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TPP will pass but its tough PCs key
Behsudi 1/12 Adam Behsudi is a trade reporter for POLITICO Pro. With help from Victoria Guida, Doug
Palmer and Zachary Warmbrodt (2016, Adam, Politico, Brady: TPP not yet hunky dory,
http://www.politico.com/tipsheets/morning-trade/2016/01/brady-tpp-not-yet-hunky-dory-shelby-to-let-ex-imnominations-slip-away-south-africa-under-pressure-212119 // SM)
BRADY ON TRADE Thanks to all who turned out for our evening conversation with House Ways and Means Committee Chairman
Kevin Brady. Via POLITICOs Doug Palmer: The

White House faces an uphill battle to win approval of

the Trans-Pacific Partnership, but can be successful if it addresses problem areas
like tobacco and pharmaceuticals, House Ways and Means Committee Chairman
Kevin Brady said I think passing that agreement is difficult but doable, Brady
said at a POLITICO Morning Money that the timing of any vote on the agreement would depend
on how quickly the White House addresses outstanding concerns. Passing the
agreement is doable because the economic value of moving into the Asia-Pacific
area under our trade rules [is] critically important, the Texas Republican said. But the
White House made some policy decisions [in negotiating the deal] that cost votes on both sides of the aisle. Brady specifically
mentioned a TPP provision on intellectual property rights protections for biologics that fell short of the 12 years guaranteed under
U.S. law and another measure that exempts tobacco regulation from investor-state dispute settlement provisions of the pact That

weve got to look at that agreement in its entirety, find ways to improve the
agreement in areas where the agreement needs improving and bring it to the floor,
the Texas Republican continued, adding he believed it was important for Congress to vote
on the pact because of its potential to positively shape the rules for trade in the
huge Asia-Pacific region. Meanwhile, Brady said he doesnt oppose the administration
signing the agreement in early February, despite complaints some lawmakers have
raised. Im less concerned about the date that they sign it than that USTR and the
administration continue their work addressing these members concerns, Brady said. If
they continue to do that and we can find some common ground for members, then
the process can go forward. ITS TUESDAY, JAN. 12! Welcome to Morning Trade, where were thinking of trade

appropriate songs to celebrate David Bowies life. Maybe, The Man Who Sold the World? http://bit.ly/1OXZQWg. Let me know if you
have any better tributes or any trade news: abehsudi@politico.com or @abehsudi. BRADYS SENSE OF DOUBT: On another timing
concern, Brady acknowledged that the May 18 deadline for the U.S. International Trade Commission to complete its economic impact
study of the TPP left relatively few days for Congress to consider the pact before recessing in mid-July for the presidential
nominating conventions and the August break. But Id rather theyd just get it accurate, than rush to complete the study, Brady
said. Get it as soon as possible, but make it something we can rely on. I think thats the key. Brady said he expected his committee

lawmakers would have the opportunity

to learn all they wanted about the pact before Congress votes. Senate Finance
Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch also stressed the need for the White House to
address concerns members have about the pact before submitting it to Congress for
a vote. Ive long supported a strong TPP agreement becoming law and will reserve final
judgement on the pact, as I continue to carefully review the text in its entirety, the Utah Republican said in statement
provided to POLITICO. However, before Congress can consider next steps on TPP, President
Obama will need to work with us to address concerns to ensure the
agreement can gain the same type of broad bipartisan support that [trade
promotion authority] achieved.
to hold a hearing on the TPP pact as early as February and promised

Obamas XO killed any chance of republicans negotiating on

immigration reform
Everett and Seung 15(Burgess and Min Kim; 3/9/15; Immigration reform
looks dead in this Congress; Everett is originally from Maine and a University of
Maryland graduate. He got his start in journalism at the Portland Press Herald +

Seung Min Kim is an assistant editor who covers Congress for POLITICO;
www.politico.com/story/2015/03/immigration-reform-congress-115880.html; 7-1715; mbc)
Singed by their defeat in the battle over Homeland Security funding, Republicans
arent about to renew their fight against President Barack Obamas executive
actions on immigration anytime soon. When the GOP-controlled Senate bent to Democratic
demands to fund the Department of Homeland Security, effectively undercutting
conservatives who were willing to allow the agency to shut down until Obama
backed down, there was talk of Senate GOP leaders returning to the immigration
issue to find new ways to thwart Obamas orders. Story Continued Below But few within the GOP
expect any kind of immigration debate in the Senate in the foreseeable future. The issue has been
relegated to the back burner as Republicans instead focus on the budget, trade
deals and, possibly, tax reform. At this point, we have a lot of other issues to do,
said Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), who authored stand-alone legislation to block Obamas immigration directives.

very happy the Department of Homeland Security is funded, and I think the
issue of the presidents overreach with his executive order of last November is
probably going to end up being decided by the courts. And thats not a bad option.
Senate Republican leadership aides also indicated that the chamber is not likely to
return to the Collins legislation in the next several weeks a work period that will be
dominated by anti-trafficking legislation, nominations, a fiscal 2016 budget and perhaps an Iran bill. In the House,
committees are humming along on some immigration bills, but leadership has shown no indication when or if

The inaction on immigration comes as the GOP is trying to

improve its standing among Latinos in the 2016 presidential election. An autopsy of the
they will come to the floor.

partys problems after the 2012 election warned that Republicans must embrace and champion comprehensive

Reform advocates were

buoyed when the Senate overwhelmingly passed a sweeping bipartisan bill in June
2013. But the measure stalled in the House. And immigration, until at least after the
next election, is more likely to be fodder for the campaign trail than congressional
action. And if there was any question, Obamas executive actions, which are deeply despised
by Republicans, likely extinguished any remaining prospects of this White House
working with the GOP on immigration. In a meeting with advocates last month, Obama said he was
immigration reform. If we do not, our Partys appeal will continue to shrink.

not hopeful this Republican-led Congress would pass immigration bills that he would be able to sign, one person

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) left himself

the option of bringing back the measure to stymie Obamas directives . And GOP leaders,
who attended the meeting said.

wary of criticism from conservatives who are girding for combat over immigration, wont close the door entirely on
revisiting it.

TPPs key to solidifying a cooperative US-Sino economic

relationship --- solves SCS conflicts and Chinese naval build-up
Patrick Mendis 13, Senior Fellow and Affiliate Professor at the School of Public Policy, George Mason
University., March 13th, 2013, How Washingtons Asia pivot and the TPP can benefit SinoAmerican relations,
But Washingtons

pivot strategy is better understood within a new framework of mutually

assured prosperity (MAP) a twist on the Cold War containment practices backed by a doctrine of mutually assured
destruction (MAD). First, at present, strong interdependent economic relations exist as importerexporter,
debtorcreditor and consumerproducer between the United States and China. This already forces the two countries
to caution and resort to trade diplomacy within the WTO framework, rather than retaliatory competition or
military threats to resolve differences. Second, SinoAmerican trade and commercial history suggests that

convergence between the two largest economies intensifying indirectly and multilaterally
through the TPP may instead solidify this existing symbiotic economic relationship.
Since Americas founding, commerce has been the uniting factor among states and with foreign nations. To achieve Thomas
Jeffersons vision of an Empire of Liberty, Alexander Hamilton devised an ingenious strategy that entailed a strong manufacturing
base, a national banking system, the centralised federal government and an export-led economic and trade scheme protected by the
US Navy. Similarly, Deng Xiaopings export-led liberalisation of Chinese economic policy also implicitly recognised the role of trade
and commerce as a unifier of peoples. There are three dimensions to the new MAP framework geopolitics, geo-economics and
geo-security intertwined to the extent that the lines of distinction between each are blurred. Geopolitically, Washingtons reengagement with the Asia Pacific after a decade of distraction is not so much a paradigm shift as the revival of a traditional and
historic role. Since the Cold War, the United States has underwritten the regional security architecture through bilateral ties with
allies such as Australia, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines and Thailand. In

recent years as South China Sea tensions

have intensified, Beijings perceived use of force in its own neighborhood causes weaker states to
question the necessity of its current status as a regional hegemon, and to look for a balancer.
Americas return to the Asian region reassures stakeholders that China will not overwhelm its
neighbors. Economically, through trade engagement and transparency via the TPP, Washington affords
smaller countries the opportunity to collectively rebalance asymmetries in bilateral trade with
China without undermining China as a valued and vital trade partner. This simultaneously
eliminates the need for naval competition, reducing the likelihood of
hostile engagement over South China Sea disputes of the so-called gunboat diplomacy sort a term
often applied to Washingtons historically preferred method of advancing foreign trade policy objectives in Asia. Meanwhile, from
a security perspective, China will be able to continue to prosper from regional stability . The
expansion of Chinese military capabilities and the establishment of ports of call for PLA Navy ships will seem less threatening if the
US Navy is engaged in the region in a cooperative, multilateral fashion, avoiding direct confrontation but implicitly projecting the
show of force without war to restrain the adversarial behaviour. This may give China the space to ease into its role as the dominant
but not domineering regional power in a way that will best serve its own economic growth and national security interests. It is
also the finest insurance policy for China that holds over $1 trillion worth of American treasury securities. Ultimately, a

TPP-led free trade zone is the best pacifying security architecture for longterm stability between the two economic superpowers in the Pacific Ocean.The TPP
will deliver benefits for individual restraint between the two power centres, and may advance
regional development, encourage the integration of the Chinese economy, and allow
surrounding nations to hedge their bets on (and therefore contribute to) Chinas Peaceful Rise .
In the Asian century, alliances are complex, and multilateralism and flexibility are the new currency. This era of SinoAmerican
relations will require measured diplomacy.

Extinction- SCS conflict draws in the US and decks deterrence

high tensions now guarantee escalation
Wittner 11 (Lawrence S. Wittner, Emeritus Professor of History at the State University of New York/Albany,
Wittner is the author of eight books, the editor or co-editor of another four, and the author of over 250 published
articles and book reviews. From 1984 to 1987, he edited Peace & Change, a journal of peace research., 11/28/2011,
"Is a Nuclear War With China Possible?", www.huntingtonnews.net/14446)

While nuclear weapons exist, there remains a danger that they will be used . After all,
for centuries national conflicts have led to wars, with nations employing their
deadliest weapons. The current deterioration of U.S. relations with China might end
up providing us with yet another example of this phenomenon . The gathering
tension between the United States and China is clear enough. Disturbed by Chinas growing
economic and military strength, the U.S. government recently challenged Chinas claims in
the South China Sea, increased the U.S. military presence in Australia, and deepened U.S.
military ties with other nations in the Pacific region . According to Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton, the United States was asserting our own position as a Pacific power. But need this lead to
nuclear war? Not necessarily. And yet, there are signs that it could. After all, both the
United States and China possess large numbers of nuclear weapons. The U.S.

government threatened to attack China with nuclear weapons during the Korean
War and, later, during the conflict over the future of Chinas offshore islands,
Quemoy and Matsu. In the midst of the latter confrontation, President Dwight Eisenhower declared publicly,
and chillingly, that U.S. nuclear weapons would be used just exactly as you would use a bullet or anything else. Of
course, China didnt have nuclear weapons then. Now that it does, perhaps the behavior of national leaders will be
more temperate. But the loose nuclear threats of U.S. and Soviet government officials during the Cold War, when
both nations had vast nuclear arsenals, should convince us that, even as the military ante is raised, nuclear saber-

Some pundits argue that nuclear weapons prevent wars between

nuclear-armed nations; and, admittedly, there havent been very manyat least not yet. But the
Kargil War of 1999, between nuclear-armed India and nuclear-armed Pakistan,
should convince us that such wars can occur. Indeed, in that case, the conflict almost
slipped into a nuclear war. Pakistans foreign secretary threatened that, if the war escalated, his country
rattling persists.

felt free to use any weapon in its arsenal. During the conflict, Pakistan did move nuclear weapons toward its
border, while India, it is claimed, readied its own nuclear missiles for an attack on Pakistan. At the least, though,

dont nuclear weapons deter a nuclear attack ? Do they? Obviously, NATO leaders didnt
feel deterred, for, throughout the Cold War, NATOs strategy was to respond to a
Soviet conventional military attack on Western Europe by launching a Western
nuclear attack on the nuclear-armed Soviet Union . Furthermore, if U.S. government
officials really believed that nuclear deterrence worked, they would not have
resorted to championing Star Wars and its modern variant, national missile defense. Why are
these vastly expensiveand probably unworkablemilitary defense systems needed if
other nuclear powers are deterred from attacking by U.S. nuclear might ? Of course, the
bottom line for those Americans convinced that nuclear weapons safeguard them
from a Chinese nuclear attack might be that the U.S. nuclear arsenal is far greater
than its Chinese counterpart. Today, it is estimated that the U.S. government possesses over five
thousand nuclear warheads, while the Chinese government has a total inventory of roughly
three hundred. Moreover, only about forty of these Chinese nuclear weapons can
reach the United States. Surely the United States would win any nuclear war with
China. But what would that victory entail? A nuclear attack by China would
immediately slaughter at least 10 million Americans in a great storm of blast and
fire, while leaving many more dying horribly of sickness and radiation poisoning.
The Chinese death toll in a nuclear war would be far higher. Both nations would be
reduced to smoldering, radioactive wastelands. Also, radioactive debris sent aloft by
the nuclear explosions would blot out the sun and bring on a nuclear winter
around the globedestroying agriculture, creating worldwide famine, and
generating chaos and destruction.

The United States federal government should

Implement the eight step policy recommendation as per our Bakst evidence
Increase and make semi-permanent the currency swap agreement with the
Banco de Mexico

That solves revenues and agricultural exports

Bakst et al 14 (Daren- research fellow in Agricultural policy, Robert Gordon- senior
advisor for strategic outreach, Diane Katz- research fellow in regulatory policy. Solutions
2014. http://solutions.heritage.org/agriculture///GH)

Repeal direct payments to farmers. Direct payments are subsidies provided to farmers of select
commodities based on past production and a payment formula in statute. These indefensible payments are
provided to farmers even if they do not plant a single seed. House and Senate farm bills would
repeal these payments, but Congress has pushed programs that could be even more expensive. For example, proposed shallow loss

Congress should repeal

direct payments and not add any new subsidy programs. Seek private solutions
to risk management. The most expensive farm program is crop insurance . Costs are exprograms, which cover even minor losses, would effectively guarantee revenue for farmers.

pected to triple from an average cost of $3.1 billion from 20002006 to an estimated annual cost of $8.9 billion for 20132022.

Taxpayers subsidize about 62 percent of the premiums that farmers pay for this
program. This exces-sive subsidy can distort decisions made by farmers because
they have too little personal economic risk and dis-courages them from
implementing risk management strategies on their own that could minimize loss .
Farmers and ranchers are more than capable of managing risk. Congress should start moving toward a private risk-based man-

Allow sugar and dairy to compete in a

free market. The sugar and dairy programs manipulate the market to reduce supply and drive up prices. As would be
expected, both dairy and sugar prices are consistently higher than world prices, thereby
hurting American consumers and workers in industries that use sugar and dairy to
manufacture goods. Congress should repeal both programs . Dairy and sugar should
compete in a free market as other busi-nesses do without price guarantees, supply
restrictions, import quotas, and other government intervention . Respect individual
dietary choices. From Obamacares mandatory menu labeling requirements to the New York City soda ban,
government intrusion into the dietary choices of Americans is growing. Underlying these
agement system to replace this massive government system.

mandates is the arrogant presumption that individuals make misinformed choices and that the government must therefore help

Congress should respect this most basic and

private aspect of our lives: eating. To achieve this, Congress should stop creating
and funding new federal food labeling mandates and other requirements that
presume Americans are incapable of making informed dietary choices . Further,
Congress should prohibit federal funding to state and local governments that would
be used to impose food bans. Review and amend or delay implementation of
the Food Safety Modernization Act (FSMA). In 2011, President Obama signed this food safety bill,
guide or even compel the public to make the right choices.

which gives the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) unprecedented power to regulate the countrys food supply. Congress not only
expected the FDA to fill in far too many gaps in the law, but also gave the agency unrealistic deadlines for the laws implementation.

The result has been a regulatory process that has been rushed and a law whose
failings have become more evident. Congress should delay the finalization of any
FSMA rules until the FDA and the public can provide open and transparent feedback
to Congress on its implementation. After receiving this feedback, Congress should make changes in the
substance and/or timing of the law, including repeal of certain sections, to ensure that the nation has a food safety system based on
sound science and data. Oppose the mandatory labeling of genetically modified food .
From the American Medical Association and the FDA to the World Health Organization, the science overwhelmingly shows that

genetically modified organisms (GMOs)

are safe. Despite the science, however, there are attempts on the state and federal
Such a mandate would hurt consumers. A government
GMO labeling mandate would misinform consumers by giving them the impression
that the government believes there is something wrong with GMOs . This would be completely
level to mandate the labeling of GMOs.

inconsistent with sound science and the federal governments own position. Further, companies can already voluntarily label their
products as being non-GMO if they choose to do so. GMOs are a critical innovation that will help feed the world and keep prices low.

Free agricultural trade from

intervention. American agricultural exports are projected to have been $139.5 billion in fiscal year (FY) 2013, which would
These misleading labeling requirements could undermine its development.

be a record high. There are still significant opportunities for increasing exports and, as a result, to create jobs and promote economic

these opportunities are squandered when Congress subsidizes

agricultural industries, encouraging foreign countries to respond in kind and even to
retaliate if the U.S. is in violation of World Trade Organization rules . While other countries may
subsidize their industries or create trade barriers regardless of U.S. actions, free trade will never be promoted
by creating our own obstacles that also hurt domestic consumers and industries.
Congress should not develop agriculture and trade policy in a vacuum, looking only
at the impact on one industry, but instead should examine the entire economic
picture. Congress should also proactively encourage reductions in foreign trade barriers that block American products from
entering foreign markets. Separate food stamps from agriculture policy . For decades,
Congress has passed farm bills by combining food stamps with agriculture
programs. This unholy alliance has existed for political purposes alone to help push through legislation. The presumption is
that rural legislators will push for farm policy and urban legislators will push for food stamps. Separation is the
prerequisite for real reform of agricultural policy because, like food stamps, it needs
to be addressed on its own merits. Congress should consider food stamps and
agriculture programs in two separate bill s, and the programs should be authorized on staggered schedules so
growth. Some of

that there is no potential for overlap in the future.

A currency swap solves bilateral relations

Starr 09 (Pamela K., associate professor of international relations at USC and a
former professor of Latin American political economy at the Instituto Tecnolgico
Autnomo de Mxico, published in the Pacific Council, Non-partisan and not-profit
organization in Los Angeles with the goal of giving a more effective voice to West
Coast perspectives on critical global policy issues, "Mexico and the United States: A
Window Of Opportunity?", April 2009, www.pacificcouncil.org/document.doc?id=35
Implications for U.S.-Mexico Affairs: A Window of Opportunity Even the most optimistic scenario presented here means that large migrant flows into the United States are likely to
revive once the U.S. economy returns to growth and that Mexican oil exports to the United States will almost certainly continue to decline in the years ahead. It is also unlikely to
become significantly easier for U.S. companies to enhance their global competitiveness by shifting purchasing, production, and other operations to Mexico. Despite wage escalation
in China and the expected revival of high transportation costs that should undercut Asias competitive edge in the production of manufactured goods for the American market,
Mexicos ability to provide a competitive home for U.S. manufacturers is limited by inadequate infrastructure, a deficient education system, inefficient regulation in an economy
dominated by monopolies and oligopolies, archaic labor laws, and persistent political obstacles to meeting these challenges. Mexicos security challenge, however, presents the
greatest potential risk to U.S. national interests. Geography makes Mexico pivotal to U.S. national security. For decades, Mexico has been a mostly stable and friendly neighbor,
creating a protective cushion on our southern border. This history has allowed the United States to pay little attention to Mexicos strategic significance. Yet if our southern security
cushion begins to fray owing to the actions of Mexican organized crime, U.S. interests will be threatened on multiple fronts. Border states are already feeling the effect of drug battles
and corruption that spill into U.S. territory. More important, a weakened Mexican government will find it more difficult to implement reforms needed to reinforce long-term political
and economic stability. And

a weak Mexico will be a less efective bulwark against


Chvez as the leftist Venezuelan leader seeks to expand his influence in Latin America .
Helping Mexico promote job creation and economic competitiveness, as well as combat organized crime, is

United States. Indeed, playing a positive, good neighborly

role would not require a significant policy revision or vast new
investments of time and money in the near term. A unique window of
opportunity has opened in the bilateral relationship created by a new
attitude toward foreign relations in Washington, a strikingly proactive Mexican
government interested in collaborating with the United States on a wide range of
issues, and a Mexican population optimistic about the changes Barack Obama can
clearly in the national interest

of the

bring to the bilateral relationship . Secretary of State Hillary Clintons remarkably

successful visit to Mexico in March 2009 wedged open that window. It left
Mexicans hopeful for a bilateral relationship based on partnership and a belief in
shared responsibility for resolving common challenges from global
competitiveness and security to environmental protection and public health. In
this setting, simple, pragmatic policy shifts could go a very long way toward
promoting North American prosperity, security, and cooperation. North American Competitiveness
and Energy Cooperation The best way for the United States to help Mexico promote recovery and enhance economic competitiveness in the near term is to put its own economic
house in order without succumbing to the evident protectionist impulse in Congress. A U.S. recovery would re-establish the export market and sources of investment capital that are
key to the health and innovative capacity of the Mexican economy. A successful effort to save U.S. automakers would also ensure the survival of their plants in Mexico, one of the
largest and most modern and competitive segments of the Mexican manufacturing sector. And President Obamas promised infrastructure investment program, in conjunction with a
parallel program already underway in Mexico, could easily include projects to improve the aging and inadequate transportation infrastructure along the border. This bottleneck is

The United States should

increasing and making semi-permanent the $30 billion currency
swap agreement between the countrys central banks to provide a n even
firmer footing for the Mexican peso during the current crisis. Most important, Mr. Obama
responsible for extensive delays in cross-border trade that continue to undermine North American economic competitiveness .

also consider

must resist pressure to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement in a manner that uses labor and environmental provisions as cover for protectionist trade policies. As a
clear sign of his willingness to do so, he should press Congress to finally honor the U.S. commitment under NAFTA to allow Mexican trucks to deliver their cargo beyond the border.

Interpretation- Domestic surveillance covers U.S. citizens only
our evidence is exclusive and draws a specific distinction.
Ross 12 (Jeffery Ian, Ph.D. is a Professor in the School of Criminal Justice, College
of Public Affairs, and a Research Fellow of the Center for International and
Comparative Law, An Introduction Into Political Crime, 2012,
Domestic surveillance consists of a variety of information-gathering activities ,
conducted primarily by the state's coercive agencies (that is, police, national security, and the military). These
actions are carried out against citizens, foreigners, organizations (for example, businesses, political
parties, etc.), and foreign governments. Such operations usually include opening mail, listening to
telephone conversations (eavesdropping and wiretapping), reading electronic communications, and infiltrating
groups (whether they are legal, illegal, or deviant). Although a legitimate law enforcement /intelligence-gathering
technique, surveillance is often considered unpalatable to the public in general and civil libertarians in particular.
This is especially true when state agents break the law by conducting searches without warrants, collecting
evidence (hat is beyond the scope of a warrant, or harassing and/or destabilizing their targets.1 These activities are
illegal (because the Constitution, statutes, regulations, and ordinances specify the conditions under which
surveillance may be conducted), and they violate individual rights to privacy. Not only should legitimate

domestic surveillance, but the latter practice should also be

separated from espionage/ spying.2 In short, spying/espionage, covered in chapter four, is
conducted against a foreign government, its businesses, and/or its citizens, and illegal
domestic surveillance takes place inside a specific individuals country .
surveillance be distinguished from illegal

The af violates thatthey watch foreign citizens, which is

spyingThats a voterTopic education- learning about DOMESTIC surveillance is key
to breaking down the way that surveillance impacts us every
Limits- making clear limits on domestic is key to keep the topic
reasonable- without strict limits its impossible to prep

The 1AC creates the image of a bright future, where the
productive and economically useful immigrant enters the US
and joins the happy crew of US workers: this homonationalist
state creates the exclusion of the unskilled queer worker which
maintains heteronormativity and liberal exclusion
Oswin 14 Professor of Geography at McGill University (Natalie, Sexualities,
Queer time in global city Singapore: Neoliberal futures and the freedom to love
p. 424 427, 2014, http://sex.sagepub.com/content/17/4/412.full.pdf) | js
the government shows a willingness to change the
complexion of the national family, literally as well as figuratively. It positions migrants as no
longer simply productive, but also socially reproductive members of the city-state,
With this invitation to naturalization,

stating: You and your family members have benefited from what Singapore has to offer, just as Singapore has
progressed and prospered with your labour and contributions. It is time to take a step further and become a part of
the Singapore family. (Singapore Immigration and Checkpoints Authority, 2007) This is another one of those
controversial moves that the PAP is willing to make for the sake of continued prosperity and economic growth. As
the immigrant population swells, worries over employment prospects for non-immigrant Singaporeans, rising
income gaps and the nature of Singapore identity in this new cosmopolis have been well articulated in local public
discourse. Indeed, popular displeasure over this new position on immigration is acknowledged as one of several

Included among
those voicing their dissatisfaction are members of the LGBT community. They are
troubled by the possibility that the new official stance of tolerance towards
homosexuality is merely a pragmatic move to placate the presumed desire of foreign
talent for a diverse urban experience and, further, they take issue with the fact that
while Singaporean gays and lesbians are denied full citizenship, foreign migrants
particularly those forming heterosexual families are invited in to help reproduce
the nation, cast as harbingers of a bright future for the city-state (see CKK Tan, 2009; KP Tan,
related reasons why the PAP had its worst ever showing in the 2011 general election.15

2007). But there are other queer issues at stake here. The Singapore governments push for the naturalization of
immigrants is selective.

Only certain immigrants are encouraged to naturalize and

suitability is determined in direct relation to immigration category . The desired
potential new immigrants are, in short, foreign talent, the local immigration category for highly skilled
labour migrants. Meanwhile, although government discourse has 424 Sexualities 17(4) Downloaded from
sex.sagepub.com by guest on July 25, 2015 centred on the need to bring talent to the city-state, efforts to become
a leading creative city have facilitated a much larger influx of foreign

workers, the Singapore governments

term for less skilled migrants. 16 This latter group of migrants hails from such countries as the Philippines,
Indonesia, Thailand and Bangladesh. They work largely in the domestic service, retail, and construction sectors of
the economy, and, in contrast to foreign talent, they

are definitely not part of the governments

long-term population plan, no matter how low the fertility rate gets (Yeoh, 2006; Yeoh and Chang, 2001).
As Lee Kuan Yew has stated, Foreign talent will create more jobs for Singaporeans, while foreign workers will do
jobs locals avoid and bear the brunt of layoffs in a recession (Straits Times, 2007). They are cast as instrumental
for and supplemental to Singapore society, and are most definitely not seen as worthy of incorporation or
integration. As such, in a range of ways, the latter group is allowed only a furtive presence within the city-state in
contrast to the comparative rootedness enjoyed by foreign talent (Teo and Piper, 2009: 150). Most significantly,
foreign workers cannot naturalize. Further, they may not buy or rent public or private housing. Male workers are
required to live in employer-provided dormitories that are cordoned off in various ways from surrounding
neighbourhoods. Female domestic workers must live in often cramped quarters in their employers homes, and their
mobility outside the home is severely curtailed as employers fear that maids will run off and their bond paid to the
government for the employees work pass will be forfeited (Yeoh and Huang, 2010). If allowed a day off, foreign
workers gather in particular public areas that Singaporeans generally avoid, deriding them as physically and
socially polluted landscapes (Yeoh and Huang, 1998).17 In short, through a range of disciplinary mechanisms,


workers are cast as inevitably alien and in need of strict surveillance and
social control. Much existing critical scholarship interrogates this foreign talent/foreign worker
distinction (Kitiarsa, 2008; Poon, 2009; Teo and Piper, 2009; Yeoh, 2006). This work focuses usefully on the
class, race and gender biases underpinning this unjust labour regime . It examines the
coming together of elitism, essentialist notions of multiculturalism, and portrayal of low-skilled work as feminized to

But they are unduly partial. For they ignore the

fact that, as Eithne Luibheid argues, sexuality, heteronormativity and normalizing regimes
in general structure all aspects of immigration (Luibheid, 2004: 233; also see Manalansan, 2006).
In Singapore, the differentiation of these two categories of immigrants hinges crucially
on the starkly different ways in which their intimate lives are regulated. While
foreign talent is invited into the city-state to help reproduce the nation, the permanently
extra-national state of foreign workers is achieved in large part through their exclusion
from the institution of the family. As the Employment of Foreign Employees Act states: the foreign
employee shall not go through any form of marriage or apply to marry under any law, religion,
custom or usage with a Singapore Citizen or Permanent Oswin 425 Downloaded from sex.sagepub.com by
other foreign workers. These are useful explanations.

guest on July 25, 2015 Resident in or outside Singapore ...If the foreign employee is a female foreign employee, the
foreign employee shall not become pregnant or deliver any child in Singapore during and after the validity of her
Work Permit...The foreign employee shall not be involved in any illegal, immoral or undesirable activities, including

The undesirability of the

foreign worker is thus quite literal as their abjection is a factor of sexual regulation
at least in part. Further, frequent portrayals in the Singapore media sensationalize sexual
relationships among foreign workers as deviant and there is much evidence that the perception
breaking up families in Singapore. (Singapore Ministry of Manpower, 2009)

of their domestic lives as non-normative domestic lives affects public sentiment. For instance, a national
controversy in 2008 occurred when residents of an affluent private housing estate presented a petition to the
government in objection to a plan to convert an unused former school into a dormitory for foreign workers. As much
public debate ensued, concerns raised by the residents and interested commentators centred around assertions
that housing workers in the unused school would lead to higher crime rates, an unclean environment, changes to
the character of the neighbourhood, and conflicts between Singaporeans and foreign workers because of cultural
differences. Within these debates, it is significant that the fact that the workers to be housed were all male and
without families came up again and again, especially in response to criticisms that the residents welcome foreign
talent but not foreign workers. As one commentator on the Straits Times forum page put it: the expats arrive here
with their families and they put their children in schools here. Foreign workers are in a bachelor state without their
family. They are grouped together, single men in dormitories. The situation is entirely different. The connotations
emanating from foreign single men living in dorms in an estate which is predominantly family-oriented is only too
obvious.18 Thus, foreign

workers are not excluded on the sole ground that they are either women or
feminized men, or on the sole ground that they are racial or national others. Their exclusion takes force
through queering, through their production as others who are not allowed into the
family, either national or nuclear.19 Foreign workers in Singapore do of course exert agency. They
manage to eke out intimate relationships in the constrained spaces available, and they often maintain strong bonds
to families left behind. But, as stated by Mr Dulal, a Bangladeshi migrant quoted in a rare article in Singapores
mainstream local press on the difficulties that foreign workers experience locally because of their enforced

relationships fall outside state sanction, and this is a fact that has real material
consequences. Further, foreign workers are of course not a monolithic group of
heterosexual subjects. There are surely many queers, in an identarian or actbased sense, among them. But
existence outside the sphere of the family, Singapore love is all bluff bluff one! (Straits Times, 2009).

despite this empirical reality, the salient point is that 426 Sexualities 17(4) Downloaded from sex.sagepub.com by

the Singapore government regulates them as presumably straight

figures that nonetheless do not factor into the dominant notion of reproductive
futurism. Foreign workers, like gays and lesbians, are cast as only productive and not
socially reproductive.20 This relegates this class of migrants to a state of arrested
development, to lives lived asynchronously and out of place in this creative/global city. As Nayan
Shah argues, transient laborers appear to exist on the margins of society, but their
guest on July 25, 2015

treatment is constitutive of how normative society defines itself (2011: 266). In the
Singapore case, normative society defines itself as properly familial. But around that centre,
many are stranded in queer time.

Specifically the AFF will be used to justify liberal interventions

in foreign countries.
Puar 13 - Department of Womens and Gender Studies, Rutgers University, New
Brunswick, N.J. (Jasbir, 2013, Rethinking Homonationalism, Int. J. Middle East Stud.
45 (2013) ) /AMarb
I develop the conceptual frame
of homonationalism for understanding the complexities of how acceptance and
tolerance for gay and lesbian subjects have become a barometer by which the
right to and capacity for national sovereignty is evaluated .1 I had become increasingly frustrated
In my 2007 monograph Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (hereafter TA),

with the standard refrain of transnational feminist discourse as well as queer theories that unequivocally stated, quite vociferously

the discourse of American exceptionalism has always served a vital role in U.S.
nation-state formation, TA examines how sexuality has become a crucial formation in the
articulation of proper U.S. citizens across other registers like gender, class, and
race, both nationally and transnationally. In this sense, homonationalism is an analytic category
deployed to understand and historicize how and why a nations status as gayfriendly has become desirable in the first place. Like modernity, homonationalism can be
resisted and re-signified, but not opted out of: we are all conditioned by it and through it. In
throughout the 1990s, that the nation is heteronormative and that the queer is inherently an outlaw to the nation-state.

TA, for instance, I critically interrogate LGBTQ activist responses to the 2003 Supreme Court ruling in U.S. v. Lawrence, which
decriminalized sodomy between consenting adults acting in private, bringing into relief how the celebration of the queer liberal
subject as bearer of privacy rights and economic freedom sanctions a regime of racialized surveillance, detention, and deportation.

homonationalism goes global, moreover, as it undergirds U.S. imperial

structures through an embrace of a sexually progressive multiculturalism justifying
foreign intervention. For example, both the justifications and the admonishments
provoked by the Abu Ghraib photos rely on Orientalist constructions of Muslim male
sexuality as simultaneously excessively queer and dangerously premodern. The
discursive field produced around Abu Ghraib enlists homonormative U.S. subjects in
the defense of democratic occupation. It has been humbling and also very interesting to
see the ways homonationalism as a concept has been deployed, adapted, rearticulated ,
and critiqued in various national, activist, and academic contexts ; giving rise to generative and constructive
debate was my true intent in writing the book, which was derived not as a corrective but as an incitement to debate. The
language of homonationalism is appearing in academic and activist projects across
North America, Europe, and now India . For example, a Paris based group called No to
Homonationalism (Non a lhomonationalisme) is contesting the campaign proposed for
Gaypride in Paris because of its taking up of the national symbol of thewhite
rooster.2 A 2011 conference on sexual democracy in Rome took issue with the placement of
World Pride in the area of the city housing the highest percentage of migrants and staked a claim to a
secular queer politics that challenges the Vatican as well as the anti-migrant stance
of European organizing entities. And as I will discuss below, critical commentary on Israels gayfriendly public relations campaign coalesced into various coordinated movements
against pinkwashing, or Israels promotion of a LGTBQ-friendly image to reframe the occupation of Palestine in terms
of civilizational narratives measured by (sexual) modernity.3 At times the viral travels of the concept of
homonationalism, as it has been taken up in North America, various
European states, Palestine/Israel, and India, have found reductive applications
TA shows how

in activist organizing platforms. Instead of thinking of homonationalism as an accusation,

an identity, a bad politics, I have been thinking about it as an analytic to
apprehend state formation and a structure of modernity: as an assemblage of
geopolitical and historical forces, neoliberal interests in capitalist accumulation both
cultural and material, biopolitical state practices of population control, and
afective investments in discourses of freedom, liberation, and rights.
Homonationalism, thus, is not simply a synonym for gay racism, or another way to mark how gay and lesbian identities became
available to conservative political imaginaries; it is not another identity politics, not another way of distinguishing good queers from

It is rather a facet of modernity and a historical shift marked by

the entrance of (some) homosexual bodies as worthy of protection by nation-states,
a constitutive and fundamental reorientation of the relationship between
the state, capitalism, and sexuality. To say that this historical moment is homonational, where
bad queers, not an accusation, and not a position.

homonationalism is understood as an analytics of power, then, means that one must engage it in the first place as the condition of
possibility for national and transnational politics. Part of the increased recourse to domestication and privatization of neoliberal

homonationalism is fundamentally a deep critique of lesbian

and gay liberal rights discourses and how those rights discourses produce narratives of
progress and modernity that continue to accord some populations access to citizenship
cultural and legalat the expense of the delimitation and expulsion of other
populations. The narrative of progress for gay rights is thus built on the back of
racialized others, for whom such progress was once achieved, but is now backsliding or has yet to arrive. I have thus
theorized homonationalism as an assemblage of de- and reterritorializing forces,
affects, energies, and movements. While the project arose within the post 9/11 political era of the United States,
homonationalism is also an ongoing process, one that in some sense progresses from the civil
rights era and does not cohere only through 9/11 as a solitary temporal moment.
economies and within queer communities,

We propose becoming the queer suicide terrorist before the

law an explosion of self-sacrifice with a bomb, in favor of
unsettling the violent definitions of subjectivity to refuse
western notions of subjectivity. Where does life begin and end?
This question is only answerable from a position of reason and
power that we want to blow up.
Puar 07. Jasbir Puar, professor of womens and gender studies at Rutgers
University, Duke University Press: Durham, NC and London, UK, pg. 216
The fact that we approach suicide bombing with such trepidation, in contrast to
how we approach the violence of colonial domination, indicates the symbolic
violence that shapes our understanding of what constitutes ethically and
politically illegitimate violence.- Ghassan Hage, "'Comes a Time We Are All Enthusiasm'"
Ghassan Hage wonders "why it is that suicide bombing cannot be talked about without being condemned first,"
noting that without an unequivocal condemnation, one is a "morally suspicious person" because "only un- qualified
condemnation will do." He asserts. "There

is a clear political risk in trying to explain

suicide bombings."33 With such risks in mind, my desire here is to momentarily suspend this dilemma by
combining an analysis of these representational stakes with a reading of the forces of affect, of the body, of matter.

In pondering the modalities of this kind of terrorist, one notes a pastiche of oddities:
a body machined together through metal and flesh, an assemblage of the
organic and the inorganic; a death not of the Self nor of the Other, but both
simultaneously, and, perhaps more accurately, a death scene that obliterates
the Hegelian self/other dialectic altogether. Self-annihilation is the ultimate

form of resistance, and ironically, it acts as self-preservation, the preservation

of symbolic self enabled through the "highest cultural capital" of martyrdom, a
giving of life to the future of political struggles-not at all a sign of "disinterest in
living a meaningful life." As Hage notes, in this limited but nonetheless trenchant economy of meaning,
suicide bombers are "a sign of life" emanating from the violent conditions of
life's impossibility, the "impossibility of making a life. "" This body forces a
reconciliation of opposites through their inevitable collapse- a perverse
habitation of contradiction.
the historical basis of sovereignty
that is reliant upon a notion of (western) political rationality begs for a more
accurate framing: that of life and death, the subjugation of life to the power of
death. Mbembe attends not only to the representational but also to the informational productivity of the
(Palestinian) suicide bomber. Pointing to the becomings of a suicide bomber, a corporeal
experiential of "ballistics," he asks, "What place is given to life, death, and the human
body (especially the wounded or slain body) ?" Assemblage here points to the
inability to clearly delineate a temporal, spatial, energetic, or molecular
distinction between a discrete biological body and technology; the entities,
particles, and elements come together, flow, break apart, interface, skim
of each other, are never stable, but are defined through their continual
interface, not as objects meeting but as multiplicities emerging from interactions.
The dynamite strapped onto the body of a suicide bomber is not merely an appendage or prosthetic; the
intimacy of weapon with body reorients the assumed spatial integrity
(coherence and concreteness) and individuality of the body that is the mandate of
intersectional identities: instead we have the body-weapon. The ontology of
the body renders it a newly becoming body:
Achille Mbembe's and brilliant meditation on necropolitics notes that

The candidate for martyrdom transforms his or her body into a mask that hides
the soon-to-be-detonated weapon. Unlike the tank or the missile that is clearly visible, the
weapon carried in the shape of the body is invisible. Thus concealed, it forms
part of the body. It is so intimately part of the body that at the time of its detonation it annihilates the
body of its bearer, who carries with it the bodies of others when it does not reduce them to pieces. The body does

The body is transformed into a weapon, not in a

metaphorical sense but in a truly ballistic sense.,1
not simply conceal a weapon.

Temporal narratives of progression are upturned as death and becoming

fuse into one: as one's body dies, one's body becomes the mask, the weapon,
the suicide bomber. Not only does the ballistic body come into being without the
aid of visual cues marking its transformation, it also "carries with it the bodies
of others." Its own penetrative energy sends shards of metal and torn flesh spinning off into the ether. The
body-weapon does not play as metaphor, nor in the realm of meaning and
epistemology, but forces us ontologically anew to ask: What kinds of information
does the ballistic body impart? These bodies, being in the midst of becoming, blur
the insides and the outsides, infecting transformation through sensation,
echoing knowledge via reverberation and vibration. The echo is a queer temporality-in
the relay of affective information between and amid beings, the sequence of reflection, repetition, resound, and
return (but with a difference, as in mimicry)-and brings forth waves of the future breaking into the present. Gayatri
Spivak, prescient in drawing our attention to the multivalent tex- tuality of suicide in "Can the Subaltern Speak,"
reminds us in her latest ruminations that

suicide terrorism is a modality of expression and

communication for the subaltern (there is the radiation of heat, the stench of
burning flesh, the impact of metal upon structures and the ground, the splattering
of blood, body parts, skin):
It is both
execution and mourning, for both self and other. For you die with me for the
same cause, no matter which side you are on. Because no matter who you are, there are no
Suicidal resistance is a message inscribed on the body when no other means will get through.

designated killees in suicide bombing. No matter what side you are on, because I cannot talk to you, you won't
respond to me, with the implication that there is no dishonor in such shared and innocent death. 36

We have the proposal that there are no sides, and that the sides are forever
shifting, crumpling, and multiplying, disappearing and reappearing, unable
to satisfactorily delineate between here and there. The spatial collapse of sides is
due to the queer temporal interruption of the suicide bomber, projectiles
spewing every which way. As a queer assemblage- distinct from the queering of
an entity or identity-race and sexuality are denaturalized through the
impermanence, the transience of the suicide bomber, the fleeting identity
replayed backward through its dissolution. This dissolution of self into others
and other into self not only efaces the absolute mark of self and others in
the war on terror, but produces a systemic challenge to the entire order of
Manichaean rationality that organizes the rubric of good versus evil. Delivering
"a message inscribed on the body when no other means will get through," suicide bombers do not transcend or
claim the rational nor accept the demarcation of the irrational. Rather, they foreground the flawed temporal, spatial,

Organic and inorganic, flesh

and machine, these wind up as important as (and perhaps as threatening) if not
more so than the symbolism of the bomber and his or her defense or
and ontological pre- sumptions upon which such distinctions flourish.

Figure 24 is the November/December 2004 cover of a magazine called Jest: Humor for the Irreverent, distributed for
free in Brooklyn (see also jest .com) and published by a group of counterculture artists and writers. Here we have
the full force of the mistaken identity conundrum: the distinctive silhouette, indeed the profile, harking to the visible
by literally blacking it out, of the turbaned Amritdhari Sikh male (Le., turban and unshorn beard that signals
baptized Sikhs), rendered (mistakenly?) as a (Muslim) suicide bomber, replete with dynamite through the vibrant
pulsations of an iPod ad. Fully modern, animated through technologies of sound and explosives, this body does not
operate solely or even primarily on the level of metaphor. Once again, to borrow from Mbembe, it is truly a ballistic

Contagion, infection, and transmission reign, not meaning.

Text: The United States federal government should
- eliminate all visa caps and all fees currently required for
obtaining a visa.
- increase internal immigration surveillance and enforcement.
- allow illegal immigrants residing in the United States to
acquire legalized status pending screening.
- increase funding for the Merida Initiative.
The CP solves the case by increasing legal immigration and
reducing illegal immigration
McLarty 9 (Thomas F. III, President McLarty Associates and Former White House
Chief of Staff and Task Force Co-Chair, U.S. Immigration Policy: Report of a CFRSponsored Independent Task Force, 7-8, http://www.cfr.org/
getting legal immigration right will also help policymakers tackle the
issue of illegal immigration. As the terrorist attacks of September 11 demonstrated, porous borders can be a
serious security vulnerability, and even as the United States welcomes immigrants, it must be able to
control who is entering the countr y. The Task Force finds that the widespread presence of illegal
immigrants has weakened the rule of law, created unfair competition for the American workforce, and strained
the education and health budgets of many states. It also finds that taking steps to resolve
the festering problem of illegal immigration is necessary for improving U.S. relations
with Mexico. The Task Force report recommends that Congress and the
administration launch a new effort to pass comprehensive immigration reform legislation, built around a grand bargain with three elements:
improvements to the legal immigration system so that it functions more efficiently
to attract and retain talented and ambitious immigrants, a robust enforcement
regime that secures Americas borders and strongly discourages employers from
hiring illegal workers, and a program of legalization that will allow many of those
already living in the United States illegally to earn the right to remain . The report calls for
new measures to bring in the best foreign students by removing many of the quotas and
other roadblocks currently in place. It also recommends reconsideration of some of the post-9/11 border
measures that have discouraged travel to the United States. Moreover, the report urges opening avenues for
lower-skilled workers to come to the United States both temporarily and
permanently, but with new mechanisms for adjusting the numbers based on the needs of the American economy. Finally, it calls for
continued improvements in enforcement, including the creation of virtual borders to
monitor entry, an electronic verification system for the workplace, and much
tougher sanctions against employers who deliberately hire illegal immigrants . On behalf
The Task Force finds that

of the Council on Foreign Relations, I thank Task Force chairs Jeb Bush and Mack McLarty, whose experience, wisdom, and passion for getting immigration
policy right have underpinned this effort. CFR is also indebted to all Task Force members, a group of prominent individuals whose insights and expertise
were indispensable. I am grateful to Anya Schmemann, director of CFRs Task Force program, who skillfully guided this project from start to finish. Finally, I
thank Edward Alden, CFRs Bernard L. Schwartz senior fellow, for ably and patiently directing the project and writing the report. All involved have produced
a document that offers a clear and practical way forward as the Obama administration and Congress work to develop much needed changes to the U.S.
immigration system.

Immigration surveillance conducts medical examinations for
immigrants and prevents the introduction of diseases into the
Kalhan 14 (Anil, Associate Professor of Law at Drexler University and chair of the
New York City Bar Association's International Human Rights Committee,
Immigration Surveillance, 74 Md. L. Rev. 1,
Public health officials have also implemented systems to conduct
disease surveillance on noncitizens who have entered the United States. Individuals
long have been inadmissible on certain public health-related grounds, and Congress
has required individuals seeking admission to undergo medical examinations in their
countries of origin before being issued immigrant visas or being admitted as refugees. Individuals seeking
to enter as nonimmigrants can be required to undergo medical examinations upon
arrival at ports of entry.211 To implement these inadmissibility provisions and the statutory obligation to prevent
communicable diseases from being introduced and transmitted within the United
States, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has established the
Electronic Disease Notification system, which collects and stores health information
on these individuals and transmits that health information to state and local public
health authorities and refugee resettlement authorities when noncitizens with certain specified
health conditions enter their jurisdictions
Public Health Surveillance.

Disease causes extinctiontheir defense doesnt assume

mutation, population size, bio-engineering, or globalization
Darling 12 March 18th, 2012, David Darling is a British Astronomer,
9 Strange Ways the World Really Might End,
**edited for gendered language
Our body is in constant competition with a dizzying array of viruses, bacteria, and parasites, many of which treat us simply as a

microbes can mutate and evolve at

fantastic speed the more so thanks to the burgeoning human population
confronting our bodies with new dangers every year . HIV, Ebola, bird flu, and
antibiotic-resistant super bugs are just a few of the pathogenic threats to
humanity that have surfaced over the past few decades. Our soaring numbers,
ubiquitous international travel, and the increasing use of chemicals and biological
agents without full knowledge of their consequences, have increased the risk of
unstoppable pandemics arising from mutant viruses and their ilk. Bubonic plague, the
Black Death, and the Spanish Flu are vivid examples from history of how microbial
agents can decimate populations. But the consequences arent limited to a high body
count. When the death toll gets high enough, it can disrupt the very fabric of society.
According to U.S. government studies, if a global pandemic affecting at least half the worlds population were to
source of food or a vehicle for reproduction. Whats troubling is that these

strike today, health professionals wouldnt be able to cope with the vast numbers of
sick and succumbing people. The result of so many deaths would have serious
implications for the infrastructure, food supply, and security of 21st century man
person. While an untreatable pandemic could strike suddenly and potentially bring
civilization to its knees in weeks or months, degenerative diseases might do so over longer periods. The
most common degenerative disease is cancer. Every second men and every third women in the western world will be diagnosed
with this disease in their lifetime. Degeneration of our environment through the release of toxins and wastes, air pollution, and

If cancer, or some other form of degenerative disease,

were to become even more commonplace and strike before reproduction, or
become infectious (as seen in the transmitted facial cancer of the Tasmanian Devil, a carnivorous marsupial in Australia)
the very survival of our species could be threatened .
intake of unhealthy foods is making this problem worse.

Chilling Efect

Econ Impx
No impact to collapse
Drezner 14 (Daniel Drezner, IR prof at Tufts, The System Worked: Global Economic Governance during the
Great Recession, World Politics, Volume 66. Number 1, January 2014, pp. 123-164)

a dog that hasn't barked: the effect of the Great Recession on crossDuring the initial stages of the crisis, multiple analysts
asserted that the financial crisis would lead states to increase their use of force as a
The final significant outcome addresses
border conflict and violence.

tool for staying in power.42 They voiced genuine concern that the global economic downturn would lead to an
increase in conflictwhether

through greater internal repression, diversionary wars, arms

races, or a ratcheting up of great power conflict. Violence in the Middle East, border disputes in
the South China Sea, and even the disruptions of the Occupy movement fueled impressions of a surge in global

The aggregate data suggest otherwise, however. The Institute for

average level of peacefulness in 2012 is
approximately the same as it was in 2007."43 Interstate violence in particular has
declined since the start of the financial crisis, as have military expenditures in most
sampled countries. Other studies confirm that the Great Recession has not triggered any
increase in violent conflict, as Lotta Themner and Peter Wallensteen conclude: "[T]he pattern is one of
relative stability when we consider the trend for the past five years."44 The secular decline in violence
that started with the end of the Cold War has not been reversed . Rogers Brubaker observes
that "the crisis has not to date generated the surge in protectionist nationalism or
ethnic exclusion that might have been expected."43
public disorder.

Economics and Peace has concluded that "the

Food Wars
Food shortage doesnt cause war best studies
Allouche 11, research Fellow water supply and sanitation @ Institute for
Development Studies, frmr professor MIT, 11 (Jeremy, The sustainability and
resilience of global water and food systems: Political analysis of the interplay
between security, resource scarcity, political systems and global trade, Food Policy,
Vol. 36 Supplement 1, p. S3-S8, January)
debates on whether scarcity (whether of food or
water) will lead to conflict and war. The underlining reasoning behind most of these discourses over food
and water wars comes from the Malthusian belief that there is an imbalance between the
economic availability of natural resources and population growth since while food production grows
The question of resource scarcity has led to many

linearly, population increases exponentially. Following this reasoning, neo-Malthusians claim that finite natural
resources place a strict limit on the growth of human population and aggregate consumption; if these limits are
exceeded, social breakdown, conflict and wars result. Nonetheless, it seems that most empirical studies

do not support any of these neo-Malthusian arguments. Technological change and greater inputs of

capital have dramatically increased labour productivity in agriculture. More generally, the neoMalthusian view has suffered because during the last two centuries humankind has
breached many resource barriers that seemed unchallengeable. Lessons from history: alarmist
scenarios have linked the increasing use of water resources and food insecurity with wars.
scenarios, resource wars and international relations In a so-called age of uncertainty, a number of

The idea of water wars (perhaps more than food wars) is a dominant discourse in the media (see for example Smith,
2009), NGOs (International Alert, 2007) and within international organizations (UNEP, 2007). In 2007, UN Secretary
General Ban Ki-moon declared that water scarcity threatens economic and social gains and is a potent fuel for wars
and conflict (Lewis, 2007). Of course, this type of discourse has an instrumental purpose; security and conflict are
here used for raising water/food as key policy priorities at the international level. In the Middle East,
presidents, prime ministers and foreign ministers have also used this bellicose rhetoric. Boutrous
Boutros-Gali said; the next war in the Middle East will be over water, not politics (Boutros Boutros-Gali in Butts,
1997, p. 65). The question is not whether the sharing of transboundary water sparks political tension and alarmist

The evidence
seems quite weak. Whether by president Sadat in Egypt or King Hussein in Jordan, none of these
declarations have been followed up by military action. The governance of transboundary water
declaration, but rather to what extent water has been a principal factor in international conflicts.

has gained increased attention these last decades. This has a direct impact on the global food system as water
allocation agreements determine the amount of water that can used for irrigated agriculture. The likelihood of
conflicts over water is an important parameter to consider in assessing the stability, sustainability and resilience of

None of the various and extensive databases on the causes of war

show water as a casus belli. Using the International Crisis Behavior (ICB) data set and supplementary
data from the University of Alabama on water conflicts, Hewitt, Wolf and Hammer found only seven
disputes where water seems to have been at least a partial cause for conflict (Wolf, 1998,
p. 251). In fact, about 80% of the incidents relating to water were limited purely to
governmental rhetoric intended for the electorate (Otchet, 2001, p. 18). As shown in The Basins At Risk
(BAR) water event database, more than two-thirds of over 1800 water-related events fall on
the cooperative scale (Yoffe et al., 2003). Indeed, if one takes into account a much longer period, the
global food systems.

following figures clearly demonstrate this argument. According to studies by the United Nations Food and

organized political bodies signed between the year 805 and 1984
more than 3600 water-related treaties, and approximately 300 treaties dealing with water
Agriculture Organization (FAO),

management or allocations in international basins have been negotiated since 1945 (FAO, 1978 and FAO, 1984).
The fear around water wars have been driven by a Malthusian outlook which equates scarcity with violence, conflict
and war. There is however no direct correlation between water scarcity and

transboundary conflict.

Most specialists now tend to agree that the major issue is not scarcity per se but
rather the allocation of water resources between the different riparian states (see for example Allouche, 2005,

Water rich countries have been involved in a number of

disputes with other relatively water rich countries (see for example India/Pakistan or
Allouche, 2007 and [Rouyer, 2000] ).

Brazil/Argentina). The perception of each states estimated water needs really constitutes the core issue in
transboundary water relations. Indeed, whether this scarcity exists or not in reality,

perceptions of the

amount of available water shapes peoples attitude towards the environment (Ohlsson, 1999). In fact,
some water experts have argued that scarcity drives the process of co-operation among riparians
the threat of
water wars due to increasing scarcity does not make much sense in the light of the recent
historical record. Overall, the water war rationale expects conflict to occur over water, and appears to
(Dinar and Dinar, 2005 and Brochmann and Gleditsch, 2006). In terms of international relations,

suggest that violence is a viable means of securing national water supplies, an argument which is highly

debates over the likely impacts of climate change have again popularised the idea
of water wars. The argument runs that climate change will precipitate worsening ecological conditions
contestable. The

contributing to resource scarcities, social breakdown, institutional failure, mass migrations and in turn cause greater
political instability and conflict (Brauch, 2002 and Pervis and Busby, 2004). In a report for the US Department of
Defense, Schwartz and Randall (2003) speculate about the consequences of a worst-case climate change scenario

growing concern that climate change will lead to instability and violent conflict, the
evidence base to substantiate the connections is thin ( [Barnett and Adger, 2007] and Kevane
arguing that water shortages will lead to aggressive wars (Schwartz and Randall, 2003, p. 15).

and Gray, 2008).

Housing I/L
Housing crisis disproves real estate internal link
No internal link their ev is about a hypothetical scenario
where every illegal immigrant gets deported
Tallent et. al. 1AC Author 13 [Rebecca, Bipartisan Policy Committee Director;
Matt Graham, BPC policy analyst; Lazora Zamora, BPC policy analyst; Kristen Masley, BPC
administrative assistant; 10/2013; Immigration Reform: Implications for Growth, Budgets,
and Housing; http://bipartisanpolicy.org/wpcontent/uploads/sites/default/files/BPC_Immigration_Economic_Impact.pdf; 8/30/15; jac]
Reference Case. The analysis examined immigration reforms impact on the housing market. Demand for housing
units increases as new immigrants enter the economy and form households, accelerating the current housing

spending on residential construction increased by about $68 billion per year, with a
peak of more than $110 billion per year in FY2022FY2025. The first decades
annual average was about $56 billion per year higher, and the second decades was
about $81 billion. Alternative Scenarios. Projected increases in residential construction
spending were closely related to the number of new immigrants entering the
country. Under Scenario 1s larger net increase in immigration, annual construction spending was more than $19
recovery and fueling growth in this sector of the economy (Figure 12). Under the reference case,

billion per year higher than the reference case. The slightly lower immigration levels in Scenario 2 resulted in lower
housing demand than the reference case. In Scenario 3, moving immigrants from the family to employment
categories resulted in more than $2 billion per year in additional construction spending. Scenario 4 had minimal

Under the attrition through enforcement scenario, residential construction

spending declined by more than $100 billion per year compared with the baseline,
and by more than $175 billion per year compared with the reference case . This is
because the removal of all present and future unauthorized immigrants
caused a significant decline in the U.S. population. The departure of current
unauthorized immigrants would leave many dwellings vacant, and the reduction in
future population growth would reduce the need to build additional housing units.

Ag I/L
Production is fine without foreign workers
Krikorian, 01 (Mark Krikorian, Executive Director of the Center for Immigration
Studies, 6/01, Guestworker Programs: A Threat to American Agriculture,
There is little doubt that fruit and vegetable production could survive, and thrive,
without importing foreign workers, whether illegals or guestworkers. In fact, even
during World War II, at a time when 16 million Americans were in uniform, there was no economic
rationale for the importation of foreign workers. As William and Mary historian Cindy Hahamovitch
has shown, the Bracero program was instituted at that time, not to ensure the continued production of food, but to

An example of the
improved productivity possible even in very labor-intensive crops is seen in raisin
grapes. The production of raisins is one of the most labor-intensive activities in North America, with 40,000 to
prevent wage increases and possible unionization after 20 years of rural depression.

50,000 workers harvesting the grapes in California's Central Valley during the three- to four-week season. Using
conventional methods, the grapes are cut with a knife, placed in a pan, then laid on a paper tray for drying, and
during the drying period, must be manually turned, then manually rolled and collected. But starting in the late
1950s in Australia (where there is no large supply of foreign farm labor), farmers were compelled by circumstances
to develop a labor-saving method called "dried-on-the-vine" (DOV) production. This involves growing the grape
vines on trellises, then, when the grapes are ready, cutting the base of the vine instead of cutting each bunch of
grapes individually. The fruit then dries naturally on the vine, at which point a tractor-mounted harvester gently

The benefits of this new method are significant: Labor

demand at harvest time drops by up to 85 percent and total labor demand is spread
out over the whole year; new vineyards planted for DOV harvest increase yield per acre by up to 200
knocks the raisins off into bins.

percent; and the fruit is less susceptible to rain damage and is of higher quality because of fewer problems with
dirt, sand, and mold. One farmer who shifted to DOV summarized the benefits: DOV "can reduce labor, reduce

this high-productivity, innovative method of production been widely adopted? No.
Only a handful of farmers are using it, most notably Lee Simpson of Simpson Vineyards near Madera,
weather hazards, reduce environmental concerns of dust and chemical use . . . DOV is so good it's scary."

Calif. (who, not coincidentally, entered the raisin business after a career in engineering, rather than inheriting a

This is because the widespread availability of foreign workers is a

disincentive to raisin farmers, whose average age is believed to be over 60, to make the longterm capital investment needed to retrofit existing raisin farms for DOV production .
family farm).

The enactment of a new guestworker program would further retard the adoption of this promising new technology.

the af cant solve bc the problem is distribution, not

Poole, 6 Institute for Food and Development Policy (Holly Kavana, 12 Myths
About Hunger, Backgrounder, 12(2), Summer, 4-9,
http://www.foodfirst.org/12myths) //SP
Myth 1: Not Enough Food to Go Around Reality: Abundance, not scarcity, best
describes the world's food supply. Enough wheat, rice and other grains are
produced to provide every human being with 3,200 calories a day. That doesn't even count
many other commonly eaten foods - vegetables, beans, nuts, root crops, fruits, grass-fed meats, and fish. Enough food is
available to provide at least 4.3 pounds of food per person a day worldwide: two and half pounds of grain, beans and nuts, about

are too poor to buy readily available food. Even most

a pound of fruits and vegetables, and nearly another pound of meat, milk and eggs - enough to make most people fat!

problem is that many


"hungry countries" have enough food

of food and other agricultural products.

for all their people right now.

Many are net exporters

ICE will circumvent
IRLC 15 (Life After PEP-Comm - Immigrant Legal Resource Center,

Obama announced executive reforms to the immigration

system, including: (i) changes to immigration enforcement policy ; (ii) deferred action expansion;
On November 20, 2014, President

and (iii) other changes to procedures in the legal immigration system.1 This alert focuses on changes to how the Department of
Homeland Security will enforce immigration laws, with a particular focus on interior enforcement.2 While the Presidents
announcement has the potential to change the landscape of immigration enforcement, advocates need to understand these
changes in order to safeguard the gains we have worked so hard to achieve, and continue gaining more ground. What has changed?

ICE states that it will stop using ICE holds due to

constitutional concerns except in special circumstances. This means that jails in most cases will
ICE Holds: Perhaps the biggest change,

not be asked to hold individuals for ICE past the time they should otherwise be released (either because the judge released them
with no bail, they post bail money, or complete their sentence). Previously, when ICE issued holds, it asked local law enforcement to
hold an individual extra time beyond their criminal release so that ICE could have extra time to pick them up. According to ICEs

ICE says that they will stop issuing ICE holds except in special
circumstances. So far, no one knows how special circumstances will be
defined. Advocates should be vigilant about monitoring this and holding ICE accountable.
planned changes,

Officer bias
Af cant solveofficer biases exist independent of legal
Simmons '12 (Kami Chavis; 2011; Beginning to End Racial Profiling: Definitive
Solutions to an Elusive Problemt; Kami Chavis Simmons is a Professor of Law and
Director of the Criminal Justice Program at Wake Forest University School of Law. In
2015, she was appointed as a Senior Academic Fellow at the Joint Center for Political
And Economic Studies.; poseidon01.ssrn.com/delivery.php?
E=2; 7-12-15; mbc)
racial profiling remains elusive and difficult to remediate because, even in
the absence of intentional forms of discrimination, individual officers may be
motivated by their unconscious racial biases. Despite much progress on racial issues, racial
discrimination is not a "relic of the past" but instead remains a contemporary
feature of modem society.69 Today, overt displays of discrimination are rare, but racial prejudice "often
goes unrecognized even by the individual who responds unconsciously to such motivation.,, 70 For example,
several psychological studies testing implicit bias demonstrate that images of
African-Americans evoke more fear than other groups and confirm that members of
minority groups, particularly African-American males, are associated with aggressive behavior.7 " Whether
or not there is definitive proof of discrimination, it is indisputable that many
members of minority groups perceive that many police officers harbor and exercise
racial animus when policing communities of color.72 This perception itself can be
damaging to the credibility and legitimacy of a law-enforcement agency . practical
impact for certain individuals or the police officers who work within those
communities to keep residents safe. With or without the imprimatur of a court
decision, it is indisputable that many members of minority groups perceive an injustice, and this perception is
dangerous and harmful to both the community and law enforcement. Even the perception that certain
groups are treated unfairly undermines the legitimacy of the law enforcement
agency, and thus has a deleterious effect on crime control and prevention.

Migration Relations

Rosenblum ev lists four reasons migration relations are
US/ Mexico relations high now --- NAFTA proves
Enrique Pea Nieto 2015, President of Mexico, Why the U.S.-Mexico Relationship
Matters, Politico, 1/ 06/ 2015, http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/01/usmexico-relationship-enrique-pea-nieto-113980.html#.VaqtpCpViko
Our countries have an intense economic relationship that is spread over a myriad of
areas. Since the beginning of my administration, I have worked with President Barack Obama to create bilateral
mechanisms that harness the full potential of our relationship. We are already seeing concrete results
from the High Level Economic Dialogue (HLED), the Mexico-U.S. Bilateral Forum on
Higher Education, Innovation and Research (FOBESII), the Mexico-U.S.
Entrepreneurship and Innovation Council (MUSEIC) and the 21st Century Border Action
Plan of 2014. We are steadfast in our belief that the continuous promotion of bilateral
trade is a win-win situation for both our countries . Mexico is the third largest trading
partner of the U.S., just behind China and Canada. Total bilateral trade between us
amounted to more than $500 billion during 2013. Our exports to the U.S. have
increased significantly since NAFTA entered into force, with roughly 80 percent of them coming
to this country. Meanwhile, U.S. exports to Mexico in 2013 were $226 billion, up 443 percent since 1993. In fact,

Mexico buys more U.S. goods than all of the BRICS combinedand nearly
as much as the entire European Union. Moreover, 5.9 million U.S. jobs depend on
trade with Mexico. Even Mexican exports benefit the American economy: 40 percent
of the value of Mexican exports to the U.S. contains American inputs . By 2020, Mexico will
have the capacity to build one in every four vehicles in North America, up from one in six in 2012. Additionally,
Mexico has begun to invest in high technology exports; we have become the leading exporter of flat screen
televisions in the world, the fourth largest computer exporter and a growing pioneer in the aerospace industry. We
are interlinked.

1ac shirk ev says the key internal link revolves around guzman
and the merida initiative which is about crime not immigration

Terror Coop I/L

Border security is fine now tech and deterrence
Alden 12 (Edward, Winter 2012, Bernard L. Schwartz Senior Fellow- writer for the Council on Foreign
Relations, CATO institute.Immigration and Border Controlhttp://www.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/serials/files/catojournal/2012/1/cj32n1-8.pdf)
For the past two decades the United States, a country with a strong tradition of limited government, has been
pursuing a widely popular initiative that requires one of the most ambitious expansions of government power in

securing the nations borders against illegal immigration. Congress and

administrations both Democratic and Republicanhave increased the size of the
Border Patrol from fewer than 3,000 agents to more than 21,000, built nearly 700
miles of fencing along the southern border with Mexico, and deployed pilotless
drones, sensor cameras, and other expensive technologies aimed at preventing
illegal crossings at the land borders. The government has overhauled the visa system to require interviews for
modern history:

all new visa applicants and instituted extensive background checks for many of those wishing to come to the United
States to study, travel, visit family, or do business. It now requires secure documentsa passport or the equivalent

border officers take

fingerprints and run other screening measures on all travelers coming to this
country by air in order to identify criminals, terrorists, or others deemed to pose a
threat to the United States. The goal is to create a border control system that ensures that only those legally
for all travel to and from the United States by citizens and noncitizens. And

permitted by the government to enter the territory of the United States will be able to do so, and that they will
leave the country when required. The ambition of such an undertaking is little appreciated. For most of its history,
the United States had only the loosest sort of border controls. Scrutiny of most visa applicants was cursory; few
checks were done on incoming airline passengers; and it was possible to walk freely across almost any portion of
the more than 7,500 miles of land borders with Mexico or Canada (Alden 2008). That began to change gradually in
the 1980s with the increase in illegal immigration from Mexico, and then more rapidly in the early 1990s following a
political outcry from U.S. border states, especially California.

The border control effort was greatly

accelerated after the 9/11 attacks, becoming the primary mission of the new Department of Homeland
Security (DHS) created in 2003. Yet some two decades along, border control remains a work in progress. Most
Americans remain unconvinced that border security is improving; a Rasmussen poll taken in May 2011 found that
two-thirds of the public believe the border with Mexico is not secure. While budget constraints will slow the
extraordinarily rapid growth of border enforcement, the Obama administration and Congress are determined to
continue tightening border control and further reducing illegal entries An in-depth stocktaking of the costs and
benefits of this effort to date is long overdue. But at least three interim conclusions can be reached. First, the U.S.

borders are far harder to cross illegally than at any time in American history , and
the number of people entering illegally has dropped sharply. Evading border
enforcement has become more difficult, more expensive, and more uncertain than
ever before. But border control will always remain imperfect; it is not possible for the United States to create a
perfectly secure border, and that should not be the goal.

ISIS is in Juarez- decreasing surveillance there allows for

transportation of nuclear weapons across the border
Judicial Watch 2015, non-partisan educational foundation promoting
transparency, accountability and integrity in government, politics and the law, 4-142015, "ISIS Camp a Few Miles from Texas, Mexican Authorities Confirm,"
ISIS is operating a camp just a few miles from El Paso , Texas, according to Judicial Watch
sources that include a Mexican Army field grade officer and a Mexican Federal Police Inspector. The exact location

the terrorist group has established its base is around eight miles from the U.S.
border in an area known as Anapra situated just west of Ciudad Jurez in the
Mexican state of Chihuahua. Another ISIS cell to the west of Ciudad Jurez, in Puerto Palomas, targets the
New Mexico towns of Columbus and Deming for easy access to the United States , the
same knowledgeable sources confirm. During the course of a joint operation last week, Mexican Army and federal
law enforcement officials discovered documents in Arabic and Urdu, as well as
plans of Fort Bliss the sprawling military installation that houses the US Armys
1st Armored Division. Muslim prayer rugs were recovered with the documents
during the operation. Law enforcement and intelligence sources report the area around Anapra is
dominated by the Vicente Carrillo Fuentes Cartel (Jurez Cartel), La Lnea (the enforcement arm of the

cartel) and the Barrio Azteca (a gang originally formed in the jails of El Paso). Cartel control of the Anapra area make it an extremely
dangerous and hostile operating environment for Mexican Army and Federal Police operations. According to these same sources,

engaged in human smuggling and working for Jurez Cartel help move
ISIS terrorists through the desert and across the border between Santa Teresa and
Sunland Park, New Mexico. To the east of El Paso and Ciudad Jurez, cartel-backed
coyotes are also smuggling ISIS terrorists through the porous border between
Acala and Fort Hancock, Texas. These specific areas were targeted for exploitation by ISIS because of their
understaffed municipal and county police forces, and the relative safe-havens the areas provide for the unchecked large-scale drug

ISIS intends to exploit the railways

and airport facilities in the vicinity of Santa Teresa , NM (a US port-of-entry). The
sources also say that ISIS has spotters located in the East Potrillo Mountains of
New Mexico (largely managed by the Bureau of Land Management) to assist with
terrorist border crossing operations. ISIS is conducting reconnaissance of regional universities; the White Sands
smuggling that was already ongoing. Mexican intelligence sources report that

Missile Range; government facilities in Alamogordo, NM; Ft. Bliss; and the electrical power facilities near Anapra and Chaparral, NM.

Central America
Selee and Wilson concedes a ton more steps are k2 solve
central American instability
No Latin American conflict impact
Ghitis, 12 - an independent commentator on world affairs and a World Politics
Review contributing editor (Frida, World Politics Review, Latin America, the World's
Democracy Lab 7/5,
Democracy in Latin America has created a new set of rules for what continue to be
fierce political battles. The disputes that triggered armed conflict in the past now
tend to spark bitter legislative maneuvers , even thinly disguised coups, punctuated with
street protests that sometimes turn violent, but eventually die off. Latin America still
contains the ingredients for violent social conflict, but the willingness to experiment
within the elusive parameters of democracy has kept armed conflict to a minimum. It has
meant that even when the system disappoints, there is always another democratic path to chart, another formula
to concoct. To be sure,

violence is far from defeated. Central American countries have some

of the highest murder rates in the world as a result of drug trafficking. Mexico has seen some 50,000 die in the
battle to defeat the narco-gangs. The decades-old insurgency in Colombia is not finished, and street protests

But it's a long way from the civil wars and the
"dirty wars" that characterized the region in the second half of the 20th century .
occasionally turn deadly throughout the region.

Then, the routine means of deciding the shape of the political and economic system was by taking up arms and
killing those on the other side of the ideological divide. No more.

Give Russia war zero probability politics, military superiority,
economic concerns, and nuclear security
Graham 2007 (Thomas, Russia in Global Affairs, "The dialectics of strength and weakness",
http://eng.globalaffairs.ru/numbers/20/1129.html, WEA)
An astute historian of Russia, Martin Malia, wrote several years ago that Russia has at different times been
demonized or divinized by Western opinion less because of her real role in Europe than because of the fears and
frustrations, or hopes and aspirations, generated within European society by its own domestic problems. Such is
the case today. To be sure, mounting Western concerns about Russia are a consequence of Russian policies that
appear to undermine Western interests, but they are also a reflection of declining confidence in our own abilities
and the efficacy of our own policies. Ironically, this growing fear and distrust of Russia come at a time when Russia

is arguably less threatening to the West, and the United States in particular, than it has been at any
time since the end of the Second World War. Russia does not champion a totalitarian
ideology intent on our destruction, its military poses no threat to sweep across Europe, its
economic growth depends on constructive commercial relation s with Europe, and its
strategic arsenal while still capable of annihilating the United States is under more reliable control
than it has been in the past fifteen years and the threat of a strategic strike approaches zero
probability. Political gridlock in key Western countries, however, precludes the creativity, risk-taking, and subtlety
needed to advance our interests on issues over which we are at odds with Russia while laying the basis for more
constructive long-term relations with Russia.

No uniqueness- their 1AC author concedes that the SQUO is

sufficient to resolve manufacturing and trade
Wilson and Lee '15 Senior Associate at the Mexico Institute of the Wilson Center,
where he directs the Institute's work on U.S.-Mexico economic relations and border affairs.
Erik Lee is Executive Director of the North American Research Partnership, a think tank
based in Arizona and California. ("How to Boost Border Competitiveness? Just Ask the Folks
There.," Forbes,http://www.forbes.com/sites/themexicoinstitute/2015/02/10/how-to-boostborder-competitiveness-just-ask-the-folks-there///)
For years, the United States southern border with Mexico has provoked a range of fears, from terrorism and drugs
to overwhelming numbers of unauthorized immigrants, prompting a security-first and often security-only approach
to border management. Fear-based rhetoric may resonate in the echo chambers of Washington DC, but it feels

Thankfully, with U.S.-Mexico

trade at historic highs and growing faster than trade with any other major trading
partner, it is increasingly difficult to ignore the importance of safe and efficient border management to the
regional economy. U.S.-Mexico trade is now valued at well over a half trillion dollars per
year, 80 percent of which crosses the U.S.-Mexico land border. This trade supports
around six million U.S. jobs, and systems of co-production in manufacturing allow
companies to combine the comparative advantages of the U nited States and
Mexico, boosting the competitiveness of North America as a whole. These trends are
leading some political leaders to the realization that many in the border region have known for years: the
border itself creates a lot of economic opportunity for both nations. And these folks in the
wholly out of touch to most (though not all) residents of border communities.

border regionpopularly imagined to be barely hanging on in a hail of gunfire, even on the sleepy U.S. sideare
careful observers of what works and what does not work in terms of trade and economic development. Knowing
this, we joined several other organizations in a year-long deep dive into the inner workings of the U.S.-Mexico
border economy. But then even we were surprised by the sheer number, variety and magnitude of ideas emanating
from this enormous, misunderstood and underappreciated region.

Federal Infrastructure spending is held captive to massive cost

overruns - multiplies the amount required to fund the project
Chris Edwards 7/24/13 - (director of tax policy studies at Cato. Before joining Cato,
Edwards was a senior economist on the congressional Joint Economic Committee, a manager
with PricewaterhouseCoopers, and an economist with the Tax Foundation, "Encouraging
Private Infrastructure Investment" http://www.jec.senate.gov/republicans/public/?
There are frequent calls for increased federal spending on infrastructure, but advocates usually ignore the problems
and failures of past federal efforts.

There is a history of pork barrel politics and

bureaucratic mismanagement of many types of federal investment. Here are some

of the problems: Investment is misallocated. Federal investments are often not based on
actual marketplace demands. Amtrak investment, for example, has long been
spread around to low-population areas where passenger rail makes little economic
sense. Most of Amtraks financial losses come from long-distance routes through rural areas that account for only
a small fraction of all riders.5 Every lawmaker wants an Amtrak route through their state, so investment gets
misallocated away from where it is really needed , such as the Northeast corridor. Investments are
utilized inefficiently. Government infrastructure is often utilized inefficiently because
supply and demand are not balanced by market prices . The vast water infrastructure operated
by the Bureau of Reclamation, for example, greatly underprices irrigation waterin western United States. The

result has been wasted resources, harm to the environment, and a loomin g water
crisis in many areas in the West. 6 Investment is mismanaged . Federal agencies dont
have the strong incentives that private businesses do to ensure that infrastructure
projects are completed and operated efficiently. Federal highway, energy, airport,
and air traffic control projects, for example, have often suffered large cost
overruns .7 The Big Dig in Bostonwhich was two-thirds funded by the federal government
exploded in cost to five times the original estimate .8 U.S. and foreign studies have
found that privately financed infrastructure projects are less likely to have cost overruns than traditional

Perhaps the biggest problem with

federal intervention in infrastructure is that when Washington makes mistakes it
replicates them across the nation. High-rise public housing projects, for example, were a terrible idea
government projects. 9 Mistakes are replicated across the nation.

that federal funding helped spread nationwide. Federal subsidies for light-rail projects have biased cities to opt for
these expensive systems, even though they are generally less efficient and flexible than bus systems.10 Highspeed rail represents another federal effort to induce the states to spend money on uneconomical infrastructure.11

Burdensome Regulations . A final problem with federal infrastructure spending is

that it usually comes part and parcel with piles of regulations. Federal Davis-Bacon labor
rules, for example, raise the cost of building state and local infrastructure. In general, federal regulations impose
one-size-fits-all solutions on the states even though the states may have diverse infrastructure needs.