigrants increased from 69,150 in 1970 to 354, 593 in
1980. This shows an increase of over 400%. From 1980 to 1990, the number o f Korean
immigrants increased 125% (Min, 1995).
There have been three waves o f immigration o f Koreans to the United States. The
first wave o f Korean immigration started in 1903. About 7,800 Korean immigrants came
to Hawaii and worked in plantations to earn money and live a better life. During 1950 to
1964, the second wave o f Korean immigration, the number o f Korean immigrants was
15,050. The immigrants consisted o f the wives o f Americans who had gone to the Korean
War, Korean orphans who were adopted by American families, and students. The largest
and third wave o f Korean immigration followed the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization
Act (Min and Song, 1998). Almost 73% o f Korean Americans were bom in Korea, and
among those foreign bom, over 56% o f Korean Americans came to the United States in
the 1980s (Min, 1995).
Sixty-nine percent o f Korean Americans were adults (18 years old and over) and
26.5% were children and adolescents. Persons 65 years old or older composed only 4.4%
o f the total Korean American population. The ratio of males to females is remarkable.
32
There were only 80 males per 100 females within the Korean American population. The
average Korean American family had 3.6 persons in 1990 (Min, 1995)
Forty-four percent o f Korean immigrants settled in the West, 23% in the
Northeast, 19% in the South, and 14% in the M idwest Fifty five percent o f Korean
Americans live in four states: California 32.5%, Illinois 5.2%, New York 12%, and New
Jersey 4.8%. In the 1970s and 1980s, Illinois was the third most common destination for
Korean Americans. However, New Jersey attracted more Korean immigrants than Illinois
in the 1990s. Hawaii, the center o f pioneer Korean immigrants, is no longer an important
Korean center. Only 3% settled in Hawaii in 1990 (Min, 1995).
The average educational level of Korean Americans is relatively high. Eighty
percent o f those 25 years old and above were at least high school graduates, 35% held a
bachelors or higher degree by 1990. Korean Americans had a lower income than Asian
and Pacific Islanders (APIs). In 1989, their per capita income was $11,177 compared
with APIs $13,683. Their median family income o f $33,909 was lower than $40,360 for
all API families. In the same year, 15% of Korean American families lived in poverty.
Thirty-seven percent of Korean Americans were employed in technical, sales, and
administrative positions, and 26% were employed in managerial and professional jobs.
Only one out o f four Korean workers was employed in non-Korean firms (Min, 1995).
On the other hand, Korean immigrants are heavily concentrated in ethnic enclaves. After
immigration, due to unfamiliarity with the American system and the failure o f American
firms to recognize professional certificates acquired in Korea, many Korean immigrants
go into small business, such as grocery, liquor, or laundry. There were 3,000 Koreanowned businesses in Los Angeles and 1,800 in New York City (Min, 1995).
33
Koreans speak one native language, while Chinese, Indian, and Filipino
immigrants include several language groups. The majority o f Korean immigrants (81%)
spoke their native language, Korean, at home, compared to 63% of other Asian
Americans (Moon, 1998). Kim and Hurh (1993) examined the bilingual situation among
Korean immigrants. The results indicated that 88% never or occasionally used English
with their spouse, and about 60% did not speak English with their children or with
siblings. This frequent use o f Korean language may cause difficulties in learning English
among the first generation. According to the Bureau of Census (1990), 52% of Korean
Americans did not speak English very well and 35% were linguistically isolated. These
figures were higher than other Asian Americans (38% and 24%, respectively) (Moon,
1998). However, the second generation Korean adolescents prefer English as their
everyday language. According to Hong and Min (1999), the second generation used
English most of the time or more often (29%), English and Korean half-and-half (43%),
and Korean most o f the time (15%).
Korean immigrants show high affiliation with Korean ethnic churches. There
were more than 2,000 Korean ethnic churches in the United States in 1992. 75% o f
Korean immigrants are affiliated with Korean ethnic churches (Min, 1995). A church
provides not only meaning, but also a sense o f belonging and comfort. Korean churches
help to maintain the Korean cultural tradition through cultural programs. In addition, they
play a role as a social center by providing frequent meetings and sharing of information
for Korean immigrants. The churches also provide an educational function by teaching
the Korean language to American-born Koreans (Hurh & Kim, 1990).
34
In summary, Korean immigrants to the U.S. increased rapidly in the last three
decades. The majority o f post-1965 Korean immigrants are economic migrants who
sought a higher standard o f living in the U.S. Unlike Indochinese refugees, Korean
Americans came to America as voluntary immigrants (Min & Song, 1998). Even though
Korean immigrants received higher education, they are concentrated in ethnic enclaves in
Los Angeles, Chicago, New York City, and New Jersey, and they have comparatively
low income. Korean Americans speak one native language and the majority speaks
Korean at home, and thus has difficulties in English fluency among the first generation.
In addition, Korean immigrants tend to be affiliated with Korean ethnic churches.
B. Ethnic identification among Korean Americans

Research demonstrates strong ethnic identity among Korean immigrants. Moon
(1998) reported that 66% o f the adult Korean immigrant women residing in Los Angeles
County identified themselves as Korean, rather than Korean American (7%). Hurh and
Kim (1988) interviewed 622 Korean adult immigrants residing in the Chicago area. The
results demonstrated that Korean Americans retained close social ties with their ethnic
group regardless o f length o f residence. Min (1995) also reported that Korean Americans
showed a high level o f ethnic attachment and low level o f assimilation.
The second generation Korean Americans identified themselves as Korean
American rather than Korean. Hong and Min (1999) found that 72% o f adolescents in the
New York area chose the label o f Korean American, 21% Korean, 3% Asian American,
and 3.5% American. Even though the second generation Korean adolescents prefer
English as the everyday language, they feel more comfortable with making Korean
35
friends and maintain a high level o f social interactions with Korean friends. On the other
hand, 3.5% o f Korean adolescents identified themselves as American. This outcome was
lower than the second generation Hispanics (17%) residing in Florida and California who
identified themselves as American (Portes & Macleod, 1996).
Min (1995) explains three major reasons for holding strong ethnic identity among
Korean Americans: a single native language, concentration on ethnic enclaves and small
businesses, and affiliation with Korean ethnic churches. Speaking the Korean language
and practicing Korean customs at the workplace enhances ethnic attachment. In addition,
the operation o f small business contributes to ethnic solidarity in dealing with conflicts
with outside interest groups, such as white suppliers, landlords, and local residents.
However, it also has negative effects on the adjustment by isolating them from the
mainstream society and other minority groups (Hong & Min, 1999). Kim and Hurh
(1993) explain that as Korean immigrants live in the United States for a long period o f
time, they are associated more with American friends and accept the American ways o f
life. Even though Americanization is added on to their Koreanness, they do not discard or
weaken their original cultural identity.
In summary, the research demonstrates that Korean Americans have strong ethnic
identity. If the samples were selected among Korean church members or small business
owners and employees, they were more likely to consider themselves Korean. Therefore,
the outcomes will not be applicable to all Korean Americans. It is not clear how Korean
language usage, working in Korean enclaves, or affiliation with Korean church may
impact ethnic identity. In addition, there is little research about gender difference in
36
ethnic identity among Korean immigrants. Therefore, more research should be conducted
to understand the exact nature o f ethnic identity among Korean Americans.
C. Mental health status

There is evidence indicating high or higher levels of depression in Korean
Americans than other Asian groups. Lin, Lau, Yamamoto, Zheng, Kim, Cho, and
Nakasaki (1992) assessed 109 Korean Americans residing in Los Angeles with the Center
for Epidemiological Studies-Depression Scale (CES-D) and the Diagnostic Interview
Schedule (DIS). According to the DIS, 11.9% were identified as suffering from DSM-LH
major depression. The mean total CES-D score was 12.64 for the whole group, and
14.7% had a CES-D total score higher than 15. CES-D scores o f 16 or higher are
indicative o f significant depressive symptoms. Kuo (1984) measured depression by the
CES-D among community samples o f four different Asian American groups (Chinese,
Japanese, Filipino, and Korean) in Seattle. The findings identified higher rates of
depression among Asian Americans compared to whites. In the within-group differences,
Koreans (14.9) identified with the highest rate o f depression, followed by Filipino (9.72),
Japanese (7.3), and Chinese (6.93). Hurh and Kim (1990) measured the depression
among Korean immigrants in Chicago by the CES-D scale. The mean scores were 12.3
for men and 12.9 for women. This is higher than the mean of Chinese Americans (11.8)
reported by Ying (1988). Korean Americans have a shorter immigration history than
Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino. It may be one o f the reasons for high psychological
distress in adjusting to a new environment.
37
Kiefer and colleagues (1985) interviewed 50 elderly Korean immigrants in San

Francisco. The results were that 12.5% o f men and 30% o f women had difficulties in
adjusting to the new environment. In addition, the Korean elderly scored higher in stress
on the Symptoms Checklist than an age-matched sample o f 114 Caucasian Americans
from the same city. Moon and Pearl (1991) also found high level o f distress among
elderly Korean Americans. More than 95% o f the older Koreans are foreign-bom
immigrants. They entered the United States at the invitation o f their adult children and
had few opportunities for education, occupational involvement, or social involvement due
to their age (Yamamoto, Rhee, & Chang, 1994). The elderly would expect to be cared for
by their children according to traditional Asian norms. In Korean traditions, filial piety,
the concept o f respecting and caring for ones parents, plays an important role in all
aspects o f life. However, in the U.S., the elderly are left without support systems and
resources. The high level of discrepancy between expectations and reality may increase
the risk o f depression.
The research also demonstrated high levels o f depression among Korean
adolescents. Immigrant children become more rapidly Americanized than their parents,
whereas their parents maintain their ethnic culture. Generational conflicts can also lead to
psychological distress. Aldwin and Greenberger (1987) examined depression among
Korean and Caucasian students at the public Southern California University. The Korean
students (13.02) reported significantly more depressive symptomatology than the
Caucasians (11.45). Kim and Chun (1993) compared ethnic differences in psychiatric
diagnosis among Asian American adolescents (Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, and
Vietnamese). Korean males had the highest rate o f major depressive symptomatology
38
among other Asian adolescents and a higher rate than Korean females. Korean females
were m ost frequently diagnosed with affective disorder.
Korean immigrants experience difficulties in adjusting to the new American
culture. These problems are especially serious for Korean immigrant women. Korean
immigrant families reported the highest rate o f domestic violence among diverse Asian
American groups in Los Angles (Rhee, 1997). In addition, Korean women showed higher
depression than Korean men. Choi (1997) and Hurh & Kim (1990) reported that women
showed a slightly higher degree o f depression than men. Noh, W u, Speechley, and
Kaspar (1992) identified that 2.6% of men and 6.7% o f women manifested depressive
symptoms. The female immigrants were about 2.6 times more likely to be depressed than
males. They interpreted the result as stemming from womens labor participation and
maintenance o f their traditional gender role expectation. This interpretation can be
supported by other studies (Min, 1998; Kim & Hurh, 1988). Seventy percent of Korean
American women participated in the labor force after immigration. Korean women
worked 75.5 hours weekly both in housework and jobs, which was 12 more hours than
their husbands. Korean husbands, on the other hand, keep patriarchal tradition by sharing
little housework, whether or not wives work. This brings a double burden to wives and
marital conflicts.
As reviewed earlier, Korean language and churches play an important role in
ethnic identity. These factors also influence the mental health o f Korean Americans.
Berry, Kim, Minde, and Mok (1987) identified that younger respondents who were
unable to speak Korean fluently and older respondents who were unable to speak English
fluently reported high stress levels. In Hurh and Kims study (1990), Korean church
39
affiliation was positively correlated to less depression and higher life satisfaction among
female immigrants, but not male counterparts. Association with Korean friends was the
only variable significantly related to the mental health o f males. Park and Murgatroyd
(1998) examined the relationship between religious orientation and depressive symptoms
in Korean Americans residing in Louisiana. The findings indicated that low depressive
symptoms were related to high intrinsic religious orientation that is motivated by their
search for meaning and guidance. On the other hand, higher extrinsic religious
orientation, which is motivated by attending church for instrumental and utilitarian
purposes, had positive moderate correlation with depression.
W ith regard to acculturation, Hurh and Kim (1990) found that bicultural strategies
(reading both Korean and American newspapers regularly or associating with both
Korean and American friends) were associated with lower levels o f depression and higher
life satisfaction than any type o f monocultural strategy (Americanization or Koreanness).
In summary, the research demonstrated that both Korean 1st and 2nd generations
had greater psychological distress than other Asian groups. The elderly, adolescents, and
women have high levels o f depression because o f the weakness o f filial piety,
generational conflicts, or double burden. There is a difference in depression between
females and males. The research outcomes address Korean adult womens higher levels
o f depression than Korean men. However, Korean male adolescents showed higher
scores in major depression than female youth. In addition, the research demonstrates that
Korean language use, affiliation with a Korean church, or acculturation levels were
associated with the level o f mental health. However, little is known about the relationship
between ethnic identity and mental health.
40
III. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND HYPOTHESES

Based on the literature review, the following factors are considered significant
factors influencing ethnic identity: (I) gender, (2) generation, (3) education, (4) income,
(S) length o f residence in the United States, (6) Korean ethnic church participation, (7)
visits to Korea, and (8) perceived racial discrimination. Ethnic identity is significantly
related to acculturation, and both have an impact on psychological well-being.
Being of immigrant status is associated with greater psychological distress
because o f adaptation in a new environment. Researchers in this area have identified
depression, anxiety, and psychosomatic symptoms as the most common mental health
problems among immigrants (Berry, 1998; Berry & Sam, 1997). In this study, self-esteem
and depression are considered indices of psychological well-being.
Figure 1. General Conceptual Model
* Gender
* Generation
* Education
* Income
* Length of
residence
* Ethnic
church
participation
* Visits to
Korea
* Perceived
discrimination
Ethnic
Identity
Accultura
tion
41
Figure 1 is a presentation o f the general conceptual model showing the

relationship among ethnic identity, acculturation, and psychological well-being. This
model was developed by the based on the literature review. The variables on the left are
regarded as control variables influencing ethnic identity and acculturation as well as self
esteem and depression.
Figure 2 shows a two-dimensional model depicting the relationship between
ethnic identity and acculturation. It is drawn from the literature review. The first mode is
integration or biculturalism with strong ethnic identity and strong acculturation. The
second mode is assimilation with weak ethnic identity and strong acculturation. The third
is separation with strong ethnic identity and weak acculturation. The fourth is
m arginalization with weak ethnic identity and weak acculturation. Based on this model,
this research will explore the relationship between psychological well-being and four
acculturation modes.
Figure 2. Relationship between ethnic identity and acculturation

Strong
Ethnic Identity
Separation
Integration
Strong
Weak
Acculturation
Acculturation
Marginalization
Assimilation
Weak
Ethnic Identity
42
The questions and hypotheses are based on the literature review are as follows:
Question 1. Are there differences in ethnic identity according to gender, generation,
education, and income among Korean Americans?
Hypothesis 1.1. The first generation would have stronger ethnic identity than the
second generation.
Hypothesis 1.2. Males would have weaker ethnic identity than females.
Hypothesis 1.3. People with higher education would have weaker ethnic identity
than those with lower education.
Hypothesis 1.4. People with higher income would have weaker ethnic identity
than those with lower income.
Question 2. W hat acculturation modes do Korean Americans demonstrate?

Hypothesis 2.1. The second generation would more likely be in Integration and
Assimilation modes than the first generation.
Hypothesis 2.2. Males would more likely be in Integration and Assimilation
modes than females.
Hypothesis 2.3. Those with higher education would more likely be in Integration
and Assimilation modes than those with lower education.
Hypothesis 2.4. Those with higher income would more likely be in Integration and
Assimilation modes than those with lower income.
Question 3. W hat is the level o f self-esteem among Korean Americans?

Hypothesis 3.1. The second generation would have a higher level o f self-esteem
than the first generation.
Hypothesis 3.2. Males would have a higher level o f self-esteem than females.
Hypothesis 3.3. Those with higher education would have a higher level of self
esteem than those with lower education.
43
Hypothesis 3.4. Those with higher income would have a higher level o f self
esteem than those with lower income.
Question 4. What is the level o f depression among Korean Americans?

Hypothesis 4.1. The second generation would have a higher level o f depression
than the first generation.
Hypothesis 4.2. Males would have a higher level o f depression than females.
Hypothesis 4.3. Those with higher education would have a lower level of
depression than those with lower education.
Hypothesis 4.4. Those with higher income would have a lower level o f depression
than those with lower income.
Question 5. What is the relationship between ethnic identity and psychological well-being
among Korean Americans?
Hypothesis 5.1. Ethnic identity would be positively related to self-esteem and
negatively related to depression.
Question 6. What is the relationship between acculturation and psychological well-being

among Korean Americans?
Hypothesis 6.1. Integration and assimilation modes would be related to higher
self-esteem and less depression compared to separation and marginalization
modes.
Question 7. Whether or to what extent do the background factors (gender, education,

income, length o f residence, frequency o f Korean church attendance, visits to Korea,
degree o f perceived racial discrimination), ethnic identity, and acculturation influence
self-esteem and depression among Korean Americans?
44
IV. METHOD
Research design
The study used a quantitative methodology with a questionnaire package. This
was an ex post facto (or retrospective) correlational study that examines the relationship
between independent variables and dependent variables. It was an empirical inquiry
without direct control over independent variables. A cross sectional design, which
collects data at one point in time, was employed. The purposive and convenience
sampling method was used. The purposive sampling is nonprobability sampling and has a
risk for generalizing to larger populations; however, this method is convenient and
economical. The subjects were recruited through Korean churches and groceries. In
addition, the snowballing technique, which asks subjects to refer other respondents
known to them, was carried out to recruit non-church goers.
Sample
The target population in this study was Korean Americans living in the Albany
area and New York City. The participants in this study included 18 years and over adults
who have or are in process o f getting U.S. citizenship or permanent residency or a
working permit. Korean Americans who were married to U.S. citizens were also
included; however, Korean students with F-l visas were excluded from the survey
because Korean students are supposed to go back to Korea after graduation. The
characteristics of the participants are presented in the results section o f chapter five.
45
Data collection
A mail survey is likely to take a longer time in data collection and has a low return
rate. Face-to-face interviews tend to be problematic because o f Korean American's
concern with "face-saving" (Choi, 1994). Therefore, data was collected by one-to-one
distribution o f a questionnaire package. It took 20-30 minutes to complete the
questionnaires. The questionnaire included a cover letter, background information, and
measurements o f ethnic identity, acculturation, self-esteem, and depression (See the
Appendix A and B).
The subjects were recruited through four Korean churches (the Korean United
Methodist church, Shalom Korean church, the Korean Presbyterian Church, Holy Family
Korean Catholic church) in the Albany area. The researcher met the pastors to get
permission for the distribution o f the questionnaire packages. The pastor at each o f four
Korean churches introduced the survey during church concerns time and requested
parishioners participation in the survey. After the service, the researcher individually
asked each parishioner who attends the fellowship time in the church lunchroom if he
or she was willing to participate in the survey. Each individual was approached once.
When he or she agreed to participate in the survey, the researcher gave them a
questionnaire with a self-addressed, stamped envelope, asking them to fill it out at the
church or at their homes. When the participants wanted to fill out the questionnaire at the
church, the researcher requested them to sit apart from each other to ensure
confidentiality and to put the completed questionnaires into a provided box. The
researcher left the room while they filled it out. When they wished to complete it a t home,
46
the research asked them to mail it. To increase the mailing response, two weeks later, the
researcher called the pastor asking for another announcement during church concerns
time to remind the participants to mail the questionnaire.
To recruit non-church goers, Korean Americans were contacted through Korean
groceries. The researcher visited two Korean markets twice at the time when many
Korean Americans did shopping. At the market, the researcher asked shoppers whether
they attended the Korean chinch and whether they were on student visas. If not, the
researcher explained the survey and asked their willingness to participate in the survey.
When they were willing to participate in the survey, participants were given a
questionnaire with a self-addressed, stamped envelope and encouraged to complete the
questionnaire at their homes and return it within one to two weeks. In addition, the
subjects were asked to refer other Koreans known to them.
Data collection was also conducted in New York City in order to recruit more
subjects. The data collection procedure in NYC followed the same procedure as in
Albany. The differences were the distributor o f the questionnaires and at times, the place
at which questionnaires were distributed. For the samples in NYC, the researcher
contacted three laypersons living in New York City by phone, and sent the questionnaire
by e-mail. After they reviewed the questionnaire, the researcher and the helper discussed
the purpose o f the research, how to distribute the questionnaires, how to follow
procedures for protection o f human subjects, and other questions over the phone. After
they agreed to work as helper, the researcher sent the Korean and English language
questionnaires, an administration instruction sheet (See the Appendix C), and self47
addressed, stamped envelopes for return to the researcher. The helper distributed directly
to their family members, friends, or relatives at convenient times and places, as well as at
Korean churches. They explained the study in the same way as in Albany. In addition, if
the helpers were affiliated with a Korean church, they individually contacted church
members in the church and asked them to participate in the survey. They distributed the
questionnaire with an envelope to voluntary participants and encouraged them to fill it out
at the participants home and then bring back the questionnaire in a sealed envelope to the
helper. The helper was not present when the questionnaire was completed. When the
participants wanted to mail it directly to the researcher, the helper provided a selfaddressed, stamped envelope. The helper collected the completed questionnaires and
mailed them to the researcher. The helper was not paid.
Having followed the data distribution indicated, data were collected between July
and August, 2001. The total o f 227 questionnaires (131 in Albany and 96 in New York
City) were returned out o f a total distribution o f 320. The return rate was 71%. O f the 227
questionnaires collected, ten were discarded because o f missing data and subjects with F-I
visa. Therefore, data from a total o f 217 respondents were used for the final data analysis.
Human subjects concerns and ethics

The researcher requested the respondents voluntary cooperation and obtained
permission assuring participation in the survey. Respondents were informed o f the
purpose o f the study, the participants right to decline answering particular questions, and
the potential distribution of the study results. Participants were assured that all identifiers
48
would be removed from the questionnaire and the final report. Confidentiality was
protected through the use o f a coding system o f respondents. All questionnaires collected
were kept in a locked file cabinet in the research's home. Approval from the Institutional
Review Board at State University o f New York at Albany for the protection o f human
subjects was obtained.
M easurem ents
The instruments for this study consist o f a 7-page self-report questionnaire
including a background questionnaire developed by the researcher and four standardized
measurements (M ultigroup Ethnic Identity Measure, Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale,
Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression scale, Acculturation Rating Scale for
M exican Americans-II). A ll measurements are presented in the Appendices A and B. The
reliability o f measurements is presented in the results section o f chapter five.
Mental health m easures do not translate easily from one culture to another. There
are difficulties in applying western diagnostic criteria or symptom scales cross-culturally
because o f different operational definitions o f mental health concepts (Noh, Avison, &
Kasper, 1992).
Since first generation Korean Americans are not fluent in English, the
measurements need to be translated into Korean. The measurements are translated into
Korean. Three Korean social work graduate students reviewed whether the translation is
appropriate. In order to ensure the accuracy o f the translation, the Korean versions were
back translated into English by a bilingual Korean to compare them with the original
49
measurements. In addition, the scales were reviewed w ith the potential participants to
refine the questions for clarity, coherence, appropriateness, and cultural sensitivity.
1. Background information
The background information includes age, gender, marital status, income,
education, occupation, birthplace, length o f residence in the United States, religion,
affiliation w ith a Korean church, visits to Korea, language fluency, cultural activities,
perceived racial discrimination, and self-identification.
2. Ethnic Identity
Ethnic identity was measured using the M ultigroup Ethnic Identity M easure
(MEIM; Phinney, 1992). This scale was developed to measure a universal aspect o f
ethnic identity relevant to all ethnic groups. It consists o f 20 items assessing three aspects
o f ethnic identity: positive ethnic attitudes and sense o f belonging (S items), ethnic
identity exploration and achievement (7 items), ethnic behaviors or practices (2 items),
and other group orientation (6 item s). Items are rated on a 4-point scale that ranges from 1
to 4, indicating very low to very high ethnic identity, respectively. Total and subscale
scores are obtained by reversing negatively worded item s and summing across the
answers. Higher scores indicate higher ethnic identity.
The reliability o f MEIM has been tested in studies with a number o f high school
and college students o f various racial and ethnic backgrounds across all groups. Phinney
(1992) reported Cronbach's alpha o f .81 with high school students and .90 w ith college
student. The MEIM was used to measure ethnic identity in Korean Americans. In ParkAdams' study (1997), the reliability was .87 with Korean American undergraduates in
50
southern California public university. Shrake's study (1996) showed .90 Cronbach's alpha
for Korean American adolescents.
3. Seif-esteem
The 10-item Rosenberg (1986) global self-esteem scale was used. It is a 4-point
scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). The scores are obtained by
reversing negative items and summing across the answers. The possible summary scores
range from 10 to 40, with 10 being the low est self-esteem and 40 being the highest.
This scale has been widely used in research and found to be highly reliable. The
study by Roberts and Phinney (1999) yielded coefficient alpha ranging from .75 to .87
across nine ethnic groups. The studies that conducted a survey among Korean Americans
demonstrated .87 for Korean American adolescents (Nho, 2000) and .70 for Korean
Am erican college students (Park-Adams, 1997).
4. Depression
Depression was measured with the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression
(CES-D) scale (Radloff, 1977). The 20 item s were chosen from five previous utilized
scales: the Zung Depression scale, the Beck depression scale, portions o f the M innesota
M ultiphase Personality Inventory, the Raskin Self-Reported Depression Scale, and the
Gardner Symptom Checklist. It includes depressed mood, feelings o f guilt and
worthlessness, feelings o f helplessness and hopelessness, loss o f appetite, sleep
disturbance, and psychomotor retardation (Radloff, 1977). The CES-D is a 20-item selfreport symptom inventory to evaluate the presence and severity o f depressive symptoms
in the last week. Items are weighted on a four-point scale ranging from 0 (rarely or none
51
o f the tim e) through 3 (most or all the time). Sixteen o f 20 items are worded negatively,
whereas the other four are worded positively. The total score ranges form 0 to 60. Scores
o f 16 o r higher are indicative o f significant depressive symptoms.
Reliability and validity have been established in the various groups, including
Asian Americans (Kuo, 1984; Kuo & Tsai, 1986). Radloff (1977) reported internal
consistency ranges from .84 to .90.
Korean versions o f CES-D have been used in the studies o f Korean Americans
and reported alpha .86 (Bae, 1998) and .91 (Choi, 1994) for adult Korean immigrants.
Especially, Noh, Avison, and Kasper (1992) examined the validity and adequacy o f the
CES-D for Korean immigrants who have lived in Toronto. They exam ined content
validity by comparing back translations o f each item o f the CES-D-K w ith those o f the
original CES-D. Construct validity was examined by the factor structure o f the CES-D-K
and its correlations with other constructs. The results indicated that the CES-D-K
displayed adequate psychometric properties in terms o f content, construct, and concurrent
validity. Therefore, it will be safe to assume the CES-D is reliable and valid in measuring
depression among Korean immigrants.
5. Acculturation
Acculturation was measured by the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican
Americans-Il (ARSMA-II) developed by Cuellar and Arnold (1995). It assesses
acculturation processes through a two-dimensional approach, so that it can generate four
acculturation types (integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization). ARSMAII consists o f two scales. Scale 1 is a 30-item Likert type scale composed o f a 13-item
52
Anglo Orientation subscale and a 17-item M exican O rientation subscale. Scale 2 is called
the M arginalization scale and consists o f 18 items.
This scale reported good overall internal consistency (coefficient alpha .87).
Concurrent validity between the original ARSMA and the ARSMA-II yield a Pearson
product-moment correlation coefficient o f .89. Strong construct validity w as also
demonstrated by a proportional increase in acculturation scores with successive
generation levels (Cuellar & Arnold, 1995). ARSMA-II was developed for M exican
Americans. In the present study, ARSMA-II was adapted and tested as to w hether it was
applicable to Korean Americans.
Table 3. Summary o f variables and measurements
Measurements
Variables
Background Information
Demographics
Personal data form
Ethnic Identity
Affirmation/ Belonging
Ethnic Identity Achievement
Ethnic Behaviors
O ther Group Orientation
M ultigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM)
Acculturation
Anglo Orientation Scale
M exican Orientation Scale
M arginalization Scale
ARSMA-II
Self- Esteem
Rosenberg Self-Esteem (RSE)
Depression
Depressed affect
Positive affect
Somatic and retarded activity
Interpersonal relations
Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression

Scale (CES-D)
53
Data analysis plan

The data was analyzed using SPSS for W indows Version 10.0. The five series o f
statistical analysis were conducted in order to address the research questions and
hypotheses.
First, the prelim inary data analysis involved calculating descriptive statistics for
the demographic inform ation in order to characterize the sample. Furthermore, frequency
distributions were run for all variables in order to check for m issing data and accuracy o f
entered data. The mean, range, and standard deviation were calculated for measures o f
central tendency and dispersion. These measures further described the sample and tell the
researcher whether the data are normally distributed.
Second, reliability analyses were performed using Cronbach's alpha in order to
measure the internal consistency o f the following measures: MEIM, RSE, CES-D, and
ARSMA-II.
Third, the means and standard deviations were calculated to show the level o f
ethnic identity, self-esteem , and depression. Then, chi-square test, t-tests, and Analysis o f
Variance tests (ANOVA) were conducted to determine whether there are significant
differences in ethnic identity depending on gender, generation, income, education, and
other background variables.
Fourth, correlation analyses were used to determ ine the strength o f the
relationship among ethnic identity, self-esteem, and depression. It was hypothesized that
ethnic identity would be positively correlated with self-esteem and negatively correlated
with depression. In order to test this hypothesis, Pearson product-moment correlations
54
performed between the MEIM and the CES-D as well as between the MEIM and the
RSE.
Finally, multiple regression analyses were carried out to exam ine the predictors o f
self-esteem and depression, with the following variables: gender, education, income,
length o f residence, ethnic church participation, visits to Korea, perceived discrimination,
ethnic identity, and acculturation modes. R2 indicates what percent o f the variance in self
esteem and depression in the regression model are accounted for by the entire set o f
independent variables. Beta and p value show whether or not each variable is significant
in predicting levels o f self-esteem and depression.
55
V. RESULTS
Reliability of the measures

A homogeneity reliability analysis o f the measures in order to test whether items
measure the same thing was assessed using Cronbach's alpha. The overall reliability o f
the total scale ranged from .72 to .93. The M ultigroup Ethnic Identity M easure (MEIM)
measuring ethnic identity had a Cronbach's alpha reliability coefficient o f .87 for the
Korean version and .86 for the English version. As seen in Table 4, the alpha o f the
MEIM subscales ranged from .69 to .90. The Affirmation/Belonging subscale had the
highest coefficient alpha .90 for the Korean version and .83 for the English version. The
Ethnic Behaviors subscale could not be assessed for reliability due to an insufficient
number (2 items).
The Cronbach's alpha 1.00 means perfect equivalence among all items, whereas
.00 means no equivalence. Therefore, the above results demonstrated good equivalence
among all items in both the Korean and English versions.
In the Korean and English version, internal consistency o f the Rosenberg SelfEsteem was .78 and .85 using Cronbach's alpha, and the CES-D scale showed .91 and
.86 values, separately. Both measures dem onstrated adequate reliability for the
homogenous factors.
56
Table 4. Internal consistency reliability coefficients o f the measures
Measures
#of
Items
Coefficient Aloha
Total
Korean
Version
English
Version
Multigroup Ethnic Identity

Measure (MEIM, Phinney,
1992)
Affirmation/Belonging
Ethnic Achievement
Ethnic Behaviors
14
.86
.87
.86
5
7
2
.87
.72
N/A
.90
.69
N /A
.83
.72
N/A
Acculturation Rating Scale

for Mexican Americans-II
(ARSMA-II, Cuellar &
Arnold, 1995)
Anglo Orientation Scale
Korean Orientation Scale
Marginality Scale
48
.76
.81
.76
13
17
18
.93
.82
.92
.89
.79
.93
.86
.86
.91
Rosenberg Self-Esteem
(Rosenberg, 1986)
10
.82
.78
.85
Center for Epidemiological

Studies Depression (CES-D,
Radloff, 1977)
20
.89
.91
.86
Acculturation was measured by the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican

Americans-II (ARSMS-O) consisting o f the Anglo Orientation Subscale (AOS) and the
Korean Orientation Subscale (KOS). The internal consistency for ARSMA-II produced
.81 in the Korean version and .76 in the English version. The reliability o f AOS was .89
for the Korean version and .86 for the English version. The KOS produced a .79 value for
the Korean version, indicating less homogeneity than the English version .86 value.
Furthermore, a factorial validity analysis of the ARSMA-II in order to identify
variables that explain the pattern o f correlations within a set o f variables was conducted
57
in each subscale using the varimax rotation method. Table 5 and 6 illustrate the loadings
o f each variable in both factors, treating loadings greater than .50 as meaningful.
For the AOS subscale, two factors w ith eigenvalues greater than 1.0 were
extracted from the total o f 13 AOS items. The two factors together accounted for 64.5%
o f the variance. Factor 1 included eight item s with loadings from .57 to .88 accounting
for 56.8% of the variance. The items included questions regarding fluency o f reading,
writing, and speaking English, contact w ith American culture, and thinking done in
English. Association w ith Americans was also involved in this factor. Factor 2 included
five item s with loadings from .55 to .83 and accounted for 7.7 % o f variance. It consisted
o f item s on leisure activities and self-identification.
For the KOS subscale, four factors with eigenvalues greater than 1.0 were
produced from the total o f 17 KOS items. The four factors together accounted for 64.8%
o f the variance. The first factor included 8 items with loadings from .54 to .88 and
accounted for 34.2%. The main items were Korean language ability. The second factor
contained 4 items with loadings from .53 to .84 and accounted for 13.4%. The questions
included leisure activities and contact with Korean culture. The third factor was
composed o f two items on parents' self-identification. Total variance for this factor was
9.5%. The factor loadings for two items were .95 and .94. The last factor included three
items: two items about social interaction w ith Koreans, and one item about cooking
Korean food. Total variance o f this factor was 7.7%. These results demonstrated that
language familiarity accounted for large amounts o f variance, being the m ajor factor in
assessing Korean cultural identification.
58
Table 5. Factor loadings by Anglo Orientation Subscale items
Factor Loadine*
Item
Factor 1
Ability to speak English
.88
Contact with American culture
.73
Thinking done in English
.70
Preference o f speaking English
.69
Reading in English
.65.
Writing in English
.64
Association with Americans
.61
American friends in present
.57
Factor 2
Identify as an American
.83
Had American friends while growing up
.72
Watching American TV
.66
Watching American movies
.58
Listening to American music
.55
7.386
Eigenvalues
56.8
% variance explained
* Only factor loadings o f 0.5 or above are displayed.
59
1.004
7.7
Table 6. Factor loadings by Korean Orientation Subscale items
Factor Loadine *
1
Item
Thinking done in Korean
.88
Ability to speak Korean
.81
Had Korean friends while growing up
.80
W riting in Korean
.72
Identify as Korean
.71
Reading in Korean
.66
Identify as Korean American
-.58
Preference speaking Korean
.54
W atching Korean movies
.84
W atching Korean TV/videos
.83
Listening to Korean music
.76
Contact w ith Korean culture
.53
M other's self-identification
.95
Father's self- identification
.94
Association w ith Koreans
.78
Korean friends in present
.71
Cooking Korean foods
.55
Eigenvalues
5.816
34.2
% variance explained
2.281
13.4
* Only factor loadings o f 0.5 or above are displayed.
60
1.622
1.309
9.5
7.7
Demographic characteristics o f the participants

Two hundred and seventeen adult Korean Americans living in the Albany area
(124 subjects) and New York City (93 subjects) completed the questionnaire. Fifty two
percent used the Korean version o f the questionnaire and 48% used the English version.
The participants consisted o f 104 males and 113 females. The gender ratio was
close to even, with 48% being male participants. The subjects who were ages 18-29 were
the largest group (32% ), followed by ages 30-39 (27%), ages 40-49 (20%), and ages 5059 (15%). The persons over 60 years old accounted for 7% o f the participants. Sixty three
percent o f the participants were married, while 36% were single. O f the married
participants, 43% had 1-2 children and 12% had 3-4 children.
Ninety three percent o f the subjects identified themselves as Christians. Among
201 Christians, the m ajority o f the participants were affiliated w ith a Korean ethnic
church. These results stemmed from data collection through Korean ethnic churches.
About 80% attended Korean church once a week or more, whereas 10% attended less
frequently.
The majority o f the participants showed a high level o f educational attainment;
15% high school graduate, 53 % college graduate, 29 % graduate school. Regarding
occupations, professional occupations consisted o f the largest percentage 26%,
household, student, business, office work occupied a sim ilar percentage, ranging from
14% to 17%. Regarding family income, approximately 42% o f the subject's earnings fell
between $40,000 and $80,000, while 19% earned below $40, 000 and 24% earned above
$80,000.
61
Eighty seven percent o f the subjects were bora in Korea and 12% were bom in the
U.S. Age at the tim e o f immigration varied from 1 to 47, yielding a mean age at
immigration o f 19.5 years old. O f the participants who immigrated, 24% cam e to the U.S.
before age 12, whereas 26% came after age 30. Fifty percent o f the participants came to
the United States at ages between 12 and 29 years old. The mean length o f residence was
18 years. Forty seven percent o f the subjects have lived in the United States for more than
20 years, followed by 34% residing 10-19 years, and 19 % less than 10 years.
More than eighty percent o f participants visited Korea at least once. A bout 48%
o f the participants visited Korea less than 5 tim es, while 7% visited Korea m ore than 10
times.
Three-fourths of the participants experienced some degree o f discrim ination in the
United States. Eighteen percent o f them perceived it as very little discrimination, 34%
somewhat, 16% moderately, as compared to 6% o f the participants who felt they were
discriminated against quite often.
In summary, the participants in the study demonstrated a higher level o f
education. As the majority of the subjects were bom in Korea, they are regarded as
immigrants or immigrant children. After immigration, m ost o f them visited K orea at least
once, and had an experience o f perceived discrimination.
62
Table 7. Demographic characteristics o f participants (Total = 217)
Variable
Value
Gender
Male
Female
104
113
47.9
52.1
Age
18-29 years old

30-39 years old
40-49 years old
50-59 years old
Over 60 years old
69
59
43
32
14
31.8
27.2
19.8
14.7
6.5
M arital status
Single
Married
Divorced/W idowed
77
135
5
35.5
62.2
2.3
Number o f children
None
1-2
3-4
Missing
95
94
26
2
43.8
43.3
12.0
0.9
Religion
None
Buddhism
Catholic
Protestant
15
1
12
189
6.9
0.5
5.5
87.1
Attendance o f
Korean church
None
More than once a week
Once a week
Once a month
25
94
77
21
11.5
43.3
35.5
9.7
Education
Less than HS
HS diploma
College
Graduate school
Missing
6
33
115
62
1
2.8
15.2
53.0
28.6
0.5
Occupation
Unemployed
Student
Household
Office/Clerical
Business
Professional
Other
Missing
12
34
31
33
37
57
7
6
5.5
15.7
14.3
15.2
17.1
26.3
3.2
2.8
63
Table 7. (Continued) Demographic characteristics o f participants (Total = 217)
Variable
Value
18
44
51
41
27
24
12
8.3
20.3
23.5
18.9
12.4
11.1
5.5
26
189
2
12.0
87.1
0.9
Family income
$20,000 below
$20,000-39,999
$40,000-59,999
$60,000-79,999
$80,000-99,999
$above 100,000
Missing
Birth place
U.S.
Korea
Other
Age at immigration
(N=191)
1-11 years old

12-17 years old
18-29 years old
30-39 years old
40 and over
45
28
68
35
15
23.6
14.7
35.6
18.3
7.9
Length o f residence
1-9 years
10-19 years
20-29 years
30 years and over
41
73
78
25
18.9
33.6
35.9
11.5
Frequency o f visits
to Korea
None
1-2 tim es
3-4 tim es
5-9 tim es
10 times and more
Missing
38
79
46
35
15
4
17.5
36.4
21.2
16.1
6.9
1.8
Degree o f
discrim ination
None
Very little
Somewhat
M oderately
Very m uch
A great deal
M issing
55
40
73
35
3
10
1
25.3
18.4
33.6
16.1
1.4
4.6
0.5
Comparison o f characteristics between the first and second generation

To find answers to questions regarding generational differences, chi-square and
t-test were performed. In the present study, the first generation was defined as those who
were bom in Korea and immigrated to the United States after age 12. The second
generation was defined as those who were bom in the U.S. as w ell as those who
immigrated to the U.S. with their parents before age 12. According to these criteria, the
total subjects consisted o f 146 first generation and 71 second generation Korean
Americans.
Eighty eight percent o f the first generation were over 30 years old, whereas 73%
o f the second generation were 18-29 years old. The generational difference on age was
significant (x2 =97.54, df=4, p < .001). About eighty percent o f the first generation were
married, whereas 76% o f the second generation were single. The difference o f m arital
status between generations was significant (x2=76.23, df=3, p < .001).
There was significant difference in occupation between generations (x2=37.90,
df=6, p < .001). Fifty percent o f the second generation was unemployed, worked in the
household, or were students. Twenty nine percent o f the first generation participants
produced sim ilar results. Sim ilar percentages o f 26% and 29% in both generations held
professional jobs.
The results o f t-tests are presented in Table 9. There were no significant
generational differences in education (t= .29, p=.769) and income (t= -.04, p=.966). The
mean length o f residence in the United States was 16.9 years for the first generation and
20.2 years for the second generation. The difference in length o f residence between
generations was significant (t= -2.55, p < .05). There was significant generational
65
difference in Korean church attendance (t=2.44, p < .05), indicating that the first
generation attended Korean church more frequently than the second generation. The first
generation (M=3.20) visited Korea more frequently than the second generation (M =2.68),
however, the difference was insignificant (t= l. 14, p= .254). Regarding perceived
discrimination, the second generation experienced m ore discrimination than did the first
generation, the difference being significant (t= -2.20, p < .05).
Table 8. Comparison o f characteristics between the first and second generation

F irst
G eneration
(Total=146)
N
%
Gender (N=217)
Male
Female
Age (N=217)
18-29 years old
30-39 years old
40-49 years old
50-59 years old
Over 60 years old
M arital status
Single
Married
Divorced/widowed
Occupation (N=211)
Unemployed
Student
Household
Office/Clerical
Business
Professional
Other
* p < .05
** p < .01
71
75
17
41
42
32
14
23
118
5
5
11
27
28
31
37
4
*** p
48.6
51.4
11.6
28.1
28.8
21.9
9.6
15.8
80.8
3.6
3.5
6.4
19.0
19.6
21.7
25.9
2.8
< .001
Second
G eneration
(Total=71)
N
%
33
38
52
18
1
-
54
17
-
7
23
4
5
6
20
3
ChiSquare
df
Sig.
.089
.766
97.54
.000***
76.23
.000***
37.90
.000**
46.5
53.5
73.2
25.4
1.4
-
76.1
23.9
-
10.3
33.8
5.9
7.4
8.8
29.4
4.4
Table 9. T-Test by generation
Education
F irst
G eneration
M ean
SD
4.08
.85
Second
G eneration
M ean
SD
4.04
.64
Income
3.42
1.46
3.43
16.92
9.90
Frequency o f
Korean church
attendance
2.22
Frequency o f
visits to Korea
Degree of
discrimination
Length of
residence
* p < .05
df
Sig.
.29
214
.769
1.51
-.04
203
.966
20.21
6.44
-2.55
215
.011*
.99
1.87
.97
2.44
215
.016*
3.20
3.30
2.68
2.92
1.14
211
.254
1.50
1.27
1.91
1.35
-2.20
214
.029*
** p < .01
*** p < .001
67
Interrelationships among the demographics

Previous studies showed that socio-demographic variables, including age, gender,
education, income, length o f residence, Korean church affiliation, frequency o f visits to
Korea, and degree o f perceived discrim ination, were significant factors that influenced
ethnic identity, acculturation, and psychological well-being. Table 10 presents Pearson's
correlation coefficient m atrix o f these selected variables.
Age was positively related to length o f residence (r= .33, p < .01) and frequency
o f visits to Korea (r= .23, p < .01). This indicates that older people have stayed longer in
the U.S. and visited Korea m ore frequently than younger people. Age was negatively
related to education(r= -.14, p < .05), implying that older people had less education than
younger people.
Gender was positively related to education (r= .23, p < .01), supposing that males
had a higher education than females. Education was positively related to income (r= .26,
p < .01), and negatively related to degree o f discrimination (r= -.19, p < .01). The results
suggest that those with a higher education had higher incomes and experienced less
discrim ination than those w ith less education. Income was positively related to length o f
residence (r= .16, p < .05). That is, the subjects with a higher level o f income stayed
longer in the United States.
No variables were significantly related to frequency o f Korean church attendance.
Frequency o f visits to Korea was related to age (r= .23, p < .01), and length o f residence
(r= .28, p < .01), indicating that older subjects who lived longer in the U.S. visited Korea
more frequently than younger subjects. Degree o f perceived discrim ination was
68
negatively related to education (r= -.19, p < .01), and positively related to length o f
residence (r= .16, p < .05). The subjects who received less education and had longer
residence in the U.S. experienced m ore discrimination than those who did not.
Table 10. Pearson correlation o f key demographic characteristics
Age
Gender
Gender
Education
Income
Length
Korean
church
.02
-.14*
.23**
.07
.00
.26**
.33**
-.01
-.10
.16*
Frequency o f
Korean church
Attendance
.13
-.08
.02
-.06
-.08
Frequency o f
V isits to
Korea
.23**
-.04
-.01
.11
.28**
.01
.03
.04
-.19**
-.01
.16*
-.07
Education
Income
Length o f
Residence
Degree o f
Discrimination
Visits
to
Korea
* p < .05
** p < .01
*** p < .001
Gender: 1 = Male, 0 = Female
69
-.04
Ethnic identity, acculturation, self-esteem, depression according to background

variables
Ethnic identity, acculturation, and psychological well-being may vary as a
function o f personal background factors. The Analysis o f Variance (ANOVA) tests were
performed to examine the bivariate relationships between two demographic variables
(gender, generation) and ethnic identity, self-esteem, and depression. Pearson correlation
tests were conducted between ethnic identity, self-esteem, depression, and continuous
demographic variables (education, income, length of residence, frequency of Korean
church attendance, visits to Korea, degree o f perceived discrim ination). To examine the
differences in acculturation modes by generation and gender, chi-square tests were
conducted. In addition, the relationship between acculturation m odes and continuous
demographic variables were calculated by ANOVA. The results o f these analyses are
presented under the subheadings o f dependent variables.
Ethnic Identity
Hypothesis 1.1 states that the first generation would have stronger ethnic identity
than the second generation.
As seen in Table 11, the second generation (M=43.87, SD=7.02) had slightly
stronger overall scores for ethnic identity than did the first generations (M=42.88,
SD=6.79). However, there was no statistically significant difference in overall ethnic
identity between the first generation and the second generation. Further tests on the ethnic
identity subscales showed significant differences between generations in the achievement
subscale, F (1 ,204)=8.25, p< .01. This indicates that the second generation had higher
70
scores in the achievement o f ethnic identity than the first generation. Therefore, the
hypothesis is partially supported by the significant difference in the achievem ent subscale
only.
Hypothesis 1.2 states that females would have stronger ethnic identity than males.
There was significant gender difference in overall ethnic identity scores, F (1,213)=7.01,
p< .01, indicating that females had stronger ethnic identity than males. In additional tests
in the ethnic identity subscales, only the belonging subscale showed significant gender
difference, F (1,213)= 10.02, p < .01, indicating that females had a feeling o f belonging
toward Korean culture.
Hypotheses 1.3 and 1.4 state that people w ith higher education and higher income
would have weaker ethnic identity than those with lower education and lower income.
As seen in Table 13, there was no educational difference in ethnic identity. Furthermore,
there was no difference in ethnic identity according to income levels. These findings
indicate that ethnic identity did not vary as a function o f socioeconomic status measured
by education and income.
Therefore, the above results did not support the hypothesis o f difference in ethnic
identity according to generation and economic status. However, they support the
hypothesis o f gender difference in ethnic identity.
Further tests about the relationship betw een ethnic identity and continuous
variables were conducted. As seen in Table 13, the results showed that ethnic identity
was unrelated to length o f residence, visits to Korea, and degree o f perceived
discrim ination. However, ethnic identity was significantly related to Korean church
attendance (r= .20, p < .01).
71
Table 11. ANOVA o f ethnic identity and generation
E thnic Id entity
F irst G eneration
M ean
SD
42.88
6.79
Second G eneration
M ean
SD
43.87
7.02
Sig.
.92
.38
Belonging
16.60
3.00
16.10
3.06
1.24
.267
Achievement
20.06
3.68
21.63
3.61
8.25
.005**
6.22
1.23
6.13
1.24
.20
.658
Ethnic Behaviors
* p < .05
** p < .01
*** p < .001
Table 12. ANOVA o f ethnic identity and gender

Sig.
SD
6.94
Fem ale
M ean
SD
44.34
6.48
Mean
41.91
7.01
.009**
Belonging
15.78
3.04
17.05
2.84
10.02
.002**
Achievement
20.04
3.91
21.00
3.43
3.68
.056
6.09
1.16
6.28
1.27
1.37
.243
M ale
E thnic Id en tity
Ethnic Behaviors
* p < .05
** p < .01
*** p < .001
Table 13. Pearson correlation between ethnic identity and continuous demographic
variables
Overall
Ethnic Identity
Education
Income
Length o f
Subscales of Ethnic Identity

Belonging
Achievement
Behaviors
.00
-.10
.05
.02
-.02
-.08
.03
.05
.06
-.01
.12
.05
.20**
.22**
.08
.29**
.12
.05
.13
.09
.03
.02
.07
-.01
Residence
Korean Church
Attendance
V isits to
Korea
Degree o f
Discrimination
* p < .05
** p < .01
***p<.001
73
Acculturation
In order to determine four acculturation modes, Cuellar and Arnold's procedure
(1995) was adopted. First, the sum o f each scale, Anglo Orientation Scale (AOS) and
Korean Orientation Scale (KOS), was calculated, and then was divided by 13 item s and
17 items, respectively, to obtain the mean score. The four acculturation modes were
determined by dividing each scale into two groups at the m ean 3.21 for AOS and 3.80 for
KOS. The concrete criteria and the frequency o f each mode are presented in Table 14.
Among 212 participants, Assim ilation and Separation occupied 30.2% and 31.6%,
respectively, and followed by Integration (22.2%). Sixteen percent of the participants
demonstrated the M arginalization mode.
Table 14. Criteria and frequency o f Acculturation Modes

Criteria
N (Total=212)
Integration
AOS > 3.21 and KOS > 3.80
47
22.2
Assimilation
AOS> 3.21 and KOS< 3.80
64
30.2
Separation
AOS <3.21 and KOS> 3.80
67
31.6
M arginalization
AOS< 3.21 and KOS <3.80
34
16.0
AOS: Mean= 3.21, SD= .95

KOS: Mean= 3.80, SEN .62
Chi-Square tests were performed to find the differences between the acculturation
modes according to generation and gender. ANOVA tests were performed to find the
differences between acculturation modes and continuous variables. The results are
presented in Tables 15,16, and 17.
74
Hypothesis 2.1 states that the second generation would more likely be in the
Integration and Assim ilation m odes than the first generation. As seen in Table 15,
generation was significantly related to modes o f acculturation (x2 = 103.71, df=3, p=
.000). The results indicated that the second generation were far more likely to fall into the
Integration and Assim ilation modes than the first generation, whereas the first generation
were more often in the Separation and Marginalization modes than the second generation.
Therefore, these results provide support for hypothesis 2.1.
Hypothesis 2.2 states that males would more likely be in the Integration and
Assimilation modes than females. The result does not support this hypothesis. There was
no gender difference in acculturation modes (x2 = 7.35, df=3, p= .061). However, males
(23%) were more likely to be in the Marginalization mode than females (9.9% ). Females
had higher percentage than males in the Integration (25% vs 19%) and the Separation
mode (35% vs 28%). Sim ilar proportions o f male and female subjects were designated to
the Assimilation mode (See Table 16).
Hypotheses 2.3 and 2.4 state that those with higher education and higher income
would more likely be in the Integration and Assimilation modes than those with lower
education and lower income. A n analysis o f variance was performed to examine the
differences among acculturation modes, education, and income. The results showed that
there were no differences in acculturation modes according to education (F=1.19, p=.313)
and income (F=1.33, p= .265).
Further tests among acculturation modes and continuous variables were
performed. As seen in Table 17, length o f residence (F=3.40, p < .05) was significantly
related to acculturation modes. The frequency of Korean ethnic church attendance
75
(F=5.65, p < .001) was also significantly related to acculturation modes. Furthermore, the
post hoc ANOVA test using Turkey HSD showed that those who in the Assimilation
mode had stayed longer in the U.S. than those who in the Separation mode (p= .018). In
addition, those who were in the Separation mode were more involved in a Korean church
than those in the Assimilation mode (p= .001). The acculturation modes were not
significantly related to visits to Korea (F= .82, p= .484) and degree o f perceived
discrimination (F= 1.17, p= .321).
Table 15. Acculturation modes by generation
Integration
F irst G eneration
N
%
30
21.3
Second G eneration
N
%
17
23.9
Assimilation
13
9.2
51
71.8
Separation
65
46.1
2.8
Marginalization
33
23.4
1.4
Total
141
100.0
71
100.0
Integration
N
19
%
19.0
N
28
%
25.2
Assimilation
30
30.0
33
29.7
Separation
28
28.0
39
35.1
Marginalization
23
23.0
11
9.9
Total
100
100.0
111
100.0
*2 = 103.71, df=3, p= .000

Table 16. Acculturation modes by gender
Females
Males
*2 = 7.35, df=3, p= .061

76
Table 17. ANOVA among acculturation modes and continuous demographic variables
Integration Assimilation Separation Marginalzation

Mean
Mean
Mean
Mean
(SD)
(SD)
(SD)
(SD)
4.09
3.94
4.21
4.12
Education
(.72)
(.68)
(87)
(.84)
3.65
3.51
3.14
3.58
(1.60)
(1.51)
(131)
(1.54)
Length o f
19.20
20.14
15.57
16.79
residence
(7.89)
(8.09)
(9.55)
(10.42)
Attendance
4.06
3.42
4.40
3.62
o f church
(1-33)
(1.62)
(118)
(1.72)
Visits to
3.5
2.75
2.72
3.36
(2.90)
(3.03)
(2.83)
(4.30)
1.57
1.87
1.45
1.65
(1.44)
(1.20)
(1-37)
(1.23)
Income
Korea
Degree o f
discrim ination
* p < .05
* * p < .0 1
*** p <.001
77
Sig.
1.19
.313
1.33
.265
3.40
.019*
5.65
.001***
.82
.484
1.17
.321
Self-esteem
Hypothesis 3.1 states that the second generation would have a higher level o f self
esteem than the first generation. Table 18 shows a significant generational difference in
self-esteem. This finding indicates that the second generation had higher self-esteem than
the first generation, F (1,204)=13.20, p< .001. Therefore, the result supports the
hypothesis o f generational difference in self-esteem.
Hypothesis 3.2 states that males would have a higher level o f self-esteem than
females. Males and females showed the same mean score in self-esteem, indicating no
gender difference in self-esteem.
would have a higher level o f self-esteem than those lower education and lower income.
Pearson correlation tests showed that self-esteem was significantly related to education
(r= .23, p < .01), but not related to income (r= .12). These indicate that those w ith higher
education had higher self-esteem than those w ith lower education. These results support
the hypothesis about a significant relationship between education and self-esteem, but
reject the hypothesis about a significant relationship between income and self-esteem.
Table 19 presents Pearson correlation among self-esteem , length o f residence,
frequency o f Korean church attendance, frequency o f visits to Korea, and degree o f
perceived discrim ination. Only length o f residence (r= .18, p < .01) was significantly
related to self-esteem, indicating that those who stayed longer in the U.S. had higher self
esteem than those who did not.
78
Depression
Hypothesis 4.1 states that the second generation would have a higher level o f
depression than the first generation. The first generation (M =l 1.94, SD=7.43) had higher
depression levels than the second generation (M=10.76, SD=7.73). However, there was
no statistically significant difference between generations in depression.
Hypothesis 4.2 states that males would have higher level o f depression than
females. The results revealed that males (M= 12.08, SD=7.49) had higher levels of
depression than females (M =l 1.07, SD=7.57). However, there was no statistically
significant difference in depression regarding gender.
would have a lower level o f depression than those with lower education and lower
income. As seen in Table 19, depression showed no significant difference according to
education and income levels. The above findings reject hypotheses 4.1 through 4.4.
Depression was not significantly correlated w ith generation, gender, education, and
income.
Table 19 presents Pearson correlation between depression and continuous
variables. Length o f residence (r= -.14, p < .05), church attendance (r= -.16, p < .05),
and degree o f discrimination (r= .14, p < .05) were significantly correlated with
depression. This suggests that those who stayed longer in the U.S. and were more
involved in Korean church had less depression, whereas those who experienced more
discrimination had a higher degree o f depression.
79
Table 18. ANOVA among generation, gender, self-esteem, and depression
First Generation
Second Generation
SD
Mean
Mean
SD
Sig.
Self-esteem
30.81
4.08
33.06
4.66
13.20
.000***
Depression
11.94
7.43
10.76
7.73
1.17
.281
SD
Sig.
Males
Mean
Females
SD
Mean
Self-esteem
31.60
4.23
31.50
4.56
.03
.867
Depression
12.08
7.49
11.07
7.57
.97
.327
* p < .05
** p < .01
*** p < .001
Table 19. Pearson correlation among continuous variables, self-esteem, and depression
Self-Esteem
' Depression
.23**
-.12
Income
.12
-.10
.18**
-.14*
Church attendance
-.04
-.16*
Visits to Korea
-.04
00
Education
Degree o f discrim ination
-.07
.14*
* p < .05
** p < .01
*** p < .001
In summary, ANOVA, Pearson correlation, and Chi-square test w ere conducted to

analyze any existing correlations among ethnic identity, acculturation m odes,
psychological well-being, and selected demographic variables. The findings are
sum m arized in Table 20.
As seen in Table 20, ethnic identity was significantly related to gender and church
attendance. Acculturation modes were significantly related to generation, length of
residence, and frequency o f Korean church attendance. Regarding psychological well
being, self-esteem was significantly correlated w ith generation, education, and length o f
residence, whereas depression was significantly correlated with length o f residence,
church attendance and perceived discrim ination.
Table 20. Summary o f correlations am ong variables

Ethnic identity
Acculturation
NS
NS
NS
NS
NS
Education
NS
NS
NS
Income
NS
NS
NS
NS
NS
Church attendance
NS
V isits to Korea
NS
NS
NS
NS
Discrim ination
NS
NS
NS
Generation
Gender
Self-esteem
S indicates significant relationship among variables.

NS indicates no significant relationship among variables.
81
Depression
Relationship between ethnic identity and psychological well-being

Hypothesis 5.1 states that ethnic identity would be positively related to self
esteem and negatively related to depression. In order to test this hypothesis, Pearson
product-moment correlations were perform ed among ethnic identity, self-esteem, and
depression. Table 21 illustrates the results o f this analysis.
As seen in Table 21, the overall ethnic identity was positively related to self
esteem (r= .35, p < .01). All subscales o f ethnic identity were also positively related to
self-esteem, indicating that stronger ethnic identity shows higher self-esteem.
The overall ethnic identity was negatively related to depression (r= -.31, p< .01).
Furthermore, all subscales o f ethnic identity were negatively related to depression.
Individuals with a strong ethnic identity have less depression than those with weak ethnic
identity. The above results support the hypothesis o f a positive relationship between
ethnic identity and self-esteem, as well as a negative relationship between ethnic identity
and depression.
82
Table 21. Pearson Correlation among ethnic identity, self-esteem, and depression
Self-esteem
Ethnic
Identity
Achievement
Belonging
Behaviors
Achievement
.91**
Belonging
.88**
.63**
Behaviors
.70**
.47**
.54**
Self-esteem
.35**
.38**
.24**
.21**
Depression
-.31**
-.23**
-.25**
-.20**
** p<.01
*** p < .001
* p < .05
-.56**
Ethnic identity scale: A higher score indicates higher ethnic identity.

Self-esteem scale: A higher score indicates higher self-esteem
Depression scale: A higher score indicates higher depression.
Generation is significantly related to self-esteem, but not related to ethnic identity.
Conversely, gender is significantly related to ethnic identity, but not related to self
esteem. To test the correlations betw een ethnic identity and psychological well-being
according to generation and gender, Pearson m oment correlation tests were performed for
each subgroups (e.g., first generation males and females, second generation males and
females).
As seen in Table 22, there was a positive relationship between ethnic identity and
self-esteem for the first generation males (r=.44, p< .01), the first generation females
(r=.35, p< .01), and the second generation females (r=.33, p< .01). However, there was no
83
significant relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem for the second generation
males (r=.21, p=.237), even though the correlation was in the same direction.
Ethnic identity was negatively related to depression for the first generation m ales
(r= -.32, p< .01), the first generation females (r= -.33, p< .01), and the second generation
females (r= -.39, p< .01). However, ethnic identity was not related to depression for the
second generation males (r= -.03, p = .873).
Table 22. Pearson Correlation between ethnic identity and psychological well-being
according to generation and gender
Overall
Ethnic Identity
Achievement
Belonging
1st male
.44**
.39**
.40**
.24**
1st female
.35**
.22
.37**
.30**
2nd male
.21
.07
.33
-.01
2nd female
.33*
.28
.30
.24
1st male
-.32**
-.31**
-.29**
-.21
1st female
-.33**
-.29**
-.30**
-.26*
2nd male
-.03
.05
-.10
.11
2nd female
-.39*
-.53**
-.40*
-.35*
Behaviors
Self esteem
Depression
*p<.05
**p<.01
***p<.001
Relationship between acculturation modes and psychological well-being

An analysis o f variance was conducted to find the relationship between ethnic
identity and acculturation. According to Table 23, overall ethnic identity was related to
the acculturation modes, F (3, 201)= 9.14, p < .001. Furthermore, all subscales o f ethnic
84
identity were significantly related to the types o f acculturation at p=. 000 level (See Table
23). Ethnic identity had the highest mean score in Integration mode (M =46.84, SD=5.74),
but the lowest in M arginalization (M= 39.36, SD=7.03). The post-hoc ANOVAs using
the Tukey HSD test showed that those who were in the Integration mode had higher
ethnic identity than those in the Assimilation (p= .015), Separation (p= .013), and
M arginalization (p= .000) m odes. There were no differences in ethnic identity among
those who were in the Assim ilation, Separation, and Marginalization modes.
Hypothesis 6.1 states that the Integration and Assimilation modes would be
related to higher self-esteem and less depression. Conversely, the Separation and
M arginalization modes would be related to lower self-esteem and more depression. To
test this hypothesis, an analysis o f variance between each acculturation m ode and the
measures o f psychological w ell being (self-esteem and depression) were performed.
As seen in Table 23, the differences in m ean scores according to acculturation
modes were significant for the self-esteem, F (3,208)= 11.37, p < .001 and for the
depression, F (3,196) = 4.21, p < .01
A post hoc analysis (Tukey HSD test) regarding self-esteem showed that those
who were in the Integration m ode had higher self-esteem than those in the Separation (p=
.000) and Marginalization (p= .000) modes. Those who were in the Assim ilation mode
had higher self-esteem than those in the Separation (p= .002) and M arginalization (p=
.001) modes. There was no significant difference in self-esteem between the Integration
and Assimilation modes.
A post hoc analysis (Tukey HSD test) regarding depression showed that those
who were in the Integration m ode had higher levels o f depression than those who were in
85
the M arginalization mode (p=.003). There was no significant difference in depression

between the Assimilation and Separation modes.
Therefore, the results support the hypothesis that the Integration and Assimilation
modes are related to higher self-esteem than the Separation and Marginalization modes.
On the other hand, the findings partially support the hypothesis about depression. The
Integration mode was related to less depression than the Marginalization mode, whereas
the level o f depression was not different between the Separation and Assimilation
modes.
Table 23. ANOVA among acculturation modes, ethnic identity, self-esteem, and
depression.
Integration Assimilation Separation Marginalzation

Mean
Mean
Mean
Mean
(SD)
(SD)
(SD)
(SD)
Overall
Ethnic
Identity
Achievement
Belonging
Behaviors
Self-esteem
Depression
* p < .05
46.84
43.15
43.02
39.36
(5.74)
(6.67)
(5.87)
(7.03)
22.47
21.20
19.55
18.85
(3.41)
(3.42)
(3.52)
(3.62)
17.64
16.00
17.03
14.94
(2.22)
(2.93)
(2.62)
(3.32)
6.73
5.95
6.44
5.58
(1.03)
(1.22)
(1.12)
(1.12)
33.68
32.75
30.19
29.53
(3.82)
(4.84)
(3.71)
(4.36)
8.57
10.83
11.97
14.50
(6.87)
(7.54)
(7.50)
(7.10)
** p < .01
*** p < .001
Sig.
9.14
.000***
9.70
.000***
7.58
.000***
8.61
.000***
11.37
.000***
4.21
.007**
Relationship am ong ethnic identity, acculturation, and psychological well-being

based on m ultiple regression analysis
As seen in bivariate analysis, ethnic identity and acculturation w ere significantly
related to self-esteem and depression. The background variables were also related to self
esteem and depression. The multiple regression was conducted to determine whether or
to what extent ethnic identity and acculturation would predict dependent variables when
background variables are controlled. The dependent variables were self-esteem and
depression. Based on the literature review, eight demographic variables (gender,
generation, education, income, length o f residence, Korean church affiliation, visits to
Korea, perceived discrimination) were selected as controlling variables for multivariate
analyses.
In conducting regression analyses, a hierarchical approach using blockwise entry
was used. The two-step entry was used to determine how much change in R2 in
psychological well-being variables (self-esteem and depression) could be attributed to
ethnic identity and acculturation modes, after controlling for the selected demographic
variables. The R2 change from block to block indicated the change o f variance explained
by these variables. In using hierarchical regression, the listw ise case deletion method was
used so that only participants who had complete responses on all measures were included
in the analyses.
The regression analyses involved two steps. The seven background variables as
one block in the regression equation were entered in the first step. Generation was deleted
from the predictor variables in order to avoid the problem o f m ulticollinearity due to the
small numbers o f second generation individuals in the Separation mode. Ethnic identity
87
and three dummy variable representing acculturation modes (Integration, Assim ilation,
and M arginalization) were entered in the second step.
Table 24 presents the result o f a hierarchal multiple regression o f self-esteem on
demographic variables, ethnic identity, and acculturation. It also presents changes o f
explained according to each step. The seven demographic variables explained 8.5% o f
variance in the first step. W hen ethnic identity and acculturation modes were added in the
second step, the equation explained 29% o f variance. The change in R2 was significant
F(4,182) = 14.44, p=.000. Education and length o f residence variables were significant,
predictors at both steps. W ith other variables controlled, education, (t= 2.74, p< .01),
length o f residence (t= 2.48, p< .05), frequency o f visits to Korea (t= -2.24, p< .05),
Integration (t=3.23, p< .001), Assim ilation (t=3.26, p< .001), and ethnic identity (t=
5.05, p< .001) were significant predictors o f self-esteem.
As the larger beta value is related to a stronger predictor, ethnic identity had the
strongest effect (beta= .34, p< .001) on self-esteem , and followed by Assim ilation (beta=
.25, p< .001), Integration (beta= .24, p< .001), education (beta= .18, p< .01), length o f
residence (beta= .17, p< .05), and frequency o f visits to Korea (beta= -.15, p< .05). The
result indicated that those who adopted both American culture and Korean culture
(Integration) or adopted Am erican culture (Assimilation), had higher ethnic identity, had
higher education, and stayed longer in the U.S. showed higher self-esteem. As the
direction o f the beta indicates, frequency o f visits to Korea had a negative effect,
implying that those who frequently visited Korea had a lower level o f self-esteem .
88
A hierarchal multiple regression o f depression is presented in Table 25. The

background variables in the first step explained 4.5% o f variance, F (7,186) =2.29,
p=.030. At step two, with the addition o f discrim ination (t= 2.05, p< .05) and ethnic
identity (t= -3.63, p< .001), the equation accounted for 16% o f variance. The change in
R2 was significant, F(4,182)=7.48, p=.000. Length o f residence and church attendance,
w hich were significant at step 1, were no longer significant at step two. Ethnic identity
had a stronger effect (beta= -.26, p< .001) on depression than experience o f
discrim ination (beta= .14, p< .05). Furthermore, as the direction o f the beta indicates,
ethnic identity had a negative effect on depression, whereas experience o f discrimination
had a positive effect. This indicates that those who had higher ethnic identity showed less
depression, whereas those who had more experiences o f discrimination showed more
depression.
In summary, the results o f m ultiple regression, the variables at the final step o f the
regression equation accounted for 29% o f variance for self-esteem. The sam e variables
accounted for 16% o f variance for depression. Ethnic identity was a significant predictor
for both self-esteem and depression. The Integration and Assimilation m odes were
significant predictors for self-esteem . However, none o f the acculturation modes
demonstrated a significant effect on depression. Among control variables, education,
visits to Korea, and length o f residence revealed significant predictors for self-esteem,
whereas experience o f discrim ination was significant for depression.
89
Table 24. Hierarchical multiple regression o f self-esteem
M odel
1
V ariable
B eta
Sig.
Gender
-.52
-.06
-.84
.399
Education
1.50
.27
.36
.000***
Income
.05
.02
.24
.813
.12
.24
3.18
.002**
Chinch attendance
-.05
-.02
-.28
.783
Visits to Korea
-.15
-.11
-1.53
.128
Discrimination
-.15
-.05
-.64
.524
.785
M odel 1: R*= .118, A djusted R*=..085, Intercept= 24.49***

F ( 7 ,186)=3.55, p=.001
2
Gender
.15
.02
.27
1.02
.18
2.74
Income
.09
.03
.48
.08
.17
2.48
.014*
Church attendance
-.13
-.05
-.71
.481
Visits to Korea
-.20
-.15
-2.24
.027*
Discrimination
-.30
-.09
-1.44
.152
Integration
2.49
.24
3.23
.001***
Assimilation
2.36
.25
3.26
.001**
Marginalization
-.03
-.00
-.04
.970
Ethnic Identity
.22
.34
5.05
.000***
Education
M odel 2: R*= .330, A djusted R*=.290, Intercep t^ 16.61***

F (1 1 ,182)=8.16, p=.000
* p < .05
** p < .01
*** p < .001
Dummy variables
Gender: l=M ale, 0=Female
Integration: l=Y es, 0=No
Assimilation: l=Yes, 0=No
M arginalization: l=Yes, 0=No
.007**
.631
Table 25. Hierarchical multiple regression o f depression
Model
1
Sig.
.05
.69
.491
-1.32
-.14
-1.78
.078
Income
-.06
-.01
-.16
.877
-.14
-.16
-2.10
.037*
Church attendance
-1.25
-.16
-2.18
.030*
Visits to Korea
-.08
-.03
-.43
.669
Discrimination
.67
.12
1.60
.112
.673
Variable
Gender
Education
Beta
.77
Model 1: R*= .079, Adjusted R*=..045, Intercept= 20.77***

F (7 ,186)=2.29, p=.030
o
m
r
-.42
Education
00
-.08
-1.10
Income
-.15
-.03
-.40
.690
-.10
-.12
-1.62
.107
Church attendance
-.88
-.11
-.16
.121
Visits to Korea
-.01
-.01
-.08
.934
Discrimination
.81
.14
2.05
.042*
Integration
-2.16
-.12
-1.46
.146
Assimilation
-1.19
-.08
-.86
.392
M arginalization
2.64
.13
1.65
.101
Ethnic Identity
-.30
-.26
-3.63
Gender
-.45
.273
Model 2: R*= .209, Adjusted R*=. 161, Intercept^ 30.93***

F (11,182)=4.38, p=.000
* p < .05
** p < .01
*** p < .001
Dum m y variables
Gender: l=Male, 0=FemaIe
Integration: l=Yes, 0=No
Assimilation: l=Y es, 0=No
Marginalization: l=Y es, 0=No
91
.000***
VI. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS

The discussion consists o f two parts. One part deals with the factors related to
ethnic identity and acculturation modes among Korean Americans. It stems from the
results o f bivariate analysis. The other examines the relationship among ethnic identity,
acculturation, and psychological well-being. It discusses the impact o f ethnic identity
and acculturation on self-esteem and depression, based on the findings o f m ultivariate
analysis.
Factors related to ethnic identity

The mean score o f ethnic identity measured by the MEIM in the present study
among adult Korean Americans showed 3.08. O ther research using the MEIM among
Korean American college students demonstrated 3.15 (Yuh, 1996) and 3.08 (Kim, 1993).
In Phinney's (1992) study conducted among different ethnic college students, the MEIM
score was 3.02 for Asian American, 3.46 for A frican American, and 3.07 for Hispanics.
Compared with the above studies, the present study showed a similar level o f ethnic
identity.
As Korean Americans as a group are relatively recent immigrants, the present
study was expected to reveal that the first generation would have higher ethnic identity
than the second generation. However, the data showed no significant generational
difference in ethnic identity. Other studies dem onstrated that the first generation or older
people had stronger ethnic identity than the second generation or younger people
(Rosenthal & Feldman, 1992a; Ting-Toomey, 1981; Liebkind, 1993). This discrepancy
m ight come from the different samples o f the second generation. The samples o f the
92
second generation in the present study were 18 years old and over adults that included
people who were bom in the United States or came to the United States before age 12.
However, other studies chose the second generation among high school students
(Rosenthal & Feldman, 1992a) or U.S. bom youth (Ting-Toomey, 1981). As adolescence
is the time that identification is solidified, younger students o f second generation may not
have a fully formed ethnic identity. However, the adult second generation in the present
study had higher scores in the achievement subscale in ethnic identity than the first
generation. The fact that both generations were adult samples resulted in no generational
difference in overall ethnic identity. Further research is needed with diverse second
generation populations in order to examine the generational differences in ethnic identity.
The results in the present study showed that Korean females had stronger ethnic
identity than males. This result is consistent w ith other studies (Lysne & Levy, 1997;
Rotheram-Borus & Lightfoot, 1998). One possible explanation is that Korean culture
relies on traditional gender roles, with a greater emphasis on males for the provider role,
and females for the caretaker role (Min, 1995). Therefore, Korean females are
encouraged to stay home and m aintain their ethnic culture. Another possible explanation
is that females would have fewer opportunities to have contact with mainstream culture
than males, and therefore be less knowledgeable about mainstream culture. Martinez and
Dukes (1997) discussed the different findings in gender differences across different
ethnic groups. That is, females had greater levels o f ethnic identity among Blacks and
Asians, but no gender differences in ethnic identity among Hispanics. Thus, there is a
need for further research to examine the relationship between gender and ethnic identity
93
across different populations. Furthermore, future study regarding gender role identity or
sexual identity will be helpful to examine whether these affect ethnic identity.
In the present study, ethnic identity was significantly related to frequency o f
Korean church attendance. This result is consistent w ith other studies (Bankston & Zhou,
1995; M arkstrom, 1999). Min (1995) also suggested that affiliation with the Korean
ethnic church cultivates maintaining strong ethnic identity among Korean Americans.
Religious participation links individuals to a larger system o f ethnic relations and serves
as a source o f identity and ego strengths (M arkstrom, 1999). Immigrants perceived the
ethnic religious institution as the one element o f real continuity between their country of
origin and new home (Bankston & Zhou, 1995). One o f the purposes o f affiliation with
the ethnic church is fellowship or intimate friendship networks (Min, 1991). Ethnic
Korean churches provide church services in the native language and opportunities for
m ulti-generations to come together to share Korean customs and food and to speak
Korean language. Therefore, the result o f this study suggests that the ethnic church plays
a role in m aintaining ethnic identity. Further studies are needed with samples that include
both church goers and non-church goers to solidify the impact o f the ethnic church on
ethnic identity development.
There was no difference in ethnic identity according to education and family
income. Park-A dam s's study (1997) also dem onstrated that family income was not
significantly related to ethnic identity. These findings indicate that ethnic identity did not
vary as a function o f socioeconomic status.
The study o f Yuh (1996) reported that the length o f residence was a significant
factor in ethnic identity. However, the present study showed that length o f residence was
94
not significant in ethnic identity. Kim and Hurh (1993) suggested that as tim e passes,
Korean Americans not only retain Korean culture but also adopt American culture.
Therefore, it can be speculated that the length o f time in the United States may contribute
to either retaining or weakening ethnic identity.
Factors related to acculturation

Ethnic identity refers to identification with their own ethnic group culture,
whereas acculturation refers to identification toward the mainstream culture.
Acculturation in the present study was measured by the ARSMA-II using a two
dimensional model. A one dimensional model can determine whether people fall into two
extremes; strong or weak identification w ith mainstream culture. Furthermore, a one
dimensional model assum es that strong acculturation means weak ethnic identity.
However, a two dimensional model shows whether ethnic identity is retained or
weakened. Therefore, a tw o dimensional model presents four distinct acculturation
modes, including both acculturation and ethnic identity. This provides researchers with
more insight about relationships between ethnic identity and acculturation.
However, a two-dimensional acculturation model is not universal. In the present
study, the hypotheses related to acculturation were not consistent w ith previous studies.
In addition, the four acculturation modes seem to include value-laden term inology and
imply a negative nuance (e.g., Integration and Assimilation connote positive values,
whereas Separation and M arginalization connote negative values). Further research will
be needed to refine this m odel by redefining the four modes with value free terms and by
conducting more research that applies to all ethnic groups.
95
The results in the study demonstrated four acculturation patterns: Integration

22%, Assim ilation 30%, Separation 32%, and M arginalization 16%. The people in the
Integration mode showed a higher score o f ethnic identity than people in the
M arginalization mode. Therefore, it supports the notion that Integration includes strong
identification with ethnic culture, whereas M arginalization includes weak identification
with ethnic culture.
As expected, the finding o f the present study demonstrated that there was
significant generational difference related to modes o f acculturation. That is, the second
generation was more likely to fall into the Assimilation or Integration mode than the first
generation. Other studies yielded the same results (Cuellar & Arnold, 1995; Kaplan &
M arks, 1990). The second generations learn English more quickly and have greater
exposure to American culture than the first generation, and thus are more likely to
identify w ith the mainstream culture. Research showed a significant relationship between
acculturation modes and length o f residence, indicating that as people stayed longer, they
become more assimilated (Liebkind, 1993). In the present study, the second generation
stayed longer than the first generation, thus fell more into the Assimilation mode than the
first generation.
In the present study, frequency o f attendance at a Korean ethnic church was
significantly related to acculturation modes. Those who were more involved in Korean
church were in the Separation mode, whereas those who were less involved were in the
Assim ilation mode. Chong (1998) suggested that Korean church members were
motivated by their sense o f m arginalization from the larger society. Therefore, the finding
96
in the present study indicates that the ethnic church has the effect o f keeping the ethnic
group away from mainstream culture.
Relationship among ethnic identity, acculturation, and self-esteem

The total score o f self-esteem among the present samples was 31.54. It is slightly
higher than 30.78 o f Pak's study (1998) that was conducted among Korean American
adults living in the Los Angeles areas. The participants in the study showed moderately
high self-esteem as compared to the total 40 points.
The following are discussions about predictors o f self-esteem based on the result
o f m ultiple regression. The result o f this study provides strong support for the importance
o f ethnic identity as a predictor o f self-esteem, even when a number o f other variables
were taken into consideration. The result showed that the higher the ethnic identity, the
higher their self-esteem. This finding is consistent with other research showing a
significant relationship between self-esteem and ethnic identity (Carson et al., 2000;
Lemon & Waehler, 1996; Park-Adams, 1997; Phinney, 1992). We can speculate that a
stronger ethnic identity lessens the impact o f negative stereotypes and social denigration
on the individual by providing positive self-image (Martinez & Dukes, 1997).
Other factors that were found to predict self-esteem were education, length o f
residence, and visits to Korea. As expected, education predicted self-esteem, indicating
that people with higher education showed higher self-esteem. This is consistent with
other studies (Flaskerud & Uman, 1996; Lee, 1995). Length o f residence was a positive
predictor o f self-esteem. Presumably, as people stay longer in the U.S., they become
more adjusted to the mainstream culture (e.g., increased English language proficiency,
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higher income jobs, increased job security), and thus gain the competency to cope with a
new environment. Overall, it enhances self-esteem.
On the other hand, visits to Korea were negative predictors o f self-esteem . The
bivariate correlations showed that people in the M arginalization mode visited Korea more
frequently than people in other acculturation modes. People who feel isolation from the
mainstream society may visit Korea to seek comfort from failure in the United States.
Immigrants may experience a great deal o f pressure to adjust to the new society and to
achieve financial success. They may be more likely to visit Korea in order to escape their
feelings o f isolation as a foreigner in the United States. Negative feelings or moods
influence self-esteem. In the present study, self-esteem was negatively related to
depression (r= -.56, p< .01).
The Integration and Assim ilation modes were significant predictors o f self
esteem. Pak's study (1998) showed that the Korean-identified and the marginal subjects
scored lower on self-esteem than the western-identified and the bicultural subjects. Kim
(1993) also suggested that people in the Integration mode showed the highest self-esteem,
whereas people in the M arginalization mode showed the lowest self-esteem among
Korean American high school and college students. Korean-identified subjects may have
difficulties in adjustment, whereas Americanized and bicultural groups might have a
sense o f competency in dealing with the mainstream culture. The marginal persons might
have conflicts with the m ainstream culture but also their own group culture. Therefore,
the bicultural attitude toward Korean and American culture yields higher self-esteem than
isolation from both cultures.
98
In the bivariate analysis, there was a significant generational difference in self

esteem , indicating that the second generation had higher self-esteem than the first
generation. This result can be explained by the above discussion. The possible
explanation is that the second generation had a slightly higher score in the achievem ent
subscale o f ethnic identity. In addition, the second generation was more likely to fall into
the Integration and Assim ilation modes and to stay longer in the United States than the
first generation. These factors may contribute to higher self-esteem among the second
generation.
Relationship among ethnic identity, acculturation, and depression

Depression was measured by the CES-D as in many other studies. The m ean score
o f depression in the present study was 12.0 for the whole group. This shows a slightly
lower score than other studies o f 12. 6 (Lin et al., 1992; Bae, 1998), but much low er than
the studies o f 14.9 (Kuo, 1984) and 17.5 (Choi, 1997). A summed score o f 16 or above
has been established as the cutoff score indicating high levels o f depression. Therefore,
Korean Americans in the present study showed moderate depression level.
Previous studies showed that females would have more depression than males
(Choi, 1997; Hurh & Kim, 1990; N oh et al., 1992). The immigrant women suffered from
higher levels o f depression because o f the conflict o f their traditional gender role due to
women's labor participation in w estern society (Liebkind, 1993; Nah, 1993). In the
present study, there was no significant difference in depression between genders. The
result may stem from the finding that males were employed outside the home m ore than
females (chi-square=14.93, d f= l, p= .000). Therefore, it is speculated that fem ales who
99
participated less in the labor market had less conflict o f gender roles, and thus develop
less depression than employed people. However, future study will be needed to examine
the causal relationship among gender role conflict, labor participation, and depression.
Research on generational differences for depression is inconsistent. Liebkind
(1993) suggested that the first generation had higher level o f depression than the second
generation, whereas the study o f Kaplan and Marks (1990) was vice versa. The result o f
the present study revealed that there was no generational difference for depression. The
above results m ight come from different samples and their different cultures. For
example, the samples were Vietnamese in Finland (Liebkind, 1993) and M exican
Americans aged 20>74 (Kaplan & Marks, 1990). Further studies are required to identify
the differences in depression according to gender and generation.
Numerous researchers demonstrated that the bicultural mode was associated with
higher levels o f psychological adjustment (Park-Adams, 1997; Sanchez & Fernandez,
1993; Nguyen et al., 1999; Moran & Fleming, 1999; Bautista de Dominico et al., 1994).
As expected, the findings o f the present study are in accordance with the above studies,
indicating that people in the Integration mode had a lower level o f depression than people
in the M arginalization mode. Therefore, it supports the notion that bicultural attitude
contributes to less depression.
In the bivariate analysis, length o f residence was significantly related to
depression. Liebkind (1993) found that Vietnamese refugees in Finland increase
depression over tim e because o f" delayed psychological arrival" (p.36). However, other
studies showed the opposite result that persons with longer U.S. residency had fewer
depressive symptoms (Choi, 1997; Bae, 1998). This can be explained by the fact that as
100
immigrants stay longer in the U.S., they decrease acculturative stress by adjusting more
and more to the new environment and by improving English language ability, thus
decreasing depression.
The result o f the present study revealed the significant relationship between
frequency o f church attendance and depression among Korean Americans. It is consistent
w ith previous studies emphasizing the importance o f church for psychological well-being
(M in, 1995; Chong, 1998; Bankston & Zho, 1995). The church provides not only a sense
o f belonging and group identity but also psychological com fort by social interaction with
the same ethnic groups.
The bivariate correlation showed a significant relationship among length o f
residence, affiliation with a Korean church, perceived discrim ination, and depression.
However, this effect, except discrimination, disappeared in multiple regression analysis
o f depression. Length o f residence was significantly related to perceived discrim ination,
indicating that persons with longer U.S. residency perceived discrimination more than
persons with shorter U.S. residency. Rumbaut (1996) reported a significant relationship
between the perceived discrimination and depression; that is, the more people perceived
discrim ination, the more people had depression. These may influence the result that
perceived discrim ination appeared as a significant predictor w ith ethnic identity in the
m ultiple regression o f depression.
Acculturation modes were not significant predictors o f depression in the equation
model. As people become assimilated to the mainstream culture, their self-esteem should
be higher, as reviewed above. However, the depression level was not different according
to acculturation modes. Instead, ethnic identity appeared to be a more significant factor
101
than acculturation modes. The results suggest that increasing ethnic identity is more
important for low levels o f depression than acculturation. The finding about ethnic
identity as a significant predictor o f depression was consistent w ith other studies
(Liebkind, 1996; Park-Adams, 1997; Bae, 1998). However, this result is inconsistent with
the study o f Kim and Rew (1994). They found that ethnic identity was not significantly
related to depression. The possible reason for the contrast findings between these studies
might be the different m easurement o f ethnic identity and different samples. For example,
Kim and Rew (1994) used the Ethnic Identity Questionnaire to m easure ethnic identity
and the samples were 76 Korean American women and the first generation only,
compared to the present study which included both generations and gender.
On the other hand, Nesdale and Rooney (1997) proposed the causal model; that is,
ethnic identity provides immigrants with personal and external resources to cope with
stresses, and thus minimizes psychological distress. The present study assumed that
ethnic identity has direct impact on psychological well-being. In addition, psychological
well-being was measured by two indicators: self-esteem and depression. Other studies
used diverse scales to m easure psychological well-being, such as a social competencies
scale (M oran & Flemming, 1999), sense o f mastery and loneliness (Roberts & Phinney,
1999), and substance abuse (Resnicow et al., 1999). Future studies are needed to examine
the m oderating or mediating effect o f ethnic identity, as well as to add several
measurements for psychological well-being.
102
Limitations
One o f the m ajor limitations is related to the generalizability o f the study to the
Korean American population in the United States. The research was conducted among
Korean Americans living in Albany, NY and N ew York City. They may have different
experiences from Korean Americans on the west coast. The study used an accidental
sampling procedure, w hich can generate sampling biases. The participants were recruited
through Korean ethnic churches and grocery stores. Those more closely identified as
Korean were probably oversampled. Therefore, the participants in the study might not
have been representative o f the larger Korean American community.
The second lim itation comes from measurements. All scales used in the study
were developed in the United States and translated into Korean. The scales to measure
psychological aspects cannot easily be translated from one culture to another culture. The
items might not reflect culturally sensitive behaviors and attitudes o f Korean American.
The translation procedure followed the translation and back-translation. The correlation
analysis showed that there were no differences in ethnic identity (t= -.28, df=215, p=.782)
and depression (t= .24, df=215, p=.811) between the English and Korean version.
However, there were significant differences in self-esteem (t= -3.25, df=215, p=.001) and
acculturation modes (t= 63.36, df=215, p=.000) between the English and Korean version.
This may be the result o f confounding with generation. The first generation preferred the
Korean version, whereas the second generation preferred the English version.
The third lim itation is the use o f a single item to assess perceived discrimination
based on race or ethnicity. The perceived discrim ination is one o f the most important
103
secondary stresses associated w ith m ajor stressor events such as job loss and exposure to
violence (Wethington, Brown, & Kessler, 1995).
Finally, the fourth lim itation is the fact that the direction o f effect cannot be
demonstrated. It is possible that high self-esteem contributes to ethnic identity, rather
than vice versa. A longitudinal study would be useful in exploring causal relationships
between ethnic identity and psychological well-being.
Implications for social work

Direct social work practice
Social workers need to be culturally sensitive to effectively solve the problems
and w ork collaboratively with the client. Clients often prefer working w ith a practitioner
o f the same ethnicity (Helms & Carter, 1991). If social workers do not know how to
respond to the culturally different client and ignore the heterogeneity o f the population,
they may fail to recognize within-group or individual differences. Prem ature termination
or high rates o f failure to return are linked to a practitioners inability to accurately assess
the cultural identity o f the client (Sue & Sue, 1990). There is a strong need for mental
health services for Korean Americans. However, bias and a lack o f knowledge among
social workers toward Korean American clients will be one o f the barriers to service
provision. The provision o f outreach programs and psycho-educational workshops for
Korean Americans will enhance their awareness o f mental health problem s and increase
service utilization.
Understanding the relationship among ethnic identity, acculturation, and
psychological well-being is important in the assessment and intervention in social work
104
practice. W hen clinical social workers encounter culturally diverse clients, including
Korean clients, they can assess whether clients are exploring or have achieved ethnic
identity by exam ining clients attitudes toward their own group and other ethnic groups, a
feeling o f belonging, and cultural behaviors. In addition, social workers should evaluate
clients acculturation level because the conflicts due to differences in acculturation level
between generations may lead to psychological distress. Background factors o f clients
such as education, church involvement, visits to Korea, and experiences o f discrim ination
should also be assessed to ascertain the cause o f psychological distress.
As strong ethnic identification with their own ethnic group brings about good
mental health, interventions should include enhancing ethnic identity. Social workers can
help clients articulate their cultural beliefs and encourage exploring their feelings and
attitudes toward their ethnicity. Social workers can utilize Korean churches and Korean
cultural centers as a primary prevention institution for mental illness and a place for
learning center o f Korean culture. Through involvem ent in Korean ethnic churches, and
participation in cultural events, clients can learn and m aintain their ethnic culture.
At the same tim e, social workers can provide Korean clients with opportunities to
learn mainstream culture, such as English language classes, diverse educational
programs, and connection to Americans. Involvem ent in the mainstream culture and
biculturalism are im portant for good mental health.
The family is the primary socialization institution for adolescents, fostering either
positive or negative ethnic and cultural identification. Social workers can help Korean
families strengthen fam ily ties and function w ell. They can provide problem-solving
strategies focusing on generational conflicts, such as parental education and
105
communication skill training. As education is related to self-esteem, educational support

is also important to high self-esteem .
Social workers can help identify mental health problems among Korean
immigrant children and adolescents by providing ongoing psycho educational programs
and on-site counseling services at the school setting. In-service training for school
teachers can be focused on the prom otion o f cultural understanding o f Korean families
and the reduction of prejudice against them. This would help Korean Am ericans not to
feel discriminated against by school personnel due to a misunderstanding o f their cultural
background.
Policy
In the present study, perceived discrim ination is significantly related to
depression. Negative social views, racial discrim ination, oppression, and prejudice
toward one's own ethnic groups increase the development o f negative ethnic identity and
the risks for psychological dysfunctions. Systematic efforts to change such negative
social views toward culturally diverse groups can take place at the institutional and policy
level. Social workers can advocate to bring awareness about ethnic differences and social
justice. Programs and services to prom ote harmonious intragroup and intergroup
relationships among ethnic groups can also be implemented. The provision o f cultural
activities in the school setting or comm unity may also facilitate positive relationships
between Korean Americans and other ethnic group members.
The policies should focus on not only the preservation of ethnic culture, but also
helping immigrants adopt the m ainstream culture. That is, policy should encourage
106
immigrants to retain some components o f their own culture. A t the same time, policy
should offer an opportunity to acquire the instrumental values from mainstream society
(e.g., language and norms). At present, there is a lack o f programs for immigrants to
enhance their adjustm ent to the new environment. At the governmental level, provision o f
the basic needs, financial support for higher education, bilingual education, vocational
training, and easy access to social services should be provided in order to facilitate the
adaptation process.
R esearch
Future research should include more heterogeneous samples o f Korean Americans
and be conducted in various geographic locations to control for community influences.
Some o f the findings in this study were inconsistent with previous studies with regard to
attributing factors to ethnic identity, acculturation, and psychological well-being.
Specifically, the relationships between ethnic identity and depression, gender or
generation were different from other studies.
To find out the impact o f ethnic church involvement on ethnic identity,
acculturation, self-esteem , and depression, the samples should include sufficient numbers
o f non-Christian or different religious groups.
The ARSMA-II was used for the first time to measure two-dimensional
acculturation among Korean Americans. It consists of comprehensive and appropriate
items that parallel both ethnic and mainstream cultures and is relatively short to answer.
Future research is needed to examine in greater depth the validity and reliability o f the
107
measurement in order to develop appropriate o r culturally sensitive m easurements that fit

Asian Americans, particularly Korean Americans.
The instrument o f acculturation includes items about ethnic identity. However,
acculturation and ethnic identity must be measured separately. Even though the label is
the same, the instruments o f acculturation and ethnic identity measure different aspects.
That is, acculturation focuses on language preference, friendship, and cultural activities,
whereas ethnic identity focuses on a sense o f belonging and pride. Future studies are
needed to clarify the definition and distinguish terminology about ethnic identity as one
component in acculturation.
Psychological w ell-being is influenced by the interplay between acculturation and
ethnic identity. We need to know more about both ethnic identity and acculturation in
order to predict the psychological distress o f Korean Americans. Longitudinal studies are
needed to examine how self-esteem develops over time, and how it influences and is
influenced by other factors. Furthermore, in-depth qualitative research methods could be
useful when used in conjunction with quantitative data. It would provide more insight
into ethnic identity as a m echanism for creating better psychological well-being.
Conclusion
The present study has clearly demonstrated that ethnic identity affects mental
health. The results showed th at those who have stronger ethnic identity had higher self
esteem and less depression. This finding can be applied to m ulticultural social work
practice. Fostering positive ethnic identity m ay improve mental health. An increased
understanding o f ethnic identity can help social workers to better serve culturally diverse
108
clients, especially Korean Americans. Further insight into ethnic identity and mental
health issues will inform the development o f prevention programs to strengthen mental
health among diverse ethnic groups.
As seen in this study, higher education is related to higher self-esteem. Moreover,
the degree o f perceived discrimination is related to depression. Social policies must
include the provision for higher education for culturally diverse groups and seek to lessen
discrimination toward minority groups.
There is no research using ARSMA-II, a two-dimensional acculturation model,
with Korean Americans. This study showed that ARSMA-II can be adapted for Korean
Americans. This test will be a starting point in developing an instrument o f a twodimensional acculturation model for Korean Americans.
The majority of previous studies discussed Asian Americans as one entity.
However, Asian Americans include diverse subgroups. Even though Asian Americans
share some common characteristics, each o f them has different language, religion,
customs, immigration history, and so forth. Korean Americans have a short immigration
history compared to other Asian Americans, particularly Japanese and Chinese
Americans. Therefore, research outcomes among Asian Americans may be different. The
results o f this study suggest that the acculturation modes may not be the same for
Koreans as for other long-term immigrants. Future study on ethnic identity among
diverse Asian groups will be helpful to distinguish Korean Americans from other Asian
groups.
109
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120
(Appendix A: English Version o f the Questionnaire)
A study o f the impact o f ethnic identity on psychological well-being

among Korean-Americans in the United States
I am Shinyoung Lee, a doctoral student in the School o f Social Welfare, SUNY at Albany.
I am conducting a study of Korean-Americans to examine their ethnic identity and psychological
well-being. Participation in this study involves filling out a demographic form, and questionnaires about
ethnic identity, acculturation, depression, and self-esteem. It will take about 20 minutes to complete.
Participants must be 18 years or older Korean Americans who do not have a student F-I visa. Your
participation in this research is completely voluntary. You can decline to answer any questions or you may
decline to participate at any time with no penalty. AH information is confidential and will be used for
research purposes only. Please do not put your name on the questionnaire.
You will help the U.S. social workers and social service providers better understand KoreanAmericans ethnic identity and its impact on mental health, so that they may develop culturally sensitive and
appropriate social services for Korean-Americans. Your participation will not affect your current status in
the United States. You will not have any physical harm, but you may be upset during or after filling out the
questionnaire. If you become upset and would like to talk with someone, you can call the following
counseling agencies.
Albany Area
Parkview Mental Health
Parsons Child and Family Guidance Clinic
Professional Counseling Associates
Solutions a Brief Therapy Center
(518)427-5004
(518)431-1650
(518)456-0095
(518)482-1721
New York City

Brookside Center for Counseling and Hypnotherapy
Catholic Charities Diocese of Rockville Center
New York Counseling Service
Korean American Family Service Center
(S16) 868-2233
(516) 733-7000
(212)427-1420
(212) 465-0664
If you have any questions about the questionnaire, please contact me by telephone
(518) 438-1489, or by e-mail s!761 l@albanv.edu
If you have any questions about your rights as a participant, please contact the Compliance Office,
Office for Sponsored Programs, the University at Albany, at (518) 437-4569.
Thank you for your participation in this study.
121
Please check only one for each item.

1. Gender:
2. Age:
Male
_18-29
50-59
3. Marital status:
Single
Divorced
Female
30-39
over 60
40-49
Married
Widowed
Separated
Other (Specify),
If you are married, what is the ethnicity o f your spouse?

Korean/Korean-American
American (U.S. citizen)
Other (Specify)_______________________________________
4. Do you have children?
No
Yes
If yes, how many?
5. What is the highest level of education that you have completed?
Elementary school
Middle school
College
Graduate school and more
Otherf Specify)_____
6. What is your occupation?
Unemployed
Household/Domestic
Other (Specify)____
Office/Clerical
Student
7. What do you think is your socioeconomic status?

High
Middle
8. What is your total family income before taxes in 2000?
$20,000 below
____ $20,000-39,999
$ 60,000-79,999 ____ $80,000-99,999
_
9. What is your religion?
None
Catholic
High school
_Business/Salesperson
Professional
Low
_$40,000-59,999
_$100,000 or above
Buddhism
Other (Specify),
Protestant
10. Do you attend American or Korean church/Buddhist temple?

American church/Buddhist temple
Korean church /Buddhist temple
122
If you attend a Korean church, how often do you participate in the services?
More than once a week
Once
a week
Two or three times a month
Once
a month
Few times a year
Other (Specify)
11. Where were you bom?
U.S.
Somewhere (Specify)_______________________
Korea
If you were bora in Korea, at what age did you come to the United
States?____________
How long have you lived in the U .S .?__________ years ________ months
If you were bom in Korea, what is your current status in the U.S.?
U.S. citizen
Permanent resident
Work permit_______________ Other_______________________
12. Have you ever visited Korea after you came to America or were bom in America?
No
Yes
If yes, how many times?_____________________
13. Have you experienced any discrimination because o f your Korean ethnic background
or minority group?
No
Yes
If yes, how much discrimination do you feel?
Just a little
Somewhat
Pretty much
A great deal
14. What language do you prefer to use?
Korean better
Only
than
English
Korean
Speaking
Reading
Writing
Both equally
IS. How often do you do the following activities?

Most
All
times
times
How often do you eat Korean food?
Moderately
English better
than Korean
Average
How often do you watch Korean video

tapes?
How often do you listen to Korean
music?
How often do you participate in
Korean cultural activities?
123
Only
English
A few
Not at
all
Please check only one box for each item how much you agree or disagree with each
statement.
Strongly
Agree
Somewhat
Agree
Somewhat
Disagree
1 .1 have spent time trying to find out more

about my own ethnic group, such as its
history, traditions, and customs.
2 .1 am active in organizations or social
groups that include mostly members o f my
own ethnic group.
3 .1 have a clear sense o f my ethnic
background and what it means for me.
4 .1 like meeting and getting to know people
from ethnic groups other than my own.
5. I think a lot about how my life will be
affected by my ethnic group membership.
6 .1 am happy that I am a member o f the
group I belong to.
7 .1 sometimes feel it would be better if
different ethnic groups did n o t try to mix
together.
8 .1 am n ot very clear about the role o f my
ethnicity in my life.
9 .1 often spend time with people from
ethnic groups other than my own.
10.1 really have n o t spent much time trying
to learn more about the culture and history
o f my ethnic group.
11.1 have a strong sense o f belonging to my
own ethnic group.
12.1 understand pretty well what my ethnic
group membership means to me, in terms of
how to relate to my own group and other
groups.
13. In order to leam more about my ethnic
background, I have often talked to other
people about my ethnic group.
14.1 have a lot o f pride in my ethnic group
and its accomplishments.
1S. I do not try to become friends with
people from other ethnic groups.
124
Strongly
Disagree
Strongly
Agree
Somewhat
Agree
Somewhat
Disagree
Strongly
Disagree
1 6.1 participate in cultural practices o f my

own group, such as special food, music, or
customs.
1 7 .1 am involved in activities with people
from other ethnic groups.
18 .1 feel a strong attachment towards my
own ethnic group.
1 9 .1 enjoy being around people from ethnic
groups other than my own.
2 0 .1 feel good about my cultural or ethnic
background.
Please record the appropriate answer for each item, depending on whether you strongly
agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree with it.
Strongly
Agree
Agree
Disagree
1. On the whole, I am satisfied with myself.

2. At times I think I am no good at all.
3 . 1 feel that I have a number o f good
qualities.
4 . 1 am able to do things as well as most
other people.
S. I feel I do not have much to be proud of.
6 . 1 certainly feel useless at times.
7 . 1 feel that I'm a person o f worth, at least
on an equal plane with others.
8 .1 wish I could have more respect for
myself.
9. All in all, I am inclined to think that I am
a failure.
1 0 .1 take a positive attitude toward myself.
125
Strongly
Disagree
Please check one which best describes how often you felt o r behaved this way during the
p a st week.
Rarely or
none o f the
time (Less
than 1 day)
Some or
a little o f
the tim e
(l-2days)
Occasionally Most or
or a moderate all of the
amount o f
time
time
(5-7
(3-4 days)
days)
1 .1 was bothered by things that

usually don't bother me.
2 . 1 felt that everything I did was an
effort.
3 . 1 felt that I was just as good as
other people.
4 . 1 had trouble keeping my mind
on what I was doing.
5 . 1 felt sad.
6 . 1 felt fearful.
7 . 1 felt lonely.
8 . 1 had crying spells.
9 . 1 talked less than usual.
10. My sleep was restless.
1 1 .1 enjoyed life.
1 2 .1 felt that I could not shake off
the blues even with help from my
family or friends.
1 3 .1 thought my life had been a
failure.
1 4 .1 was happy.
1 5 .1 could not get "going."
1 6 .1 felt hopeful about the future.
17. People were unfriendly.
1 8 .1 did not feel like eating: my
appetite was poor.
1 9 .1 felt depressed.
2 0 .1 felt that people disliked me.
126
Please check only one box for each item.

Extreme
ly often
or
almost
always
Much
or very
often
Moder
ately
1 .1 speak Korean.
2 . 1 speak English.
3 . 1 enjoy speaking Korean.
4 . 1 enjoy speaking English.
S. I associate with Koreans and/or Korean
Americans.
6 . 1 associate with Americans.
7 .1 enjoy listening to Korean language music.
8 .1 enjoy listening to English language music.
9 . 1 enjoy Korean language TV and/or video.
10 .1 enjoy English language TV and/or video.
1 1 .1 enjoy Korean language movies.
12.1 enjoy English language movies.
1 3 .1 enioy reading (e.g., books) in Korean.
1 4 .1 enjoy reading (e.g., books) in English.
1 5 .1 write (e.g., letters) in Korean.
16 .1 write (e.g., letters) in English.
17. My thinking is done in the Korean
language.
18. My thinking is done in the English
language.
19. My contact with Korean culture has been
20. My contact with American culture has been
21. My father identifies or identified himself
as Korean.
22. My mother identifies or identified herself
as Korean.
23. My friends, while I was growing up, were
o f Korean origin
24. My friends, while I was growing up, were
o f American origin.
25. My family cooks Korean foods.
26. My friends now are o f Korean origin.
27. My friends now are o f American origin.
2 8 .1 like to identify myself as a Korean.
2 9 .1 like to identify myself as a Korean
American.
3 0 .1 like to identify m yself as an American.
127
Very
little
or not
very
often
Not
at all
Extreme
ly often
or
almost
always
Much
or very
often
Moder
ately
31.1 have difficulty accepting some ideas held

by Americans.
3 2 .1 have difficulty accepting certain attitudes
held by Americans.
3 3 .1 have difficulty accepting some behaviors
exhibited by Americans.
3 4 .1 have difficulty accepting some values
held by Americans.
3 5 .1 have difficulty accepting certain practices
and customs commonly found among
Americans.
3 6 .1 have, or think I would have, difficulty
accepting Americans as close personal friends.
3 7 .1 have difficulty accepting some ideas held
by Koreans.
held by Koreans.
exhibited by Koreans.
held by Koreans.
and customs commonly found among Koreans.
accepting Koreans as close personal friends.
4 3 .1 have difficulty accepting some ideas held
by Korean-Americans.
held by Korean-Americans.
exhibited by Korean-Americans.
held by Korean-Americans.
and customs commonly found among KoreanAmericans.
accepting Korean-Americans as close personal
friends.
128
Very
little
or not
very
often
Not
at all
(Appendix B: Korean Version o f the Questionnaire)
t g Si All 2 .
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Appendix C
Questionnaire Administration Instructions
I appreciate your time, assistance, and cooperation.

When you work, please keep in mind the followings.
1. Participants must be adult (18 years or older) Korean Americans who do not have a
student F-l visa.
2. Please encourage voluntary participation.
3. Distribute the Korean or English language questionnaire according to participants'
language preference.
4. Please do not put participants' name on the questionnaire.
5. Please encourage participants to complete and return the questionnaire within 1-2
weeks by phone calls.
6. When data collection is done, please send me back the questionnaires collected.
7. If you have any questions, please contact me by phone at (518) 438-1489 or by e-mail
s!761 l@albanv.edu.
**** Thank you very much for your help.****
137

Ethnic Identity and Psych Well Being

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INFORMATION TO USERS

copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.

Higher quality 6 x 9 black and white

photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing

ProQ uest Information and Learning

IMPACT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY

School of Social Welfare

UMI Number: 3039717

UMI Microform 3039717

ProQuest Information and Learning Company

ffl. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND HYPOTHESES...............................................41

Human subjects concerns and ethics.........................................................................48

VI. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS........................................................................92

I would like to acknowledge Anne Fortune, the chairperson in the doctoral

There is a fairly large body o f research regarding gender and generational

Purpose of the study

Significance of the study

Research shows that Korean Americans experience higher levels o f depression

Theoretical framework of ethnic identity

Chinese Australians, who identified themselves as Chinese, participated in the most

B. Conceptual frameworks for the study of ethnic identity

I. Social identity theory

Acculturation is accompanied by a weakening o f ethnic identity. This approach is based

Identification with Ethnic G ro u p

(3) Ethnically identified

Source: Phinney (1998), p.78.

Table 2. Ethnic/Racial Identity Development Models

Source: Sue, Mak, & Sue (1998), p.299.

C. Ethnic identification among diverse groups

Factors associated with ethnic identity

Rogler, Cooney, and Ortiz (1980) examined the factors producing

identified that higher social-economic status contributed to lower Hispanic identity. In

G. Perceived racial discrimination

Relationship between ethnic identity and psychological well-being

The importance o f ethnic identity is that it provides immigrants with resources

substantial population o f ethnic minorities, involvement o f American culture may not be

Profile of Korean Americans

B. Ethnic identification among Korean Americans

C. Mental health status

Kiefer and colleagues (1985) interviewed 50 elderly Korean immigrants in San

III. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND HYPOTHESES

Figure 1. General Conceptual Model

Figure 1 is a presentation o f the general conceptual model showing the

Figure 2. Relationship between ethnic identity and acculturation

Question 2. W hat acculturation modes do Korean Americans demonstrate?

Question 3. W hat is the level o f self-esteem among Korean Americans?

Question 4. What is the level o f depression among Korean Americans?

Question 6. What is the relationship between acculturation and psychological well-being

Question 7. Whether or to what extent do the background factors (gender, education,

Human subjects concerns and ethics

Personal data form

M ultigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM)

Rosenberg Self-Esteem (RSE)

Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression

Data analysis plan

Reliability of the measures

Table 4. Internal consistency reliability coefficients o f the measures

Multigroup Ethnic Identity

Acculturation Rating Scale

Center for Epidemiological

Acculturation was measured by the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican

Table 5. Factor loadings by Anglo Orientation Subscale items

Ability to speak English

Contact with American culture

M odel 1: R= .118, A djusted R=..085, Intercept= 24.49***

M odel 2: R= .330, A djusted R=.290, Intercep t^ 16.61***

Model 1: R= .079, Adjusted R=..045, Intercept= 20.77***

Model 2: R= .209, Adjusted R=. 161, Intercept^ 30.93***