Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
REPLY
Ernesto Laclau
To cite this article: Ernesto Laclau (2012) REPLY, Cultural Studies, 26:2-3, 391-415, DOI:
10.1080/09502386.2011.647651
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2011.647651
Ernesto Laclau
REPLY
In the reply to his critics and interlocutors, Laclau clarifies his position regarding
a series of concepts such as representation, fraternity (or democratic solidarity),
identification, signification, affect, extimacy, spectacle and social sedimentation
as they arise in or pertain to his theory of populism and populist reason. In the
process of those clarifications, Laclau also explains how his views differ from other
relevant thinkers such as Hannah Pitkin (on representation), Jurgen Habermas
(on new social movements), Guy Debord (on spectacle) and Jacques Lacan (on
extimacy).
Keywords demand; empty signifier; fraternity; hegemony; populism;
representation
392
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
REPLY
393
394
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
relative weight would vary from case to case. A space only constituted in a
metonymic way, without being contaminated by any metaphoric operation
would be a pure space of differences, incompatible with the action of
hegemonic logics. But the unilateralisation of metaphor would lead to the same
result: if all differences collapse there would be an uncontaminated unity, and
there would be nothing to hegemonise (even the leader would become entirely
unnecessary). What there is, in fact, is a constant process of mutual
contamination between metaphor and metonymy, which is what gives its
centrality to hegemony as a political logic. Disch herself seems to be quite
close to this conclusion when she asserts: In practice the two (metaphor and
metonymy) are intertwined. A hegemonic operation will always try to
represent itself as incarnating a necessary alliance, while a mythical unity will
always be contaminated by metonymic contingency. I entirely agree with
this way of presenting the argument.
REPLY
395
396
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
the ontological function of grounding derives from the ontic specificity of the
entity fulfilling that function, in the case of a horizon such an automatic
derivation does not obtain. The function of grounding remains an ontological
unavoidable requirement, but such a function is only possible if the entity
fulfilling it cancels, or at least blurs, its ontic specificity that is, if it becomes
an empty signifier, in the sense that we have attributed to this term. And an
empty signifier is a hegemonic one, if hegemony is conceived as a relation in
which a particularity, without ceasing to be particular, assumes the
representation of a universality which is utterly incommensurable with its
ontic differential identity. But if this is the primary ontological terrain, if the
totality is not directly derivable from any such ontic identity, but is
constructed through this hegemonic taking over of the grounding function,
in that case relations of representation are ontologically constitutive (in the
transcendental sense of the term). This explains why, for us, there is an
intimate imbrication between the micro and the macro levels to which
Marchart refers.
Finally, let us say something concerning the various approaches to the
interactions between the micro and the macro levels. There are
approaches for which the macro level is the only possible source of
society effects for instance, Hobbes Leviathan. He is at one remove
from classical forms of essentialism as for him the covenant is an artificial
act, but the mortal God that this act constitutes remains a logical necessity
of the social order, as far as the only alternative to it is the state of nature.
At the other extreme, we have the extreme forms of particularism as in
some contemporary multiculturalist approaches, for which only the micro
level of society counts, while the macro level is dismissed as a source of
totalitarian interference. Multiculturalism has been criticised with the
argument that particularistic demands can be easily integrated by the forces
of the status quo. There is some truth in this argument (at least when it is
addressed to extreme forms of particularism), but it is considerably
weakened when accompanied by the frequent parallel assertion that there
are social actors (the working class is usually brought to the fore here) who,
given their structural social location would escape the danger of this
integrationist trend. Slavoj Zizek is a particularly nave example of this
approach. The truth is that there is no social actor neither working class,
nor anybody else who can escape the danger of integration since, for the
reasons that we have presented, there is no structural social location which
can produce out of itself society effects (let alone emancipatory ones). To
have the latter something else is needed: hegemonic practices which, through
equivalential relations between a plurality of structural positions, would
construct new popular identities.
*************
REPLY
Henry Kripps addresses also the problem of the specific demands emerging
from particular sectors and movements and the possibility of their
universalisation through their inscription in a wider public sphere. He does
it, however, from a different angle than Marcharts: by discussing the New
Social Movements which have emerged since the 1960s and their interpretation
by the sociological literature, in particular the work of Habermas and that of
Andrew Arato and Jean Cohen.
As far as Habermas is concerned, his approach, as presented by Kripps,
would be part of his theory of a public sphere which would have developed
since the eighteenth century and would have resulted in the constitution of an
intermediate terrain of resistance both to the encroachment by the economic
subsystem and the colonisation by the political subsystem. (This intermediate
place of resistance would constitute the more optimistic Habermasian
alternative to the unimpeded rationalisation process detected by the earlier
Frankfurt School theorists.) It is within this cycle of an expanding public sphere
that, according to Habermas, the New Social Movements (NSM) have to be
inscribed. There would be, however, an essential ambiguity in their
emergence, for if the NSM fully participate in the general democratic impulse,
they would lose their particularistic identity and would not be new at all;
while, if they assert that particularistic identity, they would be condemned to a
purely defensive politics and their democratic potential would be threatened.
In Krippss words: according to Habermas, the politics of NSM split between
two alternatives: either a familiar offensive liberal politics or a purely defensive
identity politics. Kripps later discusses the various approaches to NSM (the
Resource Mobilization Paradigm and the New Social Movements theory)
and the way in which Habermas stands in relation to them, and points to the
existence of a third paradigm (the identity politics proposed by Gorz and Offe)
with its insistence in the possibility of constituting counter-institutions which
would be the starting point of a culture of resistance putting limits to the
action of both the economic and the politico-administrative subsystems.
Habermas, however, would dismiss this third alternative as unrealistic,
probably, as Kripps adds, because their counter-offensive against the colonising
system is neither broad nor expansive enough.
As for Arato and Cohen, they would try, in Krippss view, to open up the
Habermasian game, insisting that the NSM can have a creating political role in
hanging systemic social structures, but they would finally remain anchored in
the Habermasian problematic, by restricting the effectivity of the NSM to be
just the preconditions of a purely political intervention, whose only terrain can
be civil and political society. It is here that Kripps finds the potential of my
own populistic approach: in transcending the Habermasian dichotomy and in
appealing to a new terrain which would go deeper than the dichotomy itself. In
Krippss words:
397
398
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
REPLY
expanded chain of social demands. This point is crucial and it shows in all
purity the crossroad where our analysis parts company with that of Habermas.
What for Habermas was a dichotomy opening an exclusive alternative, for us is
the moment of a tension, and this tension is what constitutes the political as
such. It is true that the erosion of heterogeneity is the precondition of the
emergence of a hegemonic centre; but the reverse is also true: any centre will
be systematically eroded by the operation of a non-eradicable heterogeneity.
That is why society is constitutively political and why hegemony is the very
form of the political as such.
Finally, a few words concerning populus. The notion of populus, in my
work, has been opposed following a Latin distinction to that of plebs.
While populus is the body of all citizens, without distinctions, plebs is a
partitive category within that body. But beyond those juridical distinctions,
plebs has also come to signify the underdog, those excluded from full
participation in the life of the community. Once this second signification has
been attached to the category, there is only one step to reverse the moment of
exclusion, and to make it the signified uniting those aspiring, in spite of their
exclusion, to become the totality of the community the only authentic
community. That is, plebs comes to name the subject of an emancipatory
process, as the cross, which was before a symbol of ignominy became, for the
Christians, a symbol of the highest dignity. Once this reversal has taken place,
we have the people of populism.
On fraternity
At this point I would like to answer three questions put to me by Ivor Chipkin.
He writes:
If the condition of the demos is an affective relation between its citizens
then several questions present themselves. In the first place, will any
affective relation do? Or does a democracy require a particular kind of
solidarity between its citizens? If so, what are the conditions of democratic
love?
In the first place, it is necessary to separate the general question of affect from
the question of democracy. Affect is constitutive of any human experience and
it is not limited to any particular content, political or otherwise. Strong
solidarity and, as a result, fraternity can exist among members of a
community, without the identification link between those members being
democratic at all. Several of the examples that Chipkin gives are particularly
explicit in this respect. Anybody knows that feelings of fraternity were very
important in Fascist movements. What is essential in an affective relation is
that particular symbols are the objects of a strong emotional investment. So the
399
400
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
answer to the first question is that given the right context any political
content can be the point of an affective investment be it positive or negative.
And this applies as well to the case of Althussers ideological State apparatuses
that Chipkin mentions. In different situations the State interpellates individuals
as subjects in diametrically opposed ways.
As for the other two questions, their meaning requires clarification before
an answer is possible. Are they normative questions? If so, the analyst must
determine what he understands by democracy independently of particular
political arrangements, and later to assess the latter on the basis of their
coincidence or not with the general norm. The really relevant question,
however, is whether it is possible to ground democracy in a purely formal
system of rules merely procedural, as the Habermasians would have it
independently of all type of substantive collective identification. I do not think
this is possible, among other reasons, because to agree in those procedures
already involves an agreement about more substantive matters. So we have, on
the one hand, substantive collective identifications and, on the other, forms of
democratic participation extended to increasingly larger sections of the
population. The essential point is that there is no logical transition, no square
circle that allows a move from the one to the other. But as we are not in
the business of drawing blueprints of ideal societies, it does not matter that the
transition is not logically grounded, as far as it can be the object of a hegemonic
construction. Heterogeneous principles can be discursively articulated. In
South Africa we have all kinds of racial and ethnic identification, as Chipkin
points out, but also the construction of an identification of people as citizens,
without discrimination, which cuts across particularistic barriers. This is a
complex process, as we well know, but this complexity has always been
inherent to the construction of a democratic culture.
There remains an important issue that Chipkin raises in his intervention:
the question of fraternity. At first sight, it is difficult to clearly differentiate
equality from fraternity. Is it not the equivalential relation between a plurality
of demands as a result of which a certain equality is established between
them, as well as between the subjects who are their bearers the ground itself
of fraternity? Does the relation of fraternity add anything that the mere
principle of equality does not provide? I think it does, but to identify that extra
something we have to ask ourselves about the precise discursive status of the
triad liberty, equality, fraternity. Is it just the statement of a factual situation,
or is it an injunction? I think it is clearly the latter, for even in those cases in
which it is presented as the ground of a communitarian order as in the
Declaration of the Rights of Man, for instance it has a performative
dimension; it makes an implicit allusion to a task ahead. Seen in this way, it is
essentially linked to a discourse of emancipation. In this sense, each of the
components of the triad finds its precise meaning. In the community to be
constructed as a result of the injunction, liberty means liberty from
(oppression or its equivalents) and equality means the relation established
REPLY
between the human beings who are the bearers of freedom. So what about
fraternity? I think that it adds an essential component to the process of
construction of a collective subject: the identification with the principle of
equality. Without this identification there would not be the collective
solidarity needed for the emergence of a people. From this perspective,
Chipkin is absolutely right; without the identification on which fraternity is
based, there would be no possibility of populism. The mechanisms of this
identification have been explored at the psychoanalytic level by both Freud and
Lacan, and in my book I have extended this exploration to various dimensions
of the political field. I cannot address here this whole question; so I limit
myself to remind the reader that identification, as conceived in this context,
essentially involves the cathexis of equalitarian subject positions.
401
402
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
So, in that case, what about the homologies that I have myself found
between Lacans approach and my own? They are certainly there and they are
relevant, but they have to be precisely located as far as their pertinence is
concerned. I have, for instance, asserted that the hegemonic logic and the one
associated to the investment making possible the emergence of the object a in
Lacan are identical and not only vaguely homologous, but this does not mean
that the construction of any possible object is, in my work nor, indeed, in
that of Lacan reducible to that homology.
There is, however, a last point to make. What I have just said does not
mean that I think a comparison between two theoretical approaches is
impossible. It only means that such a comparison has to operate avoiding easy
translations and respecting the autonomy of the two theoretical fields being
compared. The work of Paula Biglieri and Gloria Perello, to which I will refer
later on, from this viewpoint, is exemplary. They are both Lacanian theorists
and, also, seriously interested in the hegemonic approach to politics. They
have, as we will see later, made a distinction between the three registers
which, at the same time that it follows a rigorous Lacanian logic shows its
homologous points with the hegemonic logic.
*****
Considering now the piece by Christian Lundberg, I think that it presents
an insightful analysis of the way in which the notion of demand operates in the
work of Freud and Lacan. The only point in which I disagree with him is in his
assertion that my analysis does not integrate the idea of jouissance and remains
at a purely formal indeed, quasi-structuralist study of the logic of
signification. To this effect, he refers to a criticism raised in an essay by Jason
Glynos and Yannis Stavrakakis (in S. Critchley and O. Marchart, Laclau.A
Critical Reader) and which has been expanded by Stavrakakis in a recent book
(The Lacanian Left). I have already answered that criticism (in the same volume
edited by Critchley and Marchart), so I find it slightly strange that Lundberg
does not make any reference to my reply. To summarise my argument, I have
to say that, for me, there is no drastic separation between affect (jouissance)
and signification, because affect only consists in the differential (uneven)
investment of a signifying chain, while signification includes in its logical
determinations its being structured by such an affective investment. They are
not separate objects but two dimensions of the same process which are only
analytically distinguishable. While signification deals with the form of the
investment, affect deals with its force.
Lundberg writes:
Yet enjoyment provides one particularly difficult stumbling block for a
dedicated formal account. To start with, enjoyment is never quite as
achievable as the preceding quotation might suggest. Far from being
REPLY
403
404
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
REPLY
405
406
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
each force interrupts the identity of the other. The presence of the other
prevents me from fully being what I am. While in an objective development
there is an exact overlapping between the ontic and the ontological, here the
ontic presence of the other is the source of an ontological dimension the
other becomes the representation of the impossibility of fully being what I am
that such ontic presence cannot master or reduce. This is the point, as
Biglieri and Perello have clearly perceived, where my approach to antagonisms
and the Lacanian Real find clear homologies. The Lacanian Real disrupts the
Symbolic, interrupting its mastery. This is the reason why in my analysis I have
privileged the relation between the Symbolic and the Real. Not, as Randall
Bush thinks, because I am ignoring the Imaginary register, but because, as my
theme was the interruption of social objectivity by the irrepresentability
brought about by antagonism, I had to give pride of place to the interactions
between the Real and the Symbolic. Lacans priorities were different, because
he was not primarily interested in the question of conceptualising social
antagonisms. But several of his theoretical concepts object a, extimity, plus
de jouir are susceptible, as Biglieri and Perello have indicated, to at least a
comparative study with those proceeding from my intellectual arsenal.
I have just mentioned extimacy, and it is to the question of its theoretical
status, also raised by our two authors, to which I want now to turn. As they
argue, while in my previous work I had emphasised antagonism, in my more
recent work I have pointed to dislocation as a more primary ontological
terrain, and it would be that terrain the one or, in our terminology, the
constitutive character of which would make full sense of the notion of
heterogeneity. Antagonism would already involve a certain discursive
inscription. I would agree with that way of presenting the argument, but I
would like to say something more about the kind of inscription that we are
talking about. Biglieri and Perello assert that:
(t)he heterogeneous is not placed within or without, inside or outside, but
at the point of extimacy. Through this neologism, extimacy, Lacan
understands the most intimate dimension to be found at the external
dimension, and announces its presence as a foreign body, a parasite, which
recognizes a constitutional rupture of intimacy.
This already shows that the kind of inscription through which an antagonistic
relation is constituted cannot be fully symbolic, that is, a new difference in the
Saussurean sense of the term. To inscribe, in our new sense, means endowing a
certain content with a dimension exceeding its ontic determination. To put it in
more precise terms: the ontic content expresses or represents something
different from itself. The ontic content is there, but just to show the chasm
between the ontic and the ontological, the Abgrund or, in our terminology, the
constitutive character of dislocation. This, in Lacanian terms, would be the point
of extimacy. In not identical, but at least comparable terms, it would be what, in
REPLY
407
408
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
REPLY
while in Marx civil society had to generate out of itself a universal class
destined to bring about the end of politics; for Gramsci there is a double
movement consisting in the politicisation of civil society and a socialisation of
politics. This double movement is at the root of any hegemonic operation.
The latter always feeds itself out of the molecular changes taking place in a
national culture. As Sutherland shows, public entertainment is one of the
areas in which those changes operate. The main theoretical consequence of
this approach is that the categories of the theory of hegemony should not
remain circumscribed to the narrow field of politics in the conventional
sense but should be expanded through their connection to a whole area of
cultural and social phenomena which traditionally had been thought as
escaping their scope.
Misrepresentations
Finally, I have to refer to two essays that do not present punctual critiques to
my argument but launch themselves into a head-on confrontation with the
whole of my theoretical approach. I refer, of course, to the essays by Michael
Kaplan and Elizabeth Povinelli. I find it a bit difficult to deal with their
arguments because it is always complicated to reply to discourses so wild and
erratic that even the basic meaning of ones own assertions is lost. But,
anyway, as noblesse oblige, I will try to say something about them.
Let us start with Kaplan, who, although utterly misrepresenting my
argument, has the comparative advantage over Povinelli of at least raising
issues which are theoretically meaningful. A first cluster of problems, in his
view, concerns the status of the economy. Now here he mixes issues that
should have been kept analytically separated. Firstly, he illegitimately
assimilates Jean-Joseph Gouxs transformation of the basic categories of
economic analysis into a general ontological logic, to Derridas approach. Let
us just quote the way he refers to Derridas use of the notion of economy:
economy of perception and experience in Husserl, an economy of violence in
Levinas, an economy of the sign in Saussure, an economy of structure in LeviStrauss, and economy of psychic drives in Freud, and so on. Now, this
assimilation of the use of the economic in Goux and in Derrida is utterly
illegitimate. While in Gouxs work, the economic retains a literal meaning
that he wants to see operating in quite different areas from those in which
those categories were originally thought as pertinent, the economic is, in
Derridas work, used in a merely metaphoric way. By economy Derrida
simply means what, in my work, I have called logic that is, a rarefied space
in which some objects are representable while other are excluded. So the
assimilation of Goux to Derrida is entirely spurious.
409
410
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
REPLY
Peirce or Saussure?
I do not have much to say about the piece by Elizabeth Povinelli because, in
spite of being formally presented as a critique of my approach, it amounts to
little more than a formulation of her own alternative views about the issues at
stake, without any attempt at explaining why those issues can not be addressed
within my own theorisation. As is well known, contemporary semiotics has
followed two different routes in its process of self-constitution: the Saussurean
route, grounded in a dichotomic linguistic model, and a trichotomic one, based
in the Peircean tradition. I chose the first, while Povinelli opts for the second.
It is, of course, her right to do so, but what is less legitimate is that she
criticises me for not following the Peircean model, without explaining what
theoretical, social or cultural dimensions are blocked in a Saussurean or postSaussurean analysis. So Povinelli does not engage in a critique but in just a
dogmatic assertion of her alternative view.
This absence of a proper critique exempts me from the obligation of
defending my choice. I will only comment that, in my view, in the trichotomic
Peircean model, the three components are not in pari materia, and so that the
degree of formalisation which is achievable is less than in the Saussurean
perspective. There is always the implicit danger of a sociologistic descriptivism
which in the essay by Povinelli becomes quite explicit and exacerbated.
There are, in the first place, those points in which Povinelli simply
misrepresents my position. I cannot fully enumerate those points, but I will
give a few examples. She asks herself: What conceptual advantage do we gain
by considering the people to be a rhetorical figure rather than a prerhetorical social referent? Let us pass this naive appeal to a pre-discursive
(which Povinelli calls pre-rhetorical social referent). The important point is
that, in my approach, that question does not make any sense, because for
me the discursive (conceived in a way very close to Wittgensteins language
games i.e. not merely as speech and writing, but as any signifying structure)
is co-terminus with the social. And, in that case, the really relevant question is
whether signification can constitute itself without the operation of figural
mechanisms. My answer to this question is negative. As Povinelli does not
discuss my grounds for that answer quite explicitly formulated at several
points of my work I consider myself dispensed from the obligation of
repeating again my whole argument.
A typical example of Povinellis argumentative strategy can be found in the
following passage:
But, not only do I disagree with how Laclau theoretically anchors his
model of rhetoric, I want to suggest a kind of social analysis that might be
possible if we were to make a decisive break with the logic of the
Saussurean sign (not merely structuralism, but the language of the signifier
and the signified) and its continuing hold on the humanistic social sciences.
411
412
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
One would have expected that a programmatic statement like this, which
proclaims a decisive break with a theoretical paradigm, would explain what is
wrong with such a paradigm. But of such explanation we are still waiting the
Advent.
Let me give a third example. Povinelli asserts:
The purpose of this section is to tease out how, in spite of his intentions
and the potential power of his approach, Laclau collapses political
processes into a specific linguistic theory that continually deflects analysis
away from the body politic and its institutional sedimentation.
I have made a specific reference to sedimentation in my work, but with a
meaning which is largely opposite to that in which Povinelli uses the term. I
used it in the context of the Husserlian distinction between sedimentation
and reactivation. What I asserted is that sedimentation refers to the
institutionalised forms of the social (broadly speaking, to what Ranciere calls
police) and are the point at which the countable and the uncountable
exclude each other. The moment of the political is, on the contrary, the
moment of reactivation, the moment in which the institutional order is
threatened and new social forces emerge. The specific form that this threat
assumes in my analysis is the construction of equivalential chains which
dislocate institutional sedimentation. To speak about sedimentation as internal
to the political, as Povinelli seems to do she even explicitly asserts that the
aim and end of a political theory is social sediment sounds as little more
than a sanction of the status quo.
Finally, I want to quickly refer to the two doorframes a mens bathroom
in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Chicago and the front
door of an indigenous familys house in the Northern territory of Australia
that Povinelli analyses in the last part of her essay. The Australian doorframe,
first. Povinelli sees the situation through the Peircean category of interpretant
and concludes that the different actors participating in that situation
interpreted it in different ways. She says:
The problem was with competing truths both within any social structure
and their social world and between social subjects and their social
worlds . . . All of these material grounds of interpreting social life and of
interpreting various grounds of interpretation . . . occur within social
institutions that amplify, impede, or deflect one possible reading or the
other.
I do not disagree with this analysis as far as it goes. My difficulty is that I do not
see why the situation that Povinelli describes would be unapproachable within
my theoretical perspective. Finally, I have systematically insisted that the
discursive construction of social antagonisms presupposes a plurality of
REPLY
readings of a certain situation of conflict between social actors, and that these
readings are not reducible to an aprioristic infrastructural social logic.
Consequently, in this war of interpretations, the discourses of what in
Peirces terminology would be interpretations would necessarily confront
each other. If I think that my analytical instrumental is more powerful than that
of Povinelli, it is because through categories such as equivalential and
differential logics, empty signifiers or hegemony, I can better describe the
micropolitics through which interpretants constitute, articulate and change
their identities. Povinellis analysis is, instead, based on categories more
macro-sociological, and, as a result, has to rely more on an institutional
approach based on categories such as sedimentation, used in a sense that I find
rather problematic.
As for the first doorframe, the one of the mens toilet, it is little more than
a joke, so my only commentary is that Povinellis assertion that our protagonist
will initially seem to be standing in isolation, experiencing the centring effects
of the empty signifier is a nonsense, because in that situation there is no empty
signifier whatsoever. To have an empty signifier it is necessary to have an
equivalential chain between a plurality of demands, while in Povinellis
example all the impulses of that woman conflict with each other. So we can
forget about that womans conflict between the demands of her bladder and
the social conveniences.
Conclusion
I would like to add a few reflections as a conclusion. A recurrent trend in my
argument has been to invert the relations of priority that social and ideological
levels have traditionally had in the consideration of the social whole. Populism
had been usually conceived as a side-effect or epiphenomenon of social forces
which were considered as constituted by logics quite different from their
ideological effects. That is the reason why populism was supposed to show its
inner nature when led back to particular social forces which expressed
themselves through populistic discourses. The result was a persistent and
misguided question: Which social forces express themselves through populist
forms, and why? Our approach has been exactly the opposite: we see in
populist discourses i.e. in equivalential logics not the external
manifestation of an ultimate social core different from that expression, but
the very articulatory practice which constitutes that core. This means that
populism is not something different in its inner, ultimate nature, from
its external, surface expression: it is rather that expression what constitutes
its inner core.
This inversion of social priorities requires, in turn, two other ontological
inversions. First is to see the discursive, articulatory moment as constitutive (in
413
414
C U LT U R A L S T U D I E S
the transcendental sense of the term). The logics of equivalence and difference
in the sense we have defined them are the ultimate ontological bedrock of
objectivity. This duality of logics expresses itself depending on which of
them prevails in the pre-dominion of either a populist or an institutionalist
structuration of society.
But here comes the second inversion the two logics do not merge into
one another in a harmonious way, but subverting the rules of their mutual
operations. The result is an essential unevenness of the social: as no social
element finds in itself the source of its own, monadic identity, and as the social
whole can not be achieved either as a self-contained, closed totality, whatever
closure can be reached will do so through the over investment of one element
which endows all the others with a certain, precarious fixation. These overinvested elements are what we call hegemonic or empty signifiers (see my
essay Why do Empty Signifiers Matter to Politics? in Emancipation(s), London,
Verso, 1996). The conclusion of this analysis is that displacements of sense
that is, tropological movements are constitutive of discursivity. The
rhetorical moment is, in that sense, constitutive of discourse and, as a result, of
objectivity tout court.
Finally this leads us to re-think the relations of priority traditionally
ascribed to the social and the political. While the nineteenth century ascribed
an absolute priority to the social while the political was conceived as a
subsystem or superstructure we tend today to see the political as the
instituting moment of the social, while the latter is conceived as the
sedimented form of the former. This distinction sedimentation and
reactivation comes, of course, from Husserl; but while he linked institution
to the founding act of a transcendental subject, for us that act involves radical
contingency, and as a result, a purely political intervention.
Acknowledgements
I want to thank you the various authors for their replies to my work and for the
very thoughtful comments they have provided. The above is a very provisional
and tentative answer.
Notes on contributor
Ernesto Laclau was, for many years, Director of the Program in Ideology
and Discourse Analysis at the University of Essex. He has taught at many other
universities as well, and currently is University Professor of the Humanities
and Rhetorical Studies at Northwestern University. His publications include
Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (NLB, 1977), Hegemony and Socialist
REPLY
Strategy (with Chantal Mouffe, Verso, 1985), New Reflections on the Revolution of
our Time (Verso, 1990), The Making of Political Identities (editor, Verso, 1994).
Emancipation(s) (Verso, 1996), Contingency, Hegemony, Universality (with Judith
Butler and Slavoj Zizek, Verso, 2000), On Populist Reason (Verso, 2005) and
Elusive Universality (Routledge, forthcoming). His work has been translated into
a number of European languages.
415