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JAMES
D.
BARBER
Adult Identity
The Rhetorical
Style:
Emphasis
in fact, if not in
of a great state is required
a national audience,
to receive advice and
to
speeches
to
to bargain,
to the world,
to represent
his nation
information,
his
to
the
of
business
exercise
and
manage
ordinary
authority,
room for choice, which
leave much
office. These
requirements
behavior
leader's
the
makes
national
intriguing, psycho
politically
Choices
and fateful for the world's welfare.
logically interpretable,
a
can
to
amount
distinctive
polit
among these available
emphases
to illustrate, by means
of a single
ical style. In this essay, I want
even to antici
we
able to explain?perhaps
example, how
might be
a distinctive
of
such
and
force
style long before the
pate?the
shape
man is a leader.
have so often been wrong
that some
Our American
predictions
seems necessary.1 One thinks of Woodrow
new system of prescience
the scholar in the White House who would bring reason to
Wilson,
or
the Great Engineer
who would
of Herbert
Hoover,
politics;
D.
into
Franklin
that
of
chaos
Roosevelt,
progress;
ganize
champion
S. Truman, whom
the office would
of a balanced
budget; of Harry
a militant
D. Eisenhower,
of Dwight
crusader;
surely overwhelm;
in
results
who would
of
of John F. Kennedy,
produce
place
conservative.
B.
the
southern
of
and
moralisms;
Johnson,
Lyndon
if we considered
the Presi
We
should do better at prediction
dent as a person who tries to cope with an environment
by using
For all the complexities
of
he has found effective.
techniques
are
habitual
of
there
ways
always regularities,
handling
personality,
and opportunities
of the
similar situations,
just as the demands
Every
chief
and Presidential
executive
law, to make
are
the President-as
but patterned.
Thus,
complex,
Presidency
set of recurrent problems
and oppor
the
with
interacts
person
938
grim rigidity,
to the flexibility
belongs
to
939
DALUS
940
White
Welles,
House
Patterson."
As Gideon
...
President,
to
It
keep
an
is a mistake,
his own
counsel.4
infirmity,
a habit
fixed
before
he
was
"Johnson
Republicans,
by the Congressional
for harmony." Beset
of yielding but pleaded
by
in his office, he remained "mild
southerners
mobs of pardon-seeking
a mob
and subdued, and his manner kindly"?even
though in 1861
a train and beaten
him
had
from
in Lynchburg,
dragged
Virginia,
mob had thrown his in
him severely, and in 1862 a Confederate
desertion
threaten
no
indication
gave
941
DALUS
analyze
things."
for to tell you here today; yea, I'm a-godn' for to teD you all,
am a plebeian! The
the
people?yes,
plebeian! I glory in it; I
the United States have made me what I am; and I am a-goin'
you here today?yes,
today, in this place that the people are
everything.8
loud and
notes, "on and on he went, his voice
Speaking without
one
over
another
and
themselves
his
words
unclear,
tumbling
losing
in their own echoes." The Supreme Court,
the senators, and in
"are but the
particular Mr. Seward and Mr. Stanton, he shouted,
... I,
a
am
creatures of the American
people.
boy,
though
plebeian
of
the
the
under
I
live
which
authorized
government
by
principles
are
that I am a man, and grave
to feel proudly conscious
dignitaries
that they
but men."9 Each lot of "grave dignitaries" was reminded
to the people
were
subordinate
Johnson personified?including,
one account,
of the Diplomatic
to
"you, gentlemen
according
fine
and
feathers
with
all
your
gewgaws." Part way through,
Corps,
name of the
the
the Vice President
forgot
Secretary of the Navy
so that he could
to ask someone
close
and stopped
by
sitting
in the list of those to be put in their
include Gideon Welles
place.
immediate
from reports of the audience's
reaction,
Judging
s manner was even more
than were his words.
shocking
Johnson
and diplomats with dif
struck with consternation,
"Senators were
their laughter." Shortly after the speech began,
ficulty restrained
Senator Sumner "put his hands over his face and bent his head to
his desk." Lincoln came in during Johnson's speech and, perceiving
an expression
of "unutter
the situation, sat quietly
through it with
in the deepest humiliation."
As he
able sorrow," his "head drooping
to
deliver
his
out to the Capitol
told
Lincoln
walked
address,
steps
"Do not let Johnson speak outside."
the marshall:
A reporter summed up the event in a private letter:
The second official of the Nation?drunk?drunk?when
about to take
his oath of office, bellowing and ranting and shaking his fists at Judges,
and making a fool of himself to such a degree
Cabinet and Diplomats,
that indignation is almost compelled to pity.10
943
DAEDALUS
In the next few
days, "Andy the Sot" was derided
throughout
in song at Grover's Theater on E Street.
and celebrated
Washington
A few
caucus
considered
the
later, a senatorial
days
"seriously
of asking him to resign as their
the
officer";
propriety
presiding
Senate voted to exclude liquor from the Senate
the
of
wing
Capitol;
and two Senators were
from all standing
committees,
dropped
"because of their habitual
for business."
inebriety and incapacity
Lincoln
"I
quickly passed over Johnson's
inaugural performance:
a bad
have known Andy for many years; he made
the
other
slip
ain't a drunkard." The
day, but you need not be scared. Andy
the affair at length the following week
discussed
Cabinet, however,
in an
concern. Gideon Welles
of grave
that
noted
atmosphere
Secretary of State Seward's "tone and opinion were much changed
seems to have
since Saturday. He
given
Johnson up now." The
to denounce
Democratic
press reviled Johnson editorially,
pleased
the
the New York World
called
supposedly Radical Vice President;
in comparison with whom
him "an insolent drunken brute,
Cali
was
And the Radical press hit him from
gula's horse
respectable."
the other side: "It is the plain duty of Mr. Johnson either to apol
or to
to
resign his office." Johnson retreated
ogize for his conduct,
to
in
March
the Blair family estate
Silver Springs
9,
recuperate. On
"an accurate
to the Senate
1865, he wrote
reporter,
requesting
copy of what I said on that occasion."
and reworked
the expla
have worked
Johnson's biographies
nations for this remarkable
speech that brought him national dis
office. A combination
of illness, fa
grace as he assumed national
too much
that
and
he
took
affected
him
morning,
tigue, and anxiety
was not (as were both his sons) an alcoholic.
he
brandy. Clearly
Nor do we need to rely on the immediate details to explain his be
a pattern, not an exception.
havior; he was displaying
Johnsons
sub
certain
under
continually
special conditions,
style,
speaking
verted his reputation as a steady, stern, and reliable leader.
a less
the campaign
of 1865, Johnson had made
During
widely
a
to
crowd
but
of Ne
revealing
speech
large
equally
publicized,
mass
he
the
of
October
faced
in
On
"a
Nashville?
of
24,
groes
night
so
that they seemed to
human beings,
closely compacted
together
could move without mov
compose one vast body, no part of which
. . . cast a
over
and
which
"torches
the
whole,"
transparencies
ing
ruddy glow."
Johnson began
by reviewing
into effect the year
mation,
put
944
Lincoln's
Emancipation
before. He pointed
out
Procla
that for
shall
no more
give
her
sanction
to your
degrada
"
'Thank God,' 'Thank GorT came from the
crowd was ecstatic:
re
was carried away
a thousand women."
of
Johnson
by their
lips
was
vast
he
of
he
"this
colored
Before
said,
sponse.
throng
people,"
"almost induced to wish that, as in the days of old, a Moses might
land of free
arise who should lead them safely to their promised
someone
At which
"You are
dom and happiness."
shouted,
point
our Moses!"?a
the
echoed
and
crowd.
cry
again by
again
On
oath of office on April 15, 1865, the
taking the presidential
was
a brief, calm ad
shot, Johnson delivered
day after Lincoln
next
But
the
with
the
dress,
continuity.
stressing
day, meeting
on the Conduct
Committee
re
of
the
he
War,
Congressional
to Senator Ben Wade's
we
faith
have
comment?"Johnson,
sponded
in you. By the gods, there will be no trouble now in running the
a sentiment he had earlier
in various
expressed
government"?with
one which would
as to
mislead
the
Radicals
completely
speeches,
a
"I
intentions:
is
hold
that
crime,
Johnson's
rape is a
robbery
is a crime; treason is a crime and must be punished.
crime; murder
and traitors must be impover
Treason must be made
infamous,
ished." He repeated these phrases on April 18 and 21, in nearly the
same words,
to delegations
from Illinois and Indiana?on
both oc
to
casions as an "impromptu
of
expressions
response"
support. John
as he was at other times, because he made
son was misunderstood,
to opposing
ringing general statements subject
interpretations.
his
December
with
relations
the Radicals
had de
2,
1865,
By
teriorated, and his patience with Senator Sumner had given out in
an interview marked by
Johnson's "caustic" questions.
On December
5, Johnson's son Robert read to the new Congress
the President's
and writer
message,
composed
by the historian
The
945
DAEDALUS
Johnson had sent Bancroft
George Bancroft.
only two suggestions:
from Thomas
and
from a speech by
Jefferson's
passages
inaugural
Charles
James Fox. The result was a "lofty" "cogent," and "re
strained" message,
received. On December
18, he
generally well
a reconstruction
sent another
less
report, calmly advising
policy
than that of Thaddeus
Stevens. He discussed
stringent
dispassion
his veto of the Freedman's
Bill in
ately with the Cabinet
February
created a national
sensation
and clearly di
1866, an event which
vided Johnson's supporters from the Radicals.
a crowd of well
Three days later, on Washington's
Birthday,
a
wishers who had been celebrating
Johnson's veto at Washington
came
to the White
theater
and called for the President
House
to
greet them. Earlier in the day, friends had urged him not to speak,
a
and Johnson had
replied: "I have not thought of making
speech,
one.
come
see
to
and I shan't make
If my friends
me, I shall thank
them, and that's all." But he gave in at last to the crowd's importun
a low wall, and, as the
a
ing, climbed onto
day darkened, delivered
a
in
diatribe by the light of
he referred
candle. When
guttering
a voice called out?
to the Union,
to
leaders
opposed
definitely
"Give us the names." Johnson responded:
A
calls
gentleman
for
their
names.
Well,
suppose
I should
give
them.
. . .
same
stripe
are
among
them.
. . . Some
gentleman
in the
crowd
says,
later Thaddeus
Stevens entertained
the Senate
by
this speech had ever been made. The affair
that
denying
and dismay"
to a wave of wonder
the coun
throughout
Several weeks
mockingly
"gave rise
try.
The
946
revived.
in Con
DAEDALUS
a hundred presses who do nothing but misrepresent.
I would say nothing
which had not been most carefully prepared, beyond a simple acknowl
edgment
never
been
But
what
their
for
able
you
have
cordial
to
get
said
reception.
any
advantage
extemporaneously
Our
have
enemies,
enemies,
your
ever
from
wrote.
you
anything
in answer
to some
questions
advised
him similarly,
"President
Gideon Welles
Johnson
but
heard
brief
my
quietly,
suggestions
always
manifestly
thought
as a
he tried
I did not know his power
speaker." Repeatedly,
to resist giving speeches, but then gave in and delivered
another
As Johnson himself put it in a speech on
diatribe.
emotional
highly
that though the power of
the "Swing": "I tell you, my countrymen,
. . . combined,
there is no power that can
hell, death, and Stevens
control me save you . . . and the God that spoke me into exist
ence. ... I have been drawn into this long speech, while I intended
for the cordial welcome."
simply to make acknowledgments
s
no
can
that
doubt
be
There
speaking
style had im
Johnson
was
one
on
it
his presidential
power, although
only
portant effects
sums
in
that
As
McKitrick
elements
of many
up the
equation.
Circle":
effect of the "Swing Around the
When
to his
948
DALUS
that he would
succeed if only he could speak his heart to those on
in
his power depended.
In a sense, he was right:
Success
whom
success in the immediate environ
terms of audience
responsiveness,
im
and (perhaps equally
ment, was often his. He won applause
or
not
to
from
the
He
crowds.
would
him)
portant
challenge
assessment of his impact as a
could not, however, make a balanced
as he was
in part because
of his
speaker. Even
being impeached,
wild speeches, he had to be restrained
the Senate.
from addressing
At the extreme, he shows how a political
leader may come to be
a
lieve that he has a magic
of
way
strategy,
acting that is not sub
one that is bound
rules
to
the
of
evaluation,
ject
ordinary
political
to work if
rightly performed.
in the office; he,
Johnson was wild on the stump, but subdued
like Moses,
called for action, but was beset by the vice of pro
he was generous and patient with Stanton and Sumner
crastination;
in person, but damned
them in his speeches. These
contradictions
demand
obvious
of
in the
elation
Johnson's
explanation.
feelings
exercise of rhetoric, his reiteration
of personal history and status,
and the highly
symbolic
language he used?all
point to the ex
in
he
found
importance
pressive, tension-releasing
speaking.
to explain Andrew
If one proposed
rhe
Johnson's particular
torical style, many other significant elements could be noted even at
this descriptive
level. The major
themes of his speeches,
his rhe
to contemporary
torical reactions
and
the
rela
conflicts,
political
tions between
the symbols and values he expressed
and those of
the particular historical-cultural
environment
of the 1860's could be
am
But
I
not
concerned
here
with
the flesh and blood
analyzed.
of individual
but
rather
with
the extent
to
political
psychology,
a rhetorical
like Johnson may
which
share a skeletal
specialist
structure with other Presidents who emphasize
their own
strategies.
For example, Woodrow
Wilson
trusted that he could
personally
to
the American
people
persuade
adopt his version of the League
a
of Nations; Herbert Hoover
demonstrated
be
strange disparity
tween private works and public words;
and Calvin
com
Coolidge
bined dinner-party
banter with
acerbity,
good-natured
reporters,
over the radio.
and the preaching of moralistic
platitudes
for
represent either compensation
from severe
in
deprivations
early
Childhood had left him hurt and nearly helpless, but he had
sustain him while he found him
a skill?tailoring?which
would
of aristocrats,
his
self. Undoubtedly
lifelong detestation
Johnson's
and
his extreme independence,
Homestead
of
the
Bill,
championing
can be traced to these
many other themes in his adult personality
can be
scant
evidence
But
available
the
interpreted
early years.
in a simpler and more general way. The pat
with fair confidence
951
DAEDALUS
of severe deprivation,
which
roused in Johnson strong
it is difficult to
self-esteem. While
for enhancing
explain pre
force was channeled
into a
cisely why and how this energizing
was
rhetorical
the
force
to be
there
style,
distinctively
clearly
channeled.
tern is one
needs
Johnson Learned
resolve.
. . .
and
slowly
from
these
of
the
forensic
whose words?thick
meant
tone?were
youth.
Students
from the local colleges
at his
habitually
gathered
as one of them remem
this period, because,
tailor shop during
"One lived here whom we know outside
bered:
of school, and
one who would
amuse us
made us welcome;
by his social good
nature, one who took more than ordinary interest in catering to our
He and Eliza
lived in the back room?the
pleasure*
only other
the students and other casual visitors sat around in the
one?and
In 1831 he moved
he worked.
front room while
the family, now
a sepa
Eliza and their two boys, into a new house and purchased
to read, "not the novels of
rate tailor shop. He hired a schoolboy
and Maria Edgeworth,
but Eliot's debates,
Jane Austen
Jefferson's
over and over
and
the
Constitution
of the United
messages,
again
States*
make much
ven
of his earliest political
Johnson's biographers
little more
than extensions
of his
tures, but these were probably
of a convenient
role as owner and operator
gathering
place for
in politics. It is not clear that he
townsmen and students interested
the Greeneville
group, except by providing
debating
"organized"
a
it to meet, or that he was the
for
place
leading light in forming a
"Worker's Party" in town. He was first elected
in 1829.
alderman
953
Dl?EDAIAJS
The ticket of nominees was put together on the Saturday night be
fore the election on Monday.
Johnson's name appeared first on the
the lowest vote
this
favored
but
ballot,
position he received
despite
as
to
of the seven elected?eighteen
for
votes,
thirty-one
compared
was
next
the front-runner.
the
alderman
elected
year
Johnson
again
and was mayor for the following
three years. In 1832 the county ap
pointed him a trustee of the Rhea Academy.
a marked
These
did not represent
experiences
early political
from Johnson's regular round of life. The duties of alder
deviation
man and
in a town of about
mayor could not have been onerous
seven hundred
was unable to muster more
whose
electorate
people
votes for the leading aldermanie
than thirty-one
The
candidate.
a hard
for
idea that he conducted
alderman
campaign
against the
in
town aristocrats
is hardly believable?surely
most of them were
his
church on the intervening
first
election.
The
before
fla
Sunday
vor of Johnson's
is probably
best caught by one of
participation
later recalled
the young men of Greeneville,
that despite
who
the
boisterousness
of his visitors in the tailor shop:
Andy neither lost his temper nor suspended his twofold employment of
reading and sewing. The moment the needle passed through the cloth,
his eye would return to the book, and anon to the needle again; and so,
enter
when
you
would,
it was
ever
the
same
determined
read
and
sew,
and sew and read. His sober industry and intelligence won the favor of
the grave and sedate, and his genial tolerance of the jovial groups which
frequented his shop secured him unbounded popularity with the young
men
of the
place.21
Rehearsal:
Gathering
Resources
955
DALUS
957
DALUS
aristocrats
and the other themes of the "Greeneville
Democracy"
he had heard before
orators of a
from the young English
or
at
He
could
connection
least
the
see,
feel,
previous
generation.
between
the injustice to his namesake Andrew
in
the 1824
Jackson
election
and the thunderings
An
of the New
divines.
England
own
sorts?one
that
his
of
fitted
the
he
had
ideology
history,
myths
in which
to
he found himself?began
imbibed, and the situation
came to encompass
a set of ideas in
form in his mind. Learning
to the set of techniques
he had started to master.
addition
His
on
to
and
his
take
experience
anticipations
began
expressible
a
made
he conjured
meanings,
explicit at last in
speech in which
and degradation,
effort, to a
up a path from obscurity
through
of
achievement:
the
Godliness
and
In
government.
joining
grand
terms of rhetorical
had
he
to
In
terms
found
what
say.
strategy,
in general, he exemplified
of distinctive
the significance
strategies
ra
in which
available
of rationalization
for action and the ways
can
or
cumulative
tionalizations
individual
delay
speed
develop
what
ment.23
another
twenty-six,
was
Saturday night,
he nominated
there
when
conversation
958
news
at
Jones's
store
was
inter
from
959
DAEDALUS
of Andrew
institute an annual Jackson
Jackson. He helped
ran
on a ballot headed with
in
Greeneville,
Jefferson celebration
and
heard again and again almost from the time
Jackson's picture,
he began in politics:
"You are a second Andrew
Jackson"; "You are
a man, every inch of you,
in the shoes of 'Old
";
standing
Hickory'
or you are
to ape Andrew
the
Jackson but cannot make
"trying
was Andrew
'Old Hickory'
grade." At least "from 1840 onward,
model
of
his
conduct and the idol of
Johnson's political
pilot, the
his heart." The roots of the connection with Jackson were personal
and local: the name and the particular
significance
Jackson had for
as
was
in East Tennessee
to the state
just
politics
Johnson
emerging
arena. The idol who was there at one's birth and reappears as one
an
an immense
over
is
identity has
forging
advantage
competing
symbols.
was
in many ways
Andrew
different
from Andrew
Jackson
one
account
As
of course,
says: "Externally,
Johnson.
sympathetic
a
no two men were more unlike, Jackson
fellow,
being
rollicking
and more fond of sports than
fond of horseracing
and cockfighting,
for sports, too serious-minded,
and
books; Johnson, caring nothing
some
at
of
But
these
away
problem
always plugging
government."
were not the features Johnson's
and supporters
early companions
stressed when
the
reiterated
sim
Jackson-Johnson
they constantly
ilarities. Friends would point out: "They came from the same stock;
their fortunes
from the rough rock of ad
they had both hewed
were
and
knew
their hopes and fears;
the
both
of
versity;
people
as well
as intellectual
both were men of physical
courage; both
hated sham and both were passionate
lovers of the Union." The
as President,
identification
Johnson refused to allow Jack
persisted;
its
inconvenient
son's desk to be moved,
location. "I love
despite
was Old
"Whatever
he
said.
the memory
of General
Jackson,"
I
revere."
Hickory's
defense
The
Break-out:
Confluence
of Motives,
Resources,
and
Opportunities
Andrew
seems
campaign
against Major
Johnson's
Stephenson
to mark a turning point in his life. At that time, he
brought together
the motives
from his childhood,
the skills from his
re
period of
in
and
the
the
close
environment
to
hearsal,
opportunities
political
serve him for the
form a distinctive
strategy that would
political
rest of his life. His emergence
does not have the same
clarity and
960
(on which he could build) and his skill at his trade (which he
a skill),
could perfect and which
taught him that he could develop
a few years, he
to early adulthood
he brought
very little. Within
success and
a
had attained
two are closely
adopted
style. The
the critical period of commitment
to a set of
related: To discover
one must watch
distinctive
increases in sup
for massive
strategies,
plies of confidence.
Johnson's breakthrough
period shows two other features of par
a
for distinctive
ticular significance
political
special kind
strategies:
a
to
a
close
and
of relatedness
sudden, radical expansion of
group
"field of power."26 Johnson,
the politician's
like others with pro
emotional
nounced
conflicts, probably
experienced
strong tenden
to escape
cies to withdraw
from society,
into a kinder
internal
Such a person may find communication
world.
difficult and com
a common
munion
because he has meanings
impossible,
language
can
and
cannot express
less
formulate, much
feelings he
hardly
961
DAEDALUS
Changes in Value Attainments
in Johnson's Critical Period
time of candidacy
for
state legislature (1835)
At
Value
Power
Pre-Greeneville
None
except
Wealth
Extreme
Enlightenment
No
Skill
Respect
(1808-26)
in family
Public
Very
silT
on single
low; a homeless
skill:
"mud
ineffective
Fatherless;
much
discomfort
mother;
and insecurity
Affection
Rectitude
Much
learning; Academy
official
Expert in his trade; devel
oping speaking skill
Host
to
students;
nomina
Weil-Being
home-town
means
Moderate
poverty
Dependent
tailoring
official
adults
lawbreaker;
Runaway
religious life
no
Decent
achievement;
de
or other
share. But thrown, by
into con
occupational
necessity,
a person cannot avoid talk and
tinual company,
may slowly learn,
as
Johnson did, to be of once one with and slightly apart from a
can meet
band of brothers. This closeness
important needs. People
in part
learn to rate themselves
the
ways others react to them,
by
and one such reaction
is simply acceptance
as a member
of the
come
like
old
at
times
not
group. Young people,
people,
together
to accomplish
in
or
even
to
but
talk,
particular
anything
simply by
their physical
to "say" to one another
"we are not
togetherness
alone." When much talk?talk
about politics, in particular?is
added
to this simple juxtaposition,
the context
is
for
arranged
powerful
in expression,
combinations
of affection,
and
experiments
linkage
to broader
social arenas. Johnson was surrounded with
friends
the local working
and out-of-office
class, intelligentsia,
representing
was conversation
entertainment
whole
politicians?whose
success was
963
DAEDALUS
some not yet elected. But in most
the period
accounts,
biographical
an adult
was
can be
which
during
identity
forged
readily isolated,
one
to
is
when
sensitive
marked
of confidence,
infusions
particularly
a
in
contrast
to
and
fast,
coming
simultaneously,
deprived past; to
a
a
to
kind
of
and
close
special
supportive group life;
relationship
and to a relatively
sudden expansion
of the "field of power." Once
in the light of a short list of
located, this period can be surveyed
a
for
role.
Those
requirements
presidential
emphasized
particularly
can be traced back into the
as a rehearsal
learning process, viewed
a
for the emergence
of the distinctive
general
style. Together with
assessment
accounts
of
from
of self-evaluation
early life,
gathered
these explorations may reveal, in clearer form than they would
in
a
later adulthood,
the fundamental
of
President's
shape
potential
strategies for adapting to the challenges he will confront.
a man
is chosen to lead a great nation, he stands in a
When
one not much
and
like the steps he has
uniquely high
lonely place,
in
is
But
his
been
another time when
memory
recently
climbing.
he came out of relative smallness
into relative greatness. Then he
had tried a style, and it worked. What
would
be more natural
than for him to feel that it
work
might
again?27
References
is any better
con
in other political
is not to imply
that the record
in the United
to do better
the assumption
texts; but we ought
States, where
via a well-defined
time and for a definite
is at a definite
of power
period
1. This
than
system,
creates?the
2.
I have
tried
Recruitment
3.
See
my
Presidents,"
in
situations
to show
a way
these
of using
East
for
in The
this
Styles:
point.
Lawmakers:
(New Haven,
Life
Two
1965).
*Weak'
(New York,
see Willard
of historians,
Tennessee
Historical
Society
waves
successive
anew?even
defines
Rustow
distinctions
to Legislative
himself
Presidential
Predicting
Issues
(forthcoming).
and
of Social
leader
to Dankwart
indebted
and Adaptation
"Classifying
Journal
the
where
am
office.
Hays,
"Andrew
Publications,
Johnson's
Nos.
31-32
of
Andrew
Quarterly,
Johnson
Vol.
24, No.
Historiographies
964
in
the
2
Twentieth
(1965);
Albert
Century,"
Castel,
Tennessee
"Andrew
Historical
Johnson:
His
For
6.
sense
years,
Andrew
see
It was
at
on Johnson's
documentation
of basic
early
poverty
The
Graf
Haskins
and Ralph W.
(eds.),
of
Papers
Vol.
Tenn.,
1967).
1, 1822-1851
(Knoxville,
of
the
Leroy
P.
Johnson,
this
that
point
reporters,
defending
See Milton
Lomask,
Johnson
himself
interviews
to
giving
friendly
the impeachment
against
charges.
on Trial
President
(New
York,
began
vigorously
Johnson:
Andrew
detailed
accounts
of
this
see Lomask,
event,
Andrew
Presi
Johnson:
Winston,
8. Quoted
9. The
in McKitrick,
day
my
the
personally
Military
Johnson
10.
11.
Ibid.,
144
written
also
been
(Milton,
The
136.
Stanton
thank
"to express
for
you
sincerely
to extend
to me
pleased
as
Brigadier
service"
my
p.
Age
of
General
Hate,
and
Andrew
).
'It was
avers:
to exempt
the state's
line
have
you
Reconstruction,
147.
Lomask
(Andrew
and
personally,
during
officially
Governor
of Tennessee
p.
had
Johnson
which
the Radicals,
and
Johnson
and
and
p.
inauguration,
to you
regard
kindness
Lincoln
in
12.
before
highest
uniform
Andrew
Johnson:
assumed
that Johnson
himself
had
asked
generally
as a means
from the proclamation
Tennessee
of holding
were
of whom
slaveowners"
many
Whigs,
pro-Union
on Trial, pp. 24-25).
President
Ibid.
and
Andrew
13. McKitrick,
from
Johnson
Reconstruction,
p. 294,
quoting
New
York Herald.
words
the strongly
carried
the
Johnson's
pro-Johnson
even when
was
his manner
of speaking
drama
of these
calm.
speeches,
of his guards, William
of one
H. Crook,
the recollections
See
Through
Five
Administrations
the other
he
York,
(New
1907),
hand,
p. 106. On
his
of delivery.
See Howard
could
K.
through
style
ignite
platitudes
Year
assesses
The Critical
Beale
(New
1930),
York,
Beale,
pp. 362-63.
as "disastrous,"
but
1866
attributes
his
to
speeches
Johnson's
tendency
to "an
of himself"
overmuch
"talk
rather
than
to
inferiority
complex"
11.
Ibid., pp. 367,
"egotism."
spoke of himself
as being,
imitation
"In
of Him
of old who
died
for the preservation
of
martyr:
I believed
which
that mercy
I exercised
to be my
men,
(Lomask,
duty"
on Trial,
President
Andrew
"Caesar
had
his Brutus,
Johnson:
p. 196).
Jesus Christ his Judas, and I've had my Ed Cooper. Get thee behind me,
965
DAEDALUS
Satan"
and would
to
Johnson,
"If
I would
tonight,
Study
I were
frequent:
in Courage,
to play
disposed
one
imitate
of
the
p. 784).
the orator
ancient
And
and
tragedies
the
garments
15. McKitrick,
16.
are
in declamation
deal
you
Andrew
(Stryker,
of blood
themes
scars
and
saturated
with
Andrew
Johnson
gore
I would
his person.
exhibit
the bloody
upon
from his gushing
wounds"
(ibid.,
p. 356).
and Reconstruction,
in Courage,
an account
p. 361. For
the effects
in
of his
ineptitude,"
speeches
as
who wrote,
(such
Lowell,
alienating
James Russell
an
we
lecturer
in Johnson!"),
"What
have
and his failure
anti-Johnson
to learn "that
the President
of the United
cannot
States
to be a
afford
see David
Andrew
Donald,
quarreler,"
"Why They
Impeached
Johnson,"
American
a more
Vol.
1 (December,
For
8, No.
1956).
Heritage,
sym
account
the content
of and the reactions
to Johnson's
pathetic
stressing
see
series of articles
Phifer's
in the Tennessee
Historical
speeches,
Gregg
Vol.
1-4 (1952).
11, Nos.
Quarterly,
Andrew
Stryker,
stressing
p. 432.
Johnson,
Johnson's
northern
Study
"political
moderates
17. McKitrick,
Andrew
than
factors
other
interpretations,
1965);
Rouge,
udice,
1865-1866
and
Johnson
gural
18.
Barber,
and Reconstruction,
Of
Johnson
course,
pp. 437-38.
were
at work.
For broader
Johnson's
speeches
political
see David
The Politics
Donald,
(Baton
of Reconstruction
LaWanda
and John H. Cox,
and Prej
Politics,
Principle,
lecture
The
19. Variously
Lawmakers
Ch.
...,
with
the
Speaker,
as to
disagreement
Plebeian
Johnson,
Andrew
1963);
Kenneth M.
Stampp, Andrew
Dream
of the Agrarian
1962),
(Oxford,
on
the University
of Oxford
before
May
delivered
reported
Columbia
Speaker,
without
(New York,
the Failure
an
inau
18,
1962.
6.
titles
American
United
States
Speaker,
Standard
but
Speaker,
Speaker,
its primarily
British
content.
See Winston,
and Patriot,
Andrew
p. 10; Stryker,
Johnson,
Enfield's
Selection
and Forensic
Particu
of Popular,
Parliamentary
Eloquence;
in the United
States. The
name
of the
for the Seminaries
larly Calculated
is not given.
in part:
some
The
"Without
reads,
compiler
preface
pro
seems
in Oratory,
to be an insurmountable
there
barrier
to the
ficiency
of genius?with
is obvious.
it, the road to distinction
patriotic
aspirations
in our Federal
The many
bodies
form
of government,
and
Legislative
a suitable
of our Courts,
character
the diversified
field
for every
present
effort
from
the unfledged
of the callow
to the mature,
young,
grade,
of
been
our
our
aim,
young
men,
examples of Genius:
in making
by
placing
selection,
in their view
to endeavor
some
of
to fire
the
part of our
be suspected
selection
of
the
brightest
. . .
a great
cause!'
country's
Although
we would
not
and glowing
character,
966
this
their
is of an ardent
denying
the
superi
ority
cool
deliberate
and
argument
how
reasoning?but
have
often
for
the
all
feelings,
of one
truth?that
Stryker,
Andrew
Johnson,
in Courage,
Study
p. 3.
21. Milton, The Age of Hate, Andrew Johnson and the Radic?is, p. 74.
22. Fred Greenstein's Children and Politics
the
significance
how
to
respect
gence,
should
one
the
or
a hint
be
cared
he
will,
drops
a want
people,
that
there
for, Mr.
by
equivalent
or a bold
avowal
in Congress:
experience
into dis
that may
be twisted
or intelli
in their
integrity
in his
presaged
an
expression
of confidence
are
interests
J. fires
up;
in
other
society
than
his
which
ten to
feet,
from
the speaker
something
from his
has
just fallen
lips,
to weaken
materially
tending
and,
extract
springing
questions,
retraction
of what
well-put
to a
either
learning.
political
were
themes
these
(New Haven,
a member
"Whenever
in
of sequence
and opinions
of principles
. . . Mr.
constituents.
J. will
to his
never
an
suffer
interruption.
in the House,
six years
I have
I do not
him
known
ever
seen him consent
to give way
to have
recollect
for an interruption.
or conclusions
is short enough.
If my
He
hour
facts
sir; my
says?'No,
. . .
are not
to the
them/
obtain
the floor
and disprove
sound,
Owing
want
I have
written
Mr.
of which
of early
above,
advantages,
J. at
him
In
with
his
course
the
times
slashes
or
recent
of
the
his
mother-tongue?pronouncing
with
derivation,
or less of
More
little
foreign
or Webster.
Walker
sneer
save
of
at Mr.
by
his
false
J/s many
anglicisms;
one
the
under
smarting
some
words
of many
syllables,
to rules
laid down
regard
by
titter
fellow-members
will
and
yet
point
I have
of
his
rarely
oratorial
seen
it done,
bowie-knife.
are
in uncouth
his views
under
Though
phraseology,
expressed
easily
in
for he
talks
and carefully
facts
culled
stood;
strong
thoughts
quick
as with
a
succession.
He
thrusts
his opponents
and
through
through,
a
hole
and
and
weapon,
rusty
tearing
jagged
big
leaving
something
to fester
Woe
be unto
and be
remembered.
behind
the luckless
wight
a slur upon
a
him
in debate;
who
offers
him,
indignity?cast
personal
two years
to wait
for the opportunity,
it does
when
for if he has
come,
Mr.
the best use of it. He
his tongue;
upon
puts no bridle
J. makes
yet
he
is never
to
the
of
guilty
opposite
as
efforts
being
to mince-meat
he may
ciples
at times, which
party
a
as
personal
a whole.
I can
hear
no
to a
or
fellow-member,
characterize
fairly
I may
Perhaps
and slashingly
slashing
to
grinds
powder
He
against.
contending
crushingly
and then
be
disrespect
other
man
for he
crushing;
measures
the men,
and
takes
and
advocate
maintains
without
even
his
chops
prin
positions,
him
writing
967
DALUS
down
sure
that
words
upon
his
no
Yet
demagogue.
the man
is
one
speaking
own
can
listen
without
the
as
prospects
to him
least
without
regard
man."
public
feeling
morally
to the effect
of his
Graf
and
Haskins,
One
thinks,
junior
25.
For
year
the
for example,
at Amherst.
list of values
and
of
an
the
events
critical
illustration
of
concentrated
their
use,
in
Coolidge's
see Lasswell's
Power
The
is Alexander
phrase
Issues.
Journal
of Social
George's.
See
his
forthcoming
article
in
the
27. See also Erik Erikson, Young Man Luther: A Study in Psychoanalysis
and History (New York, 1962); Alexander L. and Juliette L. George,
Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House (New York, 1956); James Jones,
Life of Andrew Johnson (Greeneville, Tenn., 1901); Helen Merell Lynd,
On Shame and the Search for Identity (New York, 1961 ).
968