PATRISTIC STUDIES

IN THE
TWENTY-FIRST
CENTURY
PROCEEDINGS
OF AN INTERNATIONAL
CONFERENCE TO MARK
THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY
OF THE INTERNATIONAL
ASSOCIATION
OF PATRISTIC STUDIES
Edited by
Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony
Theodore de Bruyn
Carol Harrison

 2015 Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium

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D/2015/0095/153
ISBN 978-2-503-55919-3
Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paper

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Carol Harrison - Theodore de Bruyn

Introduction 9

KEYNOTE
Susan Ashbrook Harvey
Patristic Worlds 25

OVERVIEW OFPATRISTIC STUDIES

Martin Wallraff
Whose Fathers? An Overview ofPatristic Studies in Europe 57
Marcin R. Wysocki
Between Western and Eastern Traditions: Polish Patristic Studies
after World WarII 73
Dennis Trout
The State ofPatristics in North America 89
Francisco Garca Bazn
Los estudios patrsticos en Sudamrica yel Caribe 107
Satoshi Toda
Patristic Studies in East Asia (Mainly in Japan) 125
Bronwen Neil
Patristics in Australia: Current Status and Future Potential 145
Michel Willy Libambu
La contribution des tudes patristiques la thologie africaine: Ltude
des Pres de lglise lcole thologique deKinshasa (1957-2013) 163

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Adolph Martin Ritter

The Origins ofAIEP 195
Angelo Di Berardino
The Development ofthe AIEP/IAPS 209
Jean-Nol Guinot
diter et traduire les crits des Pres dans Sources Chrtiennes:
regard sur soixante-dix ans dactivit ditoriale 221

PATRISTICS AND THE CONFLUENCE

OFJEWISH, CHRISTIAN, AND MUSLIM CULTURES
Averil Cameron
Patristic Studies and the Emergence ofIslam 249
Emanuel Fiano
The Construction ofAncient Jewish Christianity in the Twentieth
Century: The Cases ofHans-Joachim Schoeps and Jean Danilou 279
Timothy Pettipiece
Manichaeism at the Crossroads ofJewish, Christian, and Muslim
Traditions 299
PATRISTICS BETWEEN EASTERN
AND WESTERN CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS
Columba Stewart osb
Patristics beyond East and West 317
Barbara Crostini
AMeeting-Point between East and West: Hesychius ofJerusalem
and the Interpretation ofthe Psalter in Byzantium 343

PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY

Christoph Markschies
Patristics and Theology: From Concordance and Conflict to Competition and Collaboration? 367
Lenka Karfkov
The Fifth Theological Oration ofGregory Nazianzen and the Historical
Contingency ofRevelation 389

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Eimhin Walsh
Formation from the Fathers: The Place ofPatristics in the Theological
Education ofClergy 405
Reuven Kiperwasser - Serge Ruzer
Syriac Christians and Babylonian Jewery: Narratives and Identity
Shaping in a Multi-Religious Setting 421
PATRISTICS, LITERATURE, AND HISTORIES
OFTHE BOOK
Mark Vessey
La patristique, cest autre chose: Andr Mandouze, Peter Brown,
and the Avocations ofPatristics as aPhilological Science 443
Dominique Ct
Les Pseudo-Clmentines et le choix du roman grec 473
Tina Dolidze
Patristicsas Reflected in Georgian Spiritual and Intellectual History

497

Yonatan Moss
The Rise and Function ofthe Holy Text in LateAntiquity: Severus
ofAntioch, the Babylonian Talmud, and Beyond 521
PATRISTICS AND ART
Robin M.Jensen
Integrating Material and Visual Evidence into Early Christian Studies:
Approaches, Benefits, and Potential Problems 549
Anne Karahan
Patristics and Byzantine Meta-Images: Molding Belief in the Divine
from Written to Painted Theology 571
PATRISTICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY
Bernard J. Mulholland
Identification ofEarly Byzantine Constantinopolitan, Syrian, and
Roman Church Plans in the Levant and Some Possible Consequences

597

Eirini Panou
The Church ofMary in the Probatic Pool and the Haghiasmata of
Constantinople 635

CAROL HARRISON THEODORE DEBRUYN

Durham University University ofOttawa
President ofAIEP/IAPS,2007-2011 President ofAIEP/IAPS,2011-2015

INTRODUCTION

The Association Internationale dtudes Patristiques(AIEP)/

International Association ofPatristic Studies(IAPS) had along
gestation. The idea ofan international association was proposed by Michele Pellegrino at the Fourth International
Conference on Patristic Studies in1963. Over the next two
years the idea was advanced by Henri-Irne Marrou, initially
among French scholars and then more widely. The Association was founded at acolloquium convened at the Sorbonne
on 26June1965, with aprovisional Executive Committee
comprising Henri-Irne Marrou, President, Jacques Fontaine,
Secretary, Pieter G.vanderNat, Treasurer, and Kurt Aland
and FrankL.Cross, Vice-Presidents.Finally, the Association
was formally constituted with aduly elected Executive Committee and Council at the Fifth International Conference on
Patristic Studies in1967.1
The preparation ofthis volume ofpapers to mark the fiftieth
anniversary ofthe founding ofthe Association had an equally
long gestation. The idea ofaconference to mark the anniversary
was initially suggested at ameeting ofthe Executive Committee in2010. Theproposal to hold the conference in Jerusalem
in2013 was presented to the Council at the Sixteenth Interna-

1The paper in this volume by Adolf Martin Ritter, President ofthe

Association from1983 to1991, reflects on the state ofPatristics in Europe in the
decades leading up to the formation ofthe Association.The paper by Angelo
DiBerardino, President ofthe Association from1999 to2003, describes the
history ofthe Association in the decades after its founding.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107509

C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN

tional Conference on Patristic Studies in2011.The conference

was convened on 25-27June2013 in Jerusalem under the auspices ofthe Center for the Study ofChristianity in the Hebrew
University ofJerusalem, fifty years after an association was first
proposed. This volume ofpapers will be published, we hope, in
time for the Seventeenth International Conference on Patristic
Studies in2015, fifty years after the Association was founded.
No single conference or collection ofpapers can embrace
the range, diversity, and richness ofthe scholarship that has
been the raison dtre and life ofthe Association, which now has
more than 870 members in over 50 countries.In planning the
conference, the Executive Committee sought to bring together
established and newer scholars to reflect on two aspects ofthe
Association and its field ofstudy: the state ofPatristics in different regions ofthe globe, and the multiple perspectives and
disciplines currently brought to bear on the field. We envisioned
holding the conference somewhere in the Mediterranean basin
that, two millenia ago, generated the literatures and practices that
we study, and consequently accepted with gratitude the offer
ofthe Center for the Study ofChristianity in the Hebrew University ofJerusalem to host and support the conference.
Opening the conference with alecture on Patristic Worlds,
Susan Ashbrook Harvey conjured up an extraordinarily sensuous
picture ofthe diverse, pluralisticoften competing and confusedworlds which formed the context for the emergence
ofthe multifaceted aspects ofearly Christian life and thought.
As she vividly put it, anticipating much ofwhat was to characterise the conference, Twenty-first century patristic scholarship takes as its hallmark to approach antiquity as amultiplicity
ofworlds, an entire prism split open.
The papers published here are only aselection ofthose presented at the conference.We shall not attempt asynthetic overview ofall the papers, but we would like to offer afew remarks
on the two foci ofthe conference.First, the study ofPatristics
in different regions ofthe globe.Six scholars were invited to
address the state ofPatristics in their particular region: Europe,
North America, South America, Africa, Asia, and Australia. Several other presenters described the situation in particular countries (such as Poland) or settings (such as theological education).
10

INTRODUCTION

As might be expected, ones initial impression in listening to

the different regional presentations was that ofdifference oras
Martin Wallraff, who addressed the state ofPatristics in Europe,
put it ofotherness or alterity.One was struck, first ofall,
by the sheer otherness offellow patristic scholars, working in
contextsgeographical, cultural, political, social, linguistic, and
confessionalquite alien to ones own. The sense ofotherness
was further compounded by the different types ofinstitutions,
the diverse disciplines, and the divergent titles or designations in
which patristic scholars appeared to be pursuing their inquiries
world-wide. Indeed, the more one listened, the more unsettling
the otherness became, for it was evidently not simply amatter ofperson, place, or position, but ofthe very subject which
should have been their common, unifying foundation: Patristics
itself. Who were the fathers? We were told that they certainly
were not Europeans; it was noted that some, but not all, were
Africans; we did not have to be told that they were not Asian.
Moreover, who or what are they the fathers of? These were
not questions which could be given astraightforward answer,
but were rather ones which prompted an awareness that the subject is as diverse as its modern practitioners, and that the worlds
ancient Christians inhabited were as complex as our own multireligious, multi-racial twenty-first century contexts ofshifting,
often porous, linguistic, cultural, and geographical boundaries.
Interestingly, it is precisely within this otherness and diversity
that each ofour presenters identified the strength and relevance
ofPatristics in the twenty-first century to lie.In Kinshasa the
study ofPatristics is especially valued for its contribution to the
challenge which the African Church faces in making the Christian
revelation, its doctrines and practices, relevant to the cultural, social, and religious traditions ofacountry in which it appears to be
arelatively new and alien entityin short, the challenges ofenculturation. In Japan, Patristics is similarly valued as arelevant
model for Christian existence in acounty where, again, Christianity is arelatively new, minority, and alien addition to aculture
which still has many customs derived from paganismToda
Satoshis word for the prevailing Japanese religious culture.
The same cannot, ofcourse, be said ofEurope, but even there,
amidst so much diversity and historic divisions, as Wallraff ob11

C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN

served, we have need to reflect on our own identities in dialogue

with the fathers.In this context he interestingly commented, in
relation to Eastern Europe, It is my impression that European
Patristics has not yet fully understood or exploited the potential
ofEastern Europe and the Orthodox tradition.The Berlin Wall
and the iron curtain came down, but there are still many mental curtains in our heads... Maybe our common fathers and
research on them could contribute to adeeper understanding.
InNorth America the situation is again different. In the past fifty
years, as Dennis Trout explained, the study ofearly Christian
literature and culture has engaged the interest and imagination
ofscholars in an array ofacademic disciplines.
What ofsimilarities? There were obvious ones: each regional
presenter described the academic study ofPatristics in terms
ofthe same fundamental elements which we will all recognise:
editions ofancient texts and translations into todays languages;
notable academic institutions; centres ofresearch; conferences;
journals; series; associations or societies.It was at once reassuring
and rather amusing to realise that, whether one is in Berlin, Kinshasa, or Kyoto, patristic study is undertaken and shared through
much the same channels.It gives us asense ofthe durability and
promise ofPatristics orand several presenters commented on
this orthe study ofearly Christian literature and culture.
Obvious though these fundamental elements are, they also
tell us something about the future ofthe field, whether under the
rubric ofPatristics or some other rubric. We can comment on
only afew ofthem. First, the preparation ofeditions and translations, particularly translations. As Martin Wallraff observed, we
are indebted to Europe for the monumental series ofcritical editions ofpatristic literatureto which now scholars from around
the world contributeand to the largest collections oftranslations in French, Italian, German, and Spanish. We are also well
served with English translations, thanks to the work ofgenerations ofscholars in the anglophone world.In countries outside these linguistic domains, however, translation is apriority.
Wesee this, notably, in Japan, as Toda Satoshi explained in detail, but also in South America, as Francisco Garca Bazn mentioned, and Eastern Europe, as several papers presented during
the conference noted. The value ofthis work for the continuing
12

INTRODUCTION

relevance ofearly Christian literature and its academic study

cannot be underestimated.How many ofour (undergraduate)
students read Greek and Latin, let alone Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, Georgian, Aramaic, Arabic...? We have yet to see how
translations in multiple languages will shape the future study
ofPatristics, locally or globally.
The variable academic setting for scholars ofearly Christian
literature and culture will also shape our future. This is apparent within both ecclesiastical and secular institutions. In some
countries Patristics and Patrology are still standard elements
ofcurricula in theological faculties.But this is waning, even, for
example, in Europe or South America, where there is astrong
tradition ofecclesiastically founded universities with faculties
oftheology. Other disciplinesbiblical studies, pastoral care,
social justice, current theological approachestake precedence.
The consequences for faculty appointments and regular courses
in early Christian history and literature are obvious. The same
is true, mutatis mutandis, in countries where the study ofearly
Christian culture and writings has found ahome in other faculties.In the current panoply ofdepartments and disciplines there
is no such thing as Patristics. The scholars and students who
come to conferences on Patristics in fact work and study in
departments ofclassics, history, religious studies, literature and
culture, art history. They identify as specialists in LateAntiquity,
Byzantine Studies, early Christianity, Religious Studies, Coptic Studies, Syriac Studies and so on.In some ways they are as
vulnerable, institutionally, as their counterparts in ecclesiastical
institutions.
But this leads to arelatedand very reassuringsimilarity around the world.Institutional variability and vulnerability
has meant that scholars find ahome, foster interest in the field,
and flourish on the strength oftheir sheer quality as researchers,
their efforts to create opportunities for discussion and research,
and their trans-disciplinary creativity. In Australia, for example, where theology was formally excluded from the curriculum ofthe older universities, there are two flourishing centres
for the study ofearly Christian (or patristic) literature, one in
Australian Catholic University, the other in Macquarie University, each now with acluster ofscholars cultivated by and
13

C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN

around aremarkable mother or father, as Bronwen Neil put

it.Similarly, in South America, centres for the study ofearly
Christian literature have developed around anumber ofenergetic scholars.In Argentina and Chile, as Garca Bazn reports,
they have supervised ageneration ofdoctoral students who in
turn have extended the reach ofthe field. The same can be said
for North America, where the institutional settings for students
and scholars are more numerous.One thinks ofthe influence
ofPeter Brown in opening up the field ofLateAntiquity, the
work ofElizabeth Clark in bringing women, gender, and sexuality to the fore, the centre established at Universtit Laval under
asuccession ofscholars for the study ofthe Nag Hammadi codices, to name only afew.
There has been, one might add, across-cultural dimension
to this. One notable feature to emerge in both an African and
aJapanese context is what we might describe as the impressive
practice ofacademic mentoring, in which an older and more
established faculty has enabled and assisted an emerging group
ofscholars to establish themselves and to participate in an international academic context: Kinshasa has strong links with
Leuven; Kyoto with Australian Catholic University. Likewise
in South America, as Garca Bazn mentioned, the Institutum
Patristicum Augustinianum in Rome has been responsible for
the formation ofmany patristic scholars.
In North America there has been afurther enriching effect
ofthe varied academic settings. There the expansion ofthe
study ofearly Christian literature since the1960s coincided
with agrowth in departments ofreligious studies and an increasing diversity oftheoretical interests in both theology and
religious studies. As Dennis Trout recounted, these were conducive to new approaches to early Christian literature and
cultureapproaches drawing on anthropological models, feminist theory, Foucauldian discourse analysis, and much more,
resulting in an array ofwhat are commonly called turns: linguistic, social-scientific, material, cultural. These have developed alongside, and increasingly in conversation with, studies
dealing with traditional theological loci or individual authors,
both the heavyweights and less well-known writers, to use
Trouts phrase. So far the tent ofPatristics (as in the North
14

INTRODUCTION

American Patristics Society or the Canadian Society ofPatristic Studies) has been large enough for all to gather in, even if
there are periodic discussions as to whether that is the right
name for the canopy. (The same is true, as Wallraff observed,
in Europe, where most scholars go by another name except
when they attend apatristic conference!) Butif the past offers any clue to the future, then shifts in institutional settings
and academic currents will affect not only whether Patristics
continues to be afield ofstudy but also where and how it is
studied.
This was the second focus ofthe conference in Jerusalem: the multiple perspectives and disciplines that shape the
field ofstudy called Patristics. The Associations first Bulletin dinformation et de liaison, published in1968, explicitly
acknowledged the persectives and disciplines ofthe field in
the way it presented the scholarly activity ofits members.
The section histoire du christianisme included, inter alia,
antiquit et christianisme, christologie, and liturgie, and
was complemented by sciences auxilires: art and archaeology, codicology, epigraphy, and papyrology. Asecond section langues et littratures encompassed studies ofusage,
genre, themes or motifs, and the reception and interpretation
ofscripture.The final section, devoted to studies ofpatristic
sources or authors, was organized, after the second century,
under the headings Orient and Occident. The conference
held in Jerusalem continued and expanded this tradition, inviting papers on the themes Patristics and the confluence
ofJewish, Christian, and Muslim cultures, Patristics between between Eastern and Western Christian traditions,
Patristics and theology, Patristics, literature, and histories
ofthe book, Patristics and art, and Patristics and archaeology. The papers presented at the conference revealed how
complex it is to reflect on Patristics in an inter-disciplinary
persepective: ashift in the horizon ofthe researcher or the
field will entail additional linguistic and philological competencies; areconsideration ofanalytical categories; critical reflection about method when bringing disciplines to bear on
each other; awareness ofideological or confessional commitments. Two days ofthe conference were devoted to papers
15

C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN

on such aspects ofresearch in Patristics. Wehighlight some

ofthe observations ofthe plenary speakers.2
Columba Stewart, opening the session on Eastern and Western Christian traditions, stated what proved to be arecurring
leitmotiv: We need to complicate the problem. With the echoes ofdiversity, difference, and otherness still echoing in our
minds from the regional presentations, this was anote which
resonated rather than jarred.In order to do justice to the multiracial, multi-cultural, and multi-lingual nature ofboth early
Christianity and modern scholarship, acertain degree ofcomplication was, we could assume, both inevitable and, if we were
prepared to be unsettled by it, positively informative and illuminating. Rather than attempting to capture the butterfly ofancient Christianity and to pin it down for analysis, the regional
presentations had already made us aware that it was perhaps best
captured by positively embracing its elusive, complex diversity,
on the wing, as it were.
The first comfortable assumption to be thrown overboard
was the very idea ofEast and West; the Patrologia Graeca and
Patrologia Latina; the Greek East and the Latin West; Constantinople and Rome. One ofthe most significant features ofthe
last century ofpatristic scholarship, Stewart noted, was the break
out from this binary view ofthe early Church to include amuch
broader range ofcultures and languages into our understanding
ofLateAntiquity. What we now study is, as he strikingly put it,
simply the epiphenomena ofwaves ofthought thrown up by
vast, shifting currents ofhistory and peoples.In short, Patristics
is not asubject that will stay still, but is characterised by afragmentary, fleeting fluidity: its texts are often missing or partial; its
authors and peoples were transported by evangelism, pilgrimage,
or exile into complex, overlapping, ever-changing linguistic and
cultural identities.Stewart illustrated some ofthese shifting ebbs
and flows with the example oflanguage: it was used in diverse
forms and contexts, which shifted with the people who spokeit.
2 We are regrettably unable to publish all ofthe invited or submitted papers
from the conference, including two ofthe plenary lectures.Nevertheless, we
offer observations on all the thematic lectures in order to convey asense ofthe
themes ofthe conference.

16

INTRODUCTION

Not only was bi-lingualism the norm for ancient peoples, but
also multi-lingualism;in Eastern Asia Minor not only Greek
was used, but also Armenian, Syriac, Kurdish, Georgian, and
Arabic. Moreover, language often had a high and a low, or
aliterary and a spoken, form, and cross-currents oflinguistic
influence led to some rather unexpected literary microclimates.
Stewartalso remarked on the growing importance oflanguages
such as Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, and Georgian as biblical translations and vernacular liturgies were created.
Robin Jensens presentation, which opened the session on
Patristics and Art, also provokingly complicated the problem,
this time by asking not only how we should interpret the artefacts
which have been washed up from the shifting waves ofantiquity,
but also who is best qualified to do the interpreting. Although this
material evidencesculpture, mosaics, wall paintings, buildings,
etc.generally has the advantage ofat least staying still for us,
it too, she arguedlike the languages and peoples ofStewarts
presentationis extremely difficult to pin down for analysis.
While Jensen advised us to be as suspicious ofthese artefacts as
we are oftexts, and for much the same reasons, she first ofall
encouraged us to be suspicious ofourselves, and ofour aims and
preoccupations as textual scholars. Obviously, we do not do the
material evidence justice if we exploit it simply to confirm the
insights we have reached through textual study; indeed, more
often than not, it actually contradicts them, and only occasionally does it complement them.Indeed, she urged that it would
be amistake to expect complementarity, for our text-based concerns are not necessarily, or usually, the ones which will allow
the material evidence to be appreciated for what it frequently
is: the product ofpopular piety, the oral traditions and beliefs
ofmarginal groups, or acommission driven as much by social
status as by piety.
It was telling, therefore, that for his presentation on Patristics and Archaeology,3 focusing on holy sites in Jerusalem, Yoram Tsafrir turned not to apologetic, exegetical, theological, or
homiletic works, but to agenre expressive ofpopular piety as
3 Yoram Tsafrir, Aelia Capitolina and the Holy City: The Roles ofPatristic
Literature and Archaeological Research in the Study ofLate Antique Jerusalem.

17

C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN

well as social status: the itinerary ofapilgrim, in this instance

the miraculous pilgrimage ofPeter the Iberian.His vita illustrates what Columba Stewart observed about the cultural fluidity
ofthe period: its subject is aGeorgian prince who was educated
as ahostage ofthe court ofConstantinople and then embraced
amonastic life in Palestine; its author is still plausibly John Rufus, born in the Roman province ofArabia, educated in Beirut,
priest in Antioch, and companion ofPeter in his monastic peregrinations in Palestine; the work itself was written in Greek but
is now preserved in Syriac.How can weor atextpossibly do
justice to such cultural layering? Between the account ofPeters
night-time journey and the results ofarchaeological investigations there is acomplementarity ofasort. With the help ofarchaeological reports, maps, and reconstructions one can piece
together the route that Peter took and imagine in three dimensions the churches where he prayed. This complementarity is,
however, partial and impermanent. As Tsafrir noted throughout
his lecture, there is much we do not know because there are no
remains or the remains are inaccessible, and the interpretation
ofthe remains we have may be more or less debatable. Still,
archaeologists can call attention to silences and omissions born
ofthe interests and perspectives ofwriters.In the Jerusalem ofthe
Life ofPeter the Iberian the ruined Temple Mount, the largest holy
place in the city, does not exist. For asense ofits meaning for
Jews in LateAntiquity Tsafrir turned, poignantly and disconcertingly, to abiblical commentary by Jerome.
Christoph Markschies paper stood back firmly from the rolling waves ofeither textual or material evidence to consider the
more fundamental relation between Patristics and Theology.
Again, we were unsettled from any comfortable assumptions that
might remain by apicture ofthe shifting currents ofmutual suspicion which have characterised the changing fortunes ofPatristics.
Beginning with aportrait oftheologica patristica harmoniously wedded to theology in the context ofconfessional debates through
to the eighteenth century, Markschies described how Patristics
subsequently became separated from Theology as aresult ofthe
more secularised context ofnineteenth- and twentieth-century
academic study, which took place in public institutions, motivated by the search for aseemingly more objective, so-called
18

INTRODUCTION

scientific (non-confessional and non-dogmatic) scholarship.

As acounterweight to this movement, Markschies considered
those scholars and scholarly trends which have attempted to reconcile the two parties on the grounds that each, in fact, needs
the other: Gadamer; DeLubac, Danielou and Nouvelle Theologie;
Anglican, Roman Catholic and Orthodox ressourcement. Even in
Protestantism, where the separation between Theology and Patristics seems to continue unabated, Markschies was able to cite
Professor Ritters arguments for the significance ofearly Christian traditions, both for ecumenical dialogue and for what he
termed cultural confidence or cultural self-reassurance, on the
basis that we cannot hope to understand ourselves or others unless we understand the past and recognise it as our own.
While scholars who associate with aChristian tradition as
theologians or historians have thus negotiated various raisons
dtre for their study ofearly Christian writings, the same texts
have engaged the critical imaginations ofscholars who do not
so identify.In his paper Mark Vessey took us back to amoment
before the founding ofthe Association Internationale dtudes
Patristiques that would, in hindsight, anticipate streams ofscholarship that now flow widely over the terrain ofearly Christian
writing. In alecture given at the Third International Conference on Patristic Studies in Oxford in1959, Andr Mandouze
slipped the moorings ofprior approaches to the history ofearly
Christian literature to embark on the exploration ofthe literary
effects ofearly Christian textsnotably, for Mandouze, Augustines Confessions. These effects cannot be contained within
asingle academic discipline; there is always something else.
At the next Oxford patristic conference in1963 Peter Brown
presented apaper on Augustines attitude to coercion in which
Brown read Augustines writings against the Donatists precisely
in order to bring out something else: asense ofwhat shaped
Augustines attitude and motivated his actions.Since then we
have seen an ever-increasing flow ofstudies ofthe discursive effects ofearly Christian texts.These studies wereand arein
search ofsomething else, most often, an understanding ofhow
texts expressed attitudes toward the body, women, Jews, heretics
and pagans, and in so doing constructed the identity ofself in
relation to others.
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C. HARRISON - T. DE BRUYN

This brings us, finally, to the paper ofAryeh Kofsky on studying Patristics as an outsider.4 His observations arose from his
experience as aJewish patristic scholar.Despite wide learning in
Christian tradition and close association with Christians ofvarious denominations, certain Christian sensibilities would elude
him. At the same time, he found Jewish patristic scholars to be
alert to aspects ofthe theological and political culture ofearly
Christians that have eluded Christian scholars or been ofno interest to them.Thus Jewish patristic scholars have noted commonalities between Ephrem ofSyrias biblical interpretation and
rabbinic approaches to scripture.They have examined the christologies ofAphraat and Theodore ofMopsuestia in relation not
to emerging Christian orthodoxy but to alocal Christian-Jewish matrix, arriving at adifferent rationale for their views. They
have exposed the dynamics ofChristian appropriation ofJewish
tradition, knowledge, and space, which constructed Jews as the
other to be displaced by Christians. The hybridityKofskys
phrasethat motivates such observations and investigations can,
ofcourse, take many forms.Indeed, one can discern hybridities
ofvarious typessome acknowledged, others notin scholars who read early Christian texts in search ofsomething else,
to return to Vesseys theme.Therein lies the as-yet unexplored
richness ofthe textual, material, cultural, and political field ofancient Christianity.
Indeed, as Averil Cameron argued in her public lecture at
the conference, we are only beginning to appreciate the fields
relevance for the study ofearly Islam, an area ofexploration
that requires its own hybribities.Camerons wide-ranging essay surveys recent scholarship that, in different ways, approaches
the origins ofIslam from the perspective oflate antique studies.
She points out that some ofthe relationships or influences proposed by scholars do not correspond to what we know from
other sources (textual, epigraphical, archaeological) about Jewish and Christian groups in late antiquity, and suggests anumber ofareas where expertise in the debates and currents oflate

4 Aryeh Kofsky, Studying Patristics as an Outsider: Does It Make aDifference?.

20

INTRODUCTION

antique Christianity could contribute to aricher understanding

ofthe context ofearly Islam.
Perhaps to an extent that we did not anticipate, all the thematic papers were studies in complexity.But these complications
were ultimately revealed, like the diversity and otherness evoked
by the regional presentations, to be astrength: Patristicsor the
field by any ofits other namesis not fixed and sorted, but alive,
changing, and adapting to the twenty-first century and its particular contexts and cultures.
Afinal word, ofthanks.We are deeply appreciative ofthe
willingness ofthe Center for the Study ofChristianity in the Hebrew University ofJerusalem to support and host the conference,
and we owe agreat deal to Professor Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony,
Director ofthe Center, and her very able assistant, Daniel Salem,
for seeing to the details ofits organization. The publishing house
Brepols, which has had along association with the Association
as the printer ofits Bulletin dinformation et de liaison and Annuaire,
very kindly agreed to publish the proceedings, and welcomed
the editors at the offices ofCorpus Christianorum in Turnhout for
several weeks ofeditorial work inFebruary2014. Dr.Paolo Sartori, the editor responsible for the volume at Brepols, has been
ajoy to work with.

21

KEYNOTE

SUSAN ASHBROOK HARVEY

Brown University

PATRISTIC WORLDS

The conference celebrating the fiftieth anniversary ofthe Association Internationale dtudes Patristiques/the International
Association ofPatristic Studies brought together colleagues
from six continents.1 The rich program demonstrated at every
turn the diversity, vitality, and originality that characterize the
study ofpatristics today as aglobal enterprise.If there was ever
ahomogeneous world ofpatristic study, that world is now, in
the twenty-first century, wholly diversified and complexified.
Similarly, if there was ever anotion ofan ancient patristic world
(inthe singular), twenty-first century patristic scholarship takes as
its hallmark toapproach antiquity as amultiplicity ofworlds, an
entire prism split open.
My task is tooffer awindow into ancient Christianity that
Ihope honours and marks important changes in patristic scholarship over recent decades, changes now fundamental as we move
forward in anew century.Taking acue from the fifth century
Greek historian Sozomen, Iwill first locate ancient Christianity as areligion amidst the religious pluralism that was its given
social and political context.This pluralism was ahighly fraught
matter. Religious competition and religious confusion framed
ancient Christian practice in tense, agonistic terms, constantly
1 Iam grateful tothe AIEP/IAPS planning committee for the opportunity
toparticipate in this conference; and especially toCarol Harrison, Theodore
de Bruyn, and Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony for their extraordinary generosity
and hospitality. My discussion here has benefitted greatly from conversations
with conference participants. Ihave addressed some ofthe issues and themes
here raised, for different purposes, also in the essay Sensing More in Ancient
Religion, Svensk Teologisk Kvartalskrift, 89(2013), p.97-106.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107510

25

S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

evident in the public, civic spaces so important for ancient religious expression. Then, taking the example ofsacred song from
Syriac tradition, Iwill ask what kinds ofvoices we might hear
when we take diversity and pluralism seriously. In this instance,
those voices will be Syriac, female, and lay, all bespeaking locations sorely understudied by patristic scholars until recent years.2
In both scenarios, Iraise the issue ofreligion encountered
and expressed within asensing body.Just as patristic scholars
have come tocontextualize Christianity politically and socially
in areligiously diverse ancient world, so, too, must we contextualize theology and doctrine pillars ofpatristic study within
the embodied religious lives ofancient believers.
For this paper, Iconfine myself toChristianity after the
legalization under Constantine, between the fourth and sixth
centuries: Christianity in LateAntiquity.Ihope by this brief
explorationrepresentative only ofmy own particular, even
idiosyncratic interests, as Dennis Trout admonished during the
same AIEP/IAPS conferenceto suggest avenues that open and
refract the multiple worlds that patristic scholars navigate, both
in our ancient sources and now, in our contemporary settings.

1.Religion in aSensing Body

Sozomens Ecclesiastical History provides agripping narrative
ofthe tumultuous religious changes that filled the fourth and
fifth century Roman Empire.Among his chapters is an account
ofthe annual festival held at the Oak ofMamre, in Palestine.3
This festival commemorated the events recounted in Genesis18,
ofthe patriarch Abrahams surprising visit from three unnamed
heavenly messengers.In the biblical story, the visitors were
not identified.But they did foretell the miraculous birth that
would follow in the next year, ofason for the barren marriage
ofthe elderly Abraham and Sarah.To these visitors, Abraham
2 Imake no effort tochronicle the huge body ofscholarship that documents
these changes. The present volume provides ample testimony ofthe shifts in
scholarly concerns, methodologies, and interests, and the papers are themselves
prime examples ofthe results.
3 Soz., h.e., 2.4.Bidez,(SC, 306), p.245-249; Hartranft NPNF2 II,
p.261.

26

PATRISTIC WORLDS

and Sarah had offered abundant hospitality, in ascene familiar

tolate antique Christians from its (perhaps frequent?) depiction
in church decoration.4
Writing about acentury after the events described, Sozomen
claimed the festival had been hugely popular among adiversity
ofreligious groups.Jews, Christians, and pagans all came tojoin
the celebration; for, Sozomen explained, all understood the story
from within their own religious traditions.Jews claimed their
descent from Abraham; Christians understood the visitors tohave
been Christ accompanied by two angels; and pagans saw the
event as an instance ofdivine visitation such as their own sacred
stories often recounted.The occasion, accordingly, belonged
toall; and so, too, the festival.Thus, Sozomen explained,
This [brilliant] [lampran] feast is diligently frequented by all
[peoples] [pasi][...] This place was moreover honoured fittingly [prosphoros] with religious exercises.Here some prayed
tothe God ofall; some called upon the angels, poured out
wine, burnt incense, or offered an ox, or he-goat, asheep,
or acock.5

Sozomens account continued with adescription ofthe various

pieties performed during the festivals duration. Without necessarily identifying which practice belonged towhich religion,
he mentioned an array ofritual actions, undertaken through
adiversity ofmedia.Pilgrimage, prayer, supplication, libations,
incense, and animal sacrifice were all prominent.Sozomen mentions further that faithful visitors dedicated votive offerings, carefully crafted and saved over the previous year, on behalf oftheir
families. Women adorned themselves with special attire. There
were public processions, undertaken with decorum. Attendees
4For example, the image is extant among the mosaics in Santa Maria
Maggiore(5th cent.) in Rome, and San Vitale(6th cent.) in Ravenna. Eusebius describes its depiction in an image at Mamre itself that has not survived;
Eus., d.e.5.9. See the discussion by R.Jensen, Early Christian Images and Exegesis, in Picturing the Bible: the Earliest Christian Art ed.J.Spier, NewHaven,
London,2007, p.64-85.On rabbinic and patristic exegesis for Genesis 18,
see E.Grypeou,H.Spurling, Abrahams Angels: Jewish and Christian Exegesis
ofGenesis 18-19, in The Exegetical Encounter between Jews and Christians in
LateAntiquity ed.E.Grypeou,H.Spurling (Jewish and Christian Perspectives
Series, 18), Leiden,2009, p.181-203.
5 Soz., h.e., 2.4trans.Hartranft NPNF2 II, p.261(adapted).

27

S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

slept in tents which, although public and ofmixed populations,

were nonetheless orderly.Next tothe Oak stood Abrahams
famed well.There, Sozomen reported, pagans lit burning lamps,
and poured offerings into the well: wine, cakes, coins, myrrh,
and incense, tosuch an extent that the water was undrinkable
during the festivals duration.The events were well and generously attended.
However, Sozomen reports, one year Constantines motherin-law Eutropia attended.Apparently scandalized, she apprised
the emperor ofthe situation.Constantine at once rebuked the
bishops ofPalestine for their negligence in allowing impure
libations and sacrifices todefile the holy site.He further issued
aletter with instructions todismantle and destroy the existing
altar and religious images.In their place, the emperor ordered
the construction ofachurch, henceforth tobe the only location
ofreligious activity at Mamrenow tobe known exclusively as
aChristian holy place.6
Sozomens account ofthe festival at the Oak ofMamre allows
us toposit adefinition ofreligion in antiquity.Here we see
religion as arelational system, serving tointerlace human and
divine orders, in terms that also account for human social orders:
families, communities, ethnicities; gender, class, office; the living
and the dead.Further, this was arelational system constituted
through ritual practices such as those enumerated above. Ritual behaviors ofthese sorts further constructed and contributed
totraditions ofsacred stories, sacred places and spaces, and sacred
time, categories delineating the human-divine relation on which
religions were premised. Sozomen identified the people attending the festival at Mamre as Jews, Christians, or pagans (whom
he called Hellenes). Yet he also presented these multiple identities as sharing the basic presuppositions and orientations ofreligion as here defined: arelational system, conjoining divine and

6 Soz, h.e., 2.4.Eusebius ofCaesarea also recorded the letter in his Life
ofConstantine ed.Av.Cameron, S.G.Hall, p.141-143.For important analysis ofthe cultic activity at Mamre in late antiquity, see A.Kofsky, Mamre:
ACase ofaRegional Cult? in Sharing the Sacred: Religious Contacts and Conflicts
in the Holy Land ed.A.Kofsky, G.G.Stroumsa, Jerusalem, 1998, p.19-30; and
N.Belayche,Iudaea-Palaestina: the pagan cults in Roman Palestine(second tofourth
centuries), Tbingen,2001, p.96-104.

28

PATRISTIC WORLDS

human orders, comprised offamiliar ritual practices and special

traditions for time and space.7
Religion as Sozomen presents it was furthermore an embodied matter.Its practices were physically performed and enacted,
embodied by habit and habitually perceptible.Ritual instruments
and objects were crafted, handled, offered, displayed; processions
were joined or witnessed.Incense and sacrifice scented the air;
special foods were eaten, special clothing worn.Religious practices were conducted with the body; they were encountered
and experienced through the senses.Furthermore, their sensory
aspects were also expressive, and even revelatory, for participants
and observers alike.8
Even from Sozomens somewhat reserved account, we can
grasp abasic cultural system ofvirtues and vices with respect
toancient religious practices.These virtues and vices are apparent tothe modern readeras they were tothe ancient participant or observerthrough the sensory qualities Sozomen chose
tohighlight. His descriptions underscored traits oflight, brilliance, and radiance; ordered decorum, lively variety, and generosity. Atthe same time, although he stressed that the pieties
displayed at Mamre were fitting (prosphoros), other traits clearly
earned his disapproval: excess, impropriety, impurity (here denoting disorder), and irreverence.Attention tothe sensory qualities
ofreligious practice was apparently important for right or proper
religious activity.But it was also, in literary terms, an effective
rhetorical strategy allowing an author like Sozomen todifferentiate true from false religions.This was particularly important in
contexts where one might not immediately grasp where the differences lay, because the practices could appear tobe the same.
Neither the given fact ofreligious pluralism, nor the frequency ofshared practices, should mislead the modern reader
on the matter ofreligious tolerance in the ancient world. Even
in amulti-religious event such as the festival at Mamre prior
toConstantines intervention, the context was not one ofcon7 On the shared sensibilities ofreligions in the Roman Empire, see especially J.Rives, Religion in the Roman Empire, Malden,2007, p.13-53.
8 S.A.Harvey, The Senses in Religion: Piety, Critique, Competition, in
ACultural History ofthe Senses ed.C.Classen, vol.I: Antiquity ed.J.P.Toner,
London,2014, p.91-113.

29

S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

vivial, shared celebration.Rather, as the imperious (and imperial!) conclusion toSozomens account made clear, the mood
was tense, agonistic, and competitive.Indeed, LateAntiquity
was characterized by apervasive, often belligerent culture ofreligious critique and competition.9 Religious communities were
continually assessing and re-assessing their own practices, even
as they expressed frequent disdain for those ofother traditions.10
Theywere concerned as much with their own effectiveness,
appropriateness, and success, as with their differentiation from
those whose religion they did not accept. Critique was the tool,
competition the tone for such differentiation; religious polemics were the prevailing mode ofexpression.In all ofthis, the
senses played an important rhetorical role, just as they carried
crucial significance as intrinsically functional elements ofritual
practices.11 Sozomens account ofthe events at Mamre was as
much about the dangers ofreligious confusion within acontext
ofcompetitionthe inability todistinguish true religion from
false religionas it was about the triumph ofChristianity, in his
view the right religion.In fact, such confusion and competition
were something ofatheme throughout his Ecclesiastical History.12
This passage from Sozomen, well-known topatristic scholars, raises themes for the study ofancient Christianity that have
gained increasing purchase in recent decades: religion as ashared
yet contested aspect oflate antique society; religious pluralism as
an agonistic and polemical context for Christian piety; and the
sensing body as intrinsically functional for religious practice as
well as religious understanding.These themes provide the frame
in which toset the matter ofpatristic voices.

2.Religious Voices, Public Spaces

Sozomens account ofcompeting celebrations at Mamre raises
further questions.Amidst the diversity ofpractices, whose voice
E.g., H.A.Drake, Intolerance, Religious Violence, and Political Legitimacy
in LateAntiquity, Journal ofthe American Academy ofReligion, 79(2011), p.193-235.
10Apoint well made by D.Ullucci, The Christian Rejection ofAnimal
Sacrifice, NewYork,2012, passim.
11 Harvey, Senses in Religion.
12E.g., Soz., h.e.5.17(confusion regarding incense practices); 8.8(competing Arian and Nicene choirs in Constantinople).
9

30

PATRISTIC WORLDS

was heard, by whom, and with what import? For these questions
Iturn tovoices from the margins, geographically and perhaps
also socially: those in Syriac, ofwomens choirs leading the laity
in song.
During the fourth century, Syriac hymnography underwent
important changes in form, content, and performance over its
earlier renditions.13 The changes are markedly evident in the
work ofthe greatest ofall Syriac liturgical poets, Ephrem the
Syrian (d.373).14 In form, Ephrem developed the madrash:
hymns devoted todoctrinal instruction, utilising different metrical patterns, arranged in stanzas, punctuated by short refrains.15
In content, Ephrem gave notable attention tothe Bible in
adecidedly canonical form: Old and New Testaments, explored
and woven together through rich tapestries oftypology. As for
performance: Ephrems hymns were apparently sung at evening
vigil services, performed in civic churches (as opposed tomonastic ones) with womens choirs and lay participation.16 In some
ofhis hymns, Ephrem referred tothe womens choirs and
13 On the development ofSyriac hymnography, see F.Cassingena-Trvedy,
Lhymnographie syriaque, in Les liturgies syriaques ed.F.Cassingena-Trvedy,
I.Jurasz(tudes syriaques, 3) Paris,2006, p.183-219.
14 See especially S.P. Brock, The Luminous Eye: the Spiritual World Vision
ofSt.Ephrem the Syrian, Kalamazoo,1992; S.H.Griffith, Faith Adoring the
Mystery: Reading the Bible with St.Ephraem the Syrian, Milwaukee,1997.
15
On the madrash specifically, see S.P.Brock, Poetry and Hymnography(3):
Syriac, in the Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian Studies ed.S.A.Harvey,
D.G.Hunter, Oxford,2010, p.657-671; Griffith, Faith Adoring the Mystery,
p.10-11; M.Lattke, Sind Ephraems Madrae Hymnen?, Oriens Christianus,
73(1989), p.38-43.
16 A.Palmer,
ALyre without aVoice: the Poetics and Politics of
Ephrem the Syrian, ARAM, 5(1993), p.371-399; Id., ASingle Human Being
Divided in Himself: Ephraim the Syrian, the Man in the Middle, Hugoye:
JournalofSyriac Studies, 1.2(1998 [2010]), p.119-163, in partic. p.128-133;
S.A. Harvey, Performance as Exegesis: Womens Liturgical Choirs in Syriac
Tradition, in Inquiries into Eastern Christian Worship: Acts ofthe Second International Congress ofthe Society ofOriental Liturgy ed.B.J.Groen, S.Alexopoulos,
S.Hawkes-Teeples(Eastern Christian Studies, 12), Leuven,2012, p.47-64.
For the development ofthe Syriac liturgy and the daily offices in the context ofeastern Christianity see, e.g., J.Mateos, Lelya-Sapra: Essai dinterpretation
des matines chaldeennes(OCA, 156), Roma,1959; Id., La clbration de la parole
dans la liturgie Byzantine(OCA,191), Roma,1971; P.Bradshaw, Daily Prayer
in the Early Church, Oxford,1982, p.72-110; R.Taft, The Liturgy ofthe Hours
in East and West: the Origins ofthe Divine Office and its Meaning for Today, Collegeville,1986, esp.p.225-248.

31

S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

also tothe congregations singing.This was an era ofexpanding liturgical splendor for Christians in general. The new pattern ofhymns with stanzas and refrains, appearing also in Greek
and Latin around this same time, allowed for the continuation
ofcongregational singing abasic feature in early Christian worshipwith the emerging use oftrained choirs and chanters.17
According tosixth century Syriac sources, Ephrem in fact
established the long-lasting practice ofSyriac womens choirs,
though he himself made no such claim.18 But by the fifth century, womens choirs were mandated by canonical regulation for
Syriac civic churches within the Roman Empire and also in the
Persian Empire.19 An important component ofancient Syriac
liturgical practice, these choirs remain aliving tradition tothis
day in the Middle East as well as in diaspora Syriac communities
in Europe, North America, Scandinavia, and elsewhere.20
Late antique Christian sources in Greek or Latin occasionally
refer tochoirs ofnuns participating in special liturgies: for example, at the Easter liturgy in Jerusalem, or for important funerals or civic occasions.21 Yet in Syriac tradition alone, it would

17 Above all, see now C.Page, The Christian West and its Singers: the First
Thousand Years, NewHaven,2010, p.29-88.
18See the anonymous Syriac vita, chapter 31-32; and Jac.Sar., Homily
on Ephrem, where this is amajor theme throughout.
19
Harvey, Performance as Exegesis.For example, Rules ofRabbula,
rules20, 27; Maruta Canons, canons 26, 41.
20See now S.Bakker Kellog, Fragments ofaLiturgical World: Syriac
Orthodox Christianity and the Dutch Multiculturalism Debates, unpublished
doctoral dissertation, University ofCalifornia, Santa Cruz,2013.
21See the texts conveniently collected in J.McKinnon, Music in Early
Christian Literature, Cambridge,1987, e.g.at p.73-74(#152, Gr.Nyss. from
the Life ofMacrina, on the singing at her funeral); p.104-105(#225, Eus., h.e.,
3.19.1-4 on aconvent choir in Antioch); p.112-113 (#242-243, Egeria on
the Jerusalem choirs). The scholarly convention that women were forbidden
from singing in church in LateAntiquity is based on ahighly influential article
by J.Quasten, The Liturgical Singing ofWomen in Christian Antiquity,
Catholic Historical Review, 27(1941), p.149-165; also in Id., Music and Worship
in Pagan and Christian Antiquitytr.B.Ramsey, Washington, D.C.,1983,
p.75-86. Although Quasten himself cited anumber oftexts referring towomens
liturgical singing, including the Syriac evidence, he insisted that womens
singing was eliminated from Christian liturgical practice during the patristic era.
Unfortunately, recent scholarship continues tocite his conclusions: R.MacMullen, The Second Century: Popular Christianity A.D.200-400, Atlanta, 2009, p.15;
Page, The Christian West and its Singers, p.5.

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PATRISTIC WORLDS

seem, did womens choirs have aplace in the ordinary, and daily,
worship ofthe civic community, whether village or city. Their
prominence in the public context ofliturgical piety appears
tohave been unusual, perhaps even problematic, in the broader
late antique culture.22
All three ofthe above noted elementsform, content, and
performancecontribute tohow we might understand the
sound ofEphrems hymns, for which we have no surviving evidence ofthe music itself.According tothe anonymous sixth
century Life ofEphrem the Syrian, Ephrem began tocompose
madrash as astrategy against heresy.23 Recognising the dangers
and prevalence offoul doctrines, Ephrem was alarmed that heretics dispersed their teachings in hymns ofalluring and ungodly
sounds, captivating the simple folk ofthe cit[ies] with attractive melodies mixed with godlessness.24 Ephrems response
was tofight song with song. He took arrangements ofmelodies and songs and mixed [true doctrine] [lit:fear ofGod] in
them, and offered tohearers an antidote at once agreeable and
wholesome.25 Just as importantly, he prepared troops for battle against those heresies.Calling upon the consecrated virgins
called Daughters ofthe Covenant, he established them as choirs
tosing his compositions.26
Here, in the anonymous Life, and also in an important homily
on Ephrem by the great Syriac poet and homilist Jacob ofSarug
(d.521), the women ofthese choirs were referred toas teachers
(in the feminine form), malphanyath, aweighty term in Syriac,
connoting learning, authority, and wisdom.27 They were des22 Apoint emphasised by K.McVey, Ephrem the Kitharode and Proponent
ofWomen: Jacob ofSerugs Portrait ofaFourth-Century Churchman for
the Sixth-Century Viewer and its significance for the twenty-first century
ecumenist, in Orthodox and Wesleyan Ecclesiologyed.S.T.Kimbrough,
Crestwood, NY,2007, p.229-253.
23 Syriac vita, chapter31.
24 Syriac vita, chapter31; Amar,(CSCO, 630/ Scr.Syr.243), p.76.
25
Syriac vita, chapter31; Amar,(CSCO, 630/ Scr Syr.243), p.78.
26 Syriac vita, chapter31; Amar,(CSCO, 630/ Scr Syr.243), p.77-78. On
the Daughters ofthe Covenant, see S.A. Harvey, Revisiting the Daughters
ofthe Covenant: Womens Choirs and Sacred Song in Ancient Syriac Christianity, Hugoye: Journal ofSyriac Studies, 8.2(2005 [2009]), p.125-149.
27 Syriac vita, chapter31; Amar,(CSCO, 629/ Scr Syr.242), p.71;
Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem, vv.41-42, Amar, p.35.

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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

ignated as such, because their singing taught the true doctrines

ofthe church through what became something ofan official
ministry ofmusic.28 They were also described in martial imagery
that blends astrong military chord into the otherwise harmonious depiction ofEphrem leading the choirs in song. We will
return tothe matter ofperformance in due course. But first, we
must consider the content ofEphrems chosen weaponry.
Ephrems hymns are drenched with asumptuous biblical
knowledge, displayed with dazzling poetic artistry.29 Old and New
Testament adorn his verses, sometimes with dizzying virtuosity.30
In part, such attention tobiblical content bespoke amajor agenda
ofthe fourth century: the need for biblical education, as converts
streamed into Christian churches in unprecedented numbers while
Christianity rose in political and cultural ascendency.
Yet for Ephrem, the biblical focus was not triumphal.It was
clearly, and pragmatically, polemical.Out at the eastern edges ofthe
Empire, in the cities ofNisibis and Edessa where Ephrem lived
and wrote, Nicene Christians were hardly in the majority.Other
religions, and other Christianities, touted other bibles with other
canons.Much ofEphrems emphasis on canon lay here, in his
polemical insistence on right canon, and on ownership ofOld as
well as New Testament.He was explicit about this in the Hymns
on Virginity, where he sang ofthe three harps ofGodthe Old
and New Testaments, and nature itself inopposition to Jews and
Marcionites.31 Hence he summoned the church tosong:
Blessed are you, O Church, whose congregation
sings with three glorious harps.
Your finger plucks the harp ofMoses
and [the harp] ofour Savior and [the harp] ofnature.32
28 Ihave emphasised the teaching aspect ofthe Syriac womens choirs in
S.A. Harvey, Singing Womens Stories in Syriac Tradition, Internationale
Kirchliche Zeitschrift, 100.3(2010), p.171-189.
29
Brock, Luminous Eye; Griffith, Faith Adoring the Mystery; Palmer,
Lyre without aVoice.
30
Ephrems Bible differed in certain respects from what would become
standard canon.He utilised the Diatessaron, for example, on which he wrote an
excellent commentary; and did not know the book ofRevelation. S.P. Brock,
The Bible in the Syrian Tradition, Piscataway, NJ,20062, p.17-19, 31-37.
31 Ephr., Hymns on Virginity(hereafter H Virg), Hymns 28-30.
32 Ephr., H Virg 27.4; McVey, p.383.

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PATRISTIC WORLDS

One hears Ephrems insistence on the canon once again as combative in his Hymns on Nativity.33 For example, in Nativity1,
Ephrem presented amagisterial panorama ofbiblical history as
he extolled what came tofulfillment in the birth ofChrist.34
The verses sing through lists ofOld Testament prophets, tapestries ofthe messianic lineage, recountings ofthe sacred generations from Cain and Abel through toMoses and Aaron and
the biblical kings. Did Ephrem think his congregations would
recognize all ofthese names and allusions, with their specific
stories in mind? Surely not. But as his verses wend their course,
punctuated repeatedly by the congregations refrain, Gloryto
You, Son ofour Creator!,35 the sung dialogue drives home the
claim that the stories, generations, prophecies, triumphs, and
sufferings ofthe Hebrew Bible can onlyas Ephrem presents
thembe rightly grasped and rightly understood in and through
the birth ofChrist, the Messiah.Moreover, the Messiah can only
be rightfully understood in and through these inherited biblical histories.Throughout this entire cycle ofhymns, then, one
hears battle with Jews, Marcionites, and others for the ownership
ofscripture.36
At the same time that he battled for and with aparticular
canon, Ephrem utilised biblical instruction topresent moral
exemplars: figures tobe revered, meditated on, and emulated by
faithful Christians.Hence he depicted biblical men and women as
characters ofvirtue with short, vivid images tohold in the mind,
incised in memory by the metrical patterns ofsong. Hispresentation ofbiblical women is especially striking, for in these
instances his verses allude tothe singing ofthe Syriac womens
choirs.They invoke the womens singing as public in impact and
civic in implication.

Ephr., Hymns on Nativity(hereafter H Nat).

Ephr., H Nat 1; McVey, p.63-74.
35 Ephr., H Nat 1, refr.; McVey, p.64.
36See especially C.Shepardson, Anti-Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy:
Ephrems Hymns in Fourth-Century Syria(Patristic Monograph Series,20), Washington, D.C.,2008; S.H. Griffith, Setting Right the Church ofSyria:
Saint Ephrems Hymns Against Heresies, in The Limits ofAncient Christianity:
Essays on Late Antique Thought and Culture in Honour ofRobert A.Markus
ed.W.E.Klingshirn, M.Vessey, Ann Arbor,1999, p.97-114.
33
34

35

S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

In the Hymns on Nativity, for example, Ephrem sang of

doubts engendered by the Virgin Marys pregnancy. He compares the calumny she suffered among the Hebrew women
tothe slandering in his own time ofChristian virgins, and apparently ofthe virgin choirs, by others in the city.37 Ephrem sings
ofconsecrated virginity as the choice toundertake marriage
toChrist rather than toamortal spouse.38 Rather than arenunciation ofsexuality, virginity was thereby an embrace ofsexualitys purpose, dedicated toadifferent goal than that ofsocial
need. In these verses, we hear how abrasive the Christian valuing oflifelong celibacy appeared toalate antique society not
yet convinced ofits worth; monasticism had not yet gained its
respected place.39
Ephrem confronts the slandering ofvirgins as amalicious
response tovirtuous female devotion, adevotion which, in his
Nativity hymns, might require women tomake sexual choices
ofshocking public ramifications.Rather than playing down the
element ofpublic scandal, Ephrem highlights this as avirtue.
He emphasizes it dramatically, calling on Christian women
and, by implication, his choirs to take their public stance
offaith with boldness and holy impudence. He holds up the
example ofthe scandalous foremothers ofthe messianic lineage:
Tamar the daughter-in-law ofJudah who stole pregnancy in
her widowhood; Rahab the prostitute who discerned salvation
in Joshua and his troops; Ruth the gleaner who brazenly climbed
into Boazs bed.40 Each ofthese, Ephrem sings, pursued their
Lord and his purpose with single-hearted devotion, fearing neither scandal nor shame in their love for God. Because ofYou,
On the slandering ofvirgins: e.g., Ephr., H Nat 9, 12, 15.
E.g., Ephr., H Nat 8.21; 12(passim); 17.5-8, 11; H Virg 1-3(passim);
15.4,6; 25.10,16,17.
39 Apoint well made by P.Brown, The Notion ofVirginity in the Early
Church, in Christian Spirituality: Origins tothe Twelfth Century ed.B.McGinn,
J.Meyendorff,J.Leclerq, NewYork,1985, p.427-443. For the emergence
ofSyriac ascetic and monastic traditions, see S.H. Griffith, Asceticism in
the Church ofSyria: the Hermeneutics ofEarly Syrian Monasticism, in Asceticism ed.V.Wimbush,R.Valantasis, NewYork,1995, p.220-245.
40E.g., Ephr., H Nat 1.12(Tamar), 13(Ruth), 33(Rahab); H Nat 9.7
(Tamar, Ruth, Rahab), 8-11(Tamar), 12-16(Ruth). See S.A.Harvey, Impudent Women: Mt 1: 1-16 in Syriac Tradition, Parole de lOrient, 35 (Actes du
XeSymposium Syriacum)(2010), p.65-76.
37
38

36

PATRISTIC WORLDS

[OChrist], he sings repeatedly in Nativity9, women committed shocking scandals;41 By You [OChrist] honourable women
made themselves contemptible.42 Yetthis is exemplary:
Ruth lay down with aman on the threshing floor
for Your sake.Her love was bold
for Your sake.She teaches boldness
to all penitents.Her ears held in contempt
all [other] voices for the sake ofYour voice.43

Again, in Nativity15, the Virgin Mary herself glories in the slander she endures, knowing her justification is sure:
Behold, Iam slandered and oppressed,
but Irejoice.[...]
For if Tamar
was acquitted by Judah, how much more will Ibe acquitted
by You!44

In Ephrems hymns, real and imagined womens voices converged amidst the congregation whose response here was the
refrain, Glory be toYou, my Lord, and through You tothe
Father, on the day ofYour nativity!.45 Voice nested within
voice. The Virgin Mary was slandered in the biblical story; virgins (the choir) were slandered in the civic order; the Nicene
congregation was slandered amongst competing congregations
and religions.In Ephrems verses, the (womens) choir led the
church tosing out boldly, in confidence ofthe truth they proclaimed.Their boldness ofvoice had been earned by the Virgin Marys own boldness, which had undone the shame women
inherited from Eve:
Let chaste women praise that pure Mary.
Since in their mother Eve their disgrace was great,
behold in Mary their sister their triumph was magnified.46

Ephr., H Nat 9.7, 10, 11; McVey, p.126.

Ephr., H Nat 9.13; McVey, p.127.
43
Ephr., H Nat 9.14; McVey, p.127.
44 Ephr., H Nat 15.7-8; McVey, p.146-147.
45 Ephr., H Nat 15, refr.; McVey, p.146.
46 Ephr., H Nat 22.N23; McVey, p.183.
41
42

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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

The biblical model justified and also enhanced the work ofthe
womens choirs, as their voices taught awitness proclaimed not
only by the words they sang, but further by the sound oftheir
singing: the sound ofmaligned but faithful virgins.
The model ofbiblical women in bold and scandalous declaration offaith was furthered in Ephrems presentation ofNew Testament women in his Hymns on Virginity.Here again, he portrayed
their models in terms that appear unconventional whether for the
biblical accounts or for Ephrems own social order. InVirginity
26, for example, Ephrem celebrates an entire cascade ofwomen
whom Jesus encountered in his ministry: Martha and Mary the
sisters ofLazarus; the Sinful Woman who anointed Christs feet
with oil and kisses; the Woman who called ablessing from the
crowd; the Hemorrhaging Woman; the Widow with two mites;
the Canaanite Woman; the Widow ofNain; Jairuss Daughter; the mother ofJames and John; and Pilates Wife.47 Each he
praises in turn, in verses punctuated by the refrain, ToYou be
praises from all!.48 His praises are vivid, even startling:
Blessed are you, Martha, who without fear
served the One [Christ] feared by all.
[...]
Blessed are you, Martha, towhom love gave
The confidence that opened your mouth.
By the fruit Eves mouth was closed
while she was hidden among the trees.
Blessed is your mouth that sounded forth with love.49

In the biblical account in Luke 10, 38-42, Martha complained

to Jesus, who rebuked her in return.Yet Ephrem delights in
Marthas bold speech, and more, in this hymn.To the Woman
who called toJesus from the crowd, and whom Jesus rebuked in
Luke 11, 27, Ephrem sings, Blessed are you, woman, whose voice
became/ atrumpet.To the Canaanite Woman whom Jesus at
first dismissed in the gospel (Matth.15, 21-28), Ephrem exults,
Blessed are you who broke through the obstacle fearlessly.50
Ephr., H Virg 26; McVey, p.377-381.
Ephr., H Virg 26, refr.; McVey, p.377.
49 Ephr., H Virg 26.2-3; McVey, p.377.
50 Ephr., H Virg 26.5, 9; McVey, p.378-379.
47
48

38

PATRISTIC WORLDS

The gospel accounts present these women as an affront in

their own times, evident in Jesuss behavior.Yet Ephrem highlights them as exemplars offaith, notable for boldness ofaction
and especially boldness ofvoice. Again, we must hear the womens choirs singing these verses and leading the congregation in
their responses ofpraise.The resonance between biblical story,
liturgical performance, and social world was palpable.
Elsewhere in these hymns, Ephrem speaks ofthe Canaanite Woman as one whose love bellowed out.51 Similarly, he
exalts the Samaritan Woman who encountered Jesus at the well
in John4.In Virginity22, Ephrem praises her as one reproached
and slandered, yet her head was high/ and her voice was
authoritative.52 In Virginity23, with the congregations repeated
refrain, Glory tothe Discoverer ofall!,53 Ephrem extols the
Samaritan Woman because truth was made known through her
voiceas indeed it was through the choirs voice:
O, toyou, woman in whom Isee
a wonder as great as in Mary!
For she from within her womb
in Bethlehem brought forth His body as achild,
but you by your mouth made Him manifest
as an adult in Shechem, the town ofHis fathers household.
Blessed are you, woman, who bought forth by your mouth
light for those in darkness.54

Above all else, it is her voice that Ephrem praises:

Your voice, O woman, first brought forth fruit,
before even the apostles, with the kerygma [Syr: karuzut].
[...]
Blessed is your mouth that He opened and confirmed.55

Christ spoke tothe Woman; she listened and responded by

proclaiming the gospel toher people.In liturgy, words were

Ephr., H Virg 34.7; McVey, p.413.

Ephr., H Virg 22.7; McVey, p.356-357.
53 Ephr., H Virg 22, refr.; McVey, p.361.
54 Ephr., H Virg 23.4; McVey, p.362. The Syriac for verses 4 and 5 employs
terms that explicitly engage the physicality ofconception and birthgiving
for both Mary and the Samaritan Woman(CSCO, 223/ Scr Syr 94), at p.82.
55 Ephr., H Virg 23.7; McVey, p.363.
51
52

39

S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

sung, heard, and responses sung forth, in orchestrated exchange

between chanter (Ephrem), womens choir, and congregation.In Ephrems hymns, words were not only intellectual tools
for understanding; they were bodily acts ofhearing and speech,
which served toactualise divine purpose.
Gender is highlighted in these verses on multiple levels.Notably, the womens boldness ofspeech breaks social customs presumed in the biblical accounts and apparently also by Ephrems
own audience.The image ofthe Samaritan Woman engages
gender as well as ethnicity in arhetorical strategy that plays upon
marginality: both underscore the unlikelihood and therefore the
power ofthe encounter with Christ.Yet there is more: in Syriac
liturgy, gender and ethnicity were literally utilised toperform
the teaching oftruth, as the sound ofthe Syriac womens choirs
embodied and enacted the very moral ofthe Samaritan Womans
story.Truth sounded forth from Syriac womens voices, despite
social constraint or calumny.
Ephrems hymns exalted womens voices.But he delighted
further toname all the types and ranks ofvoices contributing
toliturgical celebration:
Let the chief pastor weave together

his homilies like flowers,
let the priests make agarland oftheir ministry,

the deacons oftheir reading,
strong young men oftheir jubilant shouts,

children oftheir Psalms,
chaste women oftheir songs,

chief citizens oftheir benefactions,
ordinary folk oftheir manner oflife.
Blessed is He who gave us so many opportunities for good!56

What mattered in these combined, yet distinct, voices ofworship?

3.Sounding voices
In the gathered presence ofthe church as awhole, Ephrem
rejoiced at the sounds ofcollective song.
E.g., Ephr., H Res 2.9; Brock, Kiraz, p.177.

56

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PATRISTIC WORLDS

Blessed are you, O church [...]

Blessed are your voices [...]
Your mouth is acenser, and your voices like sweet spices
rise up on your festivals!57

It was asound towhich he called every believer: Let us glorify with all our mouths the Lord ofall means [of salvation].58
Just as his hymns joined the voices ofhis choirs tothose ofbiblical women, so, too, they joined the voices ofthe congregation
tothe voices ofnatural and supernatural order.For sounding
voices were Ephrems characterisation ofthese orders at their
most glorious.In his Hymns on Paradise, Ephrem reflected
on Paradise as aplace ofresounding splendor, with thunderous sound, blaring trumpets, voices crying, harps and lyres,
shouts ofhosanna, cries ofalleluia, seraphs with their chants,
cherubs with their wings, voices and music for which there is
no comparison here below.59
Such aview had characterized biblical depictions ofworship in human communities, as in the Psalms; and in heavenly
ones, in prophetic accounts such as Isaiah6 or Revelation5.
ForChristians and Jews, creation itself had been an act ofthunderous sound.60 In Ephrems Nativity hymns, that original
commotion was (fittingly) echoed in the thunderous clamor
ofthe second creation, the birth ofChrist, as heaven and earth
together sounded their joy with clamor, thunder, loud voices,
cries, shouts, and proclamations.61 The sound ofsuch singing, he
urged, should pour forth in triumph.At the Easter vigil, he sang:
This joyful festival is entirely made up oftongues and voices:
Innocent young women and men sounding like trumpets
and horns
While infant girls and boys resemble harps and lyres;

Ephr., H Nat 25.2; McVey, p.200.

Ephr., H Nat 3.19; McVey, p.87.
59E.g., Ephr., H Par 5.11, 11.2, 14.9. Discussed in B.Varghese, Saint
Ephrem and the Early Syriac Liturgical Tradition, St.Vladimirs Theological
Quarterly, 56:1(2011), p.17-49.
60 See now D.MacCulloch, Silence: AChristian History, NewYork,2013,
p.11-50; and, for example, Jac.Sar., the First Day ofCreation.
61E.g., Ephr., H Nat 6.21-24; H Nat 7.1.
57
58

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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

Their voices intertwine as they reach up together towards

heaven,
Giving glory tothe Lord ofglory.62

And tothis splendid chorus, the congregation sang the refrain:

Blessed is He for whom the silent have thundered out!63
Such acelebration ofvolume perhaps befits the hymn-writer,
whose job in part required rousing people toenthusiastic participation.But an appreciation ofloud-sounding worship recurred
in other kinds ofliterary sources that mention or refer toliturgical celebration.If the volume somehow mirrored divine (or at
least, biblical) counterparts, it also, undoubtedly, carried social
implications in the context oflate antique religious competition.Loud choirs in public spaces proclaimed proud witness
toones religious loyalties.Histories, chronicles, letters, and
hagiographies referred todueling choirs in late antique cities all
across the Empire.64 Triumphalism both social and political laced
such accounts, as well as aconscious attention toreligious ritual
as public performance.It is important for scholars toremember how much religious activity took place outdoors, in public,
widely accessible spaces: as processions through city streets, or in
marketplaces or other civic areas.65

Ephr., H Res 2.2; Brock, Kiraz, p.171.

Ibid.
64 Again, see the examples in McKinnon, Music in Early Christian Literature,
p.72 (#148, Gr.Naz.on the congregation at Caesarea); p.101-102(#218,
Socr.on Nicenes and Arians in Constantinople); p.102-103(#219, Soz.on
factions in Antioch); p.105-106 (#227, Thdt.on Melitians in Alexandria).
The public ethos ofpolemic continued, apparently also contributing tothe
development ofJewish liturgical poetry, particularly piyyut. See, e.g., W.van
Bekkum, Anti-Christian Polemics in Hebrew Liturgical Poetry(Piyyut) ofthe
Sixth and Seventh Centuries, in Early Christian Poetry: ACollection ofEssays
ed.J.Den Boeft, A.Hilhorst(Supplements toVigiliae Christianae, 22), Leiden,
1993, p.297-308.
65
The classic study remains J.F. Baldovin, The Urban Character ofChristian
Worship: The Origins, Development, and Meaning ofStational Liturgy (OCA,228),
Rome,1987. See further, e.g., T.F. Mathews, The Clash ofGods: areinterpretation ofearly Christian art, Princeton,19992; N.Andrade, The Processions
ofJohn Chrysostom and the Contested Spaces ofConstantinople, Journal
ofEarly Christian Studies, 18.2(2010), p.161-189. For an important Syriac
instance, J.Khoury-Sarkis, Recption dun vque syrien au viesicle,
LOrient Syrien, 2(1958), p.137-184.
62
63

42

PATRISTIC WORLDS

But there was also an aesthetic sensibility that understood

loud sound as an appropriate adornment ofreligious ritual; and
further, that encouraged participation in those terms in order
toexpress willing and active presence on the part ofthe congregation.Hence the Syriac womens choirs were praised in descriptions that mention their loud singing with appreciation. Syriac
liturgical instructions, whether in commentaries or sermons,
called for the congregation tofollow suit: tooffer their own
voices loudly, with shouting.66 Such aesthetic views contributed tothe formative, or instructive, aspects ofChristian worship. Ahymn-writer or choral leader such as Ephrem, might cultivate an awareness ofbodily engagement with soundwhether
voicing or hearingin verses such as we have been considering. Ahomilist could do likewise in amore explanatory mode.
Justso did Jacob ofSarug, itinerant priest and bishop serving in
the eastern Syriac-speaking areas ofthe Roman Empire during
the late fifth and early sixth centuries.67
In lyrically crafted poetic homilies, Jacob provided important
evidence about the Syriac womens choirs, in contexts where
he instructed the congregation about liturgy, its performance,
and their own forms ofparticipation in it.In these passages, he
emphasised the importance ofvoices sounded forth in speech or
song, and voices received by listening.Both modes ofvoice or
sound involved hearing as asensory act ofpotent affective quality, on persons and on the world.68
In the homily he dedicated toEphrem, Jacob emphasised
gendered sound as crucial tothe truth ofBible and liturgy as
proclaimed by Ephrems hymns.69 Hence he highlighted the

66
E.g., Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.203-340.Cfr the East Syriac liturgical homily, wrongly ascribed toNarsai, Hom.17: An Exposition ofthe
Mysteries, at p.6.Ephrem repeatedly summons the congregation tosing out
their joy: e.g.H Nat 22 and 25.Jacob ofSarugs festal homilies often end with
asummons tothe whole ofcreationincluding the congregationto sing forth
loudly.
67See now Jacob ofSerugh and his Times: Studies in Sixth-Century Syriac
Christianity ed.G.A. Kiraz, Piscataway, NJ,2010.
68 For an important new consideration oflistening in early Christian culture
more broadly, see now C.Harrison, The Art ofListening in the Early Church,
Oxford,2013.
69 Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem.

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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

import ofthe womens choirs, arguing from various directions.

Justas Moses led the Hebrew women in triumphant song at the
Red Sea, so, too, did Ephrem lead the Syriac women tosing
praise tothe Deliverer ofAll (v.45-50, 78-97).In former times
women kept silence in church, because their mouths were shut
by the disobedience ofEve (v.40-41).Now the obedience
ofMary has opened the mouths ofwomen; they can sing forth
without shame, with faces unveiled (v.108-113).Women
should sing loud praise just as the men, because the sacraments
gave proof oftheir equality.Jacob invoked the voice ofEphrem
exhorting the women tosing:
You put on glory from the midst ofthe waters like your
brothers;
render thanks with aloud voice like them also.
You have partaken ofasingle forgiving body with your
brothers,
and from asingle cup ofnew life you have been refreshed.
Asingle salvation was yours and theirs (alike); why then
have you not learned tosing praise with aloud voice?70

Thus Jacob employed in turn typological, theological, sacramental, and ultimately eschatological justifications for the liturgical
role ofthe womens choirs.These he presented tohis congregation as the very terms by which Ephrem exhorted women
tosing.Jacob thereby instructed his congregation in the voice
ofEphrem instructing the women.Once again, voice nested
within voice: voices remembered in liturgical song became the
voices ofthe participants themselves.
At the same time, Jacobs intoned encomium was laced with
references tothe sound ofthe women. The gatherings ofthe
glorious [church] resound with their melodies.71 They sing their
praises with sweet melodies and joyful sound.72 Or again,
their sound is serene, as sweet song with apure melody.73
The churches rang with the pure voices ofpious women who

Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem, v.105-107; Amar, p.51.

Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem, v.41b; Amar, p.35.
72 Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem, v.46, 48, 59; Amar, p.37, 39.
73 Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem, v.99-100; Amar, p.49.
70
71

44

PATRISTIC WORLDS

make their chants instructive melodies, with soft tones.74

By such descriptors, Jacob underscored attention tothe sound
ofthe women, in addition tothe words, or teaching, or truth,
which they sang.The content oftheir song was important,
tobe sure.But Jacobs point was that the sound of the womens
voices in the liturgy rendered witness toGods salvific actions,
for yonder in the kingdom, men and women are equal.75
Thewomens choirs enacted Gods saving dispensation by
giving voice in averbal icon that performed what it signified.
The congregation participated in that salvific enactment by
hearing their voices.Gendered voicessung and heardwere
essential tothe wholeness and tothe efficacy ofthe salvation
process.76
Himself one who chanted homilies ofprolonged duration,
Jacob often commented tohis congregations on the importance
oflistening in liturgy.77 He chided them for restless, distracted
behavior;78 he exhorted their careful attention; he praised them
when they listened well.These were more than exhortative
clichs.Rather, for Jacob, listening and hearing were primary
modes ofliturgical participation.They were physical acts, bodily encounters, ofprofound impact on an individual and on the
congregation as awhole.Thus he exhorted:
Both the speaker and the listeners are co-workers;
the word ofthe one who speaks and ofthe one who gives
heed is the same.
From the speaker and the listeners, one eulogy goes up
to the One who fashioned for us amouth and ears in his
wisdom.79

Jacob expounded this view in various homilies, admonishing

that listening affects ones person: sounds work on the soul, for
Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem, v.101, 114, 152; Amar, p.49, 53, 65.
Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem, v.43b; Amar, p.35.
76
Harvey, Singing Womens Stories.
77
S.A. Harvey, To Whom Did Jacob Preach?, in Jacob ofSerugh and his
Times ed.G.A.Kiraz, p.115-131.
78E.g., Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.115-128. Jac.Sar., Homily on
Ephrem, v.128-129, 139-169.
79 Jac.Sar., On the Tower ofBabel, l.69-74; Butts, p.14.
74
75

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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

good and for ill.The sounds ofthe city pulled the soul in many
directions.The sounds offunerals (with their wailing women)
were distressing;80 sounds ofthe theatre seduced and led astray;81
the marketplace distracted, gossip misled.82 By contrast, he argued
in On the Partaking ofthe Holy Mysteries, the sound ofliturgy
also impacted the soul, moulding its well-being, forming its disposition.83 He urged the importance oflistening and hearing as
active forms ofliturgical presence through the course ofPsalms,
hymns, scripture readings, and homilies.He drew attention tothe
womens choir: Pay heed tothe hymns (sung) by the virgins with
glorious voices/ that the wisdom ofthe Most High has given
tothe congregations.84 The repetition ofthese holy hymns, in
particular, would soothe, order, and comfort the soul.85
When Jacob turned tothe congregations own voice as liturgical contribution, it was with asense ofbringing liturgy toits
culminating fulfillment.Together the people must call out their
prayers, sing truthful songs, bless, sanctify, chant, and beg for
forgiveness with aloud voice.86 They must voice their prayers
aloud, and their voices must be heard: by the city, which would
resound with wondrous truth instead oflies, deceits, and filth;87
by Satan, who would be annoyed by hymns and prayers; by
God, who would offer forgiveness and mercy tothe faithful.88
Indeed, in ahomily on Elisha he sang out toGod:
The sound ofYour praise [O Lord] thunders awesomely
among the congregations,
and through it the impudent song ofidolatry was silenced.
From Your hymns, Your sermons, and Your teachings
the entire inhabited world shouted out and thundered tosing
praise.89
Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.157-158; Jac.Sar.,On the Departed.
Jac.Sar., On the Spectacles, passim.
82 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.53-72, 89-110, 265-278.
83 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.129-188.
84 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.131-132; Harrak, p.18.
85 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.171-176; Harrak, p.22.
86 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.189-320; Harrak, p.23-38.
87 Jac.Sar., On the Spectacles, passim.
88 Jac.Sar., On the Partaking, l.244-256, 261-264.
89 Jac.Sar., On Elisha IV, l.21-30; Kaufman, p.176. Jacob goes on
tonote the power ofthe womens singing, in particular.
80
81

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PATRISTIC WORLDS

In his festal homilies, Jacob sang in repeated cascades ofglory,

naming all the ranks ofall the faithful who joined their voices
tocelebrate the feast: earthly and heavenly, in the natural world
and in the human order.In these (loud and) shimmering lists
ofsinging liturgical participants averitable topos for his festal
homiliesJacob presented his vision ofatruly ordered cosmos,
in which all persons and all things would have their rightful place
and their rightful voice.Each would sound their contribution;
each would be heard.90

4.Patristic Worlds
Syriac voices from the patristic past are lush with poetic grandeur and crafted elegance.They elicit admiration (or at least, the
admiration ofSyriac scholars!) for the many ways in which they
differ from, but also resonate with, their better known Greek
and Latin counterparts.
Ironically, by their very differences, Syriac voices set in dramatic relief many ofthe silences that patristic scholars have come
tomourn as our knowledge has broadened and deepened in these
past fifty years. My comments here have focused on the voices
ofthose we most often lack in our ancient sources: the voices
oflanguages other than Greek or Latin, the voices ofwomen,
the voices ofordinary laity.Yet all these remain missing voices,
even when remembered by our sources.No known Syriac text
authored by awoman survives tous from pre-modern times.
Asfar as we know, the womens choirs did not compose their
own hymns, but sang the verses ofmale hymnographers, brilliant
or otherwise as they were.Moreover, in Syriac as in Greek or
Latin, the voice ofthe ordinary layperson lies beyond our grasp.
Nonetheless, these texts remind us, in their own distinctive terms, that such voices did sound forth.In the past fifty
years we have come toappreciate the diversity ofthe ancient
Christian world in far richer, more complex terms than scholars
had previously accounted for or recognised.The global present
necessitates such awareness; our own times call us tosuch achal-

E.g., Jac.Sar., On Palm Sunday, l.275-304.

90

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S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

lenge.In the work ofthis present volume, we see how manifold

the fruits ofsuch labor can be.
From such aperspective, we might well consider ancient religion tobe encapsulated in the sensory experience ofthe sound
ofsong: the voicing and hearing ofhymns, scripture, prayers,
instruction, and praise.Such songs were heard and sung, amidst
other, competing, and rival contexts; religious, social, and political. They were sung and heard amidst layered practices, such as
those described by Sozomen: amidst incense, lights, processions,
offerings, objects, adornments, food, and wine; sung and heard
individually and collectively, amidst competing religions and
rival groupings, in languages familiar and foreign. It is the multiplicity ofvoices from aplenitude ofworlds that we, as scholars,
seek tohear as patristic studies move forward in the twenty-first
century.

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Eucharistic Loaf, in Downside Review, 29 (n.s.10)(1910), p.260270 [Eng.trans.]. Also On the Reposed, by Mar Jacob, Bishop
ofSerugh (521)trans.Holy Transfiguration Monastery
[D.Miller], The True Vine, 5(1990), p.41-53.
Jac.Sar., Homily on Ephrem=AMetrical Homily on Holy
Mar Ephrem by MarJacob ofSeruged.and tr.J.P.Amar
(PO,47), Turnhout,1995, p.5-76.
Jac.Sar., On ElishaIV=IV: About Naaman the Edomite and
his disciple, Gahzi (Hom.119) in Jacob ofSarugs Homilies on
Elishatr.S.A.Kaufman, Piscataway, NJ,2010, p.169-205.
Jac.Sar., the First Day ofCreation=Jacob ofSarugs Homilies on
the Six Days ofCreation: the First Day (Hom.71A)tr.E.G.
Mathews, Jr., Piscataway, NJ,2009.
Jac.Sar., On Palm Sunday=Jacob ofSarug, On Palm Sunday
(Hom.18) tr.T.Kollamparampil, Piscataway, NJ,2008.
Jac.Sar., On the Partaking=Jacob ofSarug, On the Partaking
ofthe Holy Mysteries, (Hom.95) tr.Amir Harrak, Piscataway,
NJ,2009.
Jac.Sar., On Spectacles=Jacob ofSerughs Homilies on the Spectacles ofthe Theatre ed.and tr.C.Moss, Le Muson, 48(1935),
p.87-112.
Jac.Sar., On the Tower ofBabel=Jacob ofSarug, On the Tower
ofBabel (Hom.33)tr.A.M.Butts, Piscataway, NJ,2009.
Maruta Canons=The Canons Ascribed toMaruta ofMaipherqat and
Related Sources ed.and tr.A.Vbus (CSCO, 439-440/
Scr.Syr. 191-192), Louvain,1982.

49

S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

Ps.Narsai, Hom.17=Ps.Narsai, Homily17: An Exposition

on the Mysteries, in The Liturgical Homilies ofNarsai tr.R.H.
Connolly (Texts and Studies, 8), Cambridge,1909, p.1-32.
Rules ofRabbula=The Rules ofRabbula for the Clergy and
the Qeiama, in Syriac and Arabic Documents Regarding Legislation
Relative toSyrian Asceticism ed.and tr.A.Vbus (Papers ofthe
Estonian School ofTheology in Exile, 11), Stockholm,1960, p.34-50.
Soz., h.e.=Sozomen, historia ecclesiastica ed.J.Bideztr.A.J. Festugire, in Sozomne, Histoire ecclsiastique: Livres III (SC,306),
Paris,1983 [Eng.trans.C.D.Hartranft NPNF22, GrandRapids,
1989].
Syriac vita=The Syriac Vita Tradition ofEphrem the Syrian ed.and
tr.J.P.Amar (CSCO, 629-630/ Scr.Syr.242-3), Leuven,2011.

2.Secondary Sources
N.Andrade, The Processions ofJohn Chrysostom and the Contested Spaces ofConstantinople, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies,
18.2(2010), p.161-189.
S.Bakker Kellog, Fragments ofaLiturgical World: Syriac Orthodox Christianity and the Dutch Multiculturalism Debates,
unpublished doctoral dissertation, University ofCalifornia, Santa
Cruz,2013.
J.F.Baldovin, The Urban Character ofChristian Worship: The Origins, Development, and Meaning ofStational Liturgy (OCA, 228),
Rome,1987.
N.Belayche, Iudaea-Palaestina: the pagan cults in Roman Palestine
(second tofourth centuries), Tbingen,2001.
P.Bradshaw, Daily Prayer in the Early Church, Oxford,1982.
S.P.Brock, The Bible in the Syrian Tradition, Piscataway, NJ,20062.
S.P.Brock, The Luminous Eye: the Spiritual World Vision ofSt.Ephrem
the Syrian, Kalamazoo,1992.
S.P.Brock, Poetry and Hymnography(3): Syriac, in the Oxford
Handbook ofEarly Christian Studies ed.S.A.Harvey, D.G. Hunter,
Oxford,2010, p.657-671.
P.Brown, The Notion ofVirginity in the Early Church, in Christian Spirituality: Origins tothe Twelfth Century ed.B.McGinn,
J.Meyendorff,J.Leclerq, NewYork,1985, p.427-443.
F.Cassingena-Trvedy, Lhymnographie syriaque, in Les liturgies
syriaquesed.F.Cassingena-Trvedy,I.Jurasz (tudes syriaques,3), Paris,2006, p.183-219.

50

PATRISTIC WORLDS

H.A.Drake, Intolerance, Religious Violence, and Political Legitimacy in LateAntiquity, Journal ofthe American Academy ofReligion, 79(2011), p.193-235.
S.H.Griffith, Asceticism in the Church ofSyria: the Hermeneutics ofEarly Syrian Monasticism, in Asceticism ed.V.Wimbush,
R.Valantasis, NewYork,1995, p.220-245.
S.H.Griffith, Faith Adoring the Mystery: Reading the Bible with
St.Ephraem the Syrian, Milwaukee,1997.
S.H.Griffith, Setting Right the Church ofSyria: Saint Ephrems
Hymns Against Heresies, in The Limits ofAncient Christianity:
Essays on Late Antique Thought and Culture in Honour ofRobert
A.Markused.W.E.Klingshirn,M.Vessey, AnnArbor,1999,
p.97-114.
E.Grypeou,H.Spurling, Abrahams Angels: Jewish and Christian
Exegesis ofGenesis 18-19, in The Exegetical Encounter between
Jews and Christians in LateAntiquity ed.E.Grypeou, H.Spurling
(Jewish and Christian Perspectives,18), Leiden,2009, p.181-203.
C.Harrison, The Art ofListening in the Early Church, Oxford,2013.
S.A.Harvey, Impudent Women: Mt1: 1-16 in Syriac Tradition,
Parole de lOrient, 35 (Actes du XeSymposium)(2010), p.65-76.
S.A.Harvey, Performance as Exegesis: Womens Liturgical Choirs
in Syriac Tradition, in Inquiries into Eastern Christian Worship:
Acts ofthe Second International Congress ofthe Society ofOriental
Liturgyed.B.J.Groen,S.Alexopoulos,S.Hawkes-Teeples
(Eastern Christian Studies,12), Leuven,2012, p.47-64.
S.A.Harvey, Revisiting the Daughters ofthe Covenant: Womens
Choirs and Sacred Song in Ancient Syriac Christianity, Hugoye:
Journal ofSyriac Studies, 8.2(2005 [2009]), p.125-149.
S.A.Harvey, The Senses in Religion: Piety, Critique, Competition, in ACultural History ofthe Senses ed.C.Classen, Vol.I:
Antiquityed.J.P.Toner, London,2014, p.91-113.
S.A.Harvey, Sensing More in Ancient Religion, Svensk Teologisk
Kvartalskrift, 89(2013), p.97-106
S.A.Harvey, Singing Womens Stories in Syriac Tradition, Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift, 100.3(2010), p.171-189.
S.A.Harvey, To Whom Did Jacob Preach?, in Jacob ofSerugh and
his Times ed.G.A.Kiraz, p.115-131.
Jacob ofSerugh and his Times: Studies in Sixth-Century Syriac Christianity ed.G.A.Kiraz, Piscataway, NJ,2010.
A.Kofsky, Mamre: ACase ofaRegional Cult? in Sharing the Sacred:
Religious Contacts and Conflicts in the Holy Land ed.A.Kofsky,
G.G.Stroumsa, Jerusalem,1998, p.19-30.

51

S. ASHBROOK HARVEY

R.Jensen, Early Christian Images and Exegesis, in Picturing the Bible:

the Earliest Christian Arted.J.Spier, NewHaven, London,
2007, p.64-85.
J.Khoury-Sarkis, Recption dun vque syrien au viesicle,
LOrient Syrien, 2(1958), p.137-184.
M.Lattke, Sind Ephraems Madrae Hymnen?, Oriens Christianus,
73(1989), p.38-43.
D.MacCulloch, Silence: AChristian History, NewYork,2013.
R.Macmullen, The Second Century: Popular Christianity A.D.200400, Atlanta,2009.
J.Mateos, La clbration de la parole dans la liturgie Byzantine (OCA,191),
Rome,1971.
J.Mateos, Lelya-Sapra: Essai dinterpretation des matines chaldeennes
(OCA, 156), Rome,1959.
T.F. Mathews, The Clash ofGods: areinterpretation ofearly Christian
art, Princeton,19992.
J.McKinnon, Music in Early Christian Literature, Cambridge,1987.
K.McVey, Ephrem the Kitharode and Proponent ofWomen: Jacob
ofSerugs Portrait ofaFourth-Century Churchman for the SixthCentury Viewer and its significance for the twenty-first century
ecumenist, in Orthodox and Wesleyan Ecclesiology ed.S.T.Kimbrough, Crestwood, NY,2007, p.229-253.
C.Page, The Christian West and its Singers: the First Thousand Years,
NewHaven,2010.
A.Palmer, ALyre Without aVoice: the Poetics and Politics
ofEphrem the Syrian, ARAM, 5(1993), p.371-399.
A.Palmer, ASingle Human Being Divided in Himself: Ephraim
the Syrian, the Man in the Middle, Hugoye: Journal ofSyriac
Studies, 1.2(1998 [2010]), p.119-163.
J.Quasten, The Liturgical Singing ofWomen in Christian Antiquity, Catholic Historical Review, 27(1941), p.149-165.
J.Quasten, Music and Worship in Pagan and Christian Antiquity
tr.B.Ramsey, Washington, D.C.,1983.
J.Rives, Religion in the Roman Empire, Malden,2007.
C.Shepardson, Anti-Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrems Hymns
in Fourth-Century Syria (Patristic Monograph Series,20), Washington,
D.C.,2008.
R.Taft, The Liturgy ofthe hours in East and West: the Origins ofthe
Divine Office and its Meaning for Today, Collegeville,1986.

52

PATRISTIC WORLDS

D.Ullucci, The Christian Reflection ofAnimal Sacrifice, NewYork,

2012.
W.Van Bekkum, Anti-Christian Polemics in Hebrew Liturgical
Poetry (Piyyut) ofthe Sixth and Seventh Centuries, in Early
Christian Poetry: ACollection ofEssaysed.J.Den Boeft,
A.Hilhorst (Supplements toVigiliae Christianae, 22), Leiden,
1993, p.297-308.
B.Varghese, Saint Ephrem and the Early Syriac Liturgical Tradition, St.Vladimirs Theological Quarterly, 56.1(2011), p.17-49.

Abstract
Over the past fifty years, patristic scholars have shown increasing
interest in the diversity and pluralism ofthe ancient Christian world.
This paper marks these changes by presenting two windows into
Christianity ofthe patristic era. First, the Greek historian Sozomen
presents aspects ofreligious pluralism that bear upon how scholars
understand ancient Christianity as areligion. Second, Syriac liturgical
poetry provides an example ofthe diverse voices patristic scholars
have increasingly come tovalue in recent years. In both cases,
Iseek toemphasise religion as an embodied experience, physically
performed and sensorily engaged. This perspective itself marks arecent
turn in scholarly attention, one that again brings tolight the
multiplicity ofChristianity during the patristic era. This paper will
not argue athesis, but rather present considerations for re-thinking
the ancient Christian world in larger, more diverse terms than have
characterised patristic scholarship in other times and places.

53

OVERVIEW
OF PATRISTIC STUDIES

MARTIN WALLRAFF
Universitt Basel

WHOSE FATHERS?
AN OVERVIEW OFPATRISTIC STUDIES
IN EUROPE

An overview ofpatristic studies in Europe in just afew pages is

not only adifficult task.It is an impossible mission.Too many
projects, people, and phenomena would have to be mentioned.
Although things may gradually change in the twenty-first century, it is no exaggeration to say that in the fifty years covered
by the history ofthe Association Internationale dtudes Patristiques (AIEP) more than half ofpatristic research worldwide has
been carried out in Europe. It would be afutile debate to clarify
whether it was actually sixty or seventy percent or even more.
It is to be hoped that this will changeand that this change
will happen not just because research in Europe declines due to
lack ofresources and fading cultural presuppositions, but mainly
because ofgrowing interest elsewhere (and hence an overall intensification). It is my conviction that the quality ofour
material and the general development ofChristianity worldwide
justify such intensification.
For the present overview Iresisted the temptation to give
ashort best of list.Rather, Iopted for adifferent solution.In
my first section Iwill share afew general thoughts on Europe
and Patristics. Iwill then mention just afew initiatives or institutions, pars pro toto, without any claim to give an exhaustive or
representative cross-section, and Iwill finally reflect on afew
recent and not-so-recent developments.It is almost superfluous
to say that all this is highly subjective, and marked by personal
experience, opinion, and limits.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107511

57

M. WALLRAFF

1.Whose fathers?paternity and alterity

My considerations start from the observation that many patristic scholars in Europe teach and do research in contexts where
their field ofcompetence is not actually called Patristics. Most
relevant chairs bear names like Religious Literature ofLate
Antiquity (Littrature religieuse de lAntiquit tardive), Ancient
Church History (ltere Kirchengeschichte), History ofChristian
Antiquity (Histoire de lAntiquit chrtienne), Ancient Christian
Literature (Letteratura cristiana antica), Historical Theology,
or many others.There is actually asurprising variety ofdesignationsand asurprising consciousness ofunity in reconciled diversity (if Imay use this ecumenical terminology). All
over the continent people dealing with Origen, Athanasius, and
Augustine consider themselves patristic scholars, tend to come to
patristic conferences, and often are members ofthe Association
Internationale dtudes Patristiques, although at home they are
disguised under different names.
The different designations often lead to different roots in the
various cultural contexts: national, religious, academic. Sometimes these roots are ofgreat historical interest, and sometimes
they are not: they merely lead to idiosyncrasies oflocal politics,
with very limited interest only to those who are involved actively
or passively in some phase ofreforming or deforming European
institutions ofhigher education. It must be stressed, however, that
the use or non-use ofthe term Patristics does not depend on the
religious or secular context. There are state faculties where the
term is used, and ecclesiastical institutions where it is not used.
Apparently, the term Patristics constitutes arelatively strong
identity ad intra, whereas it does not immediately convey aclear
message ad extra. Actually, even in academic contexts many colleagues from other disciplines would not even know the term.
It may well be that this ambiguity ofPatristics ultimately
derives from its literal meaning: It implies fatherhood, and in the
last decades this aspect has become less clear or even somewhat
embarrassing. Who fathered what child? Of course, there are
good studies on the historic origins ofthe concept offathers,
on the patristic principle, etc.1 There is also abroad and some T.Graumann, Die Kirche der Vter.Vtertheologie und Vterbeweis in den

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WHOSE FATHERS? AN OVERVIEW OFPATRISTIC STUDIES IN EUROPE

what diffuse opinion that the fathers are Church fathers and
more than that.2 They somehow belong to the origins ofour
European culture. Anarrow definition in an ecclesial (or even
denominational) sense would be too technical; abroader definition remains vague and arbitrary. However, most Church
fathers are not European, and if they fathered children, then it
was not the European culture (of which they could not and did
not know anything, because it originated much later). Even the
most important and well known European Church father is not
European at all: Augustine ofHippo was an African bishop and
theologian.
This, ofcourse, has always been true, but as part ofaprocess ofglobalisation and pluralisation European scholars become
more and more aware ofit. For me personally this became clear
in avivid manner, when Iattended an African American church
in Washington, D.C., where St.Augustine was proudly presented in the stained glass windows in avery ostensibly African way.3 Today, the fathers cannot (and should not) be read
in ateleological perspective, i.e., in adirect ancestral line from
Jesus Christ to the Fathers, from there to the Latin (and Christian) culture ofthe European Middle Ages, to the theologians
ofthe age ofReformation and post-Reformation, to European
scholarship today.
Today Europe may be in search ofacommon narrative and
identityafter along phase ofpostmodern delight in diversity
and plurality. But the fathers do not easily lend themselves to
Kirchen des Ostens bis zum Konzil vonEphesus(431)(Beitrge zur Historischen
Theologie,118), Tbingen,2002; A.Merkt, Das patristische Prinzip.Eine Studie
zur theologischen Bedeutung der Kirchenvter(Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae,58),
Leiden,2001; M.Fdou, Les Pres de lglise et la thologie chrtienne, Paris,2013.
2 Already Henri-Irne Marrou in his opening lecture ofthe first Oxford
Conference on Patristic Studies in1951 claimed the Church fathers as asource
ofthe classical humanism that post-war Europe needed. (The lecture was printed
only in1976; it served as aprogrammatic opening contribution to ahomonymous collection ofarticles: H.-I.Marrou, Patristique et humanisme, in Id.,
Patristique et humanisme.Mlanges, Paris,1976, p.25-34.)
3 St.Augustine Catholic Church, the Mother Church ofAfrican American
Catholics in the Nations Capital; the church was built in the nineteenth
century for an Irish parish in the historicizing style ofthe time. Most stained glass
windows ofthe original building survive(in their European pseudo-medieval
style)except for the one mentioned in the text.

59

M. WALLRAFF

such apurpose. Charlemagne often is pushed into this role, at

times even Constantine, but not patristic literature.On the other
hand, European scholarship is still very strong in Patristics, but
there is no such thing as amonopoly.
What does this all mean? One thing for sure: the distance has
grown. This is true in many respects, not least for the languages.
In all European countries the knowledge ofGreek and Latin has
significantly decreased in the last fifty years. The impact and the
presence ofChristian traditions in the public realm have also
decreased. The consciousness ofdifferent approaches to Patristics
and scholarship elsewhere, outside Europe, is gradually growing.
Today, the fathers are not as naturally our fathers as they were
half acentury ago.
It is my hypothesis that the significance and the importance
ofpatristic studies does not decrease with the growing distance.
On the contrary, there is anew interest in patristic studies
under the paradigm ofotherness. The new Munich Centre
for Ancient Worlds (plural!) runs agraduate school for ancient
studies under the name ofDistant Worlds.4 Patristics is explicitly included in this context.It may well be that the fathers continue to be Church fathers, i.e., that they have avital identifying
role for Christian believers. But firstly this is not important for
all scholars in the field (there are many non-Christians or nonbelievers), and secondly, even for Christian theologians the constitution ofaChristian identity is not necessarily the main reason
for the interest in our texts. As Isaid at the beginning, the quality ofour material is so high, that the interest is justified, maybe
even stronger under the paradigm ofalterity. The fathers speak
for themselves, and they will make their voice heard also in the
future, also in Europe.Patres suorum ipsorum interpretes.

2.Who does what where?institutional aspects

Quibus rebus dictis, it must also be said that we all still owe agreat
deal to European scholarship. Iwill mention afew concrete
4 www.mzaw.uni-muenchen.de/dw/; in what follows Ilimit myself often
to giving internet addresses(URLs). The most accurate and up-to-date information on many projects can be found in the internet, although URLs may change
over time. All addresses were correct in July2014.

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WHOSE FATHERS? AN OVERVIEW OFPATRISTIC STUDIES IN EUROPE

achievements ofthe last fifty years.This will be only illustrative, as Isaid, without any claim to being exhaustive. First
ofall, most patristic texts are to be read in European editions.
This is certainly true for the older editions, like the Maurists
and others, mostly reprinted in Mignes monumental Patrologia.
Although most fathers are not European, they come to us in
European clothes, as it were. It is also true for most recent critical
editions. As is well known, the most important series are the Corpus Scriptorium Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (CSEL) originally from
Vienna, now Salzburg,5 the Griechische Christliche Schriftsteller
der ersten Jahrhunderte (GCS) from Berlin6 and the Corpus Christianorum from Turnhout in Belgium.7 All three are older than
half acentury, and thus older than AIEP, but they all continued
to flourish in these years. In all three cases, the institutional background is neither auniversity nor areligious institute, but an academy ofscience in Austria and in Germany, and an independent
foundation in Belgium. To name but afew recent developments:
For the Corpus Christianorum, the last decades were characterized
by an extension ofthe original programme.The corpus publishes
not only Latin fathers, but also aGreek series, apocryphal texts,
and avery prolific medieval continuation.The Vienna corpus
is still known under this name (and they still operate in Vienna),
5
www.csel.eu; the new Festschrift ofthe project contains relatively little on its history: Edition und Erforschung lateinischer patristischer Texte.150 Jahre
CSEL ed.V.Zimmerl-Panagl, L.J.Dorfbauer, C.Weidmann, Berlin,2014,
cfr. in particular C.Harrauer, ...die Akademie ist in eine sehr fatale Lage
gekommen.Schlaglichter aus den Anfngen des CSEL, in ibid., p.289-311.
The older contribution by M.Zelzer, Ein Jahrhundert(und mehr) CSEL.
Evaluation vonZiel und Verffentlichungen, Sacris Erudiri,38(1998-1999),
p.75-99, continues to be useful.
6 The series is published by de Gruyter(www.degruyter.com/view/serial/
16240); it is affiliated to the project at the Berlin academy(www.bbaw.de/
forschung/bibelexegese; see below).For the early history ofthe project, cfr. the
magisterial work ofS.Rebenich, Theodor Mommsen und Adolf Harnack. Wissenschaft und Politik im Berlin des ausgehenden19.Jahrhunderts, Berlin,1997, in
partic.p.129-222.After the re-unification ofGermany aNeue Folge ofthe
series was launched(1995-). For the preceding volumes auseful overview can
be found in S.Rebenich, Adolf vonHarnack.Protokollbuch der Kirchenvter-Kommission 1897-1928, Berlin,2000, p.163-173.
7 www.corpuschristianorum.org; cfr. J.Leemans, Fifty Years ofCorpus
Christianorum(1953-2003).From Limited Edition Project to Multi-located
Scholarly Enterprise, in Corpus Christianorum1953-2003.Xenium Natalicium.
Fifty Years ofScholarly Editing ed.J.Leemans, Turnhout,2003, p.9-55.

61

M. WALLRAFF

although officially the project is now domiciled in Salzburg.

It is concentrating on (without being limited to) Augustine.
The project at the Berlin academy had been officially closed but
was officially re-launched in2010 under the new name Late
antique Biblical exegesis in Antioch and Alexandria. The series,
however, continues to be called Griechische Christliche Schriftsteller,
and continues to publish what its name says.
The production ofuseful editions is, ofcourse, not limited
to these major series, but Iwant proceed to adifferent area.
The last fifty years have seen an extraordinary production
oftranslations into various European languages.The pioneer
ofall later activities has been the series Sources chrtiennes, founded
in the1940s by the Jesuits Henri deLubac and Jean Danilou.8
When Gregory ofNyssas Life ofMoses appeared in1941, in
war-shaken Europe, in occupied France, nobody could foresee
that this modest volume would become the first ofnow several
hundred, many ofwhich have become milestones in our field.In
the present volume the contribution by Jean-Nol Guinot pays
homage to this extraordinary story ofsuccess. Many other similar
initiatives would have to be mentioned. The closest relatives are,
perhaps, the German Fontes Christiani and the recently launched
Italian Sources chrtiennes.9 Italy, by the way, is extremely prolific
in the sector oftranslations, accompanied or not by the original text. (And to my knowledge, Italy is the only European
country, maybe the only country worldwide, where you would
find patristic literature in average book shops at train stations,
sometimes even minor ones.) Let me mention, honoris causa, only
Scrittori greci e latini ofthe Fondazione Lorenzo Valla, Biblioteca
patristica, Collana di testi patristici, and several fathers Opera omnia

8 www.sourceschretiennes.mom.fr; cfr. .Fouilloux, La collection Sources

chrtiennes.diter les Pres de lglise au xxesicle, Paris,1995.
9 The Fontes(whose spiritus rector was the late Wilhelm Geerlings,19412008) are aprolific and wide-ranging series.In four sub-series more than 120
volumes have appeared since1991.With the exception ofthe third sub-series(Brepols), the publisher is Herder.Further information can be found on
www.mueze.uni-muenchen.de/fontes_christiani/.The first volume ofthe
Italian series appeared in2006(Cipriano di Cartagine, Lunit della Chiesa
ed.P.Siniscalco, P.Mattei, A.Carpin, Rome,2006); the publisher is Edizioni
Studio Domenicano.

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WHOSE FATHERS? AN OVERVIEW OFPATRISTIC STUDIES IN EUROPE

ofthe publisher Citt nuova.10 Many ofthese volumes (along

with their introductions) do not only serve the purpose ofdiffusion to alarger audience, but constitute serious contributions to
academic research.
Ihave to pass over in silence various precious initiatives in
other languages like Oxford Early Christian Texts or Bibliothek der
Griechischen Literatur in order to be able to remain in Italy, and
to come to adifferent institutional aspect. Iam talking about
the founding ofthe Patristic Institute Augustinianum in Rome
in1969.11 Whereas the Sources chrtiennes belong to the prehistory ofthe Second Vatican Council (they are to be seen in
the context ofnouvelle thologie, which forms one ofthe roots
ofthe new spirit in the Roman Catholic Church), the Patristic
Institute is aripe fruit ofthe Council.It was founded with the
intention to make the voice ofpatristic thought and patristic
competence heard in the Roman Catholic Church worldwide.
Apart from this, the Institute is particularly successful in creating abridge between the patristic activities in state universities
and the ecclesiastical realm. This is achieved primarily by means
ofannual conferences, whose proceedings are auseful tool ofthe
research.12
There would be many other smaller or larger institutions
to be mentioned: the Paris Institut dtudes Augustiniennes,
the Franz Joseph Dlger-Institut zur Erforschung der Sptantike in
Bonn, the Zentrum fr Augustinus-Forschung in Wrzburg, etc.13

10
The Scrittori greci e latini started in1974.The series is published by Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, and among its numerous volumes appear both
patristic and non-patristic texts(http://collane.librimondadori.it/scrittorilatini-e-greci).Biblioteca patristica started in1984; it has produced around fifty
volumes so far and is published by Edizioni Dehoniane(www.dehoniane.it).
The Collana di testi patristici(only translations) is very productive: nearly 250
volumes since1991.The publisher is Citt Nuova(editrice.cittanuova.it).
The same publisher produces Opera omnia ofauthors like Ambrose, Gregory the
Great, and others(reprint ofLatin text without apparatus, Italian translation).
11 www.patristicum.org; the history ofthe institute still remains to be written(for the time being, cfr. only afew remarks on the homepage).
12 The proceedings are regularly published in the series Studia Ephemeridis
Augustinianum(first volume1967), cfr. www.patristicum.org/it/pubblicazioni
(also for the journal Augustinianum).
13 The respective URLs are: www.etudes-augustiniennes.paris-sorbonne.fr,
www.antike-und-christentum.de, www.augustinus.de.

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M. WALLRAFF

Rather than listing names ofinstitutions, Iwish to mention

afew concrete activities, in particular conferences. Apart from
single conferences, which take place all the time everywhere,
there are afew significant series ofevents, first and foremost
the mythical Oxford conferences. They take place every four
years, organized primarily, but not exclusively by our colleagues in England.Over the last fifty years they have become
more and more international in aworldwide sense.It is certainly true to say that this is the one occasion where Patristics
becomes visible globally. It is probably also true to say that the
growth in quantity is not always and not necessarily agrowth
in quality. In any case, the ever more voluminous conference
proceedings Studia Patristica are an impressive witness to the
vitality ofour field.14
Among smaller and more specialized events is the successful series ofColloquia Origeniana.Eleven conferences on Origen
have already taken place, the last was in summer2013 in Aarhus
in Denmark on the topic Origen and Origenism in the History
ofWestern Thought.15 Likewise, there is afruitful series ofcolloquia on Gregory ofNyssa.16 Afew events on Augustine have
been organized by the Wrzburg centre and/or by the Augustinianum.

14
The proceedings ofthe last conference of2011 filled eighteen(!)
volumes: Papers Presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic
Studies Held in Oxford2011, 18vols. ed.M.Vinzent(Studia Patristica,53-70),
Leuven,2013.The early volumes appeared in East Berlin(vols.1-2, ed.K.Aland
[Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur,63-64], Berlin,
1957). When this became impossible for political reasons, the series passed
to Peeters Publishers in Belgium.
15Proceedings appear in the series Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum
Lovaniensium. The last published volume is Origeniana decima.Origen as Writer.
Papers ofthe 10th International Origen Congress, University School ofPhilosophy
and Education Ignatianum, Krakw, Poland, 31 August4 September2009
ed.S.Kaczmarek, H.Pietras, A.Dziadowiec(Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum
Lovaniensium, 244), Leuven,2011.
16 The next event will be the XIIIInternational Colloquium in Rome in
September2014 (www.gregoryofnyssa.org).Proceedings appear in the series
Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae.The last published volume is Gregory ofNyssa.
The Minor Treatises on Trinitarian Theology and Apollinarism.Proceedings ofthe 11th
International Colloquium on Gregory ofNyssa(Tbingen, 17-20 September2008)
ed.V.H.Drecoll, M.Berghaus(Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae,106), Leiden,
2011.

64

WHOSE FATHERS? AN OVERVIEW OFPATRISTIC STUDIES IN EUROPE

However, the most important contribution to the research

on the bishop ofHippo is certainly the impressive AugustinusLexikon, whose fourth volume is now in course ofpublication.17
Generally speaking, German scholarship has acertain predilection
for monumental encyclopaedias. The most conspicuous case in
our field is the Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum, which has
now come to the letter N and whose thorough and well documented articles are known worldwide.18 Along with the journal
Jahrbuch fr Antike und Christentum and the series ofmonographs
(Ergnzungsbnde,1964-; there is also a Kleine Reihe,2004-), the
Dlger-Institut in Bonn provides an excellent forum ofresearch.
Speaking ofjournals and series, again the list would be very
long, and by naming afew, Icannot avoid committing more
than just venial sins ofomission.Vigiliae Christianae continues to
be apoint ofreference (and an important contribution by our
colleagues in the Netherlands), although it is now supplemented
by the Zeitschrift fr antikes Christentum/Journal ofAncient Christianity, founded in1997. More or less in the same timespan the
Italian journal Adamantius has made its extraordinary career from
atiny newsletter to avoluminous annual ofinternational research
on Origen and related topics.19 Augustine and beyond could
be the motto ofjournals like Augustinianum and Revue dtudes
augustiniennes et patristiques.Obviously, patristic scholars continue
to publish in distinguished journals ofrelated fields, especially
antiquity (like Gnomon), history ofChristianity (like Cristianesimo
nella storia) or theology (like Journal ofTheological Studies)and
many others.
It would be very easy to go on with an enumeration ofinitiatives, institutes, journals, series, conferences, editions, etc. Ialso
completely refrain from mentioning single names ofsignificant
scholars, both deceased and living, andamong the latterboth

17 Augustinus-Lexikon ed.C.Mayer et al., 3vols., Basel1986-2010.

The second fascicle ofthe fourth volume has reached the letter O.
18 Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum.Sachwrterbuch zur Auseinandersetzung
des Christentums mit der antiken Welt ed.T.Klauser et al., 25vols., Stuttgart,
1950-2013.
19The first volume appeared in1995 with 36 pages.In the following
years it gradually grew to averitable Jahrbuch: 84 pages in1996, 128 in1997,
268 in1998, and 362 in1999.By2008 Adamantius had grown to 724 pages!

65

M. WALLRAFF

present at the Jerusalem conference and not. This is, maybe, the
most serious drawback ofmy presentation, because ultimately
behind all initiatives there are always individuals with their personal energy and imaginationand some ofthem were and are
remarkable. Let me only say in passing that our scholarly community significantly contributed to European societies in general. Patristic scholars have served as archbishop ofCanterbury or
as president ofthe Humboldt University ofBerlin.Others have
been named cardinal or dame ofthe British empire,20 or have
received other high honours. Rather than naming afew and
offending others, Iwish to come to my third section and final
remarks.

3.What has changed and what will change?diachronic aspects

Speakers on the state ofPatristics in various parts ofthe world
were asked in aletter to identify trends in the discipline ofPatristics. This is not easy to do, because Europe as acontinent is too
heterogeneous. Whereas it would probably be correct to see in
Peter Browns works aleading paradigm for awhole generation
ofNorth American scholars (with exceptions, ofcourse), there is
no such thing for Europeans.Methods and research topics in Paris
and in Tbingen, in Rome and in Oxford are quite different.
There is abroad variety ofapproaches in terms ofconfessional
or linguistic or cultural backgrounds. And, fortunately, there is
also avariety oflanguages spoken. Pieces ofserious scholarship
continue to be published at least in the four main European languages (English, French, German, and Italian), maybe in afew
others as well. On the whole, what Iwould call the Swiss principle works astonishingly well, i.e., everyone speaks and writes
in his or her own languageand hopes that others will understand.The smaller language groups, however, adopt more and
more English as their lingua franca.

20Rowan Williams(archbishop ofCanterbury2002-2012), Christoph

Markschies (president ofHumboldt University ofBerlin2006-2010), Prosper
Grech (cardinal2012), Averil Cameron(DBE2006), to name but afew
(stillliving).

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WHOSE FATHERS? AN OVERVIEW OFPATRISTIC STUDIES IN EUROPE

If Ihad to identify atrend in terms ofcontents, Iwould probably mention the growing interest in Origen.In the last fifty
years in Europe, studies on the Alexandrian theologian have been
flourishing in asurprising way.21 The discovery ofamanuscript
with unknown homilies on the psalms in April2012 was the
icing on the cake.The publication ofthe text in the GCS series,
edited by Lorenzo Perrone, is imminent.22 It is quite remarkable,
that the one father who attracts particular attention is not really
afather but, technically speaking, acondemned heretic. This
observation may lead back to my initial remarks on paternity.
Apparently, being afather is not an objective category; the question who is afather for whom? is more complex.
Another observation may also shed some light on this: the
useful Nuovo dizionario patristico e di antichit cristiane obviously
contains alemma patrologia/patristica.But then it also containsquite surprisinglyan article on matristica (which is
even longer).23 This does not necessarily mean that new female
authors have been discovered; it is more asign ofcontemporary
sensitiveness, anew approach to paternity, again agrown sense
ofdistance between aworld offathers and aworld in which
fathers and mothers define their roles in new and more equal
ways.
Iwill come back to these considerations.Before doing so, let
me single out two more trends, or rather one anti-trend and one
future trend. The first is adevelopment in the last decades which
Isee as aregrettable loss.Iam talking about the loosened ties
between Patristics and Christian archaeology. It is certainly true
that we are living in atime ofgrowing specialization, sometimes
over-specialization, and it also true that contents and methods
ofChristian archaeology have now reached avery high level
ofprofessionalization which makes it difficult for outsiders to

21
For the Colloquia Origeniana see above n.15; for the journal Adamantius
see above n.19.
22 Now in print: Origenes, The New Homilies on the Psalms.ACritical Edition ofCodex Monacensis Graecus314 ed.L.Perrone(Die griechischen christlichen
Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte, Neue Folge,19), Berlin,2015.
23 A.Hamman,J.Leal, Patrologia-Patristica, in Nuovo Dizionario patristico
e di antichit cristianeed.A.DiBerardino, 3vols., Rome,2006-2008, III,
col.3967-3972; K.E. Brresen, Matristica, in ibid., II, col.3149-3156.

67

M. WALLRAFF

give competent contributions. However, Icannot refrain from

thinking that the growing distance is not only due to specialization but also to an unfortunate history ofemancipation from
theology. This process has different manifestations in different
European countries, but there are remarkable structural parallels.
Christian archaeology originated in and grew out oftheology.
This is again astory ofproblematic paternity.Emancipation can
be ahealthy and normal process in afather-relationship. Loss
ofcontact would be to the detriment ofboth sides.Patristics in
Europe is in aprivileged situation because large parts ofthe relevant archaeological evidence is on European territory, in European museums, or within one or two hours offlight distance.
Ifmy diagnosis ofthis anti-trend is correct, it would be my hope
that it can be stopped.
As for the future trend Imentioned, this is another hope for
development in our field.It is my impression that European
Patristics has not yet fully understood and exploited the potential
ofEastern Europe and ofthe Orthodox tradition. The Berlin
wall and the iron curtain in Europe came down, but there are
still many mental curtains in our heads.Various nationalisms and
confessionalisms play arole in this, at times also linguistic barriers. In the1990s and2000s there was acertain political and
ecumenical impetus to overcome these limits. Maybe our common fathers and research on them could contribute to adeeper
understanding. It is my personal hope that this is afuture trend
in European Patristics. This would certainly include but not primarily concentrate on the relationship to early Islam.
If this happens, this again will shed new light on the idea
offatherhood.The Norwegian author ofan article matristica
in an Italian dictionary will have different ideas from an Orthodox theologian in Bulgaria or aCatholic philologist in Poland.
Myconcluding remarks come back to the beginning. The distance is growing, Isaid, and the fathers gain some new interest
also under the perspective ofotherness.However, this does not
necessarily mean that we have to abandon the category offatherhood (and, maybe, motherhood) altogether.Paternity and alterity do not automatically exclude each other.Maybe paternity
in the univocal sense ofnormativity has lost its meaning.Since
the days ofthe Second Vatican Council the normative pressure
68

WHOSE FATHERS? AN OVERVIEW OFPATRISTIC STUDIES IN EUROPE

on our field has weakened. We are in search ofanew, amore

adult form ofpaternity. Our fathers today are neither (simply)
Church fathers nor fathers ofthe European culture, but mothers and fathers ofaworld with complex religious interactions
and multiple religious identities. What we need is adialogic relationship with the fathers, arelationship where our own identities
are also at stake. Even the experience ofgrowing distance shows
how important our authors are in defining our positions today
and in finding our ways towards aEuropean and global future.
Ilook forward to fifty more years ofpatristic research in Europe,
and fifty more years ofAIEP.

Bibliography
1.Primary Sources
Cipriano di Cartagine, Lunit della Chiesa ed.P.Siniscalco,
P.Mattei, A.Carpin, Rome,2006.
Origenes, The New Homilies on the Psalms.ACritical Edition ofCodex
Monacensis Graecus314 ed.L.Perrone (Die griechischen christlichen
Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte, Neue Folge,19), Berlin,2015.

2.Secondary Literature
Augustinus-Lexikon ed.C.Mayer et al., 3vols., Basel,1986-2010.
K.E.Brresen, Matristica, in Nuovo Dizionario patristico e di antichit
cristiane ed.A.DiBerardino, 3vols., Rome,2006-2008, II,
col.3149-3156.
Edition und Erforschung lateinischer patristischer Texte.150 Jahre CSEL
ed.V.Zimmerl-Panagl, L.J.Dorfbauer, C.Weidmann, Berlin,
2014.
M.Fdou, Les Pres de lglise et la thologie chrtienne, Paris,2013.
.Fouilloux, La collection Sources chrtiennes.diter les Pres de lglise
au xxesicle, Paris,1995.
T.Graumann, Die Kirche der Vter.Vtertheologie und Vterbeweis in
den Kirchen des Ostens bis zum Konzil vonEphesus (431) (Beitrge zur
Historischen Theologie,118), Tbingen,2002.
Gregory ofNyssa.The Minor Treatises on Trinitarian Theology and Apollinarism.Proceedings ofthe 11thInternational Colloquium on Gregory

69

M. WALLRAFF

ofNyssa (Tbingen, 17-20September2008) ed.V.H.Drecoll,

M.Berghaus (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae,106), Leiden,
2011.
A.Hamman,J.Leal, Patrologia-Patristica, in Nuovo Dizionario patristico e di antichit cristiane ed.A.DiBerardino, 3vols., Rome,
2006-2008, III, col.3967-3972.
C.Harrauer, ...die Akademie ist in eine sehr fatale Lage gekommen. Schlaglichter aus den Anfngen des CSEL, in Edition
und Erforschung lateinischer patristischer Texte.150 Jahre CSEL
ed.V.Zimmerl-Panagl, L.J.Dorfbauer, C.Weidmann, Berlin,
2014, p.289-311.
J.Leemans, Fifty Years ofCorpus Christianorum(1953-2003).From
Limited Edition Project to Multi-located Scholarly Enterprise, in
Corpus Christianorum1953-2003.Xenium Natalicium.Fifty Years
ofScholarly Editing ed.J.Leemans, Turnhout,2003, p.9-55.
H.-I.Marrou, Patristique et humanisme, in Id., Patristique et humanisme. Mlanges, Paris,1976, p.25-34.
A.Merkt, Das patristische Prinzip.Eine Studie zur theologischen Bedeutung der Kirchenvter (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae,58), Leiden,
2001.
Origeniana decima.Origen as Writer.Papers ofthe 10thInternational Origen
Congress, University School ofPhilosophy and Education Ignatianum,
Krakw, Poland, 31August4 September 2009 ed.S.Kaczmarek,
H.Pietras, A.Dziadowiec (Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum
Lovaniensium, 244), Leuven,2011.
Papers Presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic
Studies Held in Oxford2011, 18vols. ed.M.Vinzent (Studia
Patristica,53-70), Leuven,2013.
Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum.Sachwrterbuch zur Auseinandersetzung des Christentums mit der antiken Welt ed.T.Klauser et al.,
25vols., Stuttgart,1950-2013.
S.Rebenich, Adolf vonHarnack.Protokollbuch der Kirchenvter-Kommission 1897-1928, Berlin,2000.
S.Rebenich, Theodor Mommsen und Adolf Harnack.Wissenschaft und
Politik im Berlin des ausgehenden19.Jahrhunderts, Berlin,1997.
M.Zelzer, Ein Jahrhundert (und mehr) CSEL.Evaluation vonZiel
und Verffentlichungen, Sacris Erudiri, 38(1998-1999), p.75-99.

70

WHOSE FATHERS? AN OVERVIEW OFPATRISTIC STUDIES IN EUROPE

Abstract
Europe has a special relationship with the fathers. Although Patristics
deals with Church fathers (and not fathers or mothers of European
history/culture), there is a closeness which has gradually weakened
in the last decades. Patristic research in Europe is still very lively,
but it has to redefine its paradigms. The article argues that a deepened reflection on paternity and alterity can contribute to this process.
Europe has given and still gives a considerable contribution to Patristic research in a multi-religious and globalized world.

71

MARCIN R.WYSOCKI
The John PaulII Catholic University ofLublin, Poland

BETWEEN WESTERN
AND EASTERN TRADITIONS:
POLISH PATRISTIC STUDIES
AFTER WORLD WAR II

In Lublin, now the largest centre ofpatristic studies and the

largest academic city in Poland, there are two very wellknown places: the Catholic University founded in1918at
one time the only Catholic university between the Elbe and
Tokyoand the German concentration camp Majdanek. But
there is also another very interesting place. Inthe castle there
is achapel. Itsuniqueness lies in the fact that the architectural form is an example ofthe northern Gothic style popular in Poland, built ofred brick, with soaring narrow windows. Thechapel, dedicated to the Holy Trinity, contains
some Byzantine frescoes ofthe fifteenth century, unique in
such abuilding and territory. Combining East and West, the
chapel is apeculiar symbol ofPolish religion, tradition, and
culture, and is also aperfect image ofPolish patrology and
patristic studies, which in the last half century were developed
on the basis ofEastern and Western traditions, thanks to people coming from East and West. Thischapel is also aperfect
example ofthe history ofPoland and Polish patristic studies
in one other way. Inthe years 1823-1826 during the conversion ofthe castle into aprison, the church was incorporated
into the neo-Gothic buildings and became aprison chapel.
It was plastered inside and out, so that the precious frescos were
partly destroyed and hidden for years. Inthe1940s the castle as
acommunist security services prison was aplace oftorture and
death for many people who were fighting against the communist system. In the1950s the castle and the chapel were
restored, leading to the uncovering and restoration ofpaintings
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107512

73

M.R. WYSOCKI

that now can be seen in all their splendour.And so it was with

Polish patrology.1
The nineteenth century, despite the partition ofPoland, left
afew, but very important works such as Bruno Czaplas about
Gennadius (1872-1926)2 and Gustav vonDziaowskis about
Isidore ofSeville (1872-1940).3 In that time two very promising
scholars Jzef Bilczewski (1860-1923)4 and Arkadiusz Lisiecki
(1880-1930)5 became bishops and left academic life for pastoral
work. Theinterwar period resulted inalong with the revival
ofthe free Polandthe foundation ofchairs ofpatrology in
four faculties oftheology (Cracow, Lviv, Lublin, Vilnius) and
the publication ofthe first series ofPolish translations ofthe writings ofthe church fathers. ThePoznan series entitled The Writings ofthe Church Fathers was initiated by Bishop Lisiecki and
led by classical philologist Prof.Jan Sajdak. Intheyears19241937 nineteen volumes were published in that series, most
ofwhich were translations ofearly Western writers such as
Tertullian, Cyprian, Lactantius, and Augustine. Unfortunately,
financial problems and the outbreak ofthe Second World War
interrupted the issuing ofvolumes as well as the development
ofpatristic studies. Professors and intellectuals were arrested, and
some were murdered in Nazi concentration camps. Universities and libraries were destroyed and plundered; students either
gave their lives in the fight for the homeland or interrupted their
1 Generally about the history ofPolish patristics see: J.M.Szymusiak, Zarys
dziejw patrystyki, in Dzieje teologii katolickiej w Polsceed.M.Rechowicz, III/1,
Lublin,1976, p.67-103; J.Sajdak, Studia patrystyczne w Polsce, Poznan,1931;
A.Bober, Studia i teksty patrystyczne, Cracow,1967, p.177-192(about the
Jesuits in Polish patristics); A.Bober, Wkad nauki polskiej do badan nad
antykiem chrzescijanskim, Studia Theologica Varsaviensia,9.1(1971), p.21-50;
A.Bober, Patrystyka w Polsce, in Sownik wczesnochrzescijanskiego pismiennictwa
ed.J.M.Szymusiak, M.Starowieyski, Poznan,1971, p.578-584; M.Starowieyski, Uwagiopatrologii w Polsce, Vox Patrum,36-37(1999), p.11-20.
2
B.Czapla, Gennadius als Literarhistoriker, Mnster, 1898.
3
G. vonDziaowski, Isidor und Ildefons als Litterarhistoriker.Eine quellenkritische Untersuchung der Schriften De viris illustribus des Isidor vonSevilla und des
Ildefons vonToledo, Mnster, 1898.
4See W.Urban, Arcybiskup Jzef Bilczewski jako archeolog chrzescijanski, Vox Patrum,6-7(1984), p.363-370.
5See Cz.Mazur, Ks.Biskup Arkadiusz Lisiecki inicjator serii Pisma Ojcw
Koscioa w polskim tumaczeniu
, Slaskie Studia Historyczno-Teologiczne,
18(1985), p.113-120.

74

BETWEEN WESTERN AND EASTERN TRADITIONS

education for several years.Patristic studies also suffered their

losses.For example, the entire set ofprinted volumes as well
as the manuscripts prepared for printing in the series The Writings ofthe Church Fathers had been destroyed by Germans troops
entering Poznan.But there was light in the darkness ofwar.
For Prof.Tadeusz Sinko, for example, the preparation ofatranslation ofthe works ofthe Church Fathers was akind ofrefuge
from the whistle ofbombs and roar ofair strikes.During war
he translated works ofJohn Chrysostom, Gregory ofNazianzus,
Basil the Great, and Gregory ofNyssa, encouraged by the Revd
Ferdynand Machaya from Cracow.There was an inclination to
the Eastern Fathers, in defiance ofthe Western invaders.6
It is worth recalling here the patristic circle ofthe University ofWrocaw (Breslau before the war), which until1945 was
apart ofthe Reich and later was joined to Poland.It surely
belongs to the Western tradition ofpatristic studies.There had
been arevival ofinterest in patristics at the university in the early
twentieth century (with aslight delay compared to the European renaissance ofstudies ofChristian antiquity), especially
when the Chair ofChurch History was directed by the disciples
ofJ.H.Reinkens7 and H.Laemmer,8 foremost among them
by Prof.M.Sdralek, founder ofthe Wrocaw school ofChurch
History.9 One ofhis students was the Revd Prof.Berthold
Altaner, who directed the Chair ofChurch History at the University ofWrocaw in the years1929-1933 and taught patrology
and the history ofthe Church.10 He came from Gra Swietej
See M.Starowieyski, Uwagiopatrologii w Polsce, p.12.
See A.Motek, Badania nad antykiem chrzescijanskim na Wydziale
Teologicznym we Wrocawiu 1811-1945, in Id., Teologia katolicka na Uniwersytecie Wrocawskim, Wrocaw,1998, p.117-145; J.Overath, Die KatholischTheologische Fakultt Breslau und Erste Vatikanische Konzil, Archiv fr
Schlesische Kirchengeschichte, 35(1977), p.227-237.
8
See R.Bumer, Laemmer, Hugo, in Lexikon fr Theologie und Kirche, 6,
Freiburg i.Br.,19612, col.767-768.
9See H.Schiel, Max Sdralekder Bergrdunder der Breslauer Kirchengeschichtsschule, im Bannkreis vonFranz Xawer Kraus, Archiv fur schlesische
Kirchengeschichte,35(1977), p.239-284.
10See J.Mandziuk, Ks.Bertold Altaner(1885-1964)wybitny patrolog
wrocawski, Slaskie Studia Historyczno-Teologiczne,18(1985), p.107-112;
A.Bober, Od Rauschena do Altanera, Przeglad Powszechny,231(1951),
p.388-405.
6
7

75

M.R. WYSOCKI

Anny (Mount ofSt.Anna) in Silesia and studied the history

ofthe Church at the University ofBreslau, where he wrote his
habilitation in1919. Before him, the Revd Prof.F.J.Dlger
held the Chair, from1926 to1929.Although both researchers
were in residence at the University ofBreslau for only afew
years, the scholarly rank they represented had an impact on the
interest ofChristian antiquity and on the scientific level ofthese
studies in Wroclaw theological circle.11 They remain apoint
ofreference for not only the present scientific circle ofWrocaw,
but also the whole patristic community in Poland.
Unfortunately, after1945 from the East came another inhuman system to Poland, even more hostile to the Church and to
theology: communism, which also did not facilitate the development ofpatristic studies. Theclosing offaculties oftheology, harassment ofprofessors, prohibition oftravel abroad, persecution
ofstudents and potential candidates in theology, limiting ofpaper
for printing theological books and patristics as wellthese were
only some ofthe obstacles that the Polish patrologists had to
face under communism.But patristic studies developed and it
seemsin apretty good way. All the above helps us understand
properly the next decades ofpatristic studies in Poland.
In the post-war circle ofPolish patrologists we find the following names just after war: the Revd Prof.Jan Czuj (18861957),12 the Revd Prof.Marian Michalski(1900-1987),13
the Revd Prof.Jan Maria Szymusiak, SJ(1920-1987),14 and
two women, Prof.Leokadia Maunowiczwna(1910-1980)
and Prof.Janina Niemirska-Pliszczynska(1904-1982) but they
were classic philologists rather than patrologists. Thesubject
oftheir works were mainly the Eastern fathers ofthe Church
Clement ofAlexandria, Athanasius ofAlexandria, Gregory

See E.Kleineidam, Die katholisch-theologische Fakultt der Universitt Breslau

1811-1945, Cologne,1961; A.Motek, Badania nad antykiem chrzescijanskim,
p.119-120.
12See W.Kania, Ks.Jan Czujwybitny krzewiciel mysli patrystycznej w
Polsce, Tarnowskie Studia Teologiczne,8(1981), p.357-364.
13See E.Staniek, Ks.Marian Michalski(1900-1987), Vox Patrum, 1213(1987), p.545-546.
14 See the whole issue ofVox Patrum dedicated to Prof.Szymusiak, Vox
Patrum, 16(1989).
11

76

BETWEEN WESTERN AND EASTERN TRADITIONS

ofNazianzusbut they also studied Augustine and Cyprian.

In1956 Prof.Szymusiak published acritical edition oftwo apologies by Athanasius in the series Sources Chrtiennes.15 The main
patristic centres were initially in Lublin and Cracow, and from
the1960s Warsaw as well.Staff was lacking in the first decades after the Second World War, but, as always, there was the
brighter side oflife in this very difficult time.
In1950 the publishing house PAX started publishing an excellent series oftranslations that contains mainly works ofthe Eastern
church fathers (Basil the Great, Gregory ofNyssa, Theodoret),
the ecclesiastical historians, but also some writings ofAugustine.
To date, thirty-eight volumes have been published.16 In1969,
in Warsaw, an important series oftranslations ofearly Christian
writers began to be published, Writings ofEarly Christian Writers (Pisma Starochrzescijanskich Pisarzy or PSP), which so far has
produced sixty-seven volumes, some in the form ofseveral fascicles.17 Inthis series appear mainly works oftwo writers: Origen
and Augustine. In the same year1969the Interdepartmental Research Centre on Christian Antiquity was founded in Lublin,
with the help ofCardinal Karol Wojtyla, the future Pope John
PaulII, under the direction ofProf.Szymusiak and Prof.Maunowiczwna.18 Patristic studies were divided in this period
one can sayequally between East and West, although there
were also innovative studies in that time on Gnosticism, especially on the texts from Nag Hammadi, initiated by the Revd

Ath., Apol.Const., Fug. ed.J.M.Szymusiak(SC, 56), Paris,19581.

See W.Stawiszynski, Bibliografia patrystyczna1901-2004.Polskie tumaczenia tekstw starochrzescijanskich pierwszego tysiaclecia, Cracow,2005, p.20-21.
17See W.Stawiszyn
ski, Bibliografia patrystyczna1901-2004, p.23-26.
About the series see H.Pietras, Seria Pisma Starochrzescijanskich Pisarzy w
ocenie patrologa, Studia Antiquitatis Christianae, 11(1995), p.31-34; J.Strzelczyk, Znaczenie serii Pism Starochrzescijanskich Pisarzy z punktu widzenia historii
starozytnej i wczesnosredniowiecznej, Studia Antiquitatis Christianae, 11(1995),
p.43-53; S.Longosz, Pisma Starochrzescijanskich Pisarzy na tle innych polskich
serii patrystycznych, Studia Antiquitatis Christianae, 11(1995), p.61-74.
18See S.Longosz, Mie
dzywydziaowy Zakad Badan nad Antykiem
Chrzescijanskim KUL jako propagator mysli wczesnochrzescijanskiej w Polsce,
Vox Patrum,36-37(1999), p.21-38; S.Longosz, Miedzywydziaowy Zakad
Badan nad Antykiem Chrzescijanskim, in Ksiega Pamiatkowa w 75-lecie
Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego.Wkad w kulture polska w latach19681993 ed.M.Rusecki, Lublin,1994, p.604-610.
15
16

77

M.R. WYSOCKI

Prof.Wincenty Myszor.19 As well, the very helpful Dictionary ofEarly Christian Literature, edited by Prof.Szymusiak and
Prof.Starowieyski, was published during this period.20 In1977,
the journal Studia Antiquitatis Christianae was started in Warsaw. Unfortunately, the restrictions imposed by the state, lack
ofpaper, and old printing methods did not facilitate the publication ofnumerous works on patrology; such works remained in
patristic circles in the form ofmanuscripts or academic scripts.
As aresult ofthe earlier published translations, mostly Eastern
fathers and the most important Western fathers such as Ambrose,
Jerome, and Augustine were studied and interpreted. Thediscussion was most often ofdogmatic and moral topics.
As aresult ofthe work ofthese three teamsPAX, PSP,
and the Interdepartmental Research Centre on Christian Antiquity
and ofothers as well, often quite independently ofeach other,
there were alot ofinstruments in Poland in the1970s, including anumber oftranslated works, to guide research into Christian antiquity. The1960s and70s was also atime to harvest
the fruits ofthe development ofscientific staff after the damages
ofwar: the Revd Wojciech Kania(1911-2000),21 the Revd
Prof.Waclaw Eborowicz(1915-1994),22 the Revd Prof.Andrzej
Bober, SJ(1917-1986),23 the Revd Prof.Szczepan Pieszczoch
(1921-2004),24 the Revd Prof.Ludwik Gadyszewski(1932-

19See W.Myszor, Polskie badania nad gnostycyzmem, Vox Patrum,3637(1999), p.187-192.

20 Sownik wczesnochrzes
cijanskiego pismiennictwaed.J.
M.Szymusiak,
M.Starowieyski, Poznan,1971.
21
See S.Longosz, Ks.Wojciech Kania(1911-2000), Vox Patrum,12-13
(1987), p.9-19; S.Longosz, Wykaz drukowanych prac ks.Wojciecha Kani,
Vox Patrum,12-13(1987), p.27-38.
22
See A.Eckmann, Zycie idziaalnosc ks.Wacawa Eborowicza, Vox
Patrum, 15(1988), p.557-561; Cz.Mazur, Wykaz drukowanych prac ks.
Wacawa Eborowicza, Vox Patrum,15(1988), p.563-574.
23See S.Longosz, Andrzej Bober SJ(1917-1986) jako filolog i patrolog,
Vox Patrum,10(1986), p.395-410; S.Longosz, O.Andrzej Bober SJ,
Vox Patrum,6-7(1984), p.9-17; S.Longosz, Wykaz drukowanych prac o.
A.Bobera, Vox Patrum,6-7(1984), p.21-40.
24See B.Czyz
ewski, Ksiadz Szczepan Pieszczoch(1921-2004) czowiek,
ktry prawdziwie kocha Ojcw Koscioa, Vox Patrum,46-47(2004), p.893898.

78

BETWEEN WESTERN AND EASTERN TRADITIONS

2009),25 the Revd Prof.Emil Stanula(1935-1999),26 the Revd

Prof.Edward Staniek,27 the Revd Prof.Wincenty Myszor,28
the Revd Prof.Marek Starowieyski,29 the Revd Prof.Bogdan
Czesz, and the Revd Prof.Franciszek Draczkowski.30 Unfortunately in the seventies, but earlier as well, there was only asmall
number oflaity among the patrologists. They sadly could not
afford the expensive studies; they were persecuted and deterred
from the scientific work; they were not given passports to travel,
for example, to the Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum in Rome,
where they could have deepened their knowledge ofthe fathers
ofthe Church and studied early Christian writers. There were
people like Prof.Ewa Wipszycka, who was well known abroad
because ofher studies on Christian antiquity, but they were not
patrologists sensu stricto.
The1980s was aperiod offurther development ofthe patristic series mentioned above.Despite the difficult political and
economic situation in Poland, the year1981 was the year when
the journal Vox Patrum, well known around the world, was
founded.Its first editor-in-chief was the Revd Prof.Stanisaw
Longosz,31 who held that position until2012. Sixty-one volSee B.Czyzewski, Ks.Ludwik Gadyszewski(17 IX193219
XII2009). Prawdziwy miosnik antyku chrzescijanskiego i filologii klasycznej,
Vox Patrum, 53-54 (2009), p.1105-1110.
26See A.Stepniewska, Ksia
dz profesor Emil Stanula, Vox Patrum,32-33
(1997), p.7-14; S.Longosz, Wykaz drukowanych prac ks.Prof.E.Stanuli,
Vox Patrum, 32-33(1997), p.15-26.
27See J.W.Z
elazny, Ksiadz Profesor Edward Staniek, Vox Patrum, 55
(2010), p.17-19; J.W.Zelazny, Wykaz drukowanych prac ks.prof.dr.hab.
Edwarda Stanka, Vox Patrum,55(2010), p.21-27.
28 See the whole issue ofVox Patrum dedicated to Prof.Myszor: Vox Patrum,
57(2012).
29
See T.Skibinski, Ksiadz Profesor Marek Starowieyski, Vox Patrum,
49(2006), p.13-18; T.Skibinski, Wykaz drukowanych prac Ks.Prof.Marka
Starowieyskiego, Vox Patrum,49(2006), p.19-46.
30See M.Wysocki, Dies annorum nostrorum sunt septuaginta anni...(Ps 90,10).
Zycie i dziaalnosc naukowa ks.prof.Franciszka Draczkowskiego, in Fructus
spiritus est caritas.Ksiega Jubileuszowa ofiarowana Ksiedzu Profesorowi Franciszkowi
Draczkowskiemu z okazji siedemdziesiatej rocznicy urodzin, czterdziestopieciolecia
swiecen kapanskich itrzydziestopieciolecia pracy naukowej ed.M.Wysocki, Lublin,2011, p.29-39; M.Wysocki, Wykaz opublikowanych prac ks.prof.dr hab.
Franciszka Draczkowskiego, in ibid., p.41-49.
31See www.voxpatrum.pl/voxp_eng.html.About Prof.Longosz see
A.Stepniewska, Ksiadz Profesor Stanisaw Longosz: filolog, patrolog, dy25

79

M.R. WYSOCKI

umes ofthis highly regarded journal have been published.

Unfortunately, the research conditions ofthe seventies lasted
until1989, when Poland threw off the communist yoke.
Many valuable works were written and published, but in small
quantities, since large print runs were impossible.However, at this
time, scientific staff grew significantly. TheRevd Prof.Antoni
Zurek, the Revd Prof.Henryk Pietras, the Revd Prof.Jerzy
Paucki, and others joined the group ofearly Christian scholars.
With the collapse ofcommunism in Poland, the scientific
situation changed.There were new possibilities for publishing
translations and dissertations; theological works were written and
published; the borders were opened, and one could go without
difficulty to the most important patristic centres such as Rome,
Oxford, and Paris.Therefore the number ofPolish patrologists increased significantly after1989. Among them are the
Revd Prof.Jzef Naumowicz, the Revd Prof.Mariusz Szram
(an expert in Origen), the Revd Prof.Norbert Widok, the
Revd Prof.Jan Zelazny, and others. This was also the time ofthe
foundation and development ofnew patristic series. Theseries
Sources ofTheological Thought was founded in Cracow in1996
(Zrda Mysli Teologicznej or ZMT)seventy-two volumes thus
far;32 the series The Monastic Sources (Zrda Monastyczne or ZM)
was founded in the Benedictine Abbey in Tyniec (near Cracow)
in1993sixty-seven volumes thus far;33 and asmall series, the
Library ofthe Church Fathers (Biblioteka Ojcw Koscioa or BOK)
was established in1992twenty-six volumes thus far.34 The
range ofpatristic topics expanded, as researchers turned to littleknown early Christian writers.Among the fields hitherto absent
in Polish patristic studies, Syrian patrology appeared, thanks to
the Revd Prof.Jan Zelazny from Cracow.35 But the writers
ofthe East continued to be enthusiastically received, probably

daktyk, zaozyciel i redaktor Vox Patrum, Vox Patrum,52.1(2008), p.25-38;

J.Figiel, Wykaz drukowanych prac ks.prof.Stanisawa Longosza, Vox Patrum,
52.1(2008), p.39-60.
32
See W.Stawiszynski, Bibliografia patrystyczna1901-2004, p.29-30.
33See W.Stawiszyn
ski, Bibliografia patrystyczna1901-2004, p.31-32.
34See W.Stawiszyn
ski, Bibliografia patrystyczna1901-2004, p.14-15.
35See J.Woz
niak, Polska Syrologia, Vox Patrum,36-37(1999), p.209-233.

80

BETWEEN WESTERN AND EASTERN TRADITIONS

because ofthe greater availability oftheir works in Polish translation.Along with this strong influence ofthe Eastern writers and
the increasing importance ofthe spiritual sphere oflife, there
appeared ajuridical approach so characteristic for the West.
In2001, in the series Sources ofTheological Thought, the first volume ofthe Acts ofthe Ecumenical Councils was published (with the
text in Greek, Latin, Polish, and if necessary also in Syriac), followed by The Synodal Acts, also in the original languages. Among
the themes taken up in this series, eschatological issues and those
related to anthropology and spirituality were especially popular.
In recent years, to our great joy, patristic studies has become
very popular among students and graduate students. Every year
about eighty theses (masters and doctoral) on Christian antiquity
are written and defended in Polish patristic centres, ofwhich
themost important are Lublin,36 Cracow,37 and Poznan.38
At the Faculty ofTheology ofthe John PaulII Catholic University ofLublin there are four chairs focused on early Christian studies: the Chair ofGreek Patrology, the Chair ofLatin
Patrology, the Chair ofPatristic Theology and Literature, and

36
About the history ofthe patristics centre in Lublin see F.Draczkowski,
Katedra Patrologii w Katolickim Uniwersytecie Lubelskim(rys historyczny), in
Tysiac imion Chrystusa.Seminarium Patrystyczne KUL1983-1993 ed.J.Paucki,
Lublin,1994, p.9-15; J.Paucki, Katedra patrologii w Katolickim Uniwersytecie Lubelskimkierunki badan, in Sympozja Kazimierskie poswiecone kulturze
swiata pznego antyku i wczesnego chrzescijanstwa ed.B.Iwaszkiewicz-Wronikowska, I, Lublin,1998, p.145-152; F.Draczkowski,P.Szczur, Wkad
Katedr Patrologii KUL w przyblizanie nauki Ojcw Koscioa, Vox Patrum,3637(1999), p.39-51; F.Draczkowski, Wkad Katedr Patrologii w historiografie koscielna, in Rola i miejsce Instytutu Historii Koscioa KUL w historiografii
ed.J.Walkusz, Lublin,2010, p.19-26; P.Szczur, Wkad Katedry Patrologii
Greckiej w historiografie koscielna, in Rola i miejsce Instytutu Historii Koscioa
KUL w historiografii ed.J.Walkusz, Lublin,2010, p.27-31; M.Zikowska,
Katedra Patrologii acinskiej, in Rola i miejsce Instytutu Historii Koscioa KUL w
historiografii ed.J.Walkusz, Lublin,2010, p.33-48; M.Szram, Rola i znaczenie Katedry Historii Koscioa w Starozytnosci Chrzescijanskiej IHK KUL w
rozwoju historiografii, in Rola i miejsce Instytutu Historii Koscioa KUL w historiografii ed.J.Walkusz, Lublin,2010, p.49-57.
37 About the history ofthe patristics centre in Cracow see J.W. Z
elazny,
Dzieje patrystyki w srodowisku krakowskim(Zarys), Vox Patrum,36-37(1999),
p.85-96.
38About history ofthe patristics centre in Poznan
see B.Czyzewski,
Wkad srodowiska poznansko-gnieznienskiego w badania nad literatura
wczesnochrzescijanska, Vox Patrum,36-37(1999), p.97-108.

81

M.R. WYSOCKI

the Chair ofthe History ofthe Church in Christian Antiquity.

Thefaculty includes professores emeriti the Revd Prof.Franciszek Draczkowski and the Revd Prof.Stanisaw Longosz, and
seven current members ofthe Department ofChurch History
and Patrology.39 InPoznan, in the Faculty ofTheology at the
Adam Mickiewicz University, the Office ofPatristic Theology
comprises six researchers. Atthe Pontifical University ofJohn
PaulII in Cracow there is aDepartment ofDogmatic Theology
in the Faculty ofTheology, which includes the Chair ofPatrology and two researchers; other scholars conduct patristic studies
in other institutes and faculties in the university. InTorun, in
the Faculty ofTheology at Mikoaj Kopernik University, two
patrologists work in the Institute ofPatrology and Christian
Antiquity, and others work in other institutes ofthe university.
Atthe University ofOpole there is aChair ofChurch History and Patrology with two patrologists.40 Warsaw is represented by the Chair ofPatristic Theology at the Cardinal Stefan
Wyszynski University. Wrocaw, with its great history ofpatristic studies described above, nowadays has the Chair ofthe History ofthe Church in Antiquity and Patrology at the University
ofWrocaw. AChair ofPatristic Theology also exists at Szczecin
University. TheTheological Faculty in Tarnw with the Chair
ofPatrology and Church History was ofgreat importance for the
development ofpatristic studies in Poland,41 and the University
ofSilesia in Katowice, with the Institute ofthe Patristic Theology and Church History, has specialized first ofall in Gnosticism.
Of course many patrologist work in clerical seminaries all over
Poland, as well as in institutions abroad, for the Holy See and at
universities in Rome.
Polish patrologists belong to the Polish Patristic Section at the
Scientific Commission ofEpiscopate ofPoland (now about 120
members),42 and they meet every year for the three days, pre See www.ihkip.pl; www.kul.pl/227.html.
About the history ofthe patristics centre in Opole see N.Widok, Wkad
srodowiska opolskiego w badania nad antykiem chrzescijanskim, Vox Patrum,
36-37(1999), p.109-116.
41See A.Z
urek, Wkad srodowiska tarnowskiego w badania nad antykiem
chrzescijanskim, Vox Patrum,36-37(1999), p.117-134.
42See http://pater.z.win.pl/.About the history and influence ofthe
Polish Patristic Section see B.Czesz, Zasugi Sekcji Patrystycznej przy Komisji
39
40

82

BETWEEN WESTERN AND EASTERN TRADITIONS

senting papers on an appointed theme. In2014 the meeting took

place in Gniezno, where the theme ofthe discussions was spiritual
anthropology in the patristic times.Polish patrologists have
returned to the tradition oforganizing every three years the
International Patristic Conference, held in Lublin at the Catholic
University ofLublin, where the Holy Trinity Chapel reminds
us ofthe importance ofEastern and Western traditions for our
studies. Inthis spirit, in October2013 aconference entitled
Between religio licita and religio regalis. TheChurch and Theology
at the Time ofthe Transformations (for the 1700th Anniversary
ofthe Edict ofMilan) took place. It is worth noting that
patristic studies are becoming more and more popular among
lay people who have more opportunities to study early Christian
thought. It can be said that after war and communism Polish
patristic studies have found their proper place in the Polish,
European, and in worldwide patristic family.Every year many
works and studies are published on the fathers ofthe Church
by Polish patrologists, aware that patristic studies must breathe
with two lungs Western and Eastern tradition abasis
oflong-standing in the history ofPolish patristic studies.

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Constantium, Apologia de fuga sua ed.J.M.Szymusiak (SC, 56),
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ds.Nauki Katolickiej, in Miedzy sensem abezsensem ludzkiej
egzystencji.Teologiczna odpowiedz na fundamentalne pytania
wspczesnego czowieka.VIII Kongres Teologw Polskich, Poznan
13-16wrzesnia2010 ed.D.Bryl, B.Kochaniewicz, E.Kotkowska, J.Nawrot, Poznan,2012, p.556-559.

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BETWEEN WESTERN AND EASTERN TRADITIONS

M.Szram, Rola i znaczenie Katedry Historii Koscioa w Starozytnosci

Chrzescijanskiej IHK KUL w rozwoju historiografii, in Rola i
miejsce Instytutu Historii Koscioa KUL w historiografii ed.J.Walkusz,
Lublin,2010, p.49-57.
J.M. Szymusiak, Zarys dziejw patrystyki, in Dzieje teologii katolickiej
w Polsceed.M.Rechowicz, III/1, Lublin,1976, p.67-103.
N.Widok, Wkad srodowiska opolskiego w badania nad antykiem
chrzescijanskim, Vox Patrum,36-37(1999), p.109-116.
J.Wozniak, Polska Syrologia, Vox Patrum,36-37(1999), p.209233.
M.Wysocki, Dies annorum nostrorum sunt septuaginta anni... (Ps 90,10).
Zycie i dziaalnosc naukowa ks.prof.Franciszka Draczkowskiego,
in Fructus spiritus est caritas.Ksiega Jubileuszowa ofiarowana Ksiedzu Profesorowi Franciszkowi Draczkowskiemu z okazji siedemdziesiatej rocznicy urodzin, czterdziestopieciolecia swiecen kapanskich i trzydziestopieciolecia pracy naukowej ed.M.Wysocki, Lublin,2011,
p.29-39.
M.Wysocki, Wykaz opublikowanych prac ks.prof.dr hab. Franciszka
Draczkowskiego, in Fructus spiritus est caritas. Ksiega Jubileuszowa
ofiarowana Ksiedzu Profesorowi Franciszkowi Draczkowskiemu z okazji
siedemdziesiatej rocznicy urodzin, czterdziestopieciolecia swiecen kapanskich
i trzydziestopieciolecia pracy naukowej ed.M.Wysocki, Lublin,2011,
p.41-49.
W.Urban, Arcybiskup Jzef Bilczewski jako archeolog chrzescijanski, Vox Patrum, 6-7(1984), p.363-370.
J.W.Zelazny, Ksiadz Profesor Edward Staniek, Vox Patrum,55
(2010), p.17-19.
J.W.Zelazny, Wykaz drukowanych prac ks.prof.dr.hab. Edwarda
Stanka, Vox Patrum, 55(2010), p.21-27.
J.WZelazny, Dzieje patrystyki w srodowisku krakowskim (Zarys),
Vox Patrum, 36-37(1999), p.85-96.
M.Zikowska, Katedra Patrologii acinskiej, in Rola i miejsce
Instytutu Historii Koscioa KUL w historiografii ed.J.Walkusz,
Lublin,2010, p.33-48.
A.Zurek, Wkad srodowiska tarnowskiego w badania nad antykiem
chrzescijanskim, Vox Patrum, 36-37(1999), p.117-134.

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M.R. WYSOCKI

Abstract
In the pastand also the presentthe geographical location ofPoland
has been achallenge for the Polish Church and Polish theologians.
Polands position between the great powers and between Eastern
and Western traditions has had amajor impact on the development
oftheology there. After the Second World War there has been
asignificant growth in patristic studies and in interest in these studies.
Thepresent paper reviews the development and achievements
of Polish patristics. It traces over sixty years ofpost-war patristic
studies in Poland, describing the main areas ofresearch, the main
series oftranslations and journals, and the most eminent researchers
and centres. It allows one to appreciate the current position ofPolish
patristic studies in the European and global context.

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DENNIS TROUT
University ofMissouri-Columbia

THE STATE OFPATRISTICS

IN NORTH AMERICA

It is ahumbling honor to address this audience, at this storied

university, in acity so rich in traditions that inform our work.
Ithank the staff and administration ofHebrew University for
their gracious hospitality and our organizers for the many hours
they have devoted to planning this historic conference. Ialso
wish to express my gratitude for the invitation that brought
me here to speak on the state ofPatristics in North America,
while also admitting, however, that the anxiety ofinadequacy
that spurred my initial recusatio has only become more acute in
recent months. TheNorth American continent is home to more
than four thousand colleges and universities. Inthe United States
alone there are more than five hundred departments or programs
in religious studies, most ofthem supporting at least one scholar
who works in or close to our discipline.Furthermore, neither
my academic home nor my professional training would seem to
recommend me to be at this lectern today. For although Ihave
served as the President ofthe North American Patristics Society
for two years(2010-2012), Ihave had little formal training in
anything called Patristics. Iwas educated largely by ancient historians; Iteach in and am the chairman ofadepartment ofClassical
Studies; my research in recent years has centered upon the literary and cultural clues lurking in lines ofLatin poetry inscribed
on stones from late ancient, albeit Christian, Rome. Ihave been
on the Editorial Board ofajournal entitled the Journal ofEarly
Christian Studies and Iam currently abook review editor for the
Journal ofLateAntiquity. Apart from that two-year presidency,
the word Patristics comes up in surprisingly short supply on my
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107513

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curriculum vitae.But my excuses fell on deaf earsand, for better

or worse, here Iam.
Isay these things not merely as an apologia for the shortcomings ofmy remarks today but also to illustrate something that
seems to me to be intrinsic to the current state ofPatristics in
North America. Many ofus who do Patristics on that continent have asecond foot planted firmly upon some other academic or intellectual terrain adepartmental home or an ancillary field: English Literature, Classical Studies, Ancient History,
Philosophy, and, ofcourse, Religious Studies and Theology
or we may be independent scholars, sometimes connected with
religious orders or the ministry, sometimes simply free agents.
Relatively few ofus are fully-fledged Professors ofPatristics.
What we do share, ofcourse, is aset ofoverlapping interests that
revolve around amore or less predictable set ofwritings inscribing traces ofthe cultural and religious forces reshaping society,
literature, spirituality, and the imagination in the late ancient
Mediterranean world and its hinterlands.Nevertheless, despite
this common core ofresources, the variety ofour professional
affiliations and training ensures that almost every individual perspective on our field, as well as the methodologies and questions
that inform it, will seem to others peculiar if not idiosyncratic.
Iwill return to this pointfor it seems to me to be both the
bedrock ofour disciplinary strength and the source ofour greatest challengebut at the moment Iwant to assure you that
Ihave tried to override the particularity ofmy own perspective
by enlisting the wisdom ofgenerous friends whose feet are differently planted.
My plan, then, is to proceed from the concrete towards the
abstract. Iwill begin by surveying the professional landscape in
which North American Patristics scholars currently live by considering the primary professional structures and organizations that
shape their interactions and determine the venues in which they
speak and publish. From there Iwill move on to offer thoughts
about several trends and the issues they raise for scholars and
students alike.

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THE STATE OFPATRISTICS IN NORTH AMERICA

1.Current Structures and Organizations

1.1.Organizations and Venues
Istart with three related questions: First, how do those who
work in the field ofPatristics in North America organize their
professional lives? Second, where do they meet to share ideas and
deliver talks and papers? And, finally, where do they publish their
front-line work, especially the articles that often first announce
their ideas and projects? The answers to these questions can yield
akind ofrudimentary map ofthe real world ofNorth American PatristicsPatristics on the ground, as it were.From there,
perhaps, we can more effectively reach for the aether ofmore
critical questions about our field, its health, and its future.
Patristics scholars in North America have typically and still
do belong to and attend the annual meetings ofawide range
ofprofessional societies friendly to our interests.Among the
oldest and largest are the American Philological Association
(founded in 1869), the Society ofBiblical Literature (1880), the
American Society ofChurch History (1888), and the American
Academy ofReligion (established under that name only in1964
but originating in1909 as the Association ofBiblical Instructors,
with National added as aprefacing adjective in1922). Thelarge
annual meetings ofthese professional societies all regularly
accommodate the work ofPatristics scholars although Patristics
is only aportion (often asmall one) oftheir areas ofcoverage.
Historically, ofcourse, Patristics (in an earlier guise) was afoundational component ofseveral ofthese Societies and one ofthem,
The American Society ofChurch History (1888), was itself
founded in the home ofPhilip Schaff, organizer and editor ofthe
long influential Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers series.
From an organizational point ofview, however, the modern
era of Patristics in North America began in the1970s. Inthat
decade two dedicated societies were founded. InDecember
of1970 the first meeting ofthe North American Patristic Society
(not officially Patristics until2002) was held in NewYork in
conjunction with the annual convention ofthe American Philological Association. Two years later, in1972, NAPS had its own
first president, Bruce Metzger. Until1981, when it first met
independently in Chicago (at Loyola University), the Society
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continued to meet in conjunction with the annual conferences

ofthe American Philological Association (APA) while also sponsoring paper sessions at the annual meeting ofthe American
Society ofChurch History or at the International Congress on
Medieval Studies, first organized in1962 by the Medieval Institute ofWestern Michigan University (in Kalamazoo, Michigan).
Some seventy-five people attended that first meeting ofNAPS
in1970; today (May2013) membership in the Society stands
at 864. Since1972 NAPS has had thirty-three presidents and has
held twenty-four independent meetings, while convening with
strong representation every fourth year at the Oxford Patristics
Conference (established in1951). And indeed, it was at one
ofthose quadrennial Oxford meetings, in1975, five years after
the North American Patristic Society was founded, that agroup
ofCanadian scholars huddled together at Oxford (asRobert
Kitchen put it to me in an email) to form the Canadian Society
ofPatristics Studies (CSPS). That second North American society dedicated specifically to the study ofPatristics now meets
annually as part ofthe Canadian Federation ofHumanities and
Social Sciences. Inshort, since the1970s Patristics has had two
North American homes, NAPS and the Canadian Society
acritical index ofcurrent visibility, identity, and disciplinary
strength.
Ishould round out this survey by drawing attention to several other organizations that also consistently provide congenial North American venues for Patristics papers. TheByzantine
Studies Conference was established in1975 and ashort history
ofthe BSC penned by Alice-Mary Talbot in1999 notes that
papers on late antiquity have typically comprised nearly half
ofthe conference program. The1990s also saw the establishment ofthe Society for LateAntiquity, which since then has
sponsored not only the biennial Shifting Frontiers in LateAntiquity conferences, most recently at the University ofOttawa
(March2013), but also annual paper sessions at Kalamazoos
International Medieval Congress and at the convention ofthe
American Philological Association. Finally, Imight note that, in
addition to these more historically focused meetings, the conferences sponsored by the Augustinian Institute ofVillanova
University and those organized by the Center for Catholic
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THE STATE OFPATRISTICS IN NORTH AMERICA

and Evangelical Theology, publishers since1991 ofthe journal

Pro Ecclesia, regularly nurture the interface ofPatristics and historical or contemporary theology. Inshort, although Patristics
scholars can still be found presenting papers at awide range
ofallied historical and theological venues, as NAPS and the
Canadian Society have matured Patristic studies in North America have gained both energy and traction through concentration
and centralization.
The programs ofNAPS and the Canadian Society provide
an impression ofthe results.Roughly twenty-five to thirty-five
scholars attend and give papers at the annual meeting ofthe latter, which has amembership ofabout seventy-five (the2013
program ofthe Canadian Society included some twenty-five
papers). By way ofcontrastand in part because many Canadian
scholars journey to Chicago in late Maythe two-and-a-half day
meeting ofthe North American Patristics Society now regularly
draws between 350 and 370 attendees, including asmall number from Europe and Australia. Last springs program boasted
seventy-two separate paper sessions, each session featuring three
or four speakers. Thefirst NAPS program in1970 show-cased
three papers. Not abad rate ofgrowthand clear testimony
to the current academic interest in Patristic studies in North
America.
1.2.Publication
Afurther index to this interest can be found in the establishment in recent years oftwo new journals specializing in or
favorably disposed towards work in Patristics. In1993 NAPS
began publication ofthe Journal ofEarly Christian Studies (JECS).
Its first co-editors were stalwarts ofthe North American Society,
Elizabeth Clark and Everett Ferguson.Eventually Patout Burns
succeeded Ferguson as co-editor with Clark; and since2005
the Journals sole editor has been David Brakke. Attwenty years
ofage, the Journal has been successful beyond all expectations.
It regularly attracts high quality submissions from both leading
and junior scholarsincluding the work ofmany in this room
today. Between2005 and today the Journal has had an average
acceptance rate of26%, and with acurrent individual circulation ofnearly 1400 (quite respectable for ayoung specialist
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D. TROUT

journal) JECS must be considered the leading venue for publication ofwork in Patristics in North America.
Rather more recently, in2008, the Society for LateAntiquity, sponsor ofthe Shifting Frontiers Conferences, spawned
the first issue ofthe Journal ofLateAntiquity (JLA), which like
the Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, is published by the Johns
Hopkins University Press. TheJournal ofLateAntiquity, asemiannual journal ofapproximately 400 pages per year (and likewise home to articles by members ofthis association), has won
multiple publishing awards in its infancy. As its title suggests, it
has apotentially wider purview than the Journal ofEarly Christian
Studies but the overlap in content and readership between the
two journals is significant: three ofthe six articles in arecent
fascicle ofJLA (Fall2012), those by Samuel Collins on the
mosaics ofMilans San Vittore, by Sigrid Mratschek on Melania
the Elder and an unknown governor ofPalestine, and by Jacob
Ashkenazi and Mordechai Aviam on late antique monasteries
in Western Galileecould just as easily have appeared in
the pages ofthe Journal ofEarly Christian Studies.Together then
these two young journals offer afocus for work in or relevant
to Patristics that far surpasses in point and power the scattering
ofeffort across the run ofjournals in classics, theology, and
history that for so long (and lest Iseem ungrateful, thankfully
still) offered us the only North American pages in which to
present our work to awide academic audience. Moreover, it
hardly needs to be pointed out that not afew ofthe best
books that have appeared in our field in recent years first broke
through in articles in JECS andJLA.
Indeed, more could be said here about the critical importance to the field ofPatristics in North America ofsuch book
series as the Transformation ofthe Classical Heritage published by
the University ofCalifornia Press, whose first volume appeared
in1981 under the general editorship ofPeter Brownor ofthe
University ofPennsylvanias equally revolutionary (in its own
way) series, Divinations: Re-Reading Late Ancient Religion, which
published its first volume (Cynthia Bakers Rebuilding the House
ofIsrael: Architecture ofGender in Jewish Antiquity) through Stanford University Press in2002. From its inception Divinations
has been co-edited by aleading Patristics scholar and former
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THE STATE OFPATRISTICS IN NORTH AMERICA

President ofNAPS, Virginia Burrus. These two book series

(and other initiatives like them such as Michigans Recentiores:
Later Latin Texts and Contexts, established in the1990s) have
significantly enhanced the cachet ofour discipline in academic
circles. Nevertheless, acloser look at their titles and contents,
already known to many ofyoutogether with asurvey ofthe
recent annual programs ofNAPS and the Canadian Societywill
also raise the question ofjust what, in fact, our discipline is.
Just what are we doing when we do Patristics? Isuspect, this
survey ofNorth American Patristics on the groundits organizational frameworks and publishing venueshas already provoked that question for some ofyou.

2.Convergences and Appropriations:

Expanding and Claiming the Field
2.1.Programs and Journals
Even aquick glance at the programs ofthe most recent meeting ofthe North American Patristics Society or ofthe Canadian
Societyor arapid perusal ofthe Table ofContents ofalmost
any issue ofthe Journal ofEarly Christian Studiesor asurvey
ofthe titles in the Divinations Serieswill make it clear that,
if we define Patristics in terms ofthe sort ofwork that many
scholars present in these venues, then North American Patristics
scholarship has considerably extended its reach in recent decades.
Thehandful ofnineteenth-century Protestant scholars associated
with seminary programs and divinity schools who, as Elizabeth
Clark has shown in detail in Founding the Fathers (University
ofPennsylvania Press,2011) initiated academic study ofthe
Fathers largely to rebut contemporary European Pantheism,
German Biblical criticism, and Catholic post-apostolic doctrinal
development, would surely be hard pressed to recognize in these
programs the discipline they Founded. Confessional and theological perspectives certainly remain vital, even central, to todays
conversations, ofcourse, but our conferences and journals now
also thrive on the fresh air that swept into the Roman Empire
with the discovery ofLateAntiquity.It is also hardly coincidental that that discovery was itself more or less contemporary
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with the1970s birth and infancy ofboth NAPS and the Canadian Society.Peter Browns catalytic The World ofLateAntiquity
appeared in1971; seven years later he began an academic residency in the United States (Berkeley1978-86; Princeton19862011) that has trained nearly two generations ofscholars, many
ofwhom now hold professorial positions in history, religion,
and classical studies departments in North American colleges
and universitiesand whose own graduate students are often
on the NAPS and Canadian Societys programs.Peter Browns
presence and influence runs deepparalleling and intermingling
with the rising stream ofNorth American Patristics and Patristics
scholars since the1970s.
But that is to get ahead ofthe story.What do we learn from
those conference programs and journal titles that will help us
better understand the state ofPatristics in North America?
Ithink we will see first ofall that Patristics in North American is
at once conservative and innovative.Consideration ofthe more
than200 papers presented at the recent NAPS meeting reveals
the abiding centrality ofworks and authors that have consistently
formed the core oflater twentieth-century patrologiesfrom
Johannes Quasten to Angelo di Berardino to Hubertus Drobner.
So, too, questions ofhistoric or systematic theology governed
many, perhaps half, ofthe paper sessions: Christology, soteriology, pneumatology, anthropology, grace and freewill, Augustine, Gregory ofNyssa, John Chrysostom, and other long familiar categories and names.Yet, the works ofthe trio just named
(as well as similar heavyweights and less well-known writers)
also provide the bulk ofthe material for lines ofinquiry that
have only climbed to prominence in the last twenty years: issues
ofgender, sexuality, and the body; the poetics ofasceticism; literary and rhetorical studies; and critical and theoretical approaches
to identity formation or the ideology ofthe book. Atthe same
time art historical and archaeological approaches have introduced
ranges ofevidence typically absent from the standard patrologiesthough tellingly they have aprominent place in such newstyle manuals as Susan Ashbrook Harvey and David Hunters
Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian Studies (Oxford University
Press,2008) or Philip Rousseaus Companion to LateAntiquity
(Wiley-Blackwell,2009).
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This diversity and range ofinquiry is confirmed by merely

glancing at the last few years ofthe Journal ofEarly Christian
Studies: the fathers are thriving but are also being asked to answer
questions inconceivable ageneration ago: so it is that demons
in the Cappadocians and child sacrifice in Egyptian monastic culture jostle Marcions reading ofPaul and the theology
ofEvagrius ofPontus. For another index consider the four
most recent NAPS presidential addresses (also published in
JECS), which have engaged the culture ofcompassion in late
ancient Christianity; Augustines queer theology ofmarriage;
funerary poetry and social history; and codicology and text criticism. This expansion ofthe horizons ofPatristics, whereby the
discipline might seem to be laying claim to territory once considered well outside its boundaries, may, however, also look like
aset ofconvergences when seen from other points ofviewat
least that is the term that seemed best to define the harvest
ofarecent (and preliminary) panel ofNorth American scholars
asked to ponder the state oftheir field.
2.2.The NAPS panel
At last months meeting ofthe North American Patristics
Society (May2013) Iasked six Patristics scholars (three ofthem
past presidents ofNAPS and one vice-president at the time)
to speak briefly on themes that they would identify as crucial
to our understanding ofourselves and contemporary Patristics
in North America: Elizabeth Clark addressed historical perspectives; Virginia Burrus Womens and Gender Studies; Robin
Jensen material evidence and visual culture; Robin Darling
Young Syriac Studies; David Eastman New Testament Studies; and finally, Paul Blowers considered the revived relationship
between Patristics and contemporary theology and philosophy.
Several comments on the panelists observationsand afew
additional thoughtsare in order here, especially as the panelists remarks prompted discussion ofthe fundamental question
(left unresolved) ofwhether, in fact, we do the right thing that
is represent ourselves accurately when we (in North America)
call our field ofstudy Patristics. To understand why such abasic
question arose (or more accurately was resurrected) let me backpedal abit.
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Two ofthe six panelists discussed the ways in which new

questions and newly appreciated resources have altered the landscape ofPatristic studies on our continent: Virginia Burrus has
been at the forefront ofthe changes she discussed, for her own
work has consistently challenged us both to consider how issues
ofthe body, gender, and sexuality informed the texts, the history, and the theology that we study, and also to see such issues
as deeply complicit in, not peripheral to, the shapes that Christianities assumed in the age ofthe Fathers. Her review oftrends
and scholarship charted the evolution ofthese matters from the
feminist theology and historiography ofthe1960s to the sophisticated and theoretically informed cultural studies ofthe last decade. Inasense, she observed, the call issued in the1970s by
such scholars as Rosemary Radford Reuther and Elizabeth Clark
for more history, less theology, was answered so masterfully
by such studies as Peter Browns Body and Society (Columbia
University Press,1988) and Averil Camerons Christianity and
the Rhetoric ofEmpire (University ofCalifornia Press,1991), that
during the last five years two out ofevery three issues ofthe Journal ofEarly Christian Studies contain at least one article focused
on women, gender, or sexuality. This mainstreaming ofgender studies, self-evident in the mid-1990s impact ofbooks by
Susanna Elm, Vasiliki Limberis, Kate Cooper, and Teresa Shaw,
among others, does mean that the sharper edges ofthe once
revolutionary Matristics have been dulled but clearly, as Burrus noted, the study ofgender and sexuality is alive and well in
North American Patristic circles (and, we might add, graduate
schools).
Several ofthe articles catalogued by Burrus naturally bridge
womens studies and the study ofmaterial culture, for traces
ofthe lives ofmany women are often found only there.It was this
material turn in Patristics that attracted the attention ofRobin
Jensen. Professor Jensen will, in fact, be speaking on this topic
in this conference. Iwill here only highlight her observation
that one move crucial to the integration ofart historical and
archaeological evidence into Patristics on its own terms has been
growing acceptance ofthe fact that objects and images must be
approached with the same critical acumen now readily accorded
to texts: abaptisterys form and iconography, for example, often
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participate in the same kinds ofdiscursive and rhetorical strategies that require us to read the Fathers with the eyes ofliterary
critics. To the two specific examples ofcontemporary methods
and questions just reviewed, we could easily add many others,
for the cultural turn in Patristics has brought to the fore avast
array ofnew approaches to even old material: rhetorical, literarycritical, historicist, cognitive, and psychological. Thepathways
are paved with new methodologies.
There are also, it seems, many more pathways converging on
Patristics from new or newly reimagined lands.Our panel considered three ofthem.Robin Darling Young described how Syriac
language training and Syriac studies are now firmly anchored in
anumber ofNorth American colleges and universities: Harvard,
Yale, Princeton, Johns Hopkins, Catholic University, the University ofChicago, and St.Johns University, by way ofexample.Moreover, like gender studies, Syriac Studies, she observed,
has won aplace at the table ofearly Christian studies in such
universities as Duke (which in2011 hosted the sixth quadrennial
meeting ofthe Syriac Studies Symposium), Brown, the Universities ofTennessee and Oregon, and Toronto, typically through
the work ofindividual scholars associated with those institutions. Again, the programs ofthe annual NAPS meeting or the
Tables ofContents ofthe Journal ofEarly Christian Studies (which
recently published alengthy piece by Fergus Millar on The Evolution ofthe Syrian Orthodox Church) will confirm this claim.
Atthe same time, Young recognized that the further advancement ofSyriac studies will require continued production ofthe
kinds ofcritical editions too easily taken for granted by scholars
ofLatin and Greek Christianities. Inthis respect, she observed,
Syriac Studies lags behind and this gap impedes engagement by
Syriac specialists with the cultural studies agenda now characteristic ofother areas ofearly Christian studies in North America.
Though our panel did not include aCoptic specialist, Isuspect he or she would have echoed this observation. Thepoint
was made, in fact, by Anne Boudhors in asurvey ofThe Coptic Tradition that she wrote for the Oxford Handbook ofLate
Antiquity (Oxford University Press,2012), wherein she noted
that many [Coptic] texts still remain unedited or have not even
been identified (225). At the same time, not unlike the energy
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generated in Syriac circles by the focus on Ephrem, in Coptic

studies, as both James Goehring and David Hunter remarked
to me, the Nag Hammadi texts provided aspur to the development ofCoptic programs in North Americawith the difference, ofcourse, that New Testament scholars were initially at
the forefront ofengagement with the Nag Hammadi material.
Theother focus in Coptic studies, however, has been Pachomian monasticism and asceticism, which have been more naturally claimed for Patristics.That is, Coptic studies in the United
States, as Goehring further observed, has been largely corpus
driven and the result has been somewhat detrimental to the
profile ofCoptic Studies in North America, as evidenced by
the relatively few Coptic sessions on the NAPS program. Furthermore, that is the case despite the fact that Coptic programs
and centers can be found at Yale, Claremont Graduate University, and Catholic University while individual Coptic scholars
are associated with anumber ofdepartments ofreligion or history in North American colleges and universities (Brown, Mary
Washington, Ohio State, the University ofthe Pacific, Canisius
College, and Virginia Commonwealth University, for example).
Before turning to two other convergences, Imight add, first, that
ancient Armenian and Georgian Christianities still remain rather
marginal in North American Patristic Studies, and, second, that
the massive amount ofmaterial collected at the Dumbarton Oaks
website under the link Resources ofSyriac Studies and at the
homepage ofthe International Association for Coptic Studies,
suggests that electronic resources may hold one ofthe keys to the
advancement ofareas ofstudy whose scholars are thinly spread
across alarge globe.
Different in kind from the efforts ofSyriac and Coptic scholars to integrate their work with the broader world ofNorth
American Patristicsbut not necessarily divergent in effect
are (first) the newly forged connections between New Testament
Studies and Patristics and (second) the re-staging oflines ofcommunication between late ancient Christianity and contemporary
theology and philosophy. David Eastman carefully delineated the
forces compelling New Testament scholars to take more seriously and read more critically writers ofthe fourth, fifth and
sixth centuries. Apart from aneed for fresh air (and new disserta100

THE STATE OFPATRISTICS IN NORTH AMERICA

tion topics) in the potentially stifling confines ofthat short book,

Eastman recognizes several factors encouraging this realignment:
first, the increased emphasis on reception studies manifest in
such books as Margaret Mitchells The Heavenly Trumpet: John
Chrysostom and the Art ofPauline Interpretation (Westminster John
Knox Press,2002); second, the lure for New Testament textual
critics ofPatristic witnesses to the New Testament text, witnesses whose importance was made clear as well as controversial
by Bart Ehrmans The Orthodox Corruption ofScripture (Oxford
University Press,1993) as well as several ofthe essays included
in Ehrmans2006 Studies in the Textual Criticism ofthe New Testament (Brill); and third ashift within American evangelicalism.
This latter reorientation has set ahigh enough premium upon
texts, authors, and aperiod once considered irrelevant that some
evangelical colleges have established programs in Early Christian Studies and evangelical publisherssuch as InterVarsity
Press, which is about to bring out the English language edition
of2008s Nuovo dizionario patristicohave begun to offer their
readers Patristic text and commentary series.
This final observation by Eastman led quite naturally to Paul
Blowers consideration ofthe ways that contemporary philosophers and theologians, across the faith and critical spectrum,
are now working to retrieve and recover the writings ofthe
patristic period. Inthis enterprise, Catholic ressourcement scholars, Orthodox theologians, and post-modern philosophers are
no less invested than Professor Eastmans evangelicals. This
process is exemplified for Blowers by the paleo-orthodoxy
ofThomas Oden, by Dan Williams clarion call, Retrieving the
Tradition and Renewing Evangelicalism (Eerdmans,1999), by JeanLuc Marions phenomenological reading ofthe Fathers, by the
papers collected in George Demacopoulos and Aristotle Papanikolaous Orthodox Readings ofAugustine (St.Vladimirs Seminary
Press,2008), and by Morwenna Ludlows meta-textual reading ofancient and post-modern readings ofGregory ofNyssa
in Gregory ofNyssa: Ancient and (post)modern (Oxford University Press,2007). Thevitality and breadth ofthis PatristicsTheology-Philosophy interface is further evident in the agenda
ofthe journal Pro Ecclesia, whose issues regularly feature asection
entitled Doctores Ecclesiae, as it was as well in the recent(2009)
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organization ofaconference at the University ofColorado by

Morwenna Ludlow and Scott Douglass. Themeetings chief
aim was to interrogate the assumptions which underlie contemporary reading ofthe fathers. Moreover, Blowers noted how
such interpretive work naturally blends with the efforts ofthe
late Kwame Bediako, whose Theology and Identity: The Impact
ofCulture upon Christian Thought in the Second Century and in Modern Africa (Regnum Books,1992) sought to explicate African
theology in the post-missionary era by interrogating Christian
identity formation in aselect group ofearly Christian writers.
Inall these cases, diverse as their intellectual and confessional
aims may be, the patristic period serves as areservoir ofauthors,
ideas, and models that can be recovered and relocated for intellectual profit.And in this case, it seems clear to me, as Ijuxtapose the examples adduced by Professor Blowers with the papers
ofthis conferences prolific third theme (Patristics and Theology) that, in this respect, North American Patristics shares in
atruly international enterprise.
In short, then, based on this panels considerations, we might
deem two broad trends to be characteristic ofPatristics in North
America. One expresses the desire ofPatristics scholars to appropriate, develop, and deploy methodologies and evidential data
that can facilitate new lines ofinquiry and yield novel perspectives. Theother represents the new or re-energized convergence
ofrelative outsidersNew Testament Scholars and contemporary theologians and philosophers, for exampleupon the
heartland ofPatristic texts and ideas.That two-fold scheme is
artificial to adegree, and needs to be complemented by the
lively persistence ofhistorical theology, but articulated this way
it draws attention to the crucial issue ofdisciplinary boundaries
and definition that emerged in the discussion that ensued in the
wake ofour panelists presentations.As one ofthe presenters
observed (and several others implied) the current study ofPatristics in North America has become increasingly diverse and decentered. This can be seen as mostly agood thing.But what else
can happen when adisciplines center seems to get mushy and its
boundaries to blur? What is in aname?

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3.Whats in aname: History and Identity

Quite abit, it might seem. Theflagship journal ofthe North
American Patristics Society bears the title Journal ofEarly Christian Studies; the same Societys twenty-five-year-old Patristic
Monograph Series (over which NAPS assumed control in1986)
is soon to be reborn under atitle that almost surely will not
contain the word Patristics but is quite likely to include the
adjectives early and Christian. Equally telling, perhaps, is the
fact that InterVarsity Press will publish Professor Di Berardinos
Nuovo dizionario patristico e di antichit cristiane as the Encyclopedia
ofAncient Christianity. And then there is my own vita, in which
(as Inoted earlier) Patristics is notable for its relative absence.
Pondering these nominal variations can take us back to where
we began.
In achapter titled From Patristics to Early Christian
Studies, which leads off the Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian
Studies(2008), Elizabeth Clark observed that later twentiethcentury North American scholars were particularly well positioned to help move Patristics further on from any single-minded
grounding in theology: for evidence she pointed to the organization ofAmerican academic life in secular or secularized colleges
and universities, the rapid growth ofnon-confessional religious
studies programs in the1960s and 70s, and the location ofmany
North American practitioners outside departments oftheology
(or even religion). These same conditions are also among the
powerful forces driving the quest for titles and nomenclature
that can denominate amore inclusive, maybe updated, Patristics. For as Clark also noted, the discipline in North America
was impelled by an explosion ofnew questions and methods
informed by developments in the humanities and social sciences to make the journey from one designator (Patristics) to
another (Early Christian Studies). InNorth America, study
ofthe Fathers, which still honors the place oftheology, historical theology, and even theology in different modes, is nevertheless, abristling, multidisciplinary enterprise with room for
many voices, past and present.Moreover, as noted earlier, the
rise ofLateAntiquity, has added even more variations to the
theme: for proof, one need only consider the overlaps (as well as
gaps) in coverage among the Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian
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D. TROUT

Studies(2008), Philip Rousseaus Companion to LateAntiquity

(2009) and Scott Johnsons Oxford Handbook ofLateAntiquity
(2012), which, in fact, offers the surveys ofthe Armenian Church
and the Coptic Tradition that the Handbook ofEarly Christian
Studies lacks.Where then are the boundaries between early
Christian, late antique, and Patristic studies?
For some, this fuzzy situation is made even more discomforting by another source ofirritation: the gulf between Patristics
nineteenth-century theologically bounded self-definition and
the far more open horizons established, not always without sweat
and tears, by its current practitioners. It has been remarked that
the disciplines originating confessional theological agenda are
no longer the inspiration for many, perhaps most, now working with the texts and material ofPatristics and that the training
offered by North American academic institutions is now just as
(or even more) at home in departments ofhistory, religion, classics, and art history than in departments oftheology. Therefore,
funding, too, is often tied to these academic affiliations.Is it,
indeed, time for anew name?
Recently Denis Feeny, announced that the Board ofthe
venerable association over which he presided voted in favor
ofjust that.For 144 years, since 1869, that association has been
the American Philological Association; if the membership agrees
in July (as, in fact, they did), it will become the Society for
Classical Studies.Like Patristics, philology no longer seems
to everyone up to the task ofdescribing the activity ofmany
ofthe societys members. TheModern Language Association
(founded in 1883) long ago siphoned off most ofthose philologists not concerned with Greek and Latin; and philology itself,
Feeny lamented, has become aterm both increasingly inaccessible to the general public as well as unrepresentative ofwhat
classicists now do (which, ofcourse, is not far removed
on some fronts from what many ofus do in the wake ofthe
cultural turn).1 Moreover, it is said that such ahigh-minded
word, philology, risks drastically handicapping the ability
ofthe modern APAto play ever broader roles as an academic,

http://apaclassics.org/index.php/apa_blog/apa_blog_entry/4041/.

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THE STATE OFPATRISTICS IN NORTH AMERICA

professional, and public resource.Whether Classical Studies

can save the day for the APAremains to be seen, but there are
reasons for Patristics scholars in North America to watch closely
and be sympathetic to philologys plightwe whose journals
and programs are also coyly shying away from aterm with
potential representational shortcomings and marketing problems.
What should we do?
In the2007 English translation ofhis Comprehensive Introduction to the Fathers ofthe Church (Hendrickson), Hubertus Drobner stated his preference for reserving patristic and
patristics to indicate the time period ofthe Fathers; the study
ofancient Christian literature he would prefer to designate
patrology. Moreover, although he admitted that such study
must now ofnecessity be literary, patrologys subject issue
was a theological one. Modern patrology, he conceded,
is the study ofancient Christian literature in its entirety, in all its
aspects, bringing all the appropriate methods to bear. Patristics
in its North American guise, we might say, has become the study
oflate ancient Christian culture in its entirety, in all its aspects,
bringing all the appropriate methods to bear. If we like that
definition then it seems to me we can keep the term Patristics,
which is, ofcourse, what the membership ofthe North American Patristics Society decided to do some twenty years ago. If we
dont care for it, or if we suspect that, like philology, Patristics
is deeply mired in pathways too inaccessible and rutted for our
age, then we might join our Classicist neighbors in amove to
some more relevant field ofstudies, early Christian, perhaps, or
late ancient. Idont want to exaggerate the issue. Every conclusion Ihave reached in the course ofpreparing this talk suggests
to me that the field ofPatristic studies is prospering in North
America largely because its boundaries are open and its policies
ofemigration and immigration are liberal. But all ofus here also
know very well that what you call something mattersand that
is aconversation we should not shy away from for it can bring us
together just as easily as divide us.

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D. TROUT

Abstract
This paper offers a set of reflections upon the state of patristic
studies in North America. It first surveys the professional landscape of patristic studies on the North American continent by
discussing the roles and history of several scholarly organizations,
the primary conferences at which patristics scholars meet and
present their ideas, and some of the main outlets for the publication of relevant work. Throughout its course the essay highlights the interdisciplinary nature of patristic studies in its North
American setting, a trend that has accelerated with the convergence of patristic studies and the expanding field of late antique studies. This development, it suggests, has both broadened
the scope of North American patristic studies and presented
the discipline with a number of new challenges. Several of the
latter are treated through attention to five specific areas: modern
historical perspectives, womens and gender studies, material and
visual culture, Syriac studies, New Testament Studies, and contemporary theology. The paper closes by posing the question
of whether or not the term Patristics is still adequate to the task
of defining the many kinds of vital work that patristics scholars
nowdo.

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FRANCISCO GARCA BAZN

CONICET, Repblica Argentina

LOS ESTUDIOS PATRSTICOS

EN SUDAMRICA YEL CARIBE

La regin sudamericana ydel Caribe abarca una extensa zona

geogrfica ycultural, subdividida en una gran cantidad de pases,
pero ala que dan unidad histrica, lingstica ycultural desde
hace ms de quinientos aos las lenguas espaola yportuguesa.
En estas lenguas se traducen principalmente del griego, del latn
ydel copto las fuentes yautores de la patrstica yse escriben,
transmiten yensean las explicaciones, exgesis yestudios que
versan sobre estos conocimientos.
Lo primero que se debe advertir es que en los ltimos cincuenta aos la produccin sobre el tema en la regin ha sido
muy desigual, yen muchos pases prcticamente inexistente.
En primer lugar, por lo tanto, debe advertirse que no ha sido
posible detectar una actividad de estudios patrsticos en el nivel
de la investigacin yde la enseanza en todos los pases sudamericanos ycaribeos. En segundo lugar que en los pases en los que
se ha podido descubrir este tipo de actividad, en varios casos se
comprueba que ha sido desigual, asistemticaoescasa, pero digna
de ponerse de relieve. Y en tercer lugar, hay que aclarar tambin un fenmeno que merece atencin.En la medida en que
se avanza hacia el Sur de este inmenso subcontinente, es posible sealar una actividad sin interrupciones, estable yasimismo
en crecimientocon las lgicas vicisitudes que son propias de
naciones jvenes pertenecientes al cono austral del planeta,
en algunos pases, particularmente en las repblicas de Chile yde
la Argentina.
La descripcin e inventario que se ofrece sigue el orden geogrfico de norte asur, utilizando los materiales que nos ha pro10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107514

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F. GARCA BAZN

porcionado una documentacin que se caracteriza por ser errtil,

pero bsicamente haciendo uso de las informaciones que gentilmente nos han sido proporcionadas por corresponsales de diversos pases.

1.Mxico
Los estudios patrsticos en Mxico han tenido un desarrollo limitado en los ltimos cuarenta aos. Lo dicho tiene sus razones.
Antes del ao1992, cuando el gobierno mexicano otorg validez oficial alos estudios eclesisticos, las instituciones eclesisticas deban dar constancia de planes de estudio en los que la
enseanza de la religin estaba proscrita. Se pusieron en prctica
diversas formas de presentacin para mantener programas educativos religiosos en las instituciones catlicas. La Reforma Liberal,
suprimi la Universidad Pontificia yen1932 luego de las guerras
de los Cristeros, fue definitivamente clausurada. En1982 se abre
nuevamente yen1992 el gobierno mexicano le concede reconocimiento oficial. Esto explica en parte la precariedad de los
estudios eclesisticos en Mxico. Durante los ltimos veinte aos
los estudios patrsticos se han concentrado en garantizar la preparacin de profesores de esta materia en los seminarios yubicar
asimismo los estudios patrsticos en las universidades no confesionales en los departamentos de cierta afinidad: Filosofa, Historia,
Filologa yArte. Se pueden encontrar ponencias yconferencias
de temas patrsticos en los congresos yreuniones de antroplogos yestudiosos de las religiones.Existe asimismo un Instituto Patrstico de Mxico que preside el Maestro Presbtero Jos
Alberto Ibez Hernndez. El mencionado Instituto ha iniciado
un programa de publicaciones de divulgacin. Existe asimismo
un reciente proyecto denominado La introduccin de los textos
patrsticos en la Nueva Espaa en colaboracin con la Biblioteca
Nacional de Mxico. En lo que se refiere al personal docente
yde investigacin se cuenta con un buen nmero de egresados
de la licenciatura de Patrologa del Instituto Patrstico Agustiniano de Roma que avalan la posibilidad de concretar proyectos
de investigacin en un futuro cercano1.
1Informaciones proporcionadas por el Dr.Luis Gonzaga Ramos Gmez
Prez, OP, Len, Guanajuato.En las revistas mexicanas Analoga Filosfica,

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LOS ESTUDIOS PATRSTICOS EN SUDAMRICA YEL CARIBE

2.Colombia
En Colombia los estudios patrsticos se concentran en dos Universidades: la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana de los Jesuitas
en Bogot yla Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana de la Arquidicesis de Medelln.En Bogot se distinguen los profesores Alfonso Rincn por sus estudios sobre el lenguaje en san
Agustn yAlfonso Flrez por sus estudios sobre Agustn de
Hipona yel conocimiento. Canal de difusin de estos estudios
es la revista Universitas Philosophica yla editorial correspondiente.
La biblioteca de la Universidad Javeriana es rica en fuentes patrsticas en ediciones cannicas.En la Universidad de los Andes,
Bogot, ha habido traducciones yediciones bilinges de textos de san Agustn con introducciones histricas hechas por el
profesor Felipe Castaeda.En Medelln, sobresalen los estudios
de los profesores Alberto Ramrez, Guillermo Correa, Gonzalo
Soto yDiego Uribe.Sus rganos de publicacin son las revistas Escritos, Cuestiones Teolgicas yla editorial de la Universidad.
Del P.Alberto Ramrez sobresale un estudio sobre Melitn de
Sardes yla Pascua, el profesor Guillermo Correa ha publicado el
De musica de Agustn, el profesor Diego Uribe ha publicado sus
cursos de Patrologa ytraducciones de textos latinos patrsticos
yel profesor Gonzalo Soto ha editado estudios sobre el lenguaje
yla mstica en Agustn.Adems las Etimologas de Isidoro de
Sevilla yla mstica en Dionisio Areopagita.Los autores mencionados han realizado sus estudios en las Universidades de Lovaina,
Roma, Salamanca, Bogot, Quebec yMedelln. All han estado
en contacto con patrlogos, fillogos ycon ediciones cannicas
de excelencia.Sobre la historia del cristianismo sobresalen los
estudios del estudioso jesuita P.Alberto Gutirrez, profesor en
las Universidades Javeriana yGregoriana2.

3.Per
Es digno de notar la esmerada traduccin del Adversus Haereses
de Ireneo de Lyon por Carlos Ignacio Gonzlez, SJ, Facultad
Anmnesis, Mathema, Mayutica, Logos, oportunamente se publican trabajos de
Patrstica.
2 Noticias facilitadas por el profesor Gonzalo Soto Posada.

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F. GARCA BAZN

de Teologa Pontificia yCivil de Lima, Centro de Investigaciones Teolgicas, como un nmero especial de la Revista Teolgica
Limense, con tres ndices agregados, de Textos bblicos, de Vocablos gnsticos ygenerales e ndice general3.

4.Brasil
Los estudios Patrsticos en Brasil tienen un marco central en relacin con el Concilio Vaticano II, que contribuy activamente
para el reconocimiento yvalorizacin de la Patrstica dentro de
la vida cristiana.De esta manera la reflexin sobre los estudios
patrsticos en Brasil si se vincula con algunas referencias anteriores, encuentran su marco central, como se ha dicho, en el
Concilio Vaticano II.Los diversos medios teolgicos brasileos se beneficiaban de las colecciones de textos de los Padres.
El material producido en Europa era en general utilizado en los
textos originales, sin traduccin En los ambientes monsticos se
cultivaba asimismo su estudio.En sus bibliotecas todava hoy, se
encuentran las tradicionales publicaciones patrsticas, en particular las Patrologas griega ylatina de Migne. En el perodo inmediato anterior al Concilio Vaticano IIse puede comenzar mencionando aFray Paulo Evaristo Arns, OFM, quien asu regreso al
Brasil en1953, luego de doctorarse en Letras en Pars, en la Sorbonne, con una tesis sobre san Jernimo public varios artculos
sobre Patrstica en la Revista Eclesistica Brasileira. Conjuntamente
con su presencia en Brasil, fue fundamental el impulso que el
Concilio Vaticano IIdio alos Estudios Patrsticos, cuyas influencias se fortalecieron apartir de la dcada de los aos setenta,
durante la que tuvo lugar una irrupcin de trabajos sobre Patrstica en las Facultades de Teologa.Surgan las Fontes da Catequese,
presentando peridicamente textos traducidos de los Padres.
Al frente de esta iniciativa estaba Paulo Evaristo Arns, aesa altura
obispo de San Pablo.El 4 de mayo de1970 el Papa PabloVI
fundaba el Instituto Patrstico Agustiniano yen el ao1972

3 Iren., Haer.=San Ireneo de Lyon Contra los herejes.Exposicin yrefutacin

de la falsa gnosis ed.C.I.Gonzlez(Revista Teolgica Limense34), Lima,2000.
En esta sede se contina publicando la Revista Teolgica Limense que ocasionalmente
aporta algn trabajo teolgico en relacin con los estudios patrsticos.

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LOS ESTUDIOS PATRSTICOS EN SUDAMRICA YEL CARIBE

se produjo un hecho que llena de orgullo alos patrlogos brasileos: Fray Fernando Antonio Figueiredo Alem, OFM, fue el
primer doctor del recientemente creado Institutum Patristicum
Augustinianum.
En la dcada de los ochenta se publica una nueva coleccin
de textos patrsticos con el nombre de Padres da Igreja.Responsable de la coleccin fue el citado Fray Fernando Figueiredo.
l tambin organiz ypublic durante los aos1983-1990 un
Curso de Teologa Patrstica en tres volmenes, que abarcan los
siglos IaV. La aparicin de la Teologa de la liberacin en Brasil
produjo algunos frutos para los estudios patrsticos. Se public la
coleccin Pais e Maes da Igreja. Apartir de textos patrsticos, los
volmenes de la coleccin se desenvolvan dentro de una ptica
ms social. Otro hecho importantsimo en la dcada de los aos
ochenta fue la iniciativa del telogo holands Leonardo Meulenberg, quien contando con subsidios extranjeros apoy mucho el
estudio del perodo patrstico anivel nacional. Se cre un rgano
divulgador para promover esos estudios abierto atelogos de
diversas denominaciones cristianas: el CEPAMI(Centro Ecumnico de Estudos dos Pais e Mes da Igreja). Casi todo este material
estaba dirigido aun pblico no especializado, aunque interesado
en los temas patrsticos. En1995 la Editorial Paulus lanz una
coleccin de Patrstica, de traducciones con un estudio introductorio.Cuenta hasta el momento con treinta volmenes publicados yes la coleccin ms amplia de textos patrsticos publicados
en Brasil.
Unos diez aos despus una nueva iniciativa marcara un
impulso para los estudios patrsticos.Durante el XV Congreso Eucarstico Nacional, realizado en Florianpolis en mayo
del2006, fue creada una revista cientfica exclusivamente dedicada ala Patrstica: Cadernos Patrsticos-textos e estudos. Editor
responsable es el Profesor Pbro.Dr.Edinei Da Rosa Cndido
del Instituto Teolgico de Santa Catarina (ITESC). Esta revista
difiere de las propuestas anteriores por su carcter estrictamente
acadmico con la publicacin de artculos del rea de Teologa yCiencias Patrsticas con ms de200 pginas, en nmeros
temticos, habiendo publicado hasta el presente nueve nmeros.
Es evidente que en Brasil, los comienzos de los estudios patrsticos fueron promisorios, pero que en los ltimos aos se produjo
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una discontinuidad, tanto en la cantidad de doctores ymagister en Patrstica, como en las pocas horas ctedras dedicadas ala
Teologa patrstica en las facultades.Otro problema casi crnico
ha sido el aislamiento de los estudiosos de la Patrstica frente
alos biblistas, liturgistas, moralistas yotras disciplinas teolgicas, porque los patrlogos brasileos trabajan aislados. Este grave
inconveniente del aislacionismo, sin embargo, ya est en vas de
solucin, pues si hasta el2011 Brasil no tuvo un representante en
la Association Internationale dtudes Patristiques (AIEP), apartir del ltimo encuentro de Patrstica en Chile, organizado por
el Pbro.Dr.Samuel Fernndez, fue posible conocer yentablar
contacto con el Pbro.Dr.Edinei Da Rosa Cndido, aquien se
augura que realice una promisoria tarea4.

5.Chile
Los Estudios Patrsticos en Chile tienen continuidad desde hace
ms de cuarenta aos.Un relato preciso del P.Sergio Zaartu
escrito en un artculo publicado en la revista chilena de difusin
internacional, Teologa yVida, puede servir de hilo conductor de
esta historia, que tiene una firme proyeccin en el presente de los
estudios patrsticos en Amrica del Sur.Relataba el P.Zaartu:
Sorpresivamente lleg ala Facultad de Teologa una carta
soadora de Oscar Velsquez, quien haca su Master sobre
Platn, en Cambridge, Inglaterra.Propona organizar seminarios patrolgicos abiertos del tipo de los congresos patrsticos en Oxford.Recuerdo que me sonre escptico. Pero el
sueo, aguijoneado por el entusiasmo del profesor Velsquez,
pudo ms que la realidad ydesat su propia dinmica. Hasta
la fecha, las Facultades de Filosofa yTeologa ya han organizado cinco seminarios de Estudios Patrsticos.El primero
se realiz en19775.
4Informe proporcionado por el profesor Edinei Da Rosa Cndido en
Proposta para publicaes patrsticas no Brasil e Amrica Latina: os 6 anos dos
Cadernos Patrsticos.Recientemente ha concluido una tesis sobre Antonio Orbe
el Dr.Francisco Berrizbeita de Sao Paulo, ver F.Berrizbeita, Antonio Orbe,
pionero de una nueva pedagoga de la teologa de los siglos II yIII, Gregorianum,
94(2013), p.377-387.
5 S.Zaartu, El estudio de los Padres de la Iglesia en la Facultad de Teologa desde1967 hasta el presente.Impresiones, Teologa yVida, 40(1999), p.439.

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En este relato del P.Zaartu escrito en1999, se sintetizan el

pasado, el presente yprobablemente el futuro de los patrlogos chilenos.La crnica es sustancial.El P.Zaartu haba llegado en1967 ala Facultad de Teologa de la Pontificia Universidad Catlica de Chile, luego de haber estudiado en Pars.
En Chile, realiz bajo la gua del profesor Juan Ochagava
asu vez prximo al P.A.Orbesu tesis doctoral sobre Ignacio
de Antioqua.Con su acostumbrado entusiasmo, el P.Zaartu
introdujo nuevas metodologas en el estudio de los Padres yfue
as como los alumnos comenzaron aprofundizar en el estudio
de un Padre de la Iglesia asu eleccin.El resultado fue promisorio, ya que en un currculo relativamente inflexible yun poco
escolar, este mtodo despert vivo inters en varios alumnos.
Este mtodo fue continuado por otra de las personas clave en
esta historia: la Hermana Anneliese Meis.6 Al respecto ycon una
generosidad intelectual que conmueve, el P.Zaartu agrega:
Antes de continuar quiero destacar la gran bendicin de Dios
que ha sido la docencia e investigacin de la profesora Anneliese Meis, quien se ha convertido en la madre de los estudios
patrolgicos en nuestra Facultad7.

La Hermana Anneliese Meis, realiz su tesis doctoral en Chile

sobre La frmula de fe Creo en el Espritu Santo en el siglo II.
Su tarea como formadora en estudios patrsticos ha sido inmensa:
ha dirigido numerossimas tesis sobre Patrstica en autores como:
Orgenes, Gregorio de Nyssa yDionisio Areopagita. Actualmente es la directora del Doctorado en Teologa de la Pontificia
Universidad Catlica de Chile.
Sin lugar adudas el P.Sergio Zaartu yla Hermana Anneliese
Meis fueron los progenitores de esta importante tarea, aellas se
les sum la pujante iniciativa de Oscar Velsquez, quien adems
de ser un notable especialista en san Agustn cre en un esfuerzo
conjunto de la Facultad de Filosofa yTeologa, el crculo
Platnico Patrstico, que se reuna regularmente aleer e inter-

6Ver Multifariam.Homenaje alos profesores Anneliese Meis, Antonio Bentu

ySergio Silva ed.S.Fernandez, J.Noemi, R.Polanco(Anales de la Facultad
de Teologa,1; Suplementos aTeologa yVida), Santiago,2010.
7 S.Zaartu, El estudio de los Padres, p.440.

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pretar detenidamente los textos de Platn yde los Padres.

Aestos tres nombres claves que formaron una autntica trada
patrstica, es necesario agregar la de una nueva generacin de
patrlogos, cuyo nivel de produccin tanto en los planos de
investigacin como de publicacin ydocencia ha dado excelentes resultados: el Pbro.Dr.Samuel Fernndez, quien realiz
su licenciatura ytesis de doctorado en el Institutum Patristicum Augustinianun sobre Orgenes8 yha realizado importantes traducciones al castellano de la obra del maestro alejandrino.
Tambin contina con la tarea de organizar los Seminarios Internacionales de Patrstica; el Pbro.Dr.Rodrigo Polanco con una
tesis realizada en Chile, bajo la direccin del P.Zaartu sobre la
encarnacin en el Adversus Haereses de San Ireneo, la Dra.Eva
Reyes doctorada en la Facultad de Teologa de la PUC con una
tesis sobre Gregorio de Nyssa, Pamela Chvez de la Facultad de
Filosofa yHumanidades de la Universidad de Chile con una
tesis sobre san Agustn, Cristian Sotomayor, Claudio Pierantoni,
la Dra.Giannina Burlando, yotros.Cabe agregar que desde la
dcada de los aos setenta, los patrlogos de Chile estuvieron
representados en la AIEP, lo que les permiti estar actualizados con las ltimas publicaciones yeventos acadmicos que se
realizaban en el mundo. Amodo de apretada sntesis podemos
resumir las fortalezas con que cuentan los Estudios Patrsticos en
Chile: la ms completa biblioteca en la temtica de Iberoamrica,
una Maestra en Teologa con mencin en Patrstica, que es la
primera creada en la Amrica Espaola, la realizacin de ocho
Seminarios Internacionales de Patrstica estando ya organizado
el noveno sobre El De principiis de Orgenes. Estos Encuentros
de Patrstica han permitido tanto el dilogo de especialistas de
Iberoamrica, como la presencia de acadmicos de varios lugares
del mundo9. Numerossimos artculos publicados sobre patrstica
en revistas prestigiosas de teologa yde filosofa: Teologa yVida,
Diadokh. Revista de Estudios de Filosofa Platnica yCristiana,
Seminario de Filosofa.
8 S.Fernndez, Cristo mdico segn Orgenes.La actividad mdica como metfora
de la accin divina(Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum,64), Roma,1999.
9 S.Zaartu, El estudio de los Padres.Ver asimismo J.Ochagava, Visibile
Patris Filius. AStudy ofIrenaeus Teaching on Revelation and Tradition(Orientalia
Christiana analecta,171), Roma,1964.

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6.Argentina
Una breve sntesis de los estudios patrsticos en Argentina como
actividad de investigacin colectiva, debe remontarse acomienzos de la dcada de los setenta, en el momento en que el doctor
Jos Pablo Martn yel autor de este informe acadmico publican
sus tesis de Doctorado en Teologa yde Licenciatura en Filosofa, respectivamente sobre: El Espritu Santo en los orgenes del
cristianismo yGnosis.La esencia del dualismo gnstico10. Poco tiempo
despus se inician las relaciones institucionales con la AIEP.
Ambos estudiosos de la Patrstica ysu contexto tardo-antiguo, se haban formado en centros de estudios superiores argentinos yen Roma con conocidos investigadores de la Patrstica:
Vincenzo Loi (Pontificia Universit Salesiana) yAntonio Orbe,
SI, (Gregoriana).Los dos investigadores asimismo son autores
de una extensa produccin bibliogrfica centrada, respectivamente, en el campo de los padres apostlicos yapologistas del
sigloII yde los escritores eclesisticos alejandrinos, extendindose aFiln el Judo, en el caso de Jos Pablo Martn yen el rea
del gnosticismo ysus vnculos filosficos por parte del responsable del presente informe acadmico.
El Dr.Jos Pablo Martn es en aos ms recientes el editor de
Tefilo de Antioqua, AAutlico, Ciudad Nueva, Madrid, 2004
yel director de la edicin espaola de Filn de Alejandra, Obras
Completas, edicin programada en ocho volmenes, de los que se
han publicado la mitad de la edicin11.
En cuanto ala actividad de quien les habla ha realizado el
esfuerzo de introducir en los mundos de habla espaola yportuguesa parte de las versiones de los cdices en copto de la Biblioteca de Nag Hammadi, desde su juventud: Sobre la resurreccin
(Epstola aReginos)12, yposteriormente cuando fue convo10
J.P.Martn, El Espritu Santo en los orgenes del cristianismo, Zurich,1971;
F.GarcaBazn, Gnosis.La esencia del dualismo gnstico, Buenos Aires,19782.
11 Filn de Alejandra, Obras Completas ed.J.P.Martn, 8vols., Madrid,
2009-: I(2009), II(2010), III(2012), V:(2009).Hay asimismo una versin
anterior de Obras Completas de Filn de Alejandratr.J.M.Trivio, 5vols.,
Buenos Aires,1975-1976.
12 F.GarcaBazn, Sobre la resurreccin(Epstola aReginos): Traduccin, Introduccin, yComentario, Revista Bblica,38.2(1976), p.147-178.

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cado desde la Pennsula para la edicin colectiva de los Textos

gnsticos.Biblioteca de Nag Hammadi, en coedicin con Antonio
Piero yJ.Montserrat Torrents13. Asimismo es traductor del
Papiro Berolinensis 8502, el Cdice de Bruce yel Cdice de Askew
(Pstis Sopha) que forman parte de los dos volmenes hasta ahora
publicados14. Igualmente ha desarrollado una necesaria actividad de traductor del griego ydel latn para poder internarse en
el comentario de autores yescritos que son insoslayables en el
desarrollo de la Patrstica: Numenio de Apamea, Orculos Caldeos, Plotino, neopitagricos, hermticos yFiln de Alejandra
en colaboracin con el amplio proyecto filoniano de Jos Pablo
Martn.
Los dos investigadores citados, as como tambin el Dr.Hctor Padrn, Profesor Emrito de Historia de la Filosofa Medieval de la Universidad Nacional de Cuyo (Mendoza), han desarrollado una labor continua en la iniciacin yconsolidacin de
la investigacin yel desarrollo de los estudios patrsticos en las
universidades ycentros de estudio de la Argentina. Han abierto
una huella en la direccin de tesis de doctorado, proyectos de
investigacin yformacin de discpulos que ahora son profesores
e investigadores en casas de altos estudios en toda la geografa
del pas15.
El Dr.Jos Pablo Martn ha dirigido al Dr.Marcelo Boeri
(Santiago de Chile), el estoicismo ylos Padres, yala Dra.Marta
Alesso (Universidad Nacional de La Pampa), Filn yPadres
Apostlicos.

13
Textos gnsticos.Biblioteca de Nag Hammadi ed.A.Piero, F.Garca
Bazn, J.Montserrat Torrents, 3vols., Madrid,1997-2000; O livro secreto de
Joo ed.A.Piero, F.GarcaBazn, J.Montserrat Torrents(Biblioteca Nag
Hammadi,I), Lisboa,2005; Evangelhos gnsticos ed.A.Piero, F.GarcaBazn,
J.Montserrat Torrents(Biblioteca Nag Hammadi,II), Lisboa,2005; Arevelao
de Pedro ed.A.Piero, F.GarcaBazn, J.Montserrat Torrents(Biblioteca Nag
Hammadi,III), Lisboa,2005.
14 La gnosis eterna.Antologa de textos gnsticos griegos, latinos ycoptos
ed. ytr.F.GarcaBazn, 2vols., Madrid,2003-2007; El evangelio de Judas
ed.F.GarcaBazn, Madrid,2006.
15 Ver tambin de M.Bergad, La concepcin de la libertad en el De hominis opificio de Gregorio de Nyssa, Stromata,24(1968), p.243-263, yA.Caturelli, El hombre yla historia.Filosofa yteologa de la historia, Buenos Aires,1959.

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El Prof.Hctor Padrn ha colaborado en la formacin del

Dr.Rubn Peret Rivas, director del Centro de Estudios Filosficos Medievales de la Universidad Nacional de Cuyo yque
realiza una activa tarea tanto en la organizacin de congresos en
Estudios Medievales yPatrsticos, como en la direccin de becarios ydoctorandos.
Francisco Garca Bazn ha dirigido casi una decena de estudiosos. La mayora de estos estudiosos orientan asu vez auna
nueva generacin de humanistas ypatrlogos16.
Tambin es necesario mencionar el importante trabajo acadmico yde investigacin que se realiza en la Universidad Catlica
Argentina, con sede en Buenos Aires.All se pueden mencionar
al Pbro.Dr.Hernn Giudice, doctorado en el Institutum Patristicum Augustinianun, yala Lic.Viviana Flix, especialista en
Justino Mrtir.
Los estudiosos argentinos de la Patrstica colaboran estrechamente con sus colegas chilenos desde hace ms de tres lustros
participando en los Seminarios de Patrstica cada cuatro aos
ydesarrollando proyectos de investigacin conjuntos como la
publicacin de Diadokh.Revista de Estudios de Filosofa Platnica
yCristiana, iniciada su edicin en1998 yque se mantiene hasta la
fecha (codirectores Oscar Velsquez yFrancisco Garca Bazn).
Meritoria es la tarea que lleva acabo por Internet el
Pbro.Dr.Enrique Contreras (Abad del Monasterio de Santa
Mara de los Toldos), conocido anteriormente junto con
16 Dra.Patricia Ciner, Orgenes(San Juan); Dr.Jos Mara Nieva, Dionisio
Areopagita(Tucumn), Dr.Claudio Calabrese, San Agustn, quien ha publicado
San Agustn de Hipona, Interpretacin literal del Gnesistr.C.Calabrese(Coleccin de Pensamiento Medieval yRenacentista, 78), Pamplona,2006, yactualmente
revista en la Universidad de la Vera-Cruz de Zacatecas(Mxico); Dr.Juan Carlos Alby, San Ireneo ylos gnsticos(Santa Fe); Lic.Graciela Ritacco, Corpus
Dionysiacum yProclo(San Miguel-Buenos Aires); Lic.Marta Cristina Simeone,
San Agustn yla Academia Platnica(Buenos Aires), Lic.Leandro Pinkler, los
misterios ylos Padres; J.B.Garca Bazn, Los gnsticos naasenos(Buenos Aires).
En junio ydiciembre de2012 codirigidos por Mireille Hadas-Lebel yFrancisco
Garca Bazn ypor JeanDaniel Dubois yFrancisco Garca Bazn, presentaron sus tesis de doctorado en Lcole Pratique des Hautes tudes, Sorbonne,
la doctora Magdalena Daz Araujo yel Dr.Mariano Troiano sobre los temas:
La reprsentation de la femme et linvention de la notion du pech de la chair
daprs la Vie grecque dAdam et Eve yLe Demiurge gnostique et le cosmos,
respectivamente.

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Roberto Pea por sus introducciones al estudio de los Padres

griegos ylatinos17. ltimamente Horacio E.Lona yAlberto
C.Capbosco, han publicado una Introduccin ala historia de la
literatura cristiana en los tres primeros siglos18, yaos antes Pablo
A.Cavallero, edit la traduccin de las Obras de Dionisio Areopagita en dos volmenes, con notas ycomentarios propios yde
Graciela Ritacco de Gayoso.19 En San Miguel de Tucumn, el
P.Edgardo M.Morales doctor por el Instituto Patrstico Agustiniano ycolaborador de Sources Chrtiennes con su participacin
en Trois vies de moines,20 ha publicado tambin una Introduccin
ala patrologa21.
Sorprende tambin en Argentina la cantidad de congresos
yjornadas en temas de Patrstica que se llevan acabo. Se organizan en las siguientes provincias argentinas: Buenos Aires, Mendoza, Rosario (Santa Fe), Tucumn ySan Juan22.
17 E.Contreras,R.Pea, Introduccin al estudio de los Padres del perodo
pre-niceno, Monasterio Ntra.Sra.de los Angeles,1991; Id., El contexto histrico
eclesial de los Padres latinos.Siglos IV-V, Lujn,1992; Id., Introduccin al estudio
de los Padres latinos.De Nicea aCalcedonia, Monasterio Ntra.Sra.de los Angeles,1994. El mencionado patrlogo se concentra actualmente en una biblioteca digital del conjunto de las obras de los Padres traducidas al castellano.
Las entregas son semanales yes un gil instrumento de trabajo para difundir alos
autores patrsticos, que estn medianamente difundidos en el mundo de habla
espaola. La tarea se comenz con la obra de Clemente Romano yactualmente
se editan las obras de Clemente de Alejandra.
18 H.E.Lona,A.C.Capbosco, Introduccin ala historia de la literatura cristiana
en los tres primeros siglos, Buenos Aires,2012.
19 Dion.Ar., C.h., E.h., Myst., Ep.=Dionisio Areopagita, Jerarqua celestial,
La jerarqua eclesistica, La teologa mstica, Epstolas ed.P.Cavallero(Obras
maestras del pensamiento), Buenos Aires,2007; Dion.Ar., D.n.=Dionisio Areopagita, Los nombres divinosed.P.Cavallero(Obras maestras del pensamiento),
Buenos Aires,2008.
20 Hier., Vita Pauli, Vita Malchi, Vita Hilar. ed.E.M.Morales, tr.P.Leclerc
(Sources Chrtiennes,508), Paris,2007.
21 E.M.Morales, Introduccin ala patrologa, Buenos Aires,2008.Diego
M.Santos yPablo Ubierna, han editado tambin, El Evangelio de Judas yotros
textos gnsticos, Buenos Aires,2009 yla Dra.Claudia DAmico dirige en la Facultad de Filosofa yLetras de la Universidad de Buenos Aires un equipo de investigadores, que trabaja en la ctedra de Historia de la Filosofa Medieval, la versin
latina del Asclepio hermtico.
22
Buenos Aires: Jornadas de Filosofa Medieval organizadas por los
Dr.Ricardo Diez yRaquel Fisher en la Academia Nacional de Ciencias de
Buenos Aires. Jornadas de Filosofa e Historia de las Religiones celebradas
anualmente durante la primera quincena de octubre en la misma institu-

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En San Juan no slo se ha llevado acabo del 8 al 10 de agosto

de2012 el Primer Congreso Internacional de Estudios Patrsticos
sobre La identidad de Jess: unidad ydiversidad en la poca
de la Patrstica organizado por el Instituto de Estudios Patrsticos yel Rectorado de la Universidad Catlica de Cuyo en
San Juan yque super largamente alos cien participantes, sino
que en cuanto acarreras especficas, en su seno funciona la primera Diplomatura en Estudios Patrsticos, creada por la iniciativa de
las autoridades de la Universidad Catlica de Cuyo23.
Es digno de subrayar, adems, la apreciable cantidad de becarios del CONICET que realizan tesis de postgrado en temas de
Patrstica yque superan aotras especialidades.
Quizs haya sido esta suma de factores favorables al desarrollo de los estudios patrsticos en el Cono Sur de Amrica lo que
permiti una importante presencia de participantes argentinos,
chilenos ybrasileos en el XVICongreso Internacional de Estudios
Patrsticos celebrado en Oxford enSeptiembre del2011, ocasin
en la que los especialistas iberoamericanos en Patrstica, pudieron abrir grupalmente puentes de vinculacin ycolaboracin
activa con la accin patrstica internacional.Con ocasin de la
cin.Edita asimismo las actas en el Anuario EPIMELEIA.Estudios de Filosofa
e Historia de las Religiones Jornadas de Patrstica organizadas por la Sociedad
Argentina de Teologa. Simposio Internacional Helenismo yCristianismo
organizado bianualmente por la Dra.Marta Alesso yel Dr.Jos Pablo Martn, en la Universidad de General Sarmiento. Jornadas de Estudios Patrsticos
Orden de San Agustn.Mendoza: Congresos Anuales ybianuales sobre temas
referidos aEstudios Medievales yPatrsticos organizados por el Dr.Rubn
Peret Rivas, en la Facultad.de Filosofa yLetras de la Universidad Nacional
de Cuyo.Rosario(Santa Fe): Jornadas de Filosofa Patrstica yMedieval, organizadas por la Dra.Silvana Filippi, titular de la ctedra de Historia de la Filosofa
Medieval ydel Renacimiento yDirectora del Centro de Estudios Patrsticos yMedievales de la Escuela de Filosofa de la Facultad de Humanidades
yArtes de la Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Tucumn: Jornadas de Estudios
sobre Pensamiento Patrstico yMedieval, organizadas por el Dr.Fr.Juan Jos
Herrera en la Facultad de Humanidades de la Universidad del Norte Santo
Toms de Aquino(UNSTA).
23 Estas iniciativas, dirigidas por la Rectora Dra.Mara Isabel Larrauri, han
sido concretadas por el Decano de la Facultad.de Filosofa, Lic.Jorge Bernat, ylos presbteros Lic.ngel Hernndez yLic.Pedro Fernndez ycuenta
con la colaboracin de prestigiosos especialistas nacionales e internacionales.
De esta Diplomatura surgi el Instituto de Estudios Patrsticos que muestra en su
haber la iniciativa yorganizacin del Congreso Internacional de Patrstica antes
mencionado.

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mencionada actividad un grupo de estudiosos argentinos, chilenos ybrasileos pudieron durante el desarrollo de este ltimo
Congreso en Oxford proyectarse de manera muy positiva en vistas al futuro desarrollo de los Estudios Patrsticos en Sudamrica
yel Caribe.Lo expresado avanz por dos iniciativas:
a) Porque con ponencias atinentes se pudo mostrar una parte
de lo que se hace en relacin con la Patrstica en nuestros
pases de habla ycultura hispanolusitana.Lo expresado se
concret apartir del ofrecimiento hecho por los integrantes
del Comit Organizador del Congreso, quienes le permitieron aIberoamrica llevar acabo un workshop de dos tardes.
En la ocasin se expusieron trabajos sobre la situacin de
cada pas yasimismo ponencias vinculadas alas diversas
lneas de investigacin de los especialistas iberoamericanos.
Adems, por indicacin expresa de dicho Comit, se solicit
que uno de los trabajos acargo de la Dra.Patricia Ciner que
marc las lneas centrales que ha seguido esta exposicin, se
presentara en las sesiones ordinarias del congreso afin de
que pudiera ser escuchado por un nmero importante de
participantes.
b) Porque, adems, por primera vez en la historia de la AIEP,
obtuvo la Vicepresidencia un estudioso hispanoamericano:
el chileno, Dr.Oscar Velsquez24.

24 Brevemente expondremos ambos logros.Con respecto al primer punto

bastar con registrar el cronograma de los temas expuestos en el workshop de
Oxford del martes 9 y12 de agosto sobre Los estudios patrsticos en Latinoamrica I yII.Ambas actividades presididas por el Prof.Rubn Peret Rivas.
I:Oscar Velsquez, La historia de la patrstica en Chile: un largo proceso de
maduracin; Pedro Fernndez, Adiez aos de la iniciacin de los Estudios
Patrsticos en la Universidad Catlica de Cuyo.San Juan-Argentina; Francisco
Bastitta Harriet, Dios consecuente con la decisin humana? Una interpretacin de un pasaje del De vita Moysis de Gregorio de Nyssa.II: Rubn Peret
Rivas, La acedia en Evagrio Pntico.Entre ngeles ydemonios; Viviana Flix,
La influencia del platonismo medio en Justino ala luz de los estudios recientes sobre el Didasklikos; Graciela Ritacco, El Bien, el sol, yel rayo de luz
segn Dionisio del Arepago; Hernn Giudice, Prisciliano de Avila yel apstol
Pablo. En cuanto ala eleccin del Dr.Oscar Velsquez como Vicepresidente
de la AIEP(2011-2015) se debe puntualizar que accedi al cargo por la votacin
unnime en Oxford de los miembros correspondientes de los pases con afiliados
activos de la AIEP.

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7.Conclusiones: mirando al futuro

Actualmente las Obras Completas de Filn de Alejandra dirigidas
por Jos Pablo Martn siguen su curso; la traduccin yestudio de
Sobre los principios de Orgenes bajo la direccin de Samuel Fernndez estar prximamente concluida, as como el Comentario
al Evangelio de San Juan del mismo Orgenes, trabajo de Patricia
Ciner yFrancisco Garca Bazn.De este autor se ha publicado
en Buenos Aires, La biblioteca gnstica de Nag Hammadi ylos orgenes cristianos25. Son obras grupales e individuales confirmadas.
Asimismo la decena de publicaciones peridicas de la regin
continan su curso normal, igual que la actividad docente de
seminarios ycursos ylas de extensin atravs de congresos, jornadas yconferencias.
Se podra concluir con unas palabras sobre lo imprevisto que
sbita ysorpresivamente inunda de agradecimiento el corazn
del hombre.Si el ao2013 se inici con la sorpresa de la renuncia cannica de un Papa yla sbita ascensin al pontificado del
Papa Francisco, sudamericano, es posible la esperanza de que estas
iniciativas inesperadas se reflejen en nuestros estudios yanhelos
de ecumenismo.

Bibliografa
1.Fuentes Primarias
Arevelao de Pedro ed.A.Piero, F.GarcaBazn, J.Montserrat
Torrents (Biblioteca Nag Hammadi,III), Lisboa,2005.
Dion.Ar., C.h., E.h., Myst., Ep.=Dionisio Areopagita, Jerarqua celestial, La jerarqua eclesistica, La teologa mstica, Epstolas ed.P.Cavallero (Obras maestras del pensamiento), Buenos Aires,2007.
Dion.Ar., D.n.=Dionisio Areopagita, Los nombres divinosed.P.Cavallero (Obras maestras del pensamiento), Buenos Aires,2008.
El evangelio de Judas ed.F.GarcaBazn, Madrid,2006.
El Evangelio de Judas yotros textos gnsticos ed.D.M.Santos,
P.Ubierna, Buenos Aires,2009.
25 F.Garca Bazn, La biblioteca gnstica de Nag Hammadi ylos orgenes
cristianos, Buenos Aires,2013.

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Evangelhos gnsticos ed.A.Piero, F.GarcaBazn, J.Montserrat

Torrents (Biblioteca Nag Hammadi,II), Lisboa,2005.
Filn de Alejandra, Obras Completased.J.P.Martn, 8vols.,
Madrid,2009-.
Hier., Vita Pauli, Vita Malchi, Vita Hilar.=Hieronymus Stridonensis, Vita S.Pauli, Vita S.Hilarionis, Vita Malchi ed.E.M.Morales, tr.P.Leclerc (Sources Chrtiennes,508), Paris,2007.
Iren., Haer.=San Ireneo de Lyon Contra los herejes.Exposicin y
refutacin de la falsa gnosis ed.C.I.Gonzlez (Revista Teolgica
Limense34), Lima,2000.
La gnosis eterna.Antologa de textos gnsticos griegos, latinos ycoptos
ed. ytr.F.GarcaBazn, 2vols., Madrid,2003-2007.
Obras Completas de Filn de Alejandratr.J.M.Trivio, 5vols.,
Buenos Aires,1975-1976.
Olivro secreto de Joo ed.A.Piero, F.GarcaBazn, J.Montserrat
Torrents (Biblioteca Nag Hammadi,I), Lisboa,2005.
San Agustn de Hipona, Interpretacin literal del Gnesistr.C.Calabrese (Coleccin de Pensamiento Medieval yRenacentista,78), Pamplona,2006.

2.Fuentes Secundarias
M.Bergad, La concepcin de la libertad en el De hominis opificio
de Gregorio de Nyssa, Stromata, 24(1968), p.243-263.
F.Berrizbeita, Antonio Orbe, pionero de una nueva pedagoga de
la teologa de los siglos II yIII, Gregorianum, 94(2013), p.377387.
A.Caturelli, El hombre yla historia.Filosofa yteologa de la historia,
Buenos Aires,1959.
P.Ciner, Los estudios patrsticos latinoamericanos en perspectiva
internacional, Cuadernos Monsticos, 180(2012), p.11-20.
E.Contreras,R.Pea, Introduccin al estudio de los Padres latinos.
De Nicea aCalcedonia, Monasterio Ntra.Sra.de losAngeles,1994.
E.Contreras,R.Pea, Elcontexto histrico eclesial de los Padres latinos.
SiglosIV-V, Lujn, 1992.
E.Contreras,R.Pea, Introduccin al estudio de los Padres del perodo
pre-niceno, Monasterio Ntra.Sra.de los Angeles,1991.
S.Fernndez, La patrologa en los 40 aos de Teologa yVida, Teologa yVida, 41(2000), p.310-327.

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LOS ESTUDIOS PATRSTICOS EN SUDAMRICA YEL CARIBE

S.Fernndez, Cristo mdico segn Orgenes.La actividad mdica como

metfora de la accin divina (Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum,64),
Roma,1999.
F.Garca Bazn, La biblioteca gnstica de Nag Hammadi ylos orgenes
cristianos, Buenos Aires,2013.
F.GarcaBazn, Gnosis.La esencia del dualismo gnstico, Buenos
Aires, 19782.
F.GarcaBazn, Sobre la resurreccin (Epstola aReginos):
Traduccin, Introduccin, yComentario, Revista Bblica, 38.2
(1976), p.147-178.
H.E.Lona,A.C.Capbosco, Introduccin ala historia de la literatura
cristiana en los tres primeros siglos, Buenos Aires,2012.
J.P.Martn, ElEspritu Santo en los orgenes del cristianismo, Zurich,
1971.
Multifariam.Homenaje alos profesores Anneliese Meis, Antonio Bentu
ySergio Silva ed.S.Fernandez, J.Noemi, R.Polanco (Anales de la Facultad de Teologa,1; Suplementos aTeologa yVida),
Santiago,2010.
E.M.Morales, Introduccin ala patrologa, Buenos Aires,2008.
J.Ochagava, Visibile Patris Filius.AStudy ofIrenaeus Teaching on
Revelation and Tradition (Orientalia Christiana analecta,171), Roma,
1964.
S.Zaartu, El estudio de los Padres de la Iglesia en la Facultad
de Teologa desde1967 hasta el presente.Impresiones, Teologa
yVida,40(1999), p.439-444.

Abstracts
Amrica del Sur yel Caribe, abarca una extensa regin geogrfica
ycultural, subdividida en muchos pases.Los idiomas espaol yportugus han constituido una unidad lingstica por ms de 500 aos.
Las fuentes yautores patrsticos han sido traducidos en estos dos idiomas,
yla investigacin yla enseanza tambin se han llevado acabo en estas
lenguas. Durante los ltimos cincuenta aos en esta regin, la produccin sobre el tema ha sido desigual yen algunos pases casi inexistente.
En los pases en los que ha habido algunas seales de actividad, tambin ha sido desigual; pero en la medida en que nos movemos hacia
el sur, la actividad ha ido en crecimiento, particularmente en Brasil,
Chile yArgentina.

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South America and the Caribbean cover avast geographical and cultural region, subdivided into many countries. TheSpanish and Portuguese languages have afforded it alinguistic unity for over 500 years.
Thepatristic sources and authors have been translated into these two
languages, and research and teaching have been carried out in these
languages. Over the last fifty years in this region, research in the field
has been uneven, in some countries even non-existent. Inthe countries where there have been some signs ofactivity, it has also been
uneven; but as one moves south, activity has been increasing, particularly in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina.

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SATOSHI TODA
Hokkaido University, Sapporo

PATRISTIC STUDIES IN EAST ASIA

(MAINLY IN JAPAN)

1.Prologue
Ihave to begin this paper by confessing my inability to cover
the entire region ofEast Asia. InChina, at least in mainland
China, no significant group ofscholars seems to be active in
the field ofpatristic studies; on the other hand, it is only to be
expected that in South Korea, which is one ofthe most active
Christian countries, not only in Asia but in the entire world,
people are interested in Christian history and thought. Inrecent
years, many scholars who are apparently ofKorean origin have
been publishing in international languages the results oftheir
research in the field ofbiblical studies, either in the form ofbooks
or articles; and one can doubtless observe the same tendency also
in the field ofpatristic studies, albeit to alesser extent. And needless to say, any assessment ofthe current situation should take
patristic studies in South Korea published in the Korean language
into account.However, this last task Iam unable to assume
because ofmy very poor knowledge ofthe Korean language.1
Thus, although some activities in East Asia will be mentioned
later, in which Korean patristic scholars are also involved, this
paper will be basically limited to what has happened in Japan
in the field ofpatristic studies.My apologies for not duly covering patristic studies in South Korea, and also in Taiwan and
Hong Kong, ofwhich Ihave to confess again my total ignorance.
Naturally Isought the cooperation ofKorean researchers in patristic studies in this matter, but regrettably the task was ofsuch enormity that it was not
feasible for them to provide assistance.
1

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107515

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S. TODA

2.Abrief history ofpatristic studies in Japan

2.1 Educational institutions
It is not very easy to identify aclear starting point for patristic
studies in Japan, but since patristics is afield adjacent to amuch
more popular field, biblical studies, some general notion can be
obtained by taking alook at the development ofthe latter,
more precisely the history ofthe translation ofthe Bible into
Japanese. After some tentatives, the first systematic translation ofthe Bible into Japanese was accomplished in the 1880s
(the New Testament in 1880, the Old Testament in 1887).
This translation project was led largely by missionaries coming from foreign countries, and apparently the translation was
made not from the original languages, but mainly from English.
TheNew Testament translation was criticized for stylistic and
other reasons, and arevised translation, this time possibly working from the original Greek, was started in1910 and finished
in1917. One can say that, to acertain extent, this reflects the
development ofbiblical studies in Japan.
The influence ofmissionary activities can also be seen in
the setting up ofeducational institutes.To mention only afew
at the university level:
Meiji Gakuin University,2 (which derives from an English academy founded by Mr and Mrs J.C.Hepburn in 1863; the university itself was established in1949);
Aoyama Gakuin University3 (which derives from the activities ofmissionaries from the Methodist Episcopal Church ofthe
United States, who established three schools in the 1870s;
the university itself was established in1949);
Rikkyo University4 (which derives from aprivate school founded
in 1874 by Channing Moore Williams, an Episcopalian missionary; the university itself was established in1922);

2 The term Gakuin itself means academic institute and has no specifically
Christian connotations. TheURL ofthe university is http://www.meijigakuin.
ac.jp/index_en.html.All URLs referred to in this article were accessed
on20 June2013.
3 The URL ofthe university is http://www.aoyama.ac.jp/en/.
4 The URL ofthe university is http://english.rikkyo.ac.jp/.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES IN EAST ASIA (MAINLY IN JAPAN)

Kanto Gakuin University5 (which derives from aBaptist seminary

founded in 1884 in Yokohama; the university itself was established in1949);
Tohoku Gakuin University6 (which derives from Sendai Theological Seminary founded in 1886 by Oshikawa Masayoshi7 and
W.E.Hoy; the university itself was established in1949);
Kwansei Gakuin University8 (which was founded in Kobe in
1889 by Dr Walter Russell Lambuth, amissionary ofthe Methodist Episcopal Church, South, USA., as asmall private institution
with two departments, atheological school and amiddle school;9
the university itself was established in1932);
Seigakuin University10 (which derives from Seigakuin Seminary
founded in1903; the university itself was established in1988).

There are other universities as well, which are based on Christian

principles and thus can be called Christian universities in abroad
sense ofthe term, and which were founded by indigenous
Japanese. Among these universities are:
Doshisha University11 (which derives from Doshisha Academy
founded in 1875 by Niijima Jo,12 who graduated from Andover
Theological Seminary in the preceding year; the university itself
was established in1920);
Tokyo Womans Christian University13 (founded in1918 as auniversity-level educational institute, but institutionally different from
auniversityits first president being Nitobe Inazoand raised
to the status ofafull-fledged university in1948; only women are
admitted);
The URL ofthe university is http://univ.kanto-gakuin.ac.jp/(in Japanese).
The URL ofthe university is http://www.tohoku-gakuin.ac.jp/en/.
7 In this paper Iuse the Japanese order ofthe name, i.e., ones family name
is followed by ones given name or(in the appendix) the first letter ofthe given
name.
8 The URL ofthe university is http://global.kwansei.ac.jp/index.html.
9 See http://global.kwansei.ac.jp/about/about_005742.html.
10 The URL ofthe university is http://www.seigakuin.jp/english/index.
html.
11
The URL ofthe university is http://www.doshisha.ac.jp/en/.
12 The alternative spelling ofhis family name Neesima, used on the Website ofthe Doshisha University, is the one used by himself.
13 The URL ofthe university is http://office.twcu.ac.jp/o-board/twcu-e/
text/index.html.
5
6

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S. TODA

International Christian University14 (founded in1953 after some

years ofpost-World-War-Two intensive preparation, during
which the Japan International Christian University Foundation
[JICUF] was established in NewYork in1948 to coordinate
fund-raising efforts in the USA);
Tokyo Union Theological Seminary15 (which derives its origin
from the merger ofseveral seminaries; the university was established in1949);
Japan Lutheran College and Seminary16 (which derives from
aLutheran seminary founded in1909 in Kumamoto; the university itself was established in1964).

The two seminaries mentioned above are universities (Daigaku)

according to the Japanese system ofeducation. Ofcourse many
other seminaries exist in Japan, but they are not universities
(Daigaku) in the Japanese system ofeducation.
Each ofthese universities or colleges hitherto mentioned is
loosely or closely affiliated with aProtestant church. Universities
or colleges affiliated with the Roman Catholic Church include:
Sophia University17 (founded in1911 as Jochi Gakuin, and raised
to the status ofafull-fledged university in1928; today Jochi Gakuin
is the headquarters ofvarious educational institutes, among which
Sophia University is the most prominent institute);
Nanzan University18 (which derives from Nanzan Junior High
School established in1932 by amissionary ofSocietas Verbi
Dei (SVD); the university itself was established in1949);
Notre Dame Seishin University19 (founded in 1886 by the Congregation des Surs de lEnfant-Jsus de Chaufailles, and from1924
continued by the Sisters ofNotre Dame ofNamur; the university
itself was established in1949; only women are admitted).
The URL ofthe university is http://www.icu.ac.jp/en/.
The URL ofthe university is http://www.tuts.ac.jp/11/english/index.
html.
16
The URL ofthe university is http://www.luther.ac.jp/english/index.
html. Inits English name it still retains the word seminary, but in Japanese
its official name from1996 onward, literally translated, is Lutheran Gakuin
University.
17 The URL ofthe university is http://www.sophia.ac.jp/eng/e_top.
18 The URL ofthe university is http://www.nanzan-u.ac.jp/English/index.
html.
19 The URL ofthe university is http://www.ndsu.ac.jp/english/.
14
15

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PATRISTIC STUDIES IN EAST ASIA (MAINLY IN JAPAN)

Among all these universities or colleges, only afew have departments specifically dedicated to the study oftheology or to the
study ofChristianity in general.20 Earlier, more universities
had either seminaries or faculties oftheology, but many ofthem
have ceased to exist.
Japan is really aheathen country, in the sense that Christians
constitute avery tiny minority (less than one per cent) ofthe
total population; not surprisingly, therefore, all the universities hitherto mentioned are private universities.On the other
hand, it is the national rather than the private universities that
play pivotal roles in university education ofJapan. How then
are Christian studies, and specifically patristic studies, represented
in national universities?
To the best ofmy knowledge, the only national university
that has apermanent section explicitly dedicated to the study
ofChristianity is Kyoto University.21 Adepartment ofChristian Studies was established there in1922, originally as asubsection ofthe Department ofReligious Studies.22 Needless to say,
this department ofChristian Studies is not limited to studies
in Christian antiquity.However, the chair ofthe department was
held by scholars such as Hatano Seiichi (1877-1950), who worked
not only on religious studies in general, but also on Christian
studies (especially on Christian origins),23 and Ariga Tetsutaro
(1899-1978) who began his academic career with research
on Origen ofAlexandria.24 Because ofthat, students interested
20On the Protestant side, besides the two seminaries mentioned above,
Doshisha University and Kwansei Gakuin University have undergraduate and
graduate schools oftheology, and Rikkyo University has agraduate school
ofChristian studies.On the Catholic side, Sophia University has the faculty,
as well as graduate school, oftheology, and Nanzan University has the department ofChristian studies at the undergraduate level and the graduate program
in Christian thought in its graduate school ofhumanities.
21
The URL ofthe university is http://www.kyoto-u.ac.jp/en.
22
For the history ofthe Department ofChristian Studies in Kyoto University, see Kyoto Daigaku Hyakunen-shi.Bukyoku-shi hen [History of aHundred
Years ofKyoto University.History ofDepartments], I, Kyoto,1997, p.84-87
http://hdl.handle.net/2433/152982.
23The second volume ofhis complete works(published in1969 in six
volumes by Iwanami Shoten) comprises the following treatises: The Origins
ofChristianity; Primitive(i.e.Earliest) Christianity; The Life ofPaul; and Paul.
24His Studies on Origen(see n.26) is based on his doctoral dissertation, AStudy
ofOrigen as aChristian Personality(Union Theological Seminary,1936).

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S. TODA

in studies in Christian antiquity (and more precisely patristic

studies) came to Kyoto University to pursue their doctoral studies in this department; especially during the period ofArigas
professorship.25 Ariga can be regarded as one ofthe earliest Japanese scholars who specialized in early Christian studies, including
patristic studies.26
2.2.Scholarly associations
So far we have seen Christian (or theological) studies from
the viewpoint ofuniversity education.However, to promote
research in the relevant field, associations or societies ofscholars
are fundamentally important.These are called gakkai in Japanese. Inthe field ofChristian studies, the largest gakkai in Japan
is Nihon Kirisuto-kyo Gakkai (the Japan Society ofChristian
Studies),27 founded in1952. Theaforementioned Ariga was one
ofthe founding members ofthis gakkai, and its journal Nihon-no
Shingaku (Theological Studies in Japan) from time to time publishes articles in the field ofpatristic studies.28 However, since
this gakkai covers, or at least presumes to cover, the entire history ofChristianity all over the world, it is too broad to be called
an association ofpatristic studies.
Closer to patristic studies are the following two gakkai.
Thefirst is Chusei Tetsugaku Kai (the Japanese Society ofMedieval Philosophy),29 also founded in1952.As its name indicates,
25After Ariga, Mizugaki Wataru(1935-), who assumed the chair after
Arigas successor and is now emeritus, supervised doctoral studies in patristics
ofvarious scholars ofthe younger generation.However, the current chair ofthe
department ofChristian studies, who is the successor ofMizugakis successor,
specializes in other matters than patristics.It seems much more difficult now to
study patristics in this department ofKyoto University.
26
The collected works ofAriga was published posthumously in1981 in five
volumes by the publisher Sobunsha, comprising the following titles: I:Studies
on Origen; II:ACommentary to the Epistle to the Hebrews; III:Symbolic Theology
(with some articles pertaining to historical theology); IV:The Problem ofOntology
in Christian Thought(studies on Hayatologia [a neologism based on the Hebrew
verb haya]); V:Belief, History and Practice(miscellaneous works, both scientific
and edifying).
27 The URL ofthe society is http://www.gakkai.ac/jscs/(in Japanese).
28 The journal can now be viewed at https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/browse/
nihonnoshingaku.
29 The URL ofthe society is http://jsmp.jpn.org/(in Japanese).

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PATRISTIC STUDIES IN EAST ASIA (MAINLY IN JAPAN)

this gakkai specializes in Western medieval philosophy, but

its journal Chusei Shiso Kenkyu (Studies in Medieval Thought)
occasionally publishes articles on Augustine and other church
fathers for obvious reasons.Another gakkai which should be mentioned here is Kirisuto-kyo shi gakkai (The Society ofHistorical Studies ofChristianity, Japan),30 founded in1949. Although
this gakkai is mainly composed ofscholars specializing in the
history ofChristianity in Japan, its journal Kirisuto-kyo Shigaku
(Journal ofHistory ofChristianity) from time to time publishes
articles in the field ofpatristic studies.
To come to the specific field ofpatristics, there is agroup
ofscholars agroup ofamore private, voluntary naturewhich
is called Kyofu Kenkyu-kai (the Japanese Society for Patristic
Studies).31 Iwill continue to call this society agroup, because,
institutionally, it is not so organized as those societies referred
to above as gakkai.This group was inaugurated in1977,
and its founding members include Mr Kato Shinro, Mr Izumi
Harunori, and the RevdFr K.Riesenhuber,SJ, among others.
During the first decade ofthe group, Augustine and medieval
thought were the two major subjects dealt with in its regular
meetings. And for some time (the starting point was probably
around the middle ofthe1980s) the group also functioned as
one ofthe branches involved in alarge-scale project ofpublishing aJapanese translation ofpatristic as well as medieval Christian
literature. This project resulted in the publication oftwenty
volumes plus one explanatory supplementary volume between
1992 and2002, and it is now known as the series Chusei Shiso
Genten Shusei (Corpus fontium mentis medii aevi; see the appendix
below). Patristicliterature is found in the first five volumes ofthe
series.32 From1994 this group ofpatristic scholars has been publishing its Japanese journal Patorisutika (Patristica), which mainly
publishes papers read in its regular meetings; sometimes it contains lectures given in its regular meetings, including lectures
from such invited scholars as Prof.DrCharles Kannengiesser,
Dr NeilB.McLynn, Prof.Peter Brown, and Prof.DrPauline
Allen (twice).
The URL ofthe society is http://shsc.jp/(in Japanese).
The URL ofthis group is http://jpnpatristics.wordpress.com/.
32 See the Appendix, no.4, below.
30
31

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S. TODA

2.3.Translations
Since the large series oftranslations ofpatristic as well as medieval Christian literature has just been mentioned, it would be
good to note here to what extent patristic literature is rendered into Japanese. First ofall, there is aseries oftranslations
ofAugustines works, which now counts more than thirty
volumes. Theyear2013 saw publication ofanother two volumes ofthe series: translations ofAugustines letters, including
some ofthe newly discovered letters.33 There is also aseries
oftranslations ofGreek and Latin patristic literature, which
began in1987 with the translation ofthe first part ofContra
Celsum by Prof.Demura Miyako. Several volumes ofthe series
still remain to be published, so it is along-run translation project.34 Another Japanese scholar, the RevdFr Odaka Takeshi,OFM, published translations ofseveral works ofOrigen
in another series, among which the De principiis, the Commentarii in Iohannem, and the Commentarii in Epistulam ad Romanos
may be mentioned.35 There are ofcourse other translations
which were published individually and separately, such as the
Apologeticum ofTertullian,36 the De trinitate ofAugustine,37
the Itinerarium ofEgeria,38 and the Apophthegmata (CPG5560,
translated twice).39
Needless to say, translation goes hand in hand with the
study ofpatristic materials. Inthis context, mention should be
made ofabibliography compiled by Prof.Walter Dunphy and
published in the Bulletin dinformation et de liaison ofthe Inter-

See the Appendix, no.2, below.

See the Appendix, no.3, below.
35 See the Appendix, no.1, below.
36 Tert., Apol.tr.KanaiH., Mito,1984(CPL3).
37
Aug., Trin.tr.NakazawaN., Tokyo,1975(CPL329).
38 Egeria, Itinerariumtr.O
taT., Tokyo,2002(CPL2325).
39The first translation is by Furuya Isao, published by Akashi Shobo
,
Tokyo,1986; the second translation is by Tani Ryuichiro and Iwakura Sayaka,
published by Chisen Shokan, Tokyo,2004.For reference, Ihappen to have
in hand aJapanese rendering ofthe De incarnatione Verbi ofAthanasius by Kanai
Iichiro, published by Shinsei-do, Tokyo,1931.However, most probably this is
not adirect translation from Greek. All the other translations hitherto mentioned
are direct translations from either Greek or Latin(unless otherwise stated).
33
34

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PATRISTIC STUDIES IN EAST ASIA (MAINLY IN JAPAN)

national Association ofPatristic Studies.40 The bibliography

covers the period from1986 to1996, giving ageneral overview ofwhat happened in this period in the field ofpatristic
studies in Japan. Before and after this period, Japanese scholars
have continued publishing their studies in patristics in various
ways.Last but not least, mention should be made ofabook
published ofcourse in Japanese, which is asort ofcompanion volume to the study ofAugustine. Thestudies referred to
in this companion are almost entirely in Japanese; sixty-nine
studies are referenced (excluding translations ofAugustines
works), and they include forty-seven books or articles written by Japanese authors. Inpassing, one can add that there are
also translations ofsecondary literature, such as Andrew Louths
The Origins ofChristian Mystical Tradition,41 and Vladimir Losskys
Thlogie mystique de lEglise dOrient.42 Several books ofPeter
Brown have also been translated.
2.4.Internationalization
Earlier the name ofProf.Pauline Allen was expressly mentioned, because she is one ofthe key figures for the change
ofpatristic studies in Japan and East Asia, achange which led to
akind ofinternationalization ofpatristic studies in the region.
Tospeak solely about the Oxford patristic conference (for convenience sake), since it is akind ofMecca (to say Jerusalem
in this context is regrettably not correct) for patristic studies
all over the world: from arelatively early period there were
some Japanese scholars who attended the conference.43 Atthat
time, however, the participation ofJapanese scholars was not

40
W.Dunphy, Recent Studies ofPatristics in Japan(1986-1996), Bulletin
dinformation et de liaison,29(1997), p.108-129.
41 Translated by Mizuochi Kenji and published by Kyobunkwan, Tokyo,
in1988.
42 Translated by Miyamoto Hisao and published by Keiso
Shobo, Tokyo,
1986. For reference, one ofthe earliest translations specifically related to patristic
studies is atranslation published in1969 by Takeda Makoto et al. ofF.L.Cross,
The Early Christian Fathers.
43 According to the published volumes ofthe series Studia Patristica, the late
Prof.Imamichi Tomonobu seems to be the earliest Japanese participant in the

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S. TODA

regular. Tothe best ofmy knowledge, the earliest regular participant seems to have been Prof.Demura Miyako, aspecialist ofOrigen who has regularly participated in the conference
since1983 (i.e.,the ninth conference).But still, Japanese patristic
studies were not so well represented on the international scene.
Thesituation began to change around the beginning ofthe
third millennium. Theimpulse for the change came from the
close contact Prof.Demura Kazuhiko, husband ofMiyako, had
around the end ofthe1990s with agroup ofAustralian patristic
scholars headed by Prof.Allen.Prof. Allen and her excellent
disciples such as Dr Bronwen Neil and Dr Geoffrey Dunn have
since been strongly and continuously engaged in encouraging
Japanese patristic scholars to go abroad and read their papers
in international conferences, beginning with the Oxford conference. And inorder to institutionalize their effort, so to
speak, in2003 the Western Pacific Rim Patristics Society was
created (renamed Asia-Pacific Early Christian Studies Society
around2007), and it was determined that each year except
for the year ofthe Oxford conference, patristic scholars ofthe
western Pacific rim region (Australia, Japan, Korea, etc.) would
get together in either Australia or Japan.(In2010 ameeting
was held for the first time in Korea.) Patristic scholars ofneighbouring regions also come to the meeting; there are some regular participants from Russia, and in2009 three scholars came
all the way from South Africa to the meeting in Japan, apparently because ofthe powerful connection ofProf.Allen with
that southernmost country. Moreover, in response to the effort
ofour Australian colleagues, Japanese patristic scholars increasingly go abroad to participate in international conferences.
For the Japanese participants ofthe Oxford conference of2011,
it was amilestone that Prof.Demura Kazuhiko, who is their
leader, read aplenary paper during the conference. Ihear
that this event came about thanks to the kind consideration
ofDr Neil McLynn, who was then on the organizing com-

conference: ImamichiT., Die Notizen vonder Metamorphose der klassischen

Ethik bei den griechischen Kirchenvtern, Studia Patristica, 5(1962), p.499507.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES IN EAST ASIA (MAINLY IN JAPAN)

mittee ofthe conference.And we are now trying to publish

Patristica, aEuropean-language journal published by the aforementioned group ofpatristic studies, more frequently and in
amore regular fashion, with Dr Kamimura Naoki as the editorin-chief.

3.Epilogue
Iwould like to finish my pauvre presentation with the following
question: what is the significance at all ofpatristic studies in Japan,
not only for Japan itself, but for the whole ofChristendom?
Of course we have to show by ourselves that we, Japanese patristic scholars, can make contributions to patristic studies at the
international level, and in this connection mention can be made
ofan interesting remark ofProf.Demura Kazuhiko: he observed
that, curiously enough, patristic literature may be much more
relevant in Japan than in the West, because in Japan there still
remain plenty ofcustoms deriving from paganism in the GrecoRoman sense ofthe term.44 This remark ofProf.Demura seems
basically correct; thus from religious point ofview, one can say
that Japan is rather an ancient country. Atthe same time, it is
well known that Japan is one ofthe most advanced countries in
the world as far as the material aspect ofcivilization is concerned.
Thereal question, then, is to what extent patristic studies can be
meaningful in such acountry, in which antiquity and modernity
(or even hyper-modernity) co-exist. Theanswer to this question
is yet to come, and we, Japanese patristic scholars, hope that by
tackling this and other questions we can someday make some
unique contributions to patristic studies at large.

44 Arough translation ofProf.Demuras remark is as follows: In the sense

that this non-Christian country saw the arrival ofChristianity only about acentury and some decades ago(or some four hundred and fifty years ago, even if we
go back to the period when Christianity was propagated in Japan by Francesco
Xavier and other Catholic, mainly Jesuit, missionaries), Japan is precisely in
the same position as the Roman Empire ofthe early Christian centuries where
church fathers were tackling with pagan classical culture; DemuraK., Patristic
Studies as Both Old and New Challenge, Chuo Hyoron(Chuo Review; Chuo
University), 261(Autumn2007), p.32-37 at 35(in Japanese).

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S. TODA

Appendix:
Major translation projects
The following list presents, in chronological order, the major projects for the translation ofpatristic texts into Japanese. For reference, for each translation the number ofthe Clavis patrum graecorum
(CPG) or the Clavis partrum latinorum (CPL) is provided wherever
possible.
1. Kirisuto-kyo Koten Sosho (Collection ofChristian Classics), edited
by P.Nemeshegyi, SJ, and published by Sobunsha, Tokyo.
Vol.1(1963, tr.KumagaiK.): Possidius, Vita Augustini (CPL358).
Vol.2(1963, tr.KumagaiK.): Augustinus, De moribus ecclesiae
catholicae (CPL261).
Vol.3(1963, tr.KumagaiK.): Ambrosius, De sacramentis (CPL154).
Vol.4(1964, tr.KumagaiK.): Augustinus, De catechizandis rudibus (CPL297).
Vol.5(1965, tr.KumagaiK.): Leo I, Sermones xcvi (CPL1657).
Vol.6(1965, tr.KumagaiK.): Cyprianus, De bono patientiae
(CPL48) and Epistulae 5, 8, 52, 54, 56, 57, 77 (CPL50).
Vol.7(1967, tr.IeiriT.): Prudentius, Cathemerinon liber (CPL1438)
and Psychomachia (CPL1441).
Vol.8(1970, tr.KumagaiK.): Augustinus, De sermone Domini in
monte (CPL274).
Vol.9(1978, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, De principiis (CPG1482).
Vol.10(1982, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, In Canticum canticorum libri
iv (CPG1433) and In Canticum canticorum homiliae ii (CPG1432).
Vol.11(1984, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, Commentarii in Iohannem
(CPG1453).
Vol.12(1985, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, De oratione (CPG1477)
and Exhortatio ad martyrium (CPG1475).
Vol.13(1986, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, Disputatio cum Heracleida
(CPG1481).
Vol.14(1990, tr.OdakaT.): Origenes, Commentarii in Epistulam
ad Romanos (CPG1457).
Vol.15(1992, tr.OdakaT.): Athanasius Alexandrinus, Epistulae
iv ad Serapionem (CPG2094); Didymus Alexandrinus, De spiritu
sancto (CPG2544).
Vol.16(1995, tr.KumagaiK.): Gregorius I, Homiliae xl in evangelia (CPL1711).

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PATRISTIC STUDIES IN EAST ASIA (MAINLY IN JAPAN)

2.

Augusutinusu Chosaku-shu (translation ofAugustines works), published by Kyobunkwan, Tokyo.Atranslation ofthe relevant section
ofthe Retractationes is appended to each individual work.

Vol.1(1979, tr.ShimizuM.): Contra Academicos (CPL253), De

beata vita (CPL254), De ordine (CPL255), Soliloquia (CPL252).

Vol.2(1979, tr.ShigeizumiT.): De inmortalitate animae (CPL256),

De quantitate animae (CPL257), De magistro (CPL259), De vera
religione (CPL264).

Vol.3(1989): De libero arbitrio (CPL260, tr.IzumiH.), De musica

(CPL258, tr.HaraM.).

Vol.4(1979, tr.AkagiY.): De utilitate credendi (CPL316),

De fide et symbolo (CPL293), De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum (CPL290), Enchiridion ad Laurentium, seu de fide, spe et
caritate (CPL295).

Vol.5.1 and 5.2(1993-2007, tr.MiyataniY.): Confessiones (CPL251).

Vol.6(1988, tr.KatoT.): De doctrina christiana (CPL263).

Vol.7(1979, tr.OkanoM.): De duabus animabus (CPL317), Contra Fortunatum Manichaeum (CPL318), Contra epistulam fundamenti
Manichaeorum (CPL320), De natura boni (CPL323), De bono coniugali (CPL299).

Vol.8(1984): De baptismo contra Donatistas (CPL332, tr.SakaguchiK., KanekoH.), Epistula 185 seu De correctione Donatistarum
(CPL262, tr.KanekoH.).

Vol.9(1979, tr.KanekoH.): De spiritu et littera (CPL343),

De natura et gratia (CPL344), De perfectione iustitiae hominis
(CPL347).

Vol.10(1985): De gratia et libero arbitrio (CPL352, tr.KoikeS.),

De correptione et gratia (CPL353, tr.KoikeS.), De praedestinatione sanctorum (CPL354, tr.KanekoH.), De dono perseverantiae
(CPL355, tr.KatayanagiE.).

Vol.11-15(1980/1982/1981/1980/1983): De civitate Dei (CPL313,

lib.1-3, tr.AkagiY., IzumiH.; lib.4-5, tr.AkagiY., KanekoH.;
lib.6-7, 10, tr.NomachiA.; lib.8-9, tr.ShigeizumiT.; lib.11-14, 22,
shimaH.; lib.17-18, 21, tr.OkanoM.;
tr.IzumiH.; lib.15-16, tr.O
lib.19-20, tr.MatsudaT.).

Vol.16(1994, tr.KatayanagiE.): De Genesi ad litteram 1-9

(CPL266).
Vol.17(1999, tr.KatayanagiE.): De Genesi ad litteram 10-12
(CPL266), De Genesi ad litteram imperfectus liber (CPL268).

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S. TODA

Vol.18.1(1997), Enarrationes in psalmos (CPL283, psal. 1-8,

shimaH.; psal.23-29, tr.SakaiM.;
tr.KonY.; psal.9-22, tr.O
psal.30-32, tr.KikuchiS.).
Vol.18.2(2006), Enarrationes in psalmos (CPL283, psal. 33-38,
45, tr.TaniR.; psal.39-43, tr.SakaiM.; psal.44, tr.HanaiK.;
psal. 46-47, tr.ShibumuraM.; psal. 48-50, tr.NakazawaT.;
psal.51-53, tr.NozawaT.).
Vol.19-20 are yet to come.
Vol.21(1996, tr.ShigeizumiT.): Sermones 51-79 (CPL284).
Vol.22(2001, tr.ShigeizumiT.): Sermones 80-116 (CPL284).
Vol.23(1993): Tractatus in Evangelium Ioannis (CPL278, no.1-11,
21-23, tr.IzumiH.; no.12-20, tr.MizuochiK.).
Vol.24(1993): Tractatus in Evangelium Ioannis (CPL278, no.24 shi41.tr.KanekoH.; no.42-47.tr.KidaniB.; no.48-54, tr.O
maH.).
Vol.25(1993): Tractatus in Evangelium Ioannis (CPL278, no.5592, tr.ShigeizumiT.; no.93-124, tr.OkanoM.).
Vol.26(2009): Expositio quarumdam propositionum ex epistula ad
Romanos (CPL280, tr.OkanoM.), Sermones 151-178 (CPL284,
tr.TauchiC., KamimuraN.), In Ioannis epistulam ad Parthos tractatus (CPL279, tr.ShigeizumiT.).
Vol.27(2003): De continentia (CPL298, tr.KonY.), De agone
christiano (CPL296, tr.MoriY.), De opere monachorum (CPL305,
tr.MiyataniY.), De fide rerum invisibilium (CPL292, ShigeizumiT.), De fide et operibus (CPL294, tr.DemuraK.), Epistula
147 (CPL262, tr.KikuchiS.).
Vol.28(2004, tr.IzumiH.): De Trinitate (CPL329).
Vol.29(1999): De peccatorum meritis et remissione et de baptismo
paruulorum (CPL342, tr.KanekoH.), De gratia Christi et de peccato
originali (CPL349, tr.KanekoH.), Contra duas epistulas Pelagianorum (CPL346, tr.HataH.).
Vol.30(2002, tr.KanekoH.): Contra Iulianum (CPL351).
Suppl.vol.1(2013, tr.KanekoH.): Epistulae 2-4, 7, 9-17, 21,
22, 28, 29, 34, 37, 38, 40, 42, 47-50, 60, 65-67, 71, 73, 83,
84, 86, 91, 93, 95, 97-101, 105, 108, 110, 115, 118, 120,
122 (CPL262).
Suppl.vol.2(2013, tr.KanekoH.): Epistulae 124, 126, 128, 130,
133, 144-146, 150, 159, 166, 173-175, 177-179, 186, 187, 189,
191-194,200,203,209-211, 214, 215, 217, 220, 227-229, 231,
232, 245, 246, 254, 258, 262, 268, 269 (CPL262), Epistulae nuper
in lucem prolatae 1A, 2, 4, 6, 10, 22 (CPL262a).

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PATRISTIC STUDIES IN EAST ASIA (MAINLY IN JAPAN)

3. Kirisuto-kyo Kyofu Chosaku-shu (Translation ofthe Works ofthe

Church Fathers), published by Kyobunkwan, Tokyo.

Vol.1(1992): Iustinus, Apologia (CPG1073, tr.ShibataY.), Id.,

Dialogus cum Tryphone Iudaeo 1-9 (CPG1076, tr.MikodaT.).
Vol.3.1-2(1999/2000, tr.KobayashiM.): Irenaeus Lugdunensis,
Adversus haereses3-4 (CPG1306).
Vol.8-9(1987/1997, tr.DemuraM.): Origenes, Contra Celsum
1-2, 3-5 (CPG1476).
Vol.12(2010): Melito Sardensis, De Pascha (CPG1092,
tr.KanoM.) and Fragmenta (CPG1093, tr.KanoM.); Aristides,
Apologia (CPG1062, tr.ItaniY.); Athenagoras, Supplicatio pro
Christianis (CPG1070, tr.ItaniY.).
Vol.13(1987, tr.TokiS.): Tertullianus, Adversus Praxean (CPL26)
and De pallio (CPL15).
Vol.14(1987, tr.SuzukiI.): Tertullianus, Apologeticum (CPL3).
Vol.16(2002, tr.KideraR.): Tertullianus, De paenitentia (CPL10),
Ad uxorem (CPL12), De exhortatione castitatis (CPL20), De monogamia (CPL28), De pudicitia (CPL30), and De corona (CPL21).
Vol.22(1990, tr.TokiS., TokiK.): (translation from the collection oftexts compiled by H.Musurillo, The Acts ofthe Christian
Martyrs, Oxford,1972).

4. Chusei Shiso Genten Shusei (Corpus fontium mentis medii aevi), published by Heibonsha, Tokyo. Incase the work in question is not mentioned in either CPGor CPL, the name ofthat work is presented, as
closely as possible, in accordance with F.Cavallera, Patrologiae cursus
completus. Series Graeca.Indices, Turnhout,1990 (repr.). Thecontents
ofvol.1-5, which contain patristic literature, are as follows:

Vol.
1, Early Greek Fathers ed.OdakaT.,1995: Doctrina xii
apostolorum (Didache) (CPG1735, tr.SugizakiN.); Iustinus,
Dialogus cum Tryphone Iudaeo 48-76 (CPG1076, tr.HisamatsuE.);
Theophilus Antiochenus, Ad Autolycum (CPG1107, tr.ImaiT.);
Irenaeus Lugdunensis, Demonstratio praedicationis apostolicae (Epideixis) (CPG1307, tr.KobayashiM., KobayashiR., from French);
Clemens Alexandrinus (tr.AkiyamaM.), Stromata 5 (CPG1377)
and Quis dives salvetur (CPG1379); Hippolytus Romanus, Contra Noetum (CPG1902, tr.OdakaT.); Origenes (tr.OdakaT.),
In Genesim homiliae 1, 4, 8, 13 (CPG1411) and In Exodum homiliae
5-7 (CPG1414) and In Numeros homilia 27 (CPG1418); Gregorius Thaumaturgus (tr.OdakaT.), Confessio fidei (CPG1764)
and Ad Theopompum de passibili et impassibili in Deo (CPG1767,

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S. TODA

from Latin); Methodius Olympius, Convivium decem virginum

(CPG1810, tr.DemuraK., DemuraM.); Eusebius Caesariensis,
Demonstratio evangelica 3 (CPG3487, tr.HisamatsuE.); Athanasius Alexandrinus, Vita Antonii (CPG2101, tr.OdakaT.,
from Latin).

Vol.
2, Greek Fathers ofthe Fourth Century ed.Miyamoto H.,
1992: Arius (tr.OdakaT.), Epistula ad Eusebium Nicomediensem
(CPG2025) and Epistula ad Alexandrum Alexandrinum (CPG2026);
Epistula Arii et Euzoii ad Constantinum imperatorem (CPG2027,
tr.OdakaT.); Alexander Alexandrinus, Epistula encyclica
(CPG2000, tr.OdakaT.); Eusebius Caesariensis, Epistula ad
ecclesiam Caesariensem (CPG3502, tr.OdakaT.); Athanasius
Alexandrinus, Oratio de incarnatione Verbi (CPG2091, tr.OdakaT.); Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, Mystagogiae (CPG3586,
shimaY.); Basilius Caesariensis, Regulae fusius tractatae
tr. O
(CPG2875, tr.KuwabaraN.) and Homilia in hexaemeron 1
(CPG2835, tr.DemuraK.) and Epistulae 2, 22, 210 (CPG2900,
tr.DemuraK.); Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orationes 27-31
(CPG3010, tr.OginoH.) and Epistulae 101-102 (CPG3032,
tr.OdakaT.); Gregorius Nyssenus, In Canticum canticorum homiliae
5-6 (CPG3158, tr.MiyamotoH.), De opicifio hominis (CPG3154,
tr.AkiyamaM.), and Oratio catechetica magna (CPG3150,
tr.ShinozakiS.); Iohannes Chrysostomus, De incomprehensibili
dei natura homiliae (CPG4318, tr.KanzakiS.).
moriM.,

Vol.
3, Late Greek Fathers and Byzantine Authors ed.O
1994: Evagrius Ponticus, Practicus (CPG2430, tr.SatoM.);
Nestorius, Ad Cyrillum Alexandrinum II (CPG5669, tr.OdakaT.);
Cyrillus Alexandrinus (tr.OdakaT.), Epistula 4 Ad Nestorium
(CPG5304), Epistula 17 Ad Nestorium (CPG5317), Epistula 39
Ad Iohannem Antiochenum (CPG5339), Epistula 45 Ad Successum
episcopum Diocaesareae (CPG5345), and Quod unus sit Christus
(CPG5228); Ps.-Macarius (tr.TsuchihashiS.), Sermones 18-22,
24, 25 (CPG2412) and Epistula magna (CPG2415); Ps.-Dionysius Areopagita (tr.KonY.), De coelesti hierarchia (CPG6600),
De mystica theologia (CPG6603), and Epistulae x (CPG6604-6613);
Iohannes Climachus, Scala paradisi (CPG7852, hom.27-30,
tr.TezukaN.); Maximus Confessor, Capita de caritate 1-200
(CPG7693, tr.TaniR.); Iohannes Damascenus, Expositio fidei
1-14, 45-81 (CPG8043, tr.OdakaT.); Theodorus Studita,
Antirrhetici 1 adversus iconomachos (tr.TorisuY.); Symeon Iunior
Theologus, Capitula practica et theologica (tr.ShinozakiS.); Michael
Psellus, Epistola ad Ioannem Xiphilinum and Philosophica minora
moriM.), Dfense
(tr.TakahashiH.); Gregorius Palamas (tr.O
des saints hsychastes (1e pt., 3e question) and Homiliae 34-35

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PATRISTIC STUDIES IN EAST ASIA (MAINLY IN JAPAN)

in Transfigurationem Domini; Nicolaus Cabasilas, Liturgiae exposition 24-41 (tr.IchiseH.).

Vol.
4, Early Latin Fathers ed.KatoS.,1999: Tertullianus
(tr.SatoY.), De baptismo (CPL8), De testimonio animae (CPL4),
and Ad martyras (CPL1); Novatianus, De bono pudicitiae
(CPL69, tr.ShioyaJ.); Cyprianus (tr.YoshidaK.), De dominica
oratione (CPL43), De catholicae ecclesiae unitate (CPL41), De lapsis
(CPL42), De opere et eleemosynis (CPL47), and De mortalitate
(CPL44); Lactantius, De ira Dei (CPL88, tr.TakahashiH.);
Marius Victorinus, Ad Candidum Arrianum (CPL96, tr.TakahashiM.) and Hymni iii de Trinitate (CPL99, tr.TasakaS.); Hilarius epioscopus Pictaviensis (tr.DemuraK.), De trinitate2-3
(CPL433) and Hymni iii e cod.Aretino (CPL463); Ambrosius,
Exameron 1 (CPL123, tr.OginoH.); Hieronymus (tr.AraiY.),
Vita S.Pauli (CPL617) and Epistulae 21-22 (CPL620); Prudentius, Liber Apotheosis (CPL1439, tr.KatoT.); Paulinus Nolanus, Carmen 31 (CPL203, tr.KatoT.); Sulpicius
Severus, Vita Martini Turonensis (CPL475, tr.HashimotoT.);
Pelagius, Ad Demetriadem (CPL737, tr.KamadaI.); Augustinus, De Trinitate 15 (CPL329, tr.KatoS., KamimuraN.),
De ordine monasterii (CPL1839a, tr.ShinozukaS.), and Praeceptum
(CPL1839b, tr.ShinozukaS.); Cassianus, Conlatio 1 (CPL512,
tr.IchiseH.); Prosper Aquitanus, Epistula ad Rufinum de gratia et libero arbitro (CPL516, tr.HikasaK.); Leo I, Epistula 28
(CPL1656, tr.KatoK.); Caesarius episcopus Arelatensis
(tr.MatanoS.), Regula monachorum (CPL1012) and Statuta sanctarum virginum (CPL1009).
Vol.
5, Late Latin Fathers ed.NomachiA.,1993: Boethius,
In Porphyrii Isagogen commentorum editio duplex (CPL881, tr.IshiiM.),
Quomodo Trinitas unus Deus ac non tres dii (CPL890, tr.SakaguchiF.), and Liber contra Eutychen et Nestorium (CPL894, tr.SakaguchiF.); Benedictus abbas Casinensis, Regula (CPL1852,
tr.FurutaG.); Cassiodorus, Institutiones (CPL906, excerpts,
tr.TagoT.); Martinus episcopus Bracarensis, De correctione
rusticorum (CPL1086, tr.SudoK., BekkuY.); Gregorius I,
Dialogorum 2 (CPL1713, tr.YauchiY.); Isidorus episcopus
Hispalensis (tr.KanetoshiT.), Originum 6 (CPL1186) and
De viris illustribus (CPL1206); Ildefonsus episcopus Toletanus,
De virorum illustrium scriptis (CPL1252, tr.KanetoshiT.), Defensor monachus Locogiacensis, Scintillarum liber (CPL1302,
tr.KanetoshiT.).

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S. TODA

Bibliography
1.Primary sources

(excluding translations listed in the appendices)

Apophthegmatatr.FuruyaI., Tokyo,1986.
Apophthegmatatr.TaniR., IwakuraS., Tokyo,2004.
Ath., Inc.=Athanasius Alexandrinus, Oratio de incarnatione Verbi
tr.KanaiI., Tokyo,1931.
Aug., Trin.=Augustinus episcopus Hipponensis, De Trinitate
tr.NakazawaN., Tokyo,1975.
taT., Tokyo,2002.
Egeria, Itinerariumtr.O
Tert., Apol.=Tertullianus, Apologeticumtr.KanaiH., Mito,
1984.

2.Secondary literature
ArigaT., Collected Works,I: Studies on Origen; II:ACommentary to
the Epistle to the Hebrews; III:Symbolic Theology; IV:The Problem
ofOntology in Christian Thought; V:Belief, History and Practice,
Tokyo,1981.
F.L.Cross, The Early Christian Fatherstr.TakedaM.et al.,
Tokyo,1969.
DemuraK., Patristic Studies as Both Old and New Challenge, Chuo
Hyoron (Chuo Review; Chuo University),261 (Autumn2007),
p.32-37.
W.Dunphy, Recent Studies ofPatristics in Japan(1986-1996),
Bulletin dinformation et de liaison,29(1997), p.108-129.
Hatano S., Collected Works,II: The Origins ofChristianity; Primitive
(i.e.Earliest) Christianity; The Life ofPaul; and Paul, Tokyo,1969.
ImamichiT., Die Notizen vonder Metamorphose der klassischen Ethik bei den griechischen Kirchenvtern, Studia Patristica,
5(1962), p.499-507.
Kyoto Daigaku Hyakunen-shi.Bukyoku-shi hen [History of aHundred
Years ofKyoto University.History ofDepartments], I, Kyoto,1997,
p.84-87.
V.Lossky, Thlogie mystique de lEglise dOrienttr.MiyamotoH.,
Tokyo,1986.
A.Louth, The Origins ofChristian Mystical Traditiontr.MizuochiK.,
Tokyo,1988.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES IN EAST ASIA (MAINLY IN JAPAN)

Abstract
Focusing mainly on the situation in Japan, this paper presents abrief
historical survey ofpatristic studies in East Asia, and touches upon
various topics, such as Japanese educational institutions (especially
universities) founded on principles which can be deemed Christian,
major societies ofscholars ofChristian studies in Japan, and how
patristic scholars in East Asia have become more and more involved
in international activities related to patristic studies, beginning with
the Oxford patristic conferences.Lastly, the possible significance
ofpracticing patristic studies in Japan is briefly discussed. Theappendix
presents alist ofpast major projects for the translation ofpatristic texts
into Japanese.

143

BRONWEN NEIL
Australian Catholic University

PATRISTICS IN AUSTRALIA:
CURRENT STATUS
AND FUTURE POTENTIAL

1.The location ofpatristics in secular or religious institutions

ofhigher learning
1.1.The sandstone universities
The secular foundation ofour older universitiesinformally
called sandstone universitiesmeans that while most had
departments ofstudies ofreligion, classics, and history, they were
not allowed to have schools oftheology or divinity. Our secular universities were founded with the intention that theology
degrees would not be awarded. Of the original sandstone institutions, founded in the mid to late 1800s, several have one or
two staff working on patristics under other guises, such as history
ofLateAntiquity or Byzantium. Atthe University ofQueensland, John Moorhead, Professor Emeritus ofMedieval History,
has recently been working on asocial history ofthe late antique
papacy. Roger Scott, Associate Professor Emeritus in Byzantine
Studies at the University ofMelbourne, has done valuable work
on early and middle Byzantine chroniclers, partly while avisiting
fellow ofthe Center for the Study ofChristianity at the Hebrew
University ofJerusalem, whose staff members, under the leadership ofProf.Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony, have graciously hosted
this fiftieth-anniversary celebration ofAIEP.
1.2.Theological colleges
Since the foundation ofthe British colonies in Australia, training in theology, and in patristics in particular, was the province
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107516

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ofchurch-run institutions, predominantly founded by the

Anglican and Catholic Churches.These colleges were seen as
providing basic theological training for priests and missionaries in that far-flung continent when it was no longer practical
to send clergy to train in the United Kingdom. Many ofthese
small institutions have amalgamated in recent decades into several large, multi-denominational institutions, which are in the
process ofgaining accreditation as universities: for example,
the Melbourne College ofDivinity, now including the Jesuit
foundation, Yarra Theological Union; the Australian College
ofTheology, founded 1891 by Church ofEngland to allow its
priests to train in Australia, and awarded self-accrediting status as
anational theology education provider in2004;1 and the Sydney
College ofDivinity.
The latter has recently been expanded to include St Andrews
Greek Orthodox Theological College, the only Orthodox seminary in Australia, now part ofSydney College ofDivinity.2
StAndrews has astrong concentration ofpatristic scholars and
students, and under the capable leadership ofthe Very Reverend DrDoru Costache, has convened an annual symposium
since2010 on Basil ofCaesarea, Gregory ofNyssa, Gregory
ofNazianzus, and Cyril ofAlexandria. These symposia are
increasingly ecumenical with keynote speakers from outside
the Orthodox tradition. Thenext symposium will be convened
jointly at St Andrews in September2014 by Dr Costache and
Dr Adam Cooper ofthe John Paul IIInstitute for Marriage and
Family, on the theme: From Alexandria to Cappadocia and
1 The Australian College ofTheology includes eighteen smaller institutions,
many ofthem in regional areas and one in New Zealand: Anglican Youthworks,
New South Wales; Bible College ofSouth Australia, South Australia; Crossway College, Queensland; Laidlaw College, Auckland, New Zealand; Malyon
College, Queensland; Mary Andrews College, New South Wales; Melbourne
School ofTheology, Victoria; Morling College, New South Wales; Presbyterian Theological Centre, New South Wales; Presbyterian Theological College,
Victoria; Queensland Theological College, Queensland; Reformed Theological
College, Victoria; Ridley MelbourneMission and Ministry College, Victoria;
School ofChristian Studies, New South Wales(associated with Macquarie University); Sunshine Coast Theological College, Queensland; Sydney Missionary
and Bible College, New South Wales; Trinity Theological College, Western
Australia; and Vose Seminary, Western Australia.
2 See www.sagotc.edu.au.

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PATRISTICS IN AUSTRALIA: CURRENT STATUS AND FUTURE POTENTIAL

Back Again. InJuly2013 St Andrews hosted around-table

on Maximus the Confessor, at which Prof.Paul Blowers
(Emmanuel Christian Seminary, Tennessee), Adam Cooper,
Doru Costache and Bronwen Neil presented papers. Theroundtable format generated alively discussion with ahigh level oflay
participation. TheCoptic Church has aseminary and study centre at Doncaster, Melbourne, which convenes aregular patristics
seminar, including one on Cyril ofAlexandria and another on
John Chrysostom.
1.3.Patristics in the Catholic tradition
In Australia only one institute awards pontifical degrees, the
Catholic Institute ofSydney, Strathfield. Its lecturers are required
to have apapal mandatum, or approval to teach theology. Several
Catholic educational institutions teach theology, and by association, patristics, the largest being Australian Catholic University (ACU), which casts its net across five eastern states on six
campuses (Brisbane, Melbourne, Sydney, Ballarat, Canberra,
and from2014 incorporating the former School ofTheology
from Flinders University, Adelaide). University ofNotre Dame,
which has branches in Perth and Sydney, is another Catholic
education provider with apost in patristics.
1.4.Patristics in the newer (concrete) universities
In the1960s and1970s, anew crop ofuniversities sprang up,
which did not have limitations on their course offerings in
theology. Other recently founded universities with at least one
post in patristics include Charles Sturt University, Bathurst (now
the home ofSt Francis Theological College, the Anglican seminary formerly located in Brisbane); University ofNewcastle,
Newcastle, aleader in theological research; Flinders University, Adelaide; and Macquarie University, Sydney. TheAustralian National University (ANU) in Canberra is the home
ofone ofour most eminent patristic scholars, Graeme Clarke.
AProfessor Emeritus ofHistory, Prof Clarke has held agreat
many fellowships, chairs, and other academic positions, including stints as Associate Dean, Deputy Dean, and Acting Dean
ofArts at the University ofMelbourne. He was one ofthe very
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B. NEIL

early recipients ofAustralian Research Council grants for his

archaeological surveys in Syria and other projects, from1969.
Prof.Clarke is currently Adjunct Professor in the School
ofSocial Sciences, ANU, and Honorary Secretary ofthe
Australian Academy ofthe Humanities.He has been named the
winner ofthe Merit Medal awarded by the Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens for his distinguished contributions
to classical studies and classical archaeology in2009. He is also
the editor ofthe recent Sources Chrtiennes volume ofCyprians
De lapsis.3 Prof.Clarke is one ofthe founding fathers ofpatristic
studies in Australia, together with Prof.Edwin Judge (Macquarie
University, Sydney), and the late Prof.Eric Osborne (Latrobe
University, Melbourne). Working in secular institutions, these
scholars from arange ofconfessional backgrounds (Catholic,
Anglican, and Evangelical) established patristics as adiscipline
ofscholarly merit in its own right, regardless ofdenominational
affiliation.

2.Areas ofscholarly strength

At Macquarie University, the Department ofAncient History
houses the Ancient Cultures Research Centre.This centre was
founded by two Australian Byzantinists, Prof.Alanna Nobbs
(recently retired) and Prof.Samuel Lieu, the latter being the
recipient ofaDiscovery Outstanding Research Award by the
Australian Research Council for aproject entitled Skilfully
Planting the Trees ofLightManichaean Texts in Chinese.4
Incidentally, out ofmore than 700 projects funded by the Australian Research Council in2013, this was one ofonly two
3 Cypr., Laps.(SC,547).Prof Clarke has updated the edition ofM.Bvenot
(CC SL,3) by the addition ofeighteen manuscripts to the apparatus criticus.
4 The project is described by its Chief Investigators as follows: Manichaeism
spread rapidly and successfully along the Silk Road and arrived in China before
the Tang dynasty.This project will throw light on Manichaean missionary techniques through close examination and full publication ofthe surviving texts
in Chinese from Dunhuang and Turfan and their parallels in Middle Iranian,
Old Turkish and Coptic.Cited from the Australian Research Council website,
http://arc.gov.au/pdf/DP13/DP13_Listing_by_all_State_Organisation.pdf
[accessed 31 October2013].

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PATRISTICS IN AUSTRALIA: CURRENT STATUS AND FUTURE POTENTIAL

projects with the self-nominated Field ofResearch classification Religion and Religious Studies. (The other successful
project in this area was aNew Testament economic-history
project, The Sacred Economy, at University ofNewcastle).
Three other members ofthis centre deserve special notice.
Its director, DrMalcolm Choat, is an internationally recognised specialist in Coptic studies, whose most recent research
project focused on literacy and scribal practices in late antique
Egypt.5 Associate Professor Andrew Gillett is well known
for his work on diplomatic missions from late antique Gaul.
DrKen Parry is aspecialist in Orthodox studies. TheAncient
Cultures Research Centre co-publishes the Brepols series Studia Antiqua Australiensia, which includes several volumes on
patristic themes.6
The Centre for Medieval and Renaissance Studies at Monash
University is home to mediaevalist Constant Mews, who has
worked on medieval rhetoric, Gregory the Great and the Roman
liturgy, and ancient letter writing.7
2.1.Centre for Early Christian Studies (CECS)
On1May1997 the Centre for Early Christian Studies (CECS)
began its existence, and its office since then has been located at
the McAuley Campus ofACU in Brisbane. In1998 it became
the first research centre within ACU to receive the special
endorsement ofthe Senate ofthat institution for the reason
that it profiled the mission ofthe university in aspecial way.
In2000 the Centre became one ofthe Universitys flagship
areas, astatus which it held until the end of2003, when it was
designated aUniversity Priority Research Centre. Atthe end
of2013, the research activities ofCECS were brought under
5
See the project description at the website for the Ancient Cultures
Research Centre, http://mq.edu.au/research/centres_and_groups/ancient_
cultures_research_centre/ [accessed 31 October2013].
6 See n.24 below.
7Prof.Mews is currently working on agovernment-funded Discovery
Outstanding Research Award project, Encountering diversity: communities
oflearning, intellectual confrontations and transformations ofreligious thinking in Latin Europe, 1050-1350.See further http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/
medieval-renaissance-centre [accessed 31 October2013].

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B. NEIL

the auspices ofanewly-created institute, the Institute for

Religion and Critical Inquiry. Thecreation ofthe institute
is meant to inspire greater inter-disciplinary collaboration, to
create and maintain acritical mass offifteen to thirty scholars
(proven by mathematical researchers to be the perfect number to catalyse an explosion ofcreativity), and to eliminate
the existence ofso-called silos which are single-focus, insular research groups. Thewinds ofinstitutional change are
spreading achill through the bones ofpatristics scholars in
particular.
Among research centres internationally, CECS is unique in
its combination oftwo academic fields that lie at the heart ofthe
Christian intellectual tradition, namely New Testament studies
and the reception ofthe Bible in the early Church down to
the end ofthe seventh century. Theseventeen members ofthe
Centre, who come from four ofACUs six campuses, have made
it their task to conduct quality research which has been published in journals and university presses ofthe highest calibre.
Our research foci include the languages and literatures ofearly
Christianity and LateAntiquity (Greek, Latin, Syriac, Coptic,
Arabic, and Chinese) as well as history, theology, philosophy, art
history, and Greek and Latin text editions.
Our success in gaining Category 1 external grant funding
over the past twenty-one years reflects the quality and vibrancy
ofour research environment in early Christian studies. Limited
university funding for international scholarships has allowed us
to increase our higher degree research enrolments over the past
year.We have also applied for much-needed postdoctoral fellowship funding. There is plenty ofroom for strategic expansion in this area, although the difference in academic calendars
in Australia and the rest ofthe known world poses aconstant
challenge, with most international candidates finishing their
studies elsewhere towards August or September, while Australian semesters begin in January or July.
Among its members CECS has three Fellows ofthe Australian Academy ofthe Humanities (the peak body, actually the
only body, representing the interests ofthe humanities to government and the wider community), and scholars who serve on
the editorial boards oftop-ranking journals such as the Journal
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ofNew Testament Studies, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, and

Theological Studies, and the series published by the Society
ofBiblical Literature.These memberships help us to build
the publication profiles ofearly career scholars and research
students.
2.2.Funding imperatives
All external funding comes from the Australian Research Council,
to which we are greatly indebted.We do not have aseparate
funding body for the Humanities in Australia, meaning that
humanities projects compete with researchers in science and
technology for afairly limited pool offunding. Many ofthese
projects involve the edition, translation, and commentaries upon
Latin and Greek texts, aspecies ofacademic production that
is not recognised by the Department ofTraining and Education as abook, unless it is accompanied by ahefty introduction demonstrating original research.Government-funded projects from the early1990s to mid-2000 (a period which appears
in retrospect to have been aGolden Age for the funding
ofpure basic research) included the following: The Letters
ofInnocent I: ACritical Edition and Translation (G.D.Dunn);
The Life ofMaximus the Confessor, Recensions 2 and 3 (P.Allen
and B.Neil); The Dating and Provenance ofthe Sermons
ofJohn Chrysostom (W.Mayer); The Letters and Homilies
ofSeverus ofAntioch (P.Allen and Y.Nessim Youssef). The
International Mariology Project led by Leena Marie Peltomaa
(Vienna) and Pauline Allen (ACU) aimed to produce, via an
interdisciplinary, dispassionate, and scientific study ofearly
Mariology: (1) achronological inventory ofall Greek, Latin
and Syriac texts containing references to Mary and ofall images
ofMary and relevant archaeological evidence up till the Council ofEphesus; (2) an alphabetical list ofall Marian epithets;
and (3) an encyclopaedia, drawing out in articles and surveys
the implications ofthe data collected. Thestress on an objective, non-confessional approach to the sources was partially
dictated by funding constraints.Recent projects, however, have
increasingly been shaped according to the need to demonstrate
that they meet aperceived national benefit.Some ofthese are
listed below.
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1. Bishops ofRome.Geoffrey Dunn held aprestigious Australian Research Council Fellowship(2007-2012) for his project,
The Clash ofSacred and Secular Authority in the Letters
ofInnocent I.An edition and translation ofInnocents letters
are being prepared for CC SL.8 Dunns application for funding ofhis edition ofand commentary on the letters ofPopes
Zosimus and Boniface was badged as astudy ofReligious
Conflict in the Early Fifth Century, using Weberian conflict
theory.Dunn has recently edited avolume ofpapers presented
at the Oxford Patristics Conference in2011 on the Bishop
ofRome in LateAntiquity.9 In2013 Pauline Allen and Bronwen Neil completed an introduction to, translation of, and
commentary on selected letters ofPope Gelasius Ifor publication in Brepols new series Adnotationes.10 An annotated translation by Allen and Neil ofapproximately 150 letters ofPope
Hormisdas is also in preparation.
2. Crisis management. TheGelasian letters project was part ofa

larger project by Allen and Neil on Crisis Management in

LateAntiquity: The Evidence ofEpiscopal Letters (410-590 ce),
crisis management (including in the area ofclimate change)
being atopic ofgeneral interest in the2000s.11 Afurther volume
on crisis management in Jewish and early Christian literature was
produced by members ofCECS in2012.12
3. Sermons and letters ofAugustine ofHippo, John Chrysostom,

and Leo the Great.Athree-year project on Poverty and Welfare

in LateAntiquity, targeted three key episcopal figures: Augustine ofHippo, John Chrysostom, and Leo the Great. Therelevance ofthe project was to understand how the Christian
Innoc., Epist.(CC SL, forthcoming).
The Bishop ofRome in LateAntiquity ed.G.D.Dunn, Farnham, forthcoming.
10 B.Neil,P.Allen, Letters ofGelasius(492-496).Micromanager and Pastor
ofthe Roman Church (Adnotationes), Turnhout, 2014.
11 P.Allen,B.Neil, Crisis Management in LateAntiquity.ASurvey ofthe
Evidence ofEpiscopal Letters(410-590ce)(Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae,121),
Leiden,2013.
12 Ancient Jewish and Christian Texts as Crisis Management Literature. Thematic
Studies from the Centre for Early Christian Studies, ed.P.Allen, D.Sim, London,2012.
8
9

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PATRISTICS IN AUSTRALIA: CURRENT STATUS AND FUTURE POTENTIAL

Church throughout history has helped or neglected to help the

poor and marginalised in society.13
4.

Other episcopal letters.Pauline Allen and Bronwen Neils project

on Crisis Management in LateAntiquity, already mentioned
above, led to afruitful collaboration with aJapanese team led by
Kazuhiko Demura on Crisis in the Age ofAugustine. Avolume
ofselected papers is being prepared for publication from the symposium series Epistolary conversations: Letters and Letter Collections in Classical and LateAntiquity, convened by Bronwen
Neil (ACU) and Andrew Gillett (Macquarie University).14 The
volume includes contributions by New Testament scholars David
Sim, Brent Nongbri, and Ian Elmer, and international patristic
scholars Wolf Liebeschuetz, Samuel Rubenson, and Adam Schor.

5.

Religious conflict in LateAntiquity.Members ofCECS are now

focusing on the study ofinter- and intra-religious dialogue and
conflict in the first seven centuries ofChristianityrelations
between Christianity and Judaism, paganism, and Islam have
been the subject oftheir recent publications.ADiscovery Project proposal, entitled Negotiating Religious Conflict between
Rome and Byzantium Through Letter-writing in the Seventh
Century, An Era ofCrisis, which builds on previous work by
Allen, Dunn, and Neil on papal letters and religious conflict, has
been funded for2014 to2016.

3.Trends in the discipline(s) ofpatristics

Somewhat paradoxically, the study ofthe first centuries ofChristianity has been vastly assisted by recent technological advances
in the fields ofinformation dissemination and publication.These
breakthroughsonline teaching, print-on-demand, e-books
and e-journalshave largely allowed us to conquer the tyranny ofdistance that afflicted Antipodean scholarship for many
13 Abibliography ofsecondary literature on John Chrysostom studies may
be found online at http://www.cecs.acu.edu.au/chrysostombibliography.html
[accessed 15 August2013].This site is regularly updated by Wendy Mayer,
and is an invaluable resource for Chrysostom scholars.
14 Collecting Early Christian Letters.From the Apostle Paul to Early Christianity
ed.B.Neil, P.Allen, Cambridge, forthcoming.

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B. NEIL

decades (while also making us notorious globe-trotters).Recent

trends in the discipline reflect these advances.
3.1.Interdisciplinarity or fusion
Australian patristics scholars increasingly endeavour to cross traditional divides, e.g., between Classics and Christian literature; New
Testament and early Christian studies; archaeology and literary
studies; social history and theology; Christian and early Islamic
history; studies in LateAntiquity.Necessity has surely been the
mother ofinvention here, as we scrabble to achieve or maintain
critical mass in an increasingly uncertain economic climate.
3.2.Handbooks
The field ofpatristic studies is by no means alone in its proliferation
ofhandbooks and companion volumes, aimed not just at scholars in the field but also at students and the interested layperson.
Byzantine studies and late antique studies have seen the same
explosion ofbroad public interest. Thepublication ofthese handbooks has been much enabled by the appearance ofthe e-book,
which has the added advantage ofbeing able to be continually
updated as new secondary sources appear. Theuptake ofe-books
has been particularly avid in Australia, where the distance from
North American, British, and European publishing houses means
long delays and high retail prices.Currently in preparation are
three handbooks under Australian editorship: the Oxford Handbook ofMaximus Confessor,15 ABrill Companion to Gregory the
Great,16 and the Wiley-Blackwell Handbook ofPatristic Reception.17
3.3.Dictionaries and encyclopedias
The ongoing multi-volume edition ofthe Brill Encyclopedia ofBiblical Reception (online) will be avaluable resource for
patristic scholars whose institutions can afford the subscription.
15
Oxford Handbook ofMaximus Confessor ed.P.Allen, B.Neil, Oxford,
forthcoming.
16 ABrill Companion to Gregory the Great ed.B.Neil, M.Dal Santo,
Leiden,2013.
17 Wiley-Blackwell Handbook ofPatristic Reception ed.K.Parry, Oxford,
forthcoming.

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PATRISTICS IN AUSTRALIA: CURRENT STATUS AND FUTURE POTENTIAL

Other online dictionaries that are bigger than Ben Hur include:
the Oxford Dictionary ofLateAntiquity,18 the Brill Encyclopedia
ofEarly Christianity, published progressively online,2011-2015,19
the Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian Biblical Interpretation,20
and The Oxford Encyclopedia ofthe Bible and Gender Studies.21
3.4.From nouvelle thologie to neo-conservatism
The requirement to teach for seminaries affects curriculum
and content, but also allows us to keep ecclesiastical Latin and
patristic Greek courses alive. Theplace ofbiblical languages is
increasingly under threat, and course offerings seem to diminish year by year. Therequirement for seminarians to have at
least basic training in Latin has helped to sustain enrolments in
ecclesiastical Latin, which is taught online only at ACU and now
Melbourne College ofDivinity, and face-to-face at the Catholic
Institute ofSydney.Many more institutions offer koin Greek
and Hebrew as part oftheir biblical studies offerings.Aworking
knowledge ofLatin and/or Greek, which used to be mandatory
for those wishing to undertake postgraduate studies in patristics,
is increasingly difficult to insist upon as acriterion for enrolment.

4.Journals and publishers devoted to patristics

Several well-established publishing houses have joined forces
with universities to produce and distribute works on patristics.
St Pauls Press publishes the Early Christian Studies series ofmonographs and texts with translation, now up to sixteen volumes.22

Oxford Dictionary ofLateAntiquity ed.F.Haarer, Oxford, in press.

Brill Encyclopedia ofEarly Christianity.Authors, Texts, Ideas, and their Reception
ed.P.van Geest, D.G. Hunter, B.J.Lietaert Peerbolte, Leiden,2011-.
20 Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian Biblical Interpretation ed.P.Blowers,
P.Martens, Oxford, forthcoming.
21 The Oxford Encyclopedia ofthe Bible and Gender Studies ed.J.M.OBrien,
Oxford, 2014.
22 Orders are processed online at http://www.cecs.acu.edu.au/monographseries.htm [accessed 31 October2013]. Theseries is moving from paperback
to hardback format, which will mean some increase in production costs, although
these are kept to aminimum by the advent ofprint-on-demand.
18
19

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B. NEIL

These include the proceedings ofthe new conference series

Early Christian Centuries.23 As mentioned above, Brepols copublishes with Macquarie University the Studia Antiqua Australiensia series, whose editor-in-chief is Samuel Lieu.24 Another
Macquarie staff member, Ken Parry, has been appointed editor
ofanew Brill series, Texts and Studies in Eastern Christianity.
Recent conference proceedings ofthe Asia-Pacific Early
Christian Studies Society have been published in Scrinium. Revue
de patrologie, dhagiographie critique et dhistoire ecclsiastique,25 which
is edited by Basil Louri in St Petersburg.
The journal ofSt Andrews Greek Orthodox Theological
College, Phronema, under the editorship ofDoru Costache, has
slowly but surely raised the profile ofpatristic studies in Australia.
Australian Catholic Universitys Australian e-Journal ofTheological Studies also has some patristic content and is freely available
online.26

5.Patristic societies and conferences

Since1996, CECS has convened an international conference every three years, in Sydney or Melbourne.27 The Early
Christian Centuries conferences have become an integral part
ofthe work ofthe Asia-Pacific Early Christian Studies Society
(APECCS), established by Professors Pauline Allen (ACU)
and Shinro Kato (Sacred Heart University, Tokyo) in2003.
My Japanese colleague Satoshi Toda has talked at this conference
about the origins ofthis society, which has an annual gathering
23 Men and Women in the Early Christian Centuries ed.W.Mayer, I.Elmer
(Early Christian Studies,17), Brisbane, 2014.
24
The first two volume in the series appeared in2006: M.Choat, Belief and
Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri(Studia Antiqua Australiensia,1), Turnhout,2006;
B.Neil, Seventh-century Popes and Martyrs. ThePolitical Hagiography ofAnastasius
Bibliothecarius(Studia Antiqua Australiensia,2), Turnhout,2006, an account ofthe
exile ofPope Martin I(649-653).
25
For further details on Scrinium, see http://scrinium.ru/news [accessed
31October2013].
26 Sample articles are available freely online at http://aejt.com.au/ [accessed
31October2013].
27 The next Early Christian Centuries conference will be held in Brisbane
in2016: for further details see http://www.earlychristiancenturies.com.au/
[accessed 31 October2013].

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PATRISTICS IN AUSTRALIA: CURRENT STATUS AND FUTURE POTENTIAL

except every fourth year, when the Oxford Patristics Conference is held. Asia-Pacific Early Christian Studies Society brings
together scholars from Japan, Korea, Australia, New Zealand,
South Africa, Philippines, and Russia.Membership is free and
includes abiannual e-newsletter, currently edited by Dr Naoki
Kamimura ofTokyo Metropolitan University. Thesharing
ofinformation and resources, so critical to scholars outside the
traditional centres ofEurope and North America, has been facilitated by this sort ofelectronic exchange.
Previously entitled Prayer and Spirituality in the Early
Church, these conferences encompass themes between the first
and the seventh centuries, from Pauline literature, the New Testament, Jewish, Gnostic, pagan, late antique, and proto-Islamic
perspectives. They have attracted prestigious international patristics scholars such as the Reverend Professor Rowan Williams,
former Archbishop ofCanterbury, Professor Philip Rousseau,
former director ofthe Center for the Study ofEarly Christianity (Catholic University ofAmerica), and Emeritus Professor
Andrew Louth (Durham University).There are opportunities
for literature, art, architecture, liturgy, monasticism, philosophy, and the material remains ofthe early Christian centuries
to be explored in these conferences, each ofwhich has atheme.
Thetheme chosen for the2013 conference was Men and
Women in the Early Christian Centuries, and keynote speakers
were Claudia Rapp (University ofVienna), Mathijs Lamberigts
(Katholieke Universiteit Leuven), and New Testament scholar
Elaine Wainwright (University ofAuckland). Theinclusion
ofboth New Testament scholars and those in late antique and
reception studies allows us to reach critical mass. Forty-five
short papers were presented at the conference, by scholars from
Japan, Greece, Canada, Italy, Russia, Bosnia, Australia, and
NewZealand.28 Six volumes ofconference proceedings have
been published, from1996 to2012.29
See n.23 above.
The first five volumes appeared in the series Prayer and Spirituality
in the Early Church. Thesixth volume appeared as Studies in Politics and Religion
in the Early Christian Centuries ed.D.Luckensmeyer, P.Allen(Early Christian
Studies,13), Brisbane,2010. All volumes are published by St Pauls Press,
http://www.cecs.acu.edu.au/conferenceproceed.htm [accessed 31October2013].
28
29

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B. NEIL

6.Funding for research activities in patristics

6.1.Government funding
The Australian Research Council offers minimal funding to the
humanities, and even less to theology. Theabolition ofresearch
fellowships for mid-career scholars has hit postdoctoral researchers very hard.They have been replaced by Future Fellowships,
mainly intended for Australians who wish to return from overseas.
Theextension ofthe Future Fellowship scheme to2014 has just
been announced in August2013, even while the announcement
ofthe current round ofFuture Fellowships is six months late at
point ofwriting, due to the election ofanew federal government
in September2013. Thethree-year election cycle has huge repercussions for the long-term funding ofany research in this country.
6.2.Postdoctoral fellowships
Individual universities offer their own postdoctoral scholarships
for one to three years.
6.3.International PhD scholarships
These are offered by the government (Australian Research
Council Australian Postgraduate Awards) and by individual universities. They are highly competitive, and tend to run from the
beginning ofthe calendar year, i.e.January. They include international tuition fees and aliving allowance.
6.4.Visiting international scholars
ACU grants to the Faculty ofTheology and Philosophy one or
two fellowships per year for the Distinguished Visiting Scholars scheme, worth $10.000 each for travel and accommodation.
Past fellows hosted by CECS include Philip Rousseau, Kazuhiko
Demura, Shigeki Takahashi, Johan Leemans, and Paul Blowers.Other long-term visitors to CECS include Kazuhiko Demura
(our first visiting fellow from Japan), current AIEP president
Theodore de Bruyn, Mary Cunningham, Charles Kannengiesser,
Pamela Bright, Satoshi Toda, Miyako Demura, and Leena Marie
Peltomaa. InJuly-August2013 we were privileged to host Nathalie
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PATRISTICS IN AUSTRALIA: CURRENT STATUS AND FUTURE POTENTIAL

Rambaud, who has been commissioned to edit two volumes

ofJohn Chrysostoms homilies for Sources Chrtiennes. DrRambaud will return for another sabbatical in Brisbane in2014.

7.What does the future hold for patristics in Australia?

This is acritical period for the disciplines that come under the
umbrella ofpatristics, not just in Australia but world-wide, with
funding for the humanities generally at an all-time low due to
the recent global financial crisis in2008.Some options for the
future, Iwould suggest, are: martyrdom; obscurantism; secularisation; survival through adaptation; demystification; and/or
increasing vocationalism.
The first two options are sadly self-explanatory.An increasing degree ofsecularisation is inevitable, and should perhaps be
embraced as broadening public interest in the early Christian
centuries, their literature, and their material culture. Therebadging ofthe Prayer and Spirituality in the Early Church conferences to Early Christian Centuries was amove made in recognition ofthe need to de-mystify and secularise our scholarly
undertakings so as to reach abroader audience.Similarly, patristic research and the teaching ofpatristics needs to adapt if it is
to survive.This includes making it increasingly vocational; for
example, the teaching ofelementary Latin to seminarians will
focus necessarily on the Vulgate and liturgical texts. As mentioned above, it is increasingly limiting to insist upon aworking
knowledge ofLatin and/or Greek as acriterion for enrolment
in postgraduate studies in patristics. Thesecond best option is
to offer bridging courses for those who need to improve their
language skills at the beginning oftheir candidature.
Lest the future appear too bleak, the words ofthe late Queen
Mother, Elizabeth, at the opening ceremony ofFlinders University (Adelaide) in1966 are peculiarly apt to the past and future
study ofpatristics in Australia:
The enterprising way in which this new [discipline] has
been brought into existence deserves praise and commendation...it has from the outset the best ofboth worlds. Freedom ofaction and room for manoeuvre, which are the prerogatives ofanew institution...These are good foundations
on which to build.

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B. NEIL

Bibliography
1.Primary sources
Cypr., Laps.=Cyprianus episcopus Carthaginensis, De lapsis
ed.G.W.Clark, tr.M.Poirier (SC,547), Paris,2012.
Innoc., Epist.=Innocentius I, Epistulae ed.and tr.G.D.Dunn
(CCSL), Turnhout, forthcoming.
Narrationes de exilio sancti papae Martini ed.and tr.B.Neil, Seventhcentury Popes and Martyrs: The Political Hagiography ofAnastasius
Bibliothecarius (Studia Antiqua Australiensia,2), Turnhout,2006.

2.Secondary literature
ABrill Companion to Gregory the Great ed.B.Neil, M.DalSanto,
Leiden,2013.
P. Allen, B. Neil, Crisis Management in LateAntiquity.ASurvey
ofthe Evidence ofEpiscopal Letters (410-590ce) (Supplements to
Vigiliae Christianae,121), Leiden, 2013.
Ancient Jewish and Christian Texts as Crisis Management Literature.Thematic Studies from the Centre for Early Christian Studies ed.P.Allen,
D.Sim, London,2012.
Brill Encyclopedia ofEarly Christianity. Authors, Texts, Ideas, and their
Reception ed.P.vanGeest, D.G. Hunter, B.J.Lietaert Peerbolte,
Leiden, 2011-.
M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Studia Antiqua
Australiensia,1), Turnhout,2006.
Collecting Early Christian Letters.From the Apostle Paul to Early Christianity ed.B.Neil, P.Allen, Cambridge, forthcoming.
Men and Women in the Early Christian Centuries (Early Christian
Studies,17) ed.W.Mayer, I.Elmer, Brisbane, 2014.
B. Neil, P. Allen, Letters ofGelasius (492-496).Micromanager and
Pastor ofthe Roman Church (Adnotationes), Turnhout, 2014.
Oxford Dictionary ofLateAntiquity ed.F.Haarer, Oxford, in press.
Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Biblical Interpretation ed.P. Blowers,
P.Martens, Oxford, forthcoming.
Oxford Handbook ofMaximus Confessor ed.P.Allen, B.Neil, Oxford,
forthcoming.
The Oxford Encyclopedia ofthe Bible and Gender Studies ed.J.M.
OBrien, Oxford, 2014.

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PATRISTICS IN AUSTRALIA: CURRENT STATUS AND FUTURE POTENTIAL

Studies in Politics and Religion in the Early Christian Centuries (Early

Christian Studies,13) ed.D.Luckensmeyer, P.Allen, Brisbane,2010.
The Bishop ofRome in LateAntiquity ed.G.D.Dunn, Farnham,
forthcoming.
Wiley-Blackwell Handbook ofPatristic Reception ed.K.Parry, Oxford,
forthcoming.

Abstract
The purpose ofthis presentation is to offer an overview ofthe history, development, current status, and future currents within patristics
in Australia. Icover seven basic areas: 1.the location ofpatristics in
secular or religious institutions ofhigher learning; 2.areas ofscholarly strength; 3.trends in the discipline(s) ofpatristics including the
endangered species ofbiblical languages; 4.journals and publishers
devoted to patristics; 5.patristic societies and conferences; 6.funding
for research activities in patristics (including opportunities for postgraduates and visiting fellows). Iclose with some speculations on the
future ofpatristics in Australia, which faces economic and cultural
challenges that are not unique to it alone.

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MICHEL WILLY LIBAMBU

Universit Catholique du Congo

LA CONTRIBUTION
DES TUDES PATRISTIQUES
LA THOLOGIE AFRICAINE:
LTUDE DES PRES DE LGLISE
LCOLE THOLOGIQUE
DEKINSHASA(1957-2013)
Notre expos tente de prsenter une synthse des tudes et des
recherches patristiques menes au sein de la Facult de Thologie de lUniversit Catholique du Congo, afin de mettre en
relief leur contribution dans llaboration de la thologie qui se
fait dans le continent noir.Pour ce faire, notre propos comprend
trois points essentiels: le cadre dtudes et de recherches, le dfi
de lactualisation des Pres de lglise dans le contexte africain
daujourdhui et la contribution des tudes patristiques dans les
domaines de la thologie africaine.

1.Le cadre dtudes patristiques lcole thologique de Kinshasa

Appele communment cole thologique de Kinshasa, lactuelle
Facult de Thologie de lUniversit Catholique du Congo fut
fonde au sein de lUniversit de Lovanium par le dcret Afrorum
amplissimas regiones de la Congrgation des Sminaires et Universits Catholiques, du 25avril1957.Ce document lui confra
le titre dUniversit Catholique, comprenant en son sein une
facult de thologie.Elle devint, en ce moment, la premire institution thologique universitaire de lAfrique noire, au dessus
des grands sminaires.Ds sa cration, elle eut le bonheur davoir
ds le dpart les spcialistes intresss aux tudes des Pres.
Le professeur Alfred Vanneste, spcialiste du pch originel,
avait tudi selon la tradition de Louvain et de Rome, lhistoire
de ce dogme en remontant Augustin. Le professeur Franz Bontinck, dorigine belge comme Vanneste, fut aussi form Rome,
prcisment la facult dHistoire ecclsiastique de lUniver10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107517

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M.W. LIBAMBU

sit Grgorienne; il occupa ds le dpart la chaire dHistoire

de lglise et de Patrologie.Cest seulement cinq ans aprs son
ouverture que la facult aeu ses premiers docteurs parmi lesquels
on peut citer: Lon Lesambo, lactuel vque mrite du diocse
dInongo, qui atravaill sur la foi chez Clment de Rome(1963)
et Joseph Ntedika qui tudia la question de la prire pour les
dfunts dans la liturgie latine du cinquime sicle.Ce dernier
deviendra le premier doyen congolais et titulaire de la chaire de
Patrologie et histoire des dogmes ds les annes1970.
Dans cette perspective, le premier dbat sur la thologie africaine aconnu la participation des spcialistes belges (de Louvain) et franais (de lInstitut Catholique de Paris et de la Sorbonne).On note singulirement la participation des patrologues
et historiens du christianisme ancien Jean Danilou en tant que
doyen de lInstitut Catholique de Paris, Joseph Moingt, et tant
dautres.On doit aussi signaler la prsence Kinshasa de Basile
Studer, avant sa clbre carrire linstitut patristique Augustinianum de Rome.
Issu dune tradition de plus de cinquante ans, le programme
des cours actuel comprend une moyenne de 180 heures de formation en Patrologie et histoire des dogmes, sans compter les
cours de prparation gnrale comme le Latin, le Grec, la Philosophie patristique et lHistoire de lglise antique.Comme on
peut le comprendre, le cadre dtudes va au-del du programme,
pour prendre en compte les activits de lAssociation des Patrologues Africains et des socits scientifiques internationales en
cette matire.
1.1.Le programme des cours1
Dans le programme des cours de la Facult de Thologie de
lUniversit Catholique du Congo, on tudie les deux aspects
Patrologie et Patristiquesous la rubrique Patrologie et Histoire des dogmes.Une telle approche alavantage, surtout dans
une facult de thologie, dinitier les futurs thologiens passer
des tudes de Patrologie pure aux tudes dogmatiques, plus
1 Secretariatgeneralacademique, Programme dtudes.Anne acadmique
2012-2013, Universit Catholique du Congo, Kinshasa,2013, p.45-47, 49, 52,
54-55, 59, 63.

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LA CONTRIBUTION DES TUDES PATRISTIQUES LA THOLOGIE AFRICAINE

utiles la rflexion thologique.Celles-ci, la diffrence des

tudes patristiques faites dans les facults des lettres, de philologie
ou dhistoire, forment les thologiens en aiguisant leur sens critique sur le plan dogmatique.
Au niveau du Graduat (LicenceLMD): il yatrois cours.
Le premier initie les tudiants aux Pres de trois premiers sicles
et comprend deux parties.La premire, fondamentalement
encyclopdique, indique la notion, lhistoire, limportance et
les instruments de travail en Patrologie et Histoire des dogmes.
la lumire du document sur la Congrgation pour lducation
Catholique bas essentiellement sur limportance des Pres de
lglise dans la formation sacerdotale, on souligne la dynamique
entre lcriture, la Tradition et la culture ambiante dans la formulation des dogmes.La deuxime partie aborde la littrature des
Pres apostoliques, des apologistes, des anti-gnostiques et antihrtiques du premier et du deuxime sicle.Ici, on tudie particulirement Clment de Rome, Ignace dAntioche, Polycarpe,
Justin le martyr, Irne de Lyon.Pour le troisime sicle, ltude
porte sur Tertullien, Hippolyte de Rome, Novatien, Cyprien de
Carthage, Clment dAlexandrie et Origne.
Le deuxime cours initie les tudiants aux Pres de la littrature grecque de la priode allant du Concile de Nice(325)
la fin de la patristique(749).IIprsente les Pres Grecs selon
les divers arcs que voici: du Concile de Nice(325) au Concile
de Constantinople(381) (lutte contre larianisme, le smi-arianisme): Athanase, Didyme laveugle, Basile de Csare, Grgoire de Nysse, Grgoire de Nazianze; du Concile dEphse
au Concile de Chalcdoine (lutte contre le nestorianisme et le
monophysisme): Cyrille dAlexandrie, Jean Chrysostome, Thodoret de Cyr; de Constantinople II(553) la fin de la patristique (lutte contre le monothisme et liconoclasme): Maxime
le Confesseur et Jean Damascne.
En ce qui concerne le troisime cours de Patrologie et histoire des dogmes, on tudie les Pres Latins, cest--dire ceux
qui ont utilis le latin comme langue de littrature chrtienne
de 325 la fin de la patristique en Occident (636).Aprs avoir
relev les caractristiques communes sur le plan linguistique,
culturel, politique, gographique et thologique, le cours sapplique en prsenter les modles. Il sagit principalement de:
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Hilaire, Ambroise, Jrme, Lon de Grand, Fulgence de Ruspe,

Grgoire le Grand et Isidore de Sville.
Notons par ailleurs que ces trois cours sont complts par
lHistoire de lglise en Afrique o lon insiste sur les rcits des
martyrs et la Bible latine Carthage et Hippone.On traite aussi
de lEgypte chrtienne des origines la conqute arabe (642),
dAxoum chrtien et de la Nubie chrtienne.
Au niveau de Licence (Master Iet IILMD), les cours de
Patrologie et histoire des dogmes, sont des cours thmatiques
servant de modle pour la recherche personnelle des tudiants
dans le domaine de la Patristique. Ilssont enseigns de manire
cyclique et alterne: Questions approfondies des Pres Grecs et
Questions approfondies des Pres Latins.
Enfin, au niveau du Diplme dtudes Approfondies et du
doctorat, la Facult de Thologie organise des sminaires sur
divers thmes de thologie patristique, propose aux jeunes
chercheurs pendant leur formation.Ace niveau, on insiste sur
lapproche du texte en langue originale dans lanalyse de diffrents thmes. Linsistance porte singulirement sur lapport des
Pres africains la thologie.Cest ici que se dessine la dimension
de la thologie patristique africaine o les candidats sont invits
apporter leur contribution par un travail crit.
1.2.LAssociation des Patrologues Africains (ASPA)
Outre les cours thoriques, les tudiants forms Kinshasa bnficient du travail des chercheurs runis dans lAssociation des
Patrologues Africains (ASPA), fonde en mars1992 linitiative
des Professeurs et Assistants de lUniversit.Lon commena par
linventaire des mmoires de licence et des thses de doctorat en
Patrologie, prsents la Facult de Thologie Catholique de
Kinshasa depuis sa fondation.La liste ainsi dresse se complte
peu peu, depuis la lettre circulaire de juin1992, annonant
la communaut scientifique internationale la naissance de
lAssociation.
1.3.Les relations avec les Associations internationales
On le sait, depuis sa cration, la Facult de Thologie agard des
relations trs troites avec lUniversit Catholique de Louvain
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qui lui aconfi la premire quipe des matres pour la formation

des premiers docteurs en Thologie patristique.Pour linstant, la
facult entretient un rapport troit avec le Center ofEarly African
Christianity (CEAC, Pennsylvanie, USA), et lAssociation Internationale dtudes Patristiques.Le projet de coopration sud-sud
pour la formation de la relve des professeurs de Patrologie-Patristique entre la Facult de Thologie de Kinshasa et lInstitut
Catholique de lUniversit Catholique dAfrique Centrale est en
voie dlaboration.

2.Le dfi hermneutique de lactualisation des Pres de lAfrique

aujourdhui: accent sur linculturation
Le problme de la rencontre entre le christianisme et les cultures
date du dbut de lglise.Car, linculturation de la foi chrtienne
concerne aussi bien linsertion que lappropriation du message
vanglique dans les cultures des peuples limage du Christ,
Verbe de Dieu qui est venu habiter parmi nous.Ainsi, la pense
des Pres de lglise devient de plus en plus importante dans
le continent africain, surtout cause du dfi de linculturation,
cheval de bataille de la thologie africaine2. Ici on insiste sur
lhritage du palo-christianisme africain la lumire de lexhortation post-synodale Ecclesia in Africa: En ralit, du iieau
ivesicle, la vie chrtienne dans les rgions septentrionales de
lAfrique fut trs intense et occupa une position davant-garde,
aussi bien dans le domaine de la thologie que dans celui de la littrature chrtienne.Des noms remontent aussitt la mmoire,
ceux des grands docteurs et crivains, comme Origne, saint
Athanase, saint Cyrille, flambeaux de lcole dAlexandrie, et
pour lautre partie de la cte mditerranenne de lAfrique, ceux
dun Tertullien, dun saint Cyprien, et surtout celui de saint
Augustin, une des lumires les plus brillantes de la chrtient3.
De manire particulire, on met en relief le lexicon theologicum
2 M.W. Libambu, Inculturation et problmes des sources chez les Pres
de lglise. Leons sur les lectures augustiniennes du Time de Platon, Revue
africaine de thologie, 62(2007), p.169-188.
3 JeanPaulII, Exhortation apostolique post-synodale Ecclesia in Africa,
Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 88(1996), 31.

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grec et latin de cet hritage.La question se pose de manire invitable: comment les Pres ont-ils exprim dans leur contexte
culturel le message de la Rvlation divine? Il sagit dune
preuve hermneutique qui consiste interroger les Pres de
lglise sur lactualit de lglise dAfrique4. Ala lumire de ce
qui prcde, nous tirons les leons du point de vue historique,
pistmologique, doctrinal et linguistique.
2.1.Sur le plan historique: la contextualisation
La premire leon tirer des tudes patristiques en Afrique
concerne lhistoire.Elle consiste prendre au srieux le contexte
dmergence des uvres des Pres de lglise avant den cerner
le contenu.Car toute pense, toute doctrine est le fruit dun
contexte. Ce contexte est dynamique, tant il est vrai quil se
rapporte lhistoire humaine, marque par les alas du temps et
de lespace.
La contextualisation prend en considration le temps et le lieu
partir desquels lauteur sexprime5; elle met en avant le rle de
lhistoire dans la comprhension des textes des Pres. Le patrologue cherche comprendre leurs textes dans un mouvement de
va-et-vient entre le pass et le prsent.Il sefforce de combler
la distance culturelle qui le spare dune poque dj rvolue et
laquelle appartient lauteur du texte; il sapplique se rendre
contemporain du texte pour se lapproprier afin de dcouvrir le
monde du texte qui soffre lui par la lecture.
Ltude sur la vie, luvre et la doctrine des Pres requiert la
connaissance de lantiquit dans sa confrontation avec lhistoire
du christianisme, mme dans ses expressions les plus banales6.
Prcisment, il est question de mettre en relief le contexte de
la fides catholica, en lien avec lorganisation de la cit antique.
Tout cela fait surgir de graves interrogations auxquelles les Pres
devaient rpondre, comme chrtiens, thologiens et pasteurs.

4
Cfr. J.NtedikaKonde, La thologie au service des glises dAfrique,
Revue africaine de thologie, 1(1977), p.24.
5Cfr. E.Coreth, Grundfragen der Hermeneutik.Ein philosophischer Beitrag,
Freiburg, 1969, p.211.
6Cfr. H.R. Drobner, Patrologia, Roma,1992, p.7.

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2.2.Sur le plan pistmologique:

les paradigmes dinterprtations
La thologie de linculturation exige une connaisance trs tendue, en particulier des principaux problmes de lhistoire de la
thologie en Afrique depuis les origines du christianisme. Ilsagit
de pntrer la profondeur des cultures tant occidentales quafricaines. Lhistoire est utile pour nous aider trouver des paradigmes dinterprtations en vue de drgionnaliser la pense des
Pres en rejoignant leurs structures epistmologiques dinterprtation sous-jacentes.
Il faudrait un travail d interprtation, cest--dire de lecture entre les lignes pour retrouver les paradigmes argumentatifs
des Pres tudis.Cet examen des sources doit nous assurer
une srieuse information biblique et historique, pour que nous
puissions comprendre les doctrines et les institutions et les usages
apports par les missionnaires, et dont les glises dAfrique vivent
encore. Ilfaut que nous puissions interroger et interprter critiquement les lments apports, et tre mme de discerner
ce qui est prendre et laisser, ce qui est essentiel, absolu en
tant que parole divine, et ce qui nest que relatif, contingent,
accessoire et caduc en tant que discours humain; et que nous
sachions nous inspirer des leons de lhistoire et de lexprience
chrtienne pour inventer les solutions les mieux adaptes nos
propres situations7.
Linsistance sur ltude des sources de la Rvlation nous parat
capitale pour comprendre linculturation comme recherche des
paradigmes culturels dinterprtation des donnes de la foi. Cette
interdisciplinarit simpose pour rtablir le contexte dlaboration et de surgissement des doctrines des Pres en lien avec lorigine des institutions chrtiennes. Dans cette tude, il sagit dun
effort de recherche positive, portant sur les doctrines et les faits
contenus dans la Bible et la Tradition chrtienne8. Cestque
lcriture aoffert aux Pres le cadre lexical utile non seulement
pour llaboration de leurs doctrines, mais pour les besoins de la
cause quils dfendaient.

NtedikaKonde, Thologie au service, p.6-7.

Ibid., p.6.

7
8

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M.W. LIBAMBU

2.3.Sur le plan doctrinal: expression dogmatique et morale

Par ltude des sources, la tche du patrologue consiste dterminer les origines probables de la pense des Pres dans les doctrines de leurs prdcesseurs, paens ou chrtiens, pour autant
quils leur aient servi de point dappui dans la recherche des solutions durant les controverses, aussi bien antipaennes quantihrtiques.
Dans son processus daffirmation, la thologie abesoin de
garder ses liens avec les sources aussi bien traditionnelles que
patristiques (laBible et lhritage des dogmes)9.Chacun de ces
domaines constitue un terroir partir duquel pourront surgir les
nouvelles synthses thologiques par un travail dappropriation et
de reprise systmatique.
En effet, la recherche des sources en thologie africaine est
avant tout et fondamentalement un problme de filiation intellectuelle et donc, dattitude critique vis--vis des devanciers dans
une communion de pense qui va en de des textes pour en
rejoindre les structures argumentatives les plus caches.
Il est question de justifier non seulement les provenances des
principes et thories, mais aussi les raisons de leur intgration
dans les schmas dinterprtation des dogmes chrtiens. Cest
entre autres le problme de la rception de la thologie patristique dans le contexte africain. Ceci confre invitablement la
dmarche thologique de linculturation un caractre hautement
interdisciplinaire. Cest ici quintervient largument de poids au
profit de toute recherche sur linculturation: le message de la
Rvlation est si riche quil ne peut tre exprim uniquement de
manire pleine et absolue par une seule culture10.
2.4.Sur le plan linguistique: le passage aux langues africaines
Sur le plan linguistique, on pose le problme de la pertinence
des traductions des textes et du lexique thologique des Pres
en langues africaines.Dans quelle mesure le gnie culturel afri9 T.Tshibangu, La thologie africaine.Manifeste et programme pour le dveloppement des activits thologiques en Afrique, Kinshasa,1987, p.31.
10Cfr. M.W. Libabmu, Linfluence de lhermneutique dAugustin sur
Thomas dAquin.Notes dhistoire de lexgse patristique et mdivale, Revue
africaine de thologie, 57(2005), p.49-62.

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cain peut-il enrichir lexplication thologique et catchtique

des textes fondateurs de la tradition ecclsiale? Cette dmarche
rigoureuse et patiente favorise par la connaissance des langues
locales simpose comme une voie oblige pour llaboration
dune thologie inculture partir de la connaissance des langues
anciennes (lelatin, le grec, le syriaque, le copte).
Il yaen Afrique, ds le deuxime sicle, le mouvement
de latinisation des textes les plus importants de la philosophie
grecque. LOccident paen utilisait dj la traduction du Time de
Platon selon Cicron et Calcide.Les textes les plus importants de
lcole dAlexandrie passent par lcole de Milan pour rejoindre
par la suite lAfrique du Nord.Par le voyage, les Pres apprcient
ce qui se passe ailleurs et le traduisent dans leur langue.Au treisime sicle les traductions juives et arabes permettent de dcouvrir Aristote qui donne llan nouveau aux recherches dans les
coles thologiques.Do le paradoxe.Le latin qui tait la langue
des soldats, des cultivateurs et des juristes, devient la langue de la
philosophie et de la thologie.
Par rapport la linguistique africaine, lon ne doit rien ngliger: il ny apas de langue philosohique ni tholgique par nature.
Tout dpend de ce que lon veut dire! Le miracle ralis par
les Pres de lglise et les auteurs de lpoque mdivale par linvention de certains mots, comme trinitas, resurrectio, transubstantiatio est assez loquent.Faire la thologie en langue europenne
doit continuer, mais sans ngliger les recherches sur nos langues.
Les emprunts, les calques smantiques et la crativit constituent
les procds de toute langue en volution.Pour la rennaissance
de la pense africaine, les langues locales sont utiles en vue de
lassimilation des lments de notre culture et du message de la
Rvlation. Dolimportance des tudes par des spcialisations
en langues trangres et locales afin darriver rcolter les lments du patrimoine culturel et linguistique qui constituent le
point de dpart des dictionnaires thologiques africains.Il sagit
dinvestir pour le futur.On traitera singulirement de la problmatique de la traduction des noncs de la foi dans les langues
africaines, de nouvelles acceptions pour la rendre plus accessible
et plus significative.Cest ce que nous appelons lactualisation
(Aktualisierung) des donnes de la foi par le traducteur. Cequi
suppose la connaissance de lhistoire, de la grammaire et de la
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thologie pour mieux apprcier la contribution de la Patristique

en thologie africaine11.

3.La contribution des tudes patristiques la thologie

la thologie africaine
presque plus de cinquante ans du dbat qui afait natre la thologie africaine, les historiens ne cessent de rappeler non seulement
ses origines modestes dans le dbat entre Tharcisse Tshibangu et
Alfred Vanneste, tous deux alors respectivement tudiant et professeur la facult de Thologie de lUniversit Lovanium du
Congo12. Lepremier, alors tudiant, revendiquait la valorisation
dune thologie africaine contre son matre, Vanneste, tenant
de la thologie universelle.La clbrit dudit dbat est lie au
fondement pistmologique lgitimant et valorisant le contenu
dune thologie dite africaine. Cela sentend. Lesformateurs
de la facult sont venus avec la dcision de former de vritables
thologiens de mtier, et non les monnayeurs, des vulgarisateurs
des rsultats des recherches fondamentales menes ailleurs13.
Ce nest pas tout.Lintrt du dbat est surtout historique
dans la mesure o la premire gnration des thologiens de
cette cole de Kinshasa staient forms la mthode historique
soit Louvain soit Paris pour montrer quhistoriquement parlant, il ny ajamais eu de thologie universelle, mais toujours
des thologies particulires, quoique plus tard universalises.
On laura constat, les thologiens, stant singulirement appropris de la mthode hermneutique, qui privilgie le contexte,
avaient ouvert la voie une nouvelle pistmologie, une nouvelle voie dapproche soulignant limportance des tudes historiques et patristiques pour soutenir la thologie africaine14.
11
Cfr. M.W. Libambu, Pour une actualisation du Symbole des Aptres
en Afrique, Revue africaine de thologie, 59-60(2006), p.31-46.
12Cfr. B.Bujo, Introduction au dbat Tshibangu-Vanneste, in Thologie
africaine au xxiesicle.Quelques figures ed.B.Bujo, J.Ilunga Mayu, I, Kinshasa,
2004, p.186-188.
13 J.NtedikaKonde, La Facult de thologie de Kinshasa et la socit.
Formation en profondeur et engagement total, in La thologie et lavenir des socits ed.L.Santedi, Paris,2010, p.225.
14 E.Ntakarutimana, O en est la thologie africaine?, in La thologie et lavenir des socits ed.L.Santedi, Paris,2010, p.237: Il est vrai quil

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De telles tudes justifient et fondent elles seules la pertinence

des tudes patrologiques et patristiques pour clairer la question
des sources chrtiennes, ct des sources traditionnelles, de la
thologie africaine.La thologie patristique africaine est plutt
une rflexion thologique, principalement faite par des africains
ou des africanistes, qui se fonde sur la Patristique (science de
lantiquit chrtienne ou lhistoire des dogmes) et la Patrologie
(ltude de la vie et des crits des Pres).Prcisment, il sagit
de mettre en lumire la contribution des tudes patristiques aux
questions les plus proccupantes de la thologie en Afrique.
3.1.Les questions de thologie fondamentale
Cette partie de notre expos vise mettre en lumire la contribution des tudes patristiques en thologie telle qulabore
lcole de Kinshasa.Comme on pourra le constater, la pense ne de la facult thologique de Kinshasa, la premire des
institutions universitaires en Afrique subsaharienne, afait cole
sous la lumire du Concile VaticanII.Cest dans ce contexte de
relecture des ouvertures de ce concile pastoral de lglisesur
lglise que tout prend racine.Chaque document afait lobjet dexamen et de discussion srieuse en public dans le cadre
des assises dnommes semaines thologiques de Lopoldville
dont la premire se tint en1963. Y ont t invits: J.Danilou,
J.Moingt, B.Studer, etc.
3.1.1.La thologie fondamentale:
la dimension hermneutique de la thologie

Dans la Semaine thologique organise par la Facult de Thologie en1972, on aexamin la question du rapport entre foi et
langage. Les participants ont pris en compte la question du rle
de la culture dans lexpression de la foi depuis lglise naissante
jusqu nos jours. De ce fait, on areconnu lunit de la foi par
rapport la pluralit linguistique ou culturelle.Cest toute la
yadautres secteurs qui ont fait lobjet de recherches fcondes qui ne sont pas
voqus ici, notamment le bouillonnement dans le domaine de lthique, les
rflexions sur les fondements et les pratiques de la liturgie, les essais de droit
canoniques, les recherches de patrologie et dans dautres secteurs.

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question de linculturation du message de lhbreu au latin en

passant par le grec.
Du cot des biblistes et exgtes, le Cardinal Laurent Monsengwo, alors professeur dans cette mme facult, ramenait la question au niveau de lhistoire de lexgse.Il sest appesanti sur la
question de la traduction du message pour tirer les leons de la
Version de la Septante.Il ymontre clairement que la traduction
de la parole de Dieu de lhbreu au grec est une histoire des
transpositions culturelles qui ne se ralise pas sans la matrise des
sens de lEcriture15.Sa pense fut prolonge dans le domaine de
la Patristique par la contribution de Joseph Ntedika qui examina
la question chez Augustin, spcialement en revisitant luvre
magistrale du matre africain quest le De doctrina christiana.
Et MgrNtedika dcrire: Au lieu de rejeter en bloc la civilisation grco-latine, comme certains chrtiens rigoristes lavaient
fait, Augustin trouve que la culture traditionnelle est riche de
bons lments quun chrtien prudent et clair pourra dgager
pour les utiliser avec profit pour sa foi16.
Il tait question de montrer la dimension hermneutique de
la thologie en tant que rcriture thologique du texte canonique.La thologie en tant que rcriture de lEcriture permet
de rduire la distance culturelle entre les premiers destinataires et
ceux des temps postrieurs.
3.1.2.La question de Dieu et ses implications
sur le dialogue interreligieux (LumenGentium)

Le problme de Dieu, la Facult de Thologie de Kinshasa,

occupa une position de choix17.Il permit de prciser le rapport
entre le christianisme et la culture africaine.Dans la lecture du
document conciliaire Lumen Gentium, les chercheurs trouvrent
le point de dpart pour renouveler leurs recherches. La jeune
Facult de Thologie de Kinshasa eut le bonheur de se confron15
L.Monsengwo, Le problme hermneutique de la traduction du message. Leons de la Version de la Septante, in Foi chrtienne et langage humain,
Kinshasa,1978, p.47-63.
16 J.NtedikaKonde, Saint Augustin et linterprtation de la parole de
Dieu, in Foi chrtienne et langage humain, Kinshasa,1978, p.162-172.
17 Cfr. Troisime Semaine thologique de Kinshasa(juillet1967), Revue du
clerg africain,3(1967), p.233.

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ter avec la pense de Jean Danilou, alors doyen de la Facult

de Thologie de lInstitut Catholique de Paris, durant les assises
de la quatrime Semaine thologique tenue en juillet1968.
Ce dernier, dans une confrence au titre fort attendu, commena
par clarifier la notion de la religion qui est lexpression fondamentale de lhomme face au mystre de linfini18.
Outre les bases bibliques et conciliaires, Jean Danilou sappuie sur la thologie des Pres pour fonder la thologie des religions non-chrtiennes.Il voque principalement les Pres orientaux qui parlaient de la praeparatio evangelica et des semina Verbi
dans toutes les religions.On rappelle juste titre ici la doctrine
de Clment dAlexandrie19.Notons en passant que la dixime
Semaine thologique de Kinshasa tenue en juillet1975 reviendra
sur la question de manire plus large dans le cadre de lvanglisation en Afrique contemporaine.Le patrologue Ntedika insistera sur lapport des Pres de lglise pour reconnatre la valeur
sotriologique des religions non-chrtiennes en sappuyant singulirement sur Justin, Clment dAlexandrie et Augustin.
Craignant la mauvaise interprtation de la pense patristique
pour bloquer louverture au dialogue avec les autres religions, le
mme Danilou observait quil fallait craindre deux tendances
extrmes: dune part, de pousser lide dextra ecclesiam nulla salus,
do la course au baptme des paens pour les sauver. Dautre
part, sous prtexte des dclarations du Concile VaticanII sur
lappartenance lglise, il se trouve des gens qui jugent inutile
de soccuper encore des paens, parce que ceux-ci seront quand
mme sauvs. Lauteur, tout en insinuant la question de la place
de Jsus Christ dans le salut de tous les hommes, avait suscit de
longs dbats sur le lien entre nature et grce, cration et rdemption20.
En guise de prolongement de ce thme, on retient la contribution du professeur Feenstra de lUniversit Libre de Kisangani,
sur la sentence bien connue dans lglise antique extra ecclesiam
18
J.NtedikaKonde, Valeur sotriologique des religions non-chrtiennes,
in Levangelisation dans lAfrique daujourdhui.Actes de la dixieme Semaine theologique de Kinshasa, du21 au26juillet1975, Kinshasa,1980, p.22.
19Cfr. J.Danielou, La thologie des religions-non chrtiennes, Revue du
clerg africain, 5(1968), p.502.
20Cfr. ibid., p.503.

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nulla salus lors de la quatrime Semaine thologique de Lopoldville, aujourdhui Kinshasa, en juillet196821. Cette confrence, prononce devant le grand historien du christianisme Jean
Danilou, avait pour vise dinviter les thologiens africains une
interprtation authentiquement africaine qui sera la contribution
de lAfrique la thologie mondiale.Il se rapportait au tmoignage de lglise de lAfrique du Nord au temps dAugustin.
Dans son ouvrage intitul: la thologie africaine, MgrTharcisse Tshibangu soulignait que lvocation de cette parole des
Pres servait soutenir largument des propagateurs de la thologie du salut des mes.Fermement appuye sur ladage extra
ecclesiam nulla salus, la thologie du salut des paens disqualifiait
logiquement les traditions culturelles et religieuses des peuples,
en loccurrence des peuples africains.Le langage mobilisateur
des vocations missionnaires et de la charit chrtienne se fondait, acrit H.Maurier, surtout sur la piti que devait inspirer la triste situation spirituelle, morale et humaine des peuples
sauvages non-chrtiens22. On le comprendra mieux plus tard.
Lorsque la question de loriginalit du christianisme se posera
dans le contexte des dialogues des religions, les tudes patristiques retourneront sur cet adage pour clarifier le contexte initial
du propos de saint Cyprien que certains thologiens de mauvaise
foi considraient comme une barrire au dialogue interreligieux.
Trs vite on commena promouvoir des tudes thologiques sur les religions traditionnelles africaines. En1968 parut
larticle dHenri Maurier qui montrait que les religions traditionnelles africaines, outre lapproche descriptive, avaient besoin des
approches systmatiques.Nous concluons ce bref essai en faisant laveu suivant: une thologie authentiquement chrtienne
des religions non-chrtiennes doit souhaiter la constitution de
thologies paennes du christianisme! En un mot: la rciprocit!
Sije situe le paen par rapport ma foi, il peut bien me situer
moi-mme par rapport sa religion23.Mais, le matre le plus
incontest dans la recherche des voies du dialogue entre le chris21
Cfr. Y.Feenstra, Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus, Revue du clerg africain,
24(1969), p.180-190.
22 Tshibangu, La thologie africaine, p.7.
23 H.Maurier, Approche thologique des religions africaines, Revue du
clerg africain, 1(1969), p.4-5.

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tianisme et les religions africaines, ce fut Vincent Mulago qui

tudia de fond en comble les religions traditionnelles africaines
sur base de cinq chantillons de la culture congolaise. Ilsagit
de la conception de Dieu chez les peuples Mongo, Bakongo,
Baluba, Bashi et Banyarwanda24.
En1975, lors de la dixime Semaine thologique, Mulago
yreviendra25.De plus, Bernardin Muzungu fit la synthse critique de sa pense loccasion de la dix-septime Semaine thologique de Kinshasa qui clbrait en mme temps le dpart en
mritat de Mulago en1989, dans une confrence sur Religions traditionnelles africaines et thologie africaine26. Dautres
recherches comme celles de Gustave Hulstaert27, Clestin
Malengu28 et Armand Duval se poursuivirent en marge du colloque29. Cedernier voqua ainsi la question de lIslam compte
tenu de son exprience des Missionnaires dAfrique lEst du
Congo.
Aprs ce tumulte sur lutilisation patristique de la question
du salut, il se posa le problme du dialogue interreligieux dans
un contexte africain aussi bien chez les thologiens que chez les
patrologues.Ceci sera luvre de la Soeur Jose Ngalula de clarifier le dbat, dans une confrence publique sur lactualit des
Pres de lglise en Afrique la Facult de Thologie en2005.
Sa clarification apermis aux thologiens africains de reprendre
le dbat sur une voie de certitude historique qui donnerait lieu
entre autres aux contributions originales. Il est donc clair que
pour lcole thologique de Kinshasa, cet adage revu historiquement ne constitue pas un obstacle la thologie africaine

24 V.Mulago, La conception de Dieu dans la tradition Bantoue, Revue du

clerg africain, 3(1967), p.272-299.
25 V.Mulago, Religions traditionnelles et christianisme.Point de vue
dun catholique, in Lvanglisation dans lAfrique daujourdhui, Kinshasa,1980,
p.77-83.
26 B.Muzungu, Religions africaines et thologie africaine, in Thologie
africaine. Bilan et perspectives, Kinshasa,1989, p.71-93.
27
G.Hulstaert, La notion bantoue de Dieu, Revue du clerg africain,
1(1968), p.184-188.
28 C.Malengu, Le Dieu des bantous est-il un Dieu Pre?, Revue du clerg
africain, 3(1967), p.514-529
29 A.Duval, La pr-mission et le dialogue avec les non-chrtiens, Revue
du clerg africain, 5(1969), p.485-506.

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M.W. LIBAMBU

du dialogue interreligieux.Cest entre autres lide-force de

luvre du thologien Lonard Santedi qui apportera une contribution substantielle intitule: Hors de lglise point de salut30.
3.1.3.Lunit de la foi et pluralisme
(traduction et inventivit des formules dogmatiques)

Sous ce titre, nous regroupons toutes les questions suscites

dans le contexte conciliaire sur la rception et lexpression de
la foi dans les jeunes glises.Du cot des africains, il faudrait
retenir avant tout la position de Tharcisse Tshibangu qui, par
sa thse, montrait le rapport entre lintelligence de la foi et
les voies non-occidentales dans lexpression de la thologie31.
La position fut exprime ds les assises de la Semaine thologique de Kinshasa en juillet1968. La question fut tudie aussi
par le jeune Alphonse Ngindu lorsquil publia en1967 un article
du mme son de cloche: Unit et pluralit de la thologie32.
Ce dernier sinscrivait en faux contre la pense de P.Elders, de
lUniversit de Nanzan Naya au Japon qui, tudiant le rapport
entre le christianisme et la culture grecque, concluait: la culture
grecque demeure le seul vhicule valable et providentiel pour le
christianisme.
Ce propos choquant conduit les chercheurs africains continuer le dbat sur le plan de principe en utilisant lhistoire.
La Semaine thologique de1972, sur la foi chrtienne et le langage humain en tmoigne largement. Alissue de ce colloque,
on est fix sur le pluralisme comme un fait historiquement attest
en thologie.Il ne restait qu passer au travail de traduction et
dinvention des formules dogmatiques.
Sur le plan concret, les patrologues et les thologiens dogmaticiens embotent le pas leurs collgues biblistes qui, depuis plu-

30
L.SantediKinkupu, Hors du monde, point de salut.Rflexions sur
le salut chrtien en Afrique lheure de la mondialisation, in Repenser le salut
chretien dans le contexte africain.Actes de la XXIIIeSemaine theologique de Kinshasa,
du10 au 15mars2003, Kinshasa, 2004, p.161-185.
31 T.Tshibangu, Lintelligence de la foi et voies non occidentales, Revue
du clerg africain, 5(1968), p.503-505.
32 A.Ngindu, Unit et pluralit de la thologie, Revue du clerg africain,
6(1967), p.593-615.

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sieurs annes, soccupaient de la traduction des formules bibliques

dans les langues africaines.Cest le cas des travaux raliss par la
Rvrende Jose Ngalula, qui fit sa thse sous la direction de
M.Cerbelaud Lyon en tudiant le vocabulaire thologique des
Pres de Carthage (Tertullien et Cyprien) pour ensuite examiner
sa rception dans lglise de Kinshasa.
Dans la mme perspective, nous-mmes, aprs des discussions
thoriques sur lexpression thologique en langues africaines,
avons publi un article sur la traduction lingala du symbole des
aptres en prcisant le mouvement de latinisation des mots africains dans les formules dogmatiques de la profession de foi33.
Nous yavons examin attentivement le passage de la grammaire
latine la grammaire thologique en passant par la grammaire
culturelle.Ceci suppose le procs dinterculturalit.
3.2.Les questions de thologie systmatique
Les questions souleves au niveau de la thologie systmatique
sont essentiellement lies la dogmatique.Sont particulirement
concernes, les disciplines suivantes: la christologie, lecclsiologie, la thologie des ministres, ainsi que la thologie du pch,
de la pnitence et de la rconciliation.
3.2.1.La christologie34

La christologie, en thologie africaine avolu, du moins au

dbut, lombre de la grande problmatique de Dieu.Il sagissait
de trouver loriginalit du Dieu des chrtiens par rapport au Dieu
des africains.La tendance, lpoque, avait privilgi les tudes
33Cfr.M.
W.Libambu, Nkoma Nayambi bwa bapostolo.Bolimboli
katekisimoomokili mwa Afrika, Revue africaine des sciences de la mission,
4(1996), p.29-40 (article en lingala); J.NgalulaTshianda, Lglise qui croit
jusqu ce quelle possde toutes les langues.Analyse des terminologies chrtiennes en usage Carthage et Kinshasa, thse, Universit Catholique de Lyon,
Lyon, 2000; Id., La mission la rencontre des langues humaines, Kinshasa,2003.
34 J.NtedikaKonde, Le Christ-fondement et option fondamentale de
vie selon Saint Augustin, in Les titres christologiques dans la patristique, Kinshasa,
2001, p.53-72; M.W.Libambu, Maladie et gurison chez les Pres de lglise.
Note thologique sur la mtaphore Christ-mdecin, in Maladie et souffrance en
Afrique: lglise interpellee par la pandemie du SIDA.Actes de la XXIVeSemaine
theologique de Kinshasa, du21 au 26fevrier2005 Maladie et souffrance en Afrique,
Kinshasa,2007, p.85-104.

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sur les religions traditionnelles africaines.La question du Christ,

dans cette perspective, navait pas pos ni suscit de grands dbats
jusque vers les annes1980 au moment o la thologie de la
libration issue de lAmrique latine tait en vogue, car elle mettait dune certaine faon, en vedette le titre de Christ librateur.
Cestjustement dans ce contexte que lon organisa la douzime
Semaine thologique de Kinshasa, en juillet1977 sous le thme
vocateur: Libration en Jsus Christ.
Le colloque montrait suffisamment lintrt pour les Africains
sattacher au thme sur le plan culturel, politique et religieux.
Sur ce point, on mit laccent sur une christologie libratrice la
lumire dune exgse notestamentaire fouille et quilibre.
Les prcisions patristiques ont t compltes par le Professeur Ntedika sur un thme plus vaste: Le salut dans lglise
ancienne. Sur le plan dogmatique, on aconnu, contre toute
attente, la confrence du chanoine Vanneste sur le titre Christ
librateur, qui inaugure le dbut officiel des recherches sur les
titres christologiques en Afrique35.Lauteur, partant du constat
dactualit, examine le problme christologique tel quil se pose
autour des annes 70-80, en soulignant la rception de la christologie de Chalcdoine jusqu lpoque contemporaine.
Cest ainsi que lAssociation des Patrologues Africains (ASPA),
sous linstigation de MgrJoseph Ntedika, dirigea la publication dun volume en2001, sur les titres christologiques dans
la patristique. Tout se concentre sur une question de fond:
qui est le Christ pour les africains? Parmi les contributions de
fond, on note celle de MgrNtedika sur le Christ fondement.
Dans un autre registre, loccasion de la vingt-quatrime
Semaine thologique, nous avions continu les recherches en
mettant en lumire la mtaphore Christus medicus.Dans loptique fonctionnelle, on actualise les titres christologiques de
lglise antique comme Christ fondement, Christ mdecin,
Christ-restaurateur, Christ pdagogue, Christ-rcapitulation,
Christ-rassembleur, etc.

35 A.Vanneste, Le Christ librateur: approche dogmatique, in Liberation

en Jesus-Christ.Actes de la douzieme Semaine theologique de Kinshasa, du 25 au
30juillet1977, Kinshasa,1980, p.118-119.

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3.2.2.Ecclsiologie

Aprs le Synode qui se termina par lexhortation apostolique

Ecclesia in Africa, o le Pape Jean-Paul IIrappelle la contribution de lAfrique la thologie universelle lpoque patristique,
un autre colloque saisit loccasion pour souligner la contribution actuelle de lglise dAfrique en ecclsiologie. Il sagit de la
contribution du concept glise-famille de Dieu que les patrologues africains et africanistes ont associ au concept glise- fraternit36.
Prcisment, nous mettons en exergue la contribution de
valeur inestimable de Michel Dujarier, franais dorigine, qui
at professeur de Patrologie au sminaire de Ouidah, au Bnin.
Invit Kinshasa, il eut loccasion de prsenter la synthse de
ses recherches en concluant: Cest notre fraternit avec le
Christ qui fait de nous les frres et les surs, non pas linverse.
Cest cette fraternit en Christ qui fait lglise et qui la dfinit.
Cest donc cette fraternit christique quil faut mettre en relief
avant toute chose, car cest elle seule qui nous permet de surmonter le mur qutablit trop souvent le lien naturel de sang.
Si nous percevons clairement cette fraternit en Christ, alors
nous pourrons vivre vraiment37.Lauteur met en relief, partir
du grec (adelphotes) au latin (fraternitas), le symbole de dsignation de lglise au quatrime sicle pour exprimer le mystre
de la divinisation de lhomme.On part donc de la fraternit
humaine la fraternit spirituelle.De son ct, le patrologue et
historien des dogmes Joseph Ntedika montre la rcurrence de
cette expression dans les propositions de 8, 24, du Synode avant
la rdaction de lexhortation Ecclesia in Africa, en relation avec
lexpression glise domestique.Lauteur montre en aval les
sources de ces expressions chez les Pres de lglise, notamment
chez Jean Chrysostome et Augustin38.

36
J.NtedikaKonde, Lglise-famille chez les Pres de lglise, in glisefamille, eglise-fraternite: perspectives post-synodales.Actes de la XXeSemaine theologique
de Kinshasa, du 26novembre au 2decembre1995, Kinshasa,1997, p.223-237;
M.Dujarier, Lglise fraternit chez les Pres de lglise, in ibid., p.213-221.
37Dujarier, Lglise fraternit, p.221.
38Cfr. NtedikaKonde, Lglise-famille, p.223-237.

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3.2.3.La thologie des ministres

La question se fait jour lors de la Semaine thologique de Kinshasa,

en1979, qui atrait des ministres et services dans lglise.
Les changements intervenus dans le monde et dans lglise
remettent en question les formes traditionnelles du ministre
ecclsial. Les assises voulaient examiner, comme il est dj survenu dans lhistoire de lglise, ce qui est appel disparatre et
ce quil faut inventer.Il se posait concrtement la question des
ministres lacs expriments dans lArchidiocse de Kinshasa
sous linspiration du Cardinal Malula.Pour ce faire, tout en se
consacrant sur le ministre sacerdotal (piscopat39, presbytrat,
diaconat), le colloque concentrait son attention sur une question capitale: Comment concevoir le ministre piscopal dans
les glises dAfrique? Le colloque rservait galement une place
centrale la question de la vie consacre et du service dans
lglise.
Parmi les intervenants, un patrologue de renom, Joseph
Moingt, prit la parole pour revisiter la question des ministres
dans lglise antique.Tout en affirmant le principe hirarchique
des ministres, lauteur nexcluait pas le principe de dynamisme
ministriel qui pourrait conduire au nouveau ministre sous la
mouvance de lEsprit.Mais, il fallait une longue justification
thologique pour parvenir au statut reconnu des ministres lacs40.
En guise dapprofondissement des questions de ministres,
MgrJoseph Ntedika, publiait en1988, un article denvergure
sur la thologie des ministres dans les lettres de Saint Cyprien.
Il se limitait singulirement aux lettres IetIII. Lauteur soumettait un nouvel examen les textes de ce Pre africain afin que
les options qui doivent engager lavenir de lglise soient prises
en pleine connaissance de cause41.

39
Cfr. M.W. Libambu, La saintet de lvque.Cas de saint Augustin,
Revue africaine des sciences de la mission, 22-23(2007), p.55-77.
40 J.Moingt, Les ministres des communauts, in Ministeres et services dans
lEglise.Actes de la huitieme Semaine theologique de Kinshasa, 23-28juillet1973,
Kinshasa, 1979, p.63-66.
41 J.NtedikaKonde, La thologie des ministres dans les lettres Iet IIIde
la correspondance de saint Cyprien, Revue africaine de thologie, 23-24(1988),
p.79.

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Dans la ligne du prolongement des discussions qui ont suivi

notre expos, le professeur Mapwar tenta de rsoudre cette
question particulire relevant de la pastorale des malades dans
le contexte de lglise qui valorise les ministres lacs: Unlac
peut-il imposer les mains dans lglise catholique?. Aloccasion des Mlanges in Memoriam au Professeur Ren De Haes
en2007, Faustin Mapwar revoit la pratique de limposition des
mains dans lcriture et la tradition patristique42.La pertinence
de la question simpose au regard de la prolifration des sectes
qui conduit les patrologues approfondir la connaissance sur les
sectes dans le monde antique et particulirement la secte manichenne lpoque dAugustin43.
3.2.4.La thologie du pch, de la pnitence et de la rconciliation

La thologie de la pnitence et de la rconciliation abnfici au dpart des tudes fort fouilles du professeur Vanneste
sur le pch originel44 o il sinspire abondamment de la doctrine de saint Augustin.Replaant le trait augustinien le De
peccatorum meritis dans son contexte, lauteur finit par conclure:
Pour Augustin, ctait un peu le cas.Car il ne voyait aucun
inconvnient reprendre en les explicitant mme davantage certaines conceptions de son temps.Pour nous, au contraire, qui
sommes obligscomme nous le disions au dbutde repenser
la doctrine du pch originel de la faon la plus radicale, largumentation de lvque dHippone ne peut constituer quun point
de dpart. Mais un point de dpart tout fait sr et qui semble
pouvoir servir de base llaboration dune thologie du pch
originel dmythis et rpondant aux exigences de la critique
moderne45. Ainsi, la neuvime Semaine thologique de1974
J.F. Mapwar, Un lac peut-il imposer les mains aux malades?, in
La thologie au service de la socit. Inmemoriam Professeur Ren De Haes
ed.A.Kabasele, Kinshasa, 2007, p.385-400.
43 M.W. Libambu, Incidences trinitaires de la lutte antimanichenne
en Afrique romaine lpoque de saint Augustin, in Histoire du christianisme
en Afrique.vanglisation et rencontre des cultures. Mlanges offerts au professeur
Abb P.Mukuna Mutanda ed.F.J.Mapwar, A.Kabasele, M.W.Libambu,
Kinshasa, 2010, p.75-92.
44Cfr. A.Vanneste, La thologie du pch originel, Revue du clerg
africain, 5(1967), p.492-513.
45 Vanneste, La thologie du pch originel, p.502.
42

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M.W. LIBAMBU

sest rvle comme le lieu de synthse et dvaluation des tudes

africaines sur le pch, la pnitence et la rconciliation. Au cours
de ces assises, le Professeur Ntedika apporta sa contribution sur la
pratique pnitentielle dans lglise ancienne46.
3.3.Les questions de thologie pratique
Ces questions proviennent essentiellement du vcu de la foi dans
le contexte africain en tant que question spciale de lvanglisation en profondeur.Elle concerne la morale politique, sociale
et cologique.
3.3.1.La thologie socio-politique (Gaudium et spes)

Sous linspiration du Concile VaticanII, et spcialement de la

lecture de Gaudium et spes, nous avons dj voqu la contribution dA.Dondeyne qui soulignait en1964, lors de la Semaine
thologique et pastorale de Lopoldville, la prsence de lglise
dans le monde daujourdhui47.Le colloque avait ax ses discussions sur trois questions denvergure: Quattend le monde
de lglise? Quapporte lglise au monde? Comment peutelle lui faire comprendre son message original et transcendant?
Pour cerner de plus prs les questions dans le contexte africain,
la Semaine thologique de juillet1968, eut le bonheur de suivre
la confrence de Henri Maurrier sur linsertion de lglise dans
le monde africain48.
Le professeur Waswandi marqua sa prsence, lors de la Semaine
thologique de1979, par lintervention sur la politique des droits
des pauvres chez les Pres de lglise.Et lauteur de souligner:
Les Pres de lglise nous ont tmoign sous diffrentes formes
que le combat contre la misre est une uvre de solidarit qui
suppose une confiance totale mutuelle entre lglise, ltat et les

46
J.NtedikaKonde, La pratique de la pnitence dans lglise ancienne,
in Pch, pnitence et rconciliation: tradition chretienne et culture africaine. Actes de la
neuvime Semaine thologique, du22 au 27juillet1974, Kinshasa,1980, p.269280.
47 A.Dondeyne, Prsence de lglise au monde daujourdhui, Revue du
clerg africain, 3(1966), p.206-216.
48 H.Maurier, Insertion de lglise dans le monde africain et problmatique de la doctrine chrtienne, Revue du clerg africain, 1(1969), p.315-323.

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indigents pour que le bonheur soit la porte de tous.Loption

prfrentielle pour les pauvres est une victoire de la fraternit
universelle contre la situation de misre, qui accable lhomme
dans son corps et dans son me49.
Limpulsion donne par de telles tudes patristiques et surtout
dans le contexte de libert dexpression favorisa dautres tudes
en marge des Semaines thologiques.Il suffit de rappeler notre
confrence inaugurale en2005 lUniversit Saint Augustin sur
le thme capital: Saint Augustin et le contexte socio-politique
de son temps50.
De surcrot, la persistance de lactualit socio-politique obligea les organisateurs de la Semaine thologique tenue loccasion du jubil dor de la Facult de Thologie de Kinshasa sous
une forme plus large: La thologie et lavenir des socits.
On mit lhonneur la thologie africaine devant les dfis et les
enjeux des socits humaines.Ltude patristique propose ces
assises portait un titre hautement significatif: Cit de Dieu comme
avenir des socits.Le projet socio-thologique dAugustin51.
Ceci remet nos yeux la valeur de la cit de Dieu, non seulement comme cit des anges bons, mais aussi celle des hommes
de bonne volont.Cette cit cleste commence sur terre et saccomplit en Dieu, en qui se trouve lavenir de toutes les socits
humaines52. Or la vie en Dieu est source de paix, de justice et
de rconciliation dans la cit.Do la contribution des tudes
patristiques dans la recherche de la paix en Afrique dans une
situation des conflits ethniques et arms53.

49 K.N. Waswandi, La politique des droits du pauvre chez les Pres de

lglise, in glises et democratisation en Afrique.Actes de la dix-neuvieme Semaine
theologique de Kinshasa, du21au 27novembre1993, Kinshasa,1994, p.200.
50
M.W. Libambu, Saint Augustin et le contexte sociopolitique de son
temps.Combat pour lavnement de la Cit de Dieu, in Saint Augustin et la
situation du Congo Democratique.Actes des dixiemes Journees philosophiques du Philosophat Saint-Augustin, Kinshasa,2007, p.30-43.
51
Cfr. M.W.Libambu, Cit de Dieu comme avenir des socits.Le projet
socio-thologique dAugustin, in Latheologie et lavenir des societes. Colloque du
cinquantenaire de la Faculte de theologie de Kinshasa, avril2007 ed.L.Santedi,
Paris,2010, p.191-213.
52 Libambu, Cit deDieu, p.213.
53Cfr. M.W. Libambu, Rconciliation, justice et paix chez saint Augustin, in Lglise en Afrique au service de la rconciliation, Yaound, 2009, p.68-75.

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3.3.2.Souffrance, maladie et gurison

Le thme de la souffrance, maladie et gurison constitue une

question spciale de la thologie du salut.Des tudes furent
menes dans le domaine biblique, dogmatique et pastoral. Rappelons ici les publications de Ren De Haes54, Gilbert Shimba
qui situent le problme dans le contexte de la prolifration des
sectes. Dans le cadre du colloque international du Centre dtude
des religions africaines, le professeur Ntedika apporta une contribution sur la question des maladies mentales dans les sectes la
lumire de la pense dAugustin55.Mais lattention des patrologues fut rveille par les travaux de la vingt-quatrime Semaine
thologique tenue en2005 sous le titre gnral: Maladie et
souffrance en Afrique.Lglise et la pandmie du Sida. Face
lurgence et la gravit du sujet, la contribution patristique
ramena la question sur lexprience des Pres de lglise: Maladie et gurison chez les Pres de lglise56.
Acoup sr, une telle contribution fait prendre conscience de
la dimension pratique de la thologie patristique.Elle est galement unitaire et globale dautant plus que la thologie patristique
revt la dimension disciplinaire de la recherche pour promouvoir
la pastorale de la sant qui puisse prendre en compte les dfis
majeurs de lheure: la foi lpreuve de la maladie.
3.3.3.cologie comme actualisation de la thologie de la cration57

Dans cette perspective, la thologie comme science interprtative

rappelle aux cologistes la triple question des Pres concernant
la cration, celles de la cause, de lusage et de la finalit de la
cration la lumire du donn rvl.De par son statut pis R.DeHaes, Le ministre de gurison, Revue africaine de thologie,9(1985),
p. 31-41;Id., Sectes et gurison, Cahier de religions africaines,28-29(19931994), p.405-418.
55 J.NtedikaKonde, Les phnomnes parapsychologiques dans la spculation augustinienne face notre projet de socit, in Religions traditionnelles
africaines et projet de societe.Actes du cinquieme Colloque international du C.E.R.A.,
Kinshasa, du24 au 30novembre1996, Kinshasa,1997, p.341-364.
56 Libambu, Maladie et gurison, p.85-104.
57 M.W.Libambu, Cration du monde et bont de Dieu chez saint Augustin. Les tches du discours thologique sur lcologie, Revue africaine de thologie,
56(2004), p.187-207.
54

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tmologique, lco-thologie africaine actualise la doctrine des

Pres sur la cration face lvolution des sciences du cosmos,
sans oublier le lien avec lanthropo-thologie58.

4.Conclusion
Notre propos visait souligner la place et la contribution des
tudes patristiques dans llaboration de la thologie africaine.
Tout revient sur une question de fond: quelle est la contribution
des tudes africaines dans lvolution de la thologie en Afrique
aujourdhui? Les rflexions, occasionnes par la tenue du colloque loccasion des cinquante ans de lAssociation Internationale dtudes patristiques montrent que cette contribution at
dj faite en amont, si on en croit lhistoire de la thologie africaine au sein de la Facult de Thologie de lUniversit Catholique du Congo.Pour ce faire, notre propos sest divis en trois
points essentiels.
Au premier point, nous avons montr lexistence de la tradition patristique dans les objectifs de la formation des tudiants.
Alheure actuelle le cursus prvoit au moins trois cours dtudes
patristiques obligatoires pour tous les tudiants, deux cours obligatoires pour les tudiants de licence en dogmatique et un sminaire
dtude approfondie de Patrologie pour ceux qui se prparent au
doctorat.Cette insistance sur les sources prvient les tudiants du
danger de passer pieds joints de lcriture la thologie moderne.
Au deuxime point, il at question de prciser les axes
dtudes au sein de la Facult de Thologie de Kinshasa. Ilsagit
avant tout des tudes critiques des sources du palo-christianisme africain.Ici, les Pres dorigine africaine ont une place de
choix. On sintresse aussi bien au contenu de leur pense quau
contexte qui afait merger leur doctrine thologique. Ensuite,
suivant les besoins de lglise dAfrique, la doctrine des Pres est
voque pour lactualisation grce la thologie de la reprise.
Cest une thologie des thologies.Autrement dit, cest une
relecture des doctrines thologiques des Pres de lglise en vue
dune insertion dans laujourdhui des africains.
58Cfr. L.Ndolela, La justice dans le DeOfficiis de saint Ambroise. Un cas
de christianisation de la morale paenne, thse, Facult Catholique de Kinshasa,
Kinshasa, 1970.

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M.W. LIBAMBU

Cest pourquoi, au troisime point, nous avons tent de

mettre en lumire la contribution des tudes et recherches des
patrologues aussi bien de la facult que ceux venus dailleurs, dans
la gense et lvolution de la thologie dite africaine.Cette
multitude des thmes traverse la vie de lglise du Congo au
moment de la rception du Concile VaticanII, surtout dans
ses documents sur lglise, lactivit missionnaire, les religions
non-chrtiennes, la liturgie et la vie consacre.Cest dire que le
travail thologique labor la Facult de Thologie de Kinshasa
est le rsultat de la prise au srieux des recommandations du
Concile et surtout des documents des souverains pontifes sur la
prise en charge du patrimoine glorieux de lglise dAfrique.De
cette rception des documents du Magistre de lglise, les thologiens africains ont pu mettre en chantier une thologie de linculturation qui accorde une place de choix ltude des sources
patristiques.

Bibliographie
Littrature secondaire
B.Bujo, Introduction au dbat Tshibangu-Vanneste, in Thologie
africaine au xxiesicle.Quelques figures ed.B.Bujo, J.Ilunga Mayu,
I, Kinshasa, 2004, p.186-188.
E.Coreth, Grundfragen der Hermeneutik.Ein philosophischer Beitrag,
Freiburg, 1969.
J.Danielou, La thologie des religions-non chrtiennes, Revue du
clerg africain, 5(1968), p.501-503.
R.DeHaes, Sectes et gurison, Cahier de religions africaines, 28-29
(1993-1994), p.405-418.
R.DeHaes, Le ministre de gurison, Revue africaine de thologie,
9(1985), p.31-41.
A.Dondeyne, Prsence de lglise au monde daujourdhui, Revue
du clerg africain, 3(1966), p.206-216.
H.R. Drobner, Patrologia, Rome, 1992.
M.Dujarier, Lglise fraternit chez les Pres de lglise, in glisefamille, glise-fraternite: perspectives post-synodales.Actes de la XXeSemaine theologique de Kinshasa, du 26novembre au 2decembre1995,
Kinshasa,1997 p.213-221.

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A.Duval, La pr-mission et le dialogue avec les non-chrtiens,

Revue du clerg africain, 5(1969), p.485-506.
Y.Feenstra, Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus, Revue du clerg africain,
24(1969), p.180-190.
G.Hulstaert, La notion bantoue de Dieu, Revue du clerg africain,
1(1968), p.184-188.
JeanPaulII, Exhortation apostolique post-synodale Ecclesia in
Africa, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 88(1996), p.5-82.
M.W. Libambu, Cit de Dieu comme avenir des socits. Le projet
socio-thologique dAugustin, in La theologie et lavenir des societes.
Colloque du cinquantenaire de la Faculte de theologie de Kinshasa,
avril2007 ed.L.Santedi, Paris, 2010, p.191-213.
M.W. Libambu, Incidences trinitaires de la lutte antimanichenne
en Afrique romaine lpoque de saint Augustin, in Histoire du
christianisme en Afrique. vanglisation et rencontre des cultures. Mlanges
offerts au professeur Abb P.Mukuna Mutanda ed.F.J.Mapwar,
A.Kabasele, M.W.Libambu, Kinshasa, 2010, p.75-92.
M.W.Libambu, Rconciliation, justice et paix chez saint Augustin,
in Lglise en Afrique au service de la rconciliation, Yaound,2009,
p.68-75.
M.W. Libambu, Inculturation et problmes des sources chez les
Pres de lglise.Leons sur les lectures augustiniennes du Time
de Platon, Revue africaine de thologie, 62(2007), p.169-188.
M.W. Libambu, La saintet de lvque.Cas de saint Augustin,
Revue africaine des sciences de la mission, 22-23(2007), p.55-77.
M.W. Libambu, Maladie et gurison chez les Pres de lglise.
Note thologique sur la mtaphore Christ-mdecin, in Maladie
et souffrance en Afrique: lglise interpellee par la pandemie du SIDA.
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26fevrier2005 Maladie et souffrance en Afrique, Kinshasa,2007,
p.85-104.
M.W. Libambu, Saint Augustin et le contexte sociopolitique de
son temps. Combat pour lavnement de la Cit de Dieu, in
Saint Augustin et la situation du Congo Democratique.Actes des dixiemes Journees philosophiques du Philosophat Saint-Augustin, Kinshasa,
2007, p.30-43.
M.W. Libambu, Pour une actualisation du Symbole des Aptres
en Afrique, Revue africaine de thologie, 59-60(2006), p.31-46.
M.W. Libambu, Linfluence de lhermneutique dAugustin sur
Thomas dAquin. Notes dhistoire de lexgse patristique et
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M.W. Libambu, Cration du monde et bont de Dieu chez saint

Augustin. Les tches du discours thologique sur lcologie, Revue
africaine de thologie, 56(2004), p.187-207.
M.W.Libambu, Nkoma Nayambi bwa bapostolo.Bolimboli katekisimoomokili mwa Afrika, Revue africaine des sciences de la mission,
4(1996), p.29-40 (article en lingala).
C.Malengu, Le Dieu des bantous est-il un Dieu Pre?, Revue du
clerg africain, 3(1967), p.514-529.
J.F. Mapwar, Un lac peut-il imposer les mains aux malades?,
in La thologie au service de la socit. Inmemoriam Professeur Ren
De Haes ed.A.Kabasele, Kinshasa, 2007, p.385-400.
H.Maurier, Approche thologique des religions africaines, Revue
du clerg africain, 1(1969), p.4-5.
H.Maurier, Insertion de lglise dans le monde africain et problmatique de la doctrine chrtienne, Revue du clerg africain,
1(1969), p.315-323.
J.Moingt, Les ministres des communauts, in Ministeres et services
dans lEglise.Actes de la huitieme Semaine theologique de Kinshasa,
23-28juillet1973, Kinshasa, 1979, p.63-66.
L.Monsengwo, Le problme hermneutique de la traduction du
message.Leons de la Version de la Septante, in Foi chrtienne
et langage humain, Kinshasa, 1978, p.47-63.
V.Mulago, Religions traditionnelles et christianisme.Point de
vue dun catholique, in Lvanglisation dans lAfrique daujourdhui,
Kinshasa, 1980, p.77-83.
V.Mulago, La conception de Dieu dans la tradition Bantoue, Revue
du clerg africain, 3(1967), p.272-299.
B.Muzungu, Religions africaines et thologie africaine, in Thologie africaine.Bilan et perspectives, Kinshasa, 1989, p.71-93.
L.Ndolela, La justice dans le DeOfficiis de saint Ambroise. Un cas
de christianisation de la morale paenne, thse, Facult Catholique de Kinshasa, Kinshasa,1970.
J.NgalulaTshianda, La mission la rencontre des langues humaines,
Kinshasa,2003.
J.NgalulaTshianda, Lglise qui croit jusqu ce quelle possde
toutes les langues.Analyse des terminologies chrtiennes en usage
Carthage et Kinshasa, thse, Universit Catholique de Lyon,
Lyon,2000.
A.Ngindu, Unit et pluralit de la thologie, Revue du clerg africain,
6(1967), p.593-615.

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E.Ntakarutimana, Oen est la thologie africaine?, in Lathologie et lavenir des socits ed.L.Santedi, Paris, 2010, p.231-247.
J.NtedikaKonde, La Facult de thologie de Kinshasa et la
socit.Formation en profondeur et engagement total, in La thologie et lavenir des socits ed.L.Santedi, Paris, 2010, p.217-247.
J.NtedikaKonde, Le Christ-fondement et option fondamentale
de vie selon Saint Augustin, in Les titres christologiques dans la
patristique, Kinshasa,2001, p.53-72.
J.NtedikaKonde, Lglise-famille chez les Pres de lglise, in
glise-famille, eglise-fraternite: perspectives post-synodales.Actes de la
XXeSemaine theologique de Kinshasa, du 26novembre au 2decembre1995, Kinshasa,1997, p.223-237.
J.NtedikaKonde, Les phnomnes parapsychologiques dans la spculation augustinienne face notre projet de socit, in Religions
traditionnelles africaines et projet de societe.Actes du cinquieme Colloque
international du C.E.R.A., Kinshasa, du 24au 30novembre1996,
Kinshasa, 1997, p.341-364.
J.NtedikaKonde, La thologie des ministres dans les lettres I
et IIIde la correspondance de saint Cyprien, Revue africaine de
thologie, 23-24(1988), p.79-98.
J.NtedikaKonde, La pratique de la pnitence dans lglise
ancienne, in Pch, pnitence et rconciliation: tradition chretienne et
culture africaine.Actes de la neuvime Semaine thologique, du22 au
27juillet1974, Kinshasa, 1980, p.269-280.
J.NtedikaKonde, Valeur sotriologique des religions non-chrtiennes, in Levangelisation dans lAfrique daujourdhui. Actes de la
dixieme Semaine theologique de Kinshasa, du 21 au 26juillet1975,
Kinshasa,1980, p.20-26.
J.NtedikaKonde, Saint Augustin et linterprtation de la parole
de Dieu, in Foi chrtienne et langage humain, Kinshasa, 1978,
p.162-172.
J.NtedikaKonde, La thologie au service des glises dAfrique,
Revue africaine de thologie, 1(1977), p.5-30.
L.SantediKinkupu, Hors du monde, point de salut.Rflexions
sur le salut chrtien en Afrique lheure de la mondialisation,
in Repenser le salut chretien dans le contexte africain.Actes de la
XXIIIeSemaine theologique de Kinshasa, du 10 au 15mars2003,
Kinshasa, 2004, p.161-185.
Secretariatgeneralacademique, Programme dtudes.Anne acadmique 2012-2013, Universit Catholique du Congo, Kinshasa,
2013.

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M.W. LIBAMBU

Troisime Semaine thologique de Kinshasa (juillet1967), Revue

du clerg africain,3(1967), p.233.
T.Tshibangu, La thologie africaine.Manifeste et programme pour le
dveloppement des activits thologiques en Afrique, Kinshasa,1987.
T.Tshibangu, Lintelligence de la foi et voies non occidentales,
Revue du clerg africain, 5(1968), p.503-505.
A.Vanneste, Le Christ librateur: approche dogmatique, in Liberation en Jesus-Christ.Actes de la douzieme Semaine theologique de
Kinshasa, du 25 au 30juillet1977, Kinshasa,1980, p.118-119.
A.Vanneste, La thologie du pch originel, Revue du clerg africain,
5(1967), p.492-513.
K.N. Waswandi, La politique des droits du pauvre chez les Pres
de lglise, in glises et democratisation en Afrique.Actes de la dixneuvieme Semaine theologique de Kinshasa, du21 au 27novembre 1993,
Kinshasa,1994, p.200-202.

Abstracts
Notre propos vise souligner la place et la contribution des tudes
patristiques lcole thologique de Kinshasa (la Facult de Thologie de lUniversit Catholique du Congo), en Rpublique Dmocratique du Congo.Tout revient sur une question de fond: quelle est la
contribution des tudes patristiques dans lvolution de la thologie
en Afrique aujourdhui? Pour ce faire, notre propos se divise en trois
points essentiels. Au premier point, nous montrons lexistence de la
tradition patristique dans les objectifs de la formation des tudiants
forms Kinshasa. Au deuxime point, il est question de prciser
les axes dtudes au sein de la Facult de Thologie de Kinshasa.
Il sagit avant tout des tudes critiques des sources du palo-christianisme africain, en insistant particulirement sur les Pres dorigine
africaine. Ensuite, suivant les besoins de lglise dAfrique, la doctrine
des Pres est voque pour lactualisation grce lhermneutique
de la reprise, en vue dune insertion dans laujourdhui des africains.Cest pourquoi, au troisime point, nous tentons de mettre en
lumire la contribution des tudes et recherches des patrologues aussi
bien de la facult que ceux venus dailleurs, dans la gense et lvolution de la thologie dite africaine, notamment en thologie des
religions, thologie fondamentale, christologie, ecclsiologie, thologie des ministres, thologie sociale et politique, cologie.
Our purpose is to highlight the importance and contribution of
Patristics in the theological program in Kinshasa at the Faculty of

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Theology ofthe Universit Catholique du Congo, Democratic

Republic ofthe Congo.We address afundamental question: What is
the contribution ofpatristic studies to the development oftheology
in Africa today? To this end, our paper is divided into three main
points. First, we discuss the presence ofpatristic tradition in the
training ofstudents in Kinshasa.Next we explain the areas ofstudy
within the Faculty ofTheology.Above all, we take into consideration
critical studies concerning the origins ofAfrican paleochristianity,
emphasizing in particular Fathers originating in Africa.Then, in
accordance with the needs ofthe African Church, the teaching ofthe
Fathers is made relevant using ahermeneutic ofretrieval, with aview
to integrating it into the today ofAfricans. Finally, we call attention
to the contribution ofthe studies and research ofpatrologists, both
those belonging to the Faculty ofTheology and those elsewhere, to
the genesis and development ofAfrican theology, mainly in the
theology ofreligion, fundamental theology, christology, ecclesiology,
theology ofministries, social and political theology, ecology.

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ADOLF MARTIN RITTER

Heidelberg

THE ORIGINS OFAIEP

Dear Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen,

At the beginning ofmy report, dealing far more with the prehistory than with the history ofAIEP in its first stages, Ishould like
to call the beginning ofthe last Oxford Conference on Patristic
Studies (August2011) back to our mind. This is the first ofseven
points; Ishall mark the different parts with numbers so that you
can easily notice where we stand in each case.
1. Our colleague Guy Stroumsanow unfortunately obliged to
be in Oxford (instead ofJerusalem)was entrusted with the
inaugural lecture and spoke, from John Henry Newmans pulpit
in the University Church ofSt.Mary the Virgin, on Athens,
Jerusalem and Mecca: The Patristic crucible ofthe Abrahamic
religions.1 Thismasterly lecture, which Iunfortunately could
not attend, but have meanwhile read, with the kind permission
ofthe author, will, Iam sure, deservedly play arole in the discussions ofour conference, too, at least among the participants ofthe
Oxford meeting.
The lecturer started (in accordance with his temporary rle
as apulpit-orator) with an exemplum ofsorts, mentioning
three brilliant scholars, who offered singular contributions to
our understanding ofthe Church Fathers and, what is more,
who recognized the importance and the urgency ofour task,
1 G. Stroumsa, Athens, Jerusalem and Mecca: The Patristic crucible ofthe
Abrahamic religions, Studia Patristica, 62(2013), p.153-168.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107518

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A.M. RITTER

namely toreclaim the Church Fathers for the cultural memory

ofour times. Thefirst remarkable man mentioned, whom he
like many ofuswas privileged to meet in person, was Henry
Chadwick (who died, as you know, almost exactly five years
ago). Chadwick once told him of
how, during the sleepless, endless, dreadful nights ofthe
Blitzkrieg [of Nazi-Germany against the British Isles] he set to
translate Origens Contra Celsum. Inthose same dark times,
in occupied Lyon, the Jesuit Father Henri deLubac [18961991] was establishing the grounds ofthe series Sources Chrtiennes, while he was at work on Histoire et esprit: Lintelligence
de lcriture selon Origneat great personal cost: the Catholic
hierarchy ofthe times did not appreciate dabbling in heretic writers, even if they were intellectual giants and heroes
ofChristian faith. For the future Cardinal, as for the future
SirHenry, Origen represented, together with Augustine, the
zenith ofPatristic thought.During the same years, seemingly protected from the atrocities ofwar by the Atlantic
Ocean, but knowing that his family, his whole people, were
suffering martyrdom, literally, under Nazi madness, Harry
Austryn Wolfson [1887-1974born in Astryna (Yiddish
Ostrin) in present-day White Russia, but at that time] at
Harvard was also reading the Church Fathers and meditating upon them.His lonely study, at atime when very few
in the leading American universities expressed any interest
in Patristics, would eventually produce the monumental
Philosophy ofthe Church Fathers: Faith, Trinity, Incarnation,
abook published, like Chadwicks translation ofthe Contra
Celsum and deLubacs Histoire et esprit, in the1950s, at the
time ofthe first Patristic Conferences.Was there anything
more improbable than the decision ofthese three scholars,
in the darkness ofthe night, to seek solace in those early
Christian intellectuals who had asked, in so many ways, the
perennial question: unde malum? Beyond their theological
constructions, the Fathers real answer was encapsulated in
the wager offaith: justice on earth, and cosmic salvation,
would eventually dawn.Chadwick, deLubac, Wolfson: three
humanists for whom studying the Fathers provided alighthouse in the maelstrom.2

Stroumsa, Athens, Jerusalem and Mecca, p.153-154.

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THE ORIGINS OFAIEP

2. Those dark times unexpectedly emerge in our mind as soon as

we begin to occupy ourselves with the origins ofAIEP and try
to understand what happened and why.As its name implies,
the Association Internationale dtudes Patristiques started as
aFrench project, after consultations with colleagues in Europe
and the U.S.A.; French was for along time the sole lingua franca
(inGerman Verkehrssprache); the French capital was its (legal)
domicile; its staff werepredominantlyFrench.But, the main
place and chance to put out afeeler beyond the Gallic borders
was offered by Oxford, with the International Conferences on
Patristic Studies, founded by Frank Leslie Cross and starting
in1951. Soit is fitting or, at least, obvious for us, to direct our
eyes first to France and thereafter to the British Isles, especially
to Oxford.
To illustrate the situationand rank! ofPatristic Studies
in France, in the early1950s, Iquote (in selection) the vivid
and informative report ofayounger German scholar who,
after long years ofmilitary service and Russian captivity, still
stood at the beginning ofhis academic career.Nevertheless he
had the good fortune to be invited to participate in abrilliantly composedinternational congress in Paris, on the occasion ofthe 1600thanniversary ofAugustines birth. Thename
ofmy source is Carl Andresen(1909-1985),3 my former chief
in Gttingen and later afatherly friend ofmine. Thespirit in
which the famous Congrs International Augustinien in Paris
(September1954) commemorated the event just mentioned is
already reflected in the title given to the three substantial volumes in which the proceedings ofthis congress were published:
Augustinus Magister; most ofyou will know them. Inthe same
way, Iquote Andresen,
the outward appearance ofthe congress city on the Seine, in
which commemorative tablets for the fallen ofthe French
rsistance were to be seen at every crossroads, must be
considered in any description ofthe intellectual situation.
For the participants ofthe congress, coming from all ends
ofthe world, such memoriaux signified adreadful world,
3 Cfr. C.Andresen, Introduction in Zum Augustingesprch der Gegenwart
ed.C.Andresen, 2vols., Darmstadt,1981, II, p.5-8(shortened).

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A.M. RITTER

not unfamiliar for most ofthem.They all had, in some way

or other, survived, and were saved once more. This feeling created awillingness to overcome the confessional, [national,]
and ideological trenches [and] to build bridges ofan unexpected range. Not acrisis atmosphere was dominating the
Parisian Augustine congress, but the spirit ofawakening...4

Adecisive figure on the Comit dorganisation of1954, as well

as in the discussions ofthe Parisian congress, was Henri-Irne
Marrou(1904-1977).
Anticipating that the treatment ofAugustines doctrine
De civitate Dei, in the perspective ofatheology ofhistory,
would become asubject central to the congress discussions,
he succeeded in being entrusted with the rapport on the
various contributions relevant to the subject.5

For this famous professor ofthe Sorbonne and impressive exponent ofthe just mentioned atmosphere, moreover adecidedly
homo politicus,
the drama, as aconstituent part ofthe economy ofsalvation, which Augustine had described in his De civitate Dei
on atruly universal background, was aroad marking through
the past, he likewise had to come to terms with, as well
as aguide into the future.Augustine, the Church father,
became for him, after the catastrophe ofthe Second World
War, the figure-head ofaCatholic humanism ofErasmian
character [as the sole promising way out ofthe] crisis ofour
time.6
4
The author exemplified this by reporting on theastonishingly discreet
critique ofW. Kamlahs highly problematic interpretation ofDe civitate
(in his monograph Christentum und Selbstbehauptung.Historische und philosophische
Untersuchungen zur Entstehung des Christentums und zu Augustins Brgerschaft
Gottes, Frankfurt amMain,1940) by H.-I.Marrou(Augustinus Magister, 3vols.,
Paris,1955, III, p.194), as well as by the young J. Ratzinger (in his contribution
on Herkunft und Sinn der Civitas-Lehre Augustins, Augustinus Magister, II,
p.965-979).
5 See H.-I.Marrou, La thologie de lhistoire, Augustinus Magister, III,
p.193-204.Marrous personal contribution on Un lieu ditCit de Dieu
(Augustinus Magister, I, p.101-110) deals, in contrast, with abagatelle or
curiosity.
6Cfr. Augustinus Magister, III, p.202.Marrous autobiography and his
literary bequest testify to this.His posthumously published monograph, Crise de

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THE ORIGINS OFAIEP

3. The influence ofMarrou and his numerous pupils (among them,

for example, Marguerite Harlfortunately still livingand
Andr Mandouze(1916-2006)) on France and French Patristics after the war was no less impressive than that ofthree
pioneers ofthe Nouvelle Thologie, a new, non-scholastic
theology, which anticipated certain central intentions ofthe
Second Vatican Council ofthe Roman Catholic Church, but
at the outset ran into stiff opposition.These three pioneers were
Henri deLubac, Jean Danilou(1905-1974), both Jesuits, and
the Dominican (orBlack Friar) Yves Congar(1904-1991);
all three outstanding Patristicians, especially the first two; all
three closely connected with the above mentioned, celebrated
series Sources Chrtiennes (founded1942 in Lyons, in unoccupied France); all three towards the end oftheir lives Cardinals
ofthe Roman Catholic church.
But it is high time to leave France and go to another country with an almost uninterrupted, brilliant tradition in Patristics: Great Britain.For F.L.Cross(1900-1968), already mentioned, Patristics was not his first (academic) love.7 But since
his appointment as Lady Margaret Professor and Canon at
Christ Church in Oxford(1944 at the latest), his interest in this
discipline developed continuously, alongside the beginnings
of The Oxford Dictionary ofthe Christian Church (together with
his close collaborator, Elizabeth A.Livingstone), first published
in1957, with which for many, especially younger English-speaking people with some theological interests, his name became
almost synonymous.
Itis neither possible nor necessary, Ithink, to explain in detail
what motivated him to engage more intensively in the study
ofthe Church fathers. Thesimple answer seems to be: his own
tradition as an Anglican, his general desire for peace and cooperation among scholars and Christians (noticeable fairly early) and,
ntre temps et reflexion chretienne, Paris, 1978, had entirely autobiographical features. For Marrous bibliography, see the collections Patristique et Humanisme.
Melanges, Paris,1976, and Christiana tempora.Melanges dhistoire, darchologie,
dpigraphie et de patristique, Paris, Rome,1978.
7Cfr. the contribution ofE.A.Livingstone, Frank Leslie Cross19001968 in The Oxford Dictionary ofthe Christian Churched.E.A.Livingstone,
Oxford,19973, p.xxxiv-xxxvii.

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A.M. RITTER

last, but not least, the vitality ofPatristic Studies, especially in

his own country, among Anglicans as well as Roman Catholics,
Orthodox (refugees or converts) and others.Henry Chadwick
was only one, though an exceptionally brilliant and promising,
representative ofthis flowering time.
Afirm and, Ibelieve, reliable tradition states that one
ofF.L.Crosss main motives for organizing international conferences soon after the end ofthe last world war, was, at least
initially, to re-establish relations with Christians in Germany.
This is all the more credible because he had studied at Marburg
and Freiburg (in the Black Forest), mainly working on material
for his doctoral dissertation on Edmund Husserl, before he took
his Ph.D atOxford in1930; and, almost immediately after the
end ofthe war, he took part in aBritish delegation to Germany
which had the same goal ofrestoring broken contacts.
Before Itouch upon the situation ofpatristic studies in Germany, two decades after the death ofAdolf vonHarnack(1930),
Ishould add afew words about the beginnings ofthe Oxford
Conferences on Patristic Studies, so important as presupposition
and context ofthe origins ofAIEP.Elizabeth A.Livingstone
remembers that: when Patrick McLaughlin, an Anglican priest
and later Roman catholic lay brother, suggested to [Cross] that
agathering ofscholars interested in the study ofthe Fathers ofthe
Church would further relations between Christians ofdifferent
denominations, he readily agreed to convene such ameeting.
In the days ofthe first conference in1951, the academic nature
ofthe assembly had to be stressed, and even then all members
ofone ofthe principal Roman Catholic orders were forbidden at
the last moment to attend, on the ground that the gathering was
crypto-ecumenical. This was asevere blow. But about200
people came, from every continent. Thevalue ofthe conference
for the exchange ofviews was so obvious that asmall delegation
asked Cross to arrange another, and since he had, at alate stage,
suddenly begun to call the1951 meeting, The First International
Conference on Patristic Studies, it was not difficult to see that
aseries was envisaged. TheSecond took place in1955, and from
then until long after his death, the Proceedings were published
by the Berlin Academy in Texte und Untersuchungen (specially
titled, as you all know, Studia Patristica). TheConferences, at
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THE ORIGINS OFAIEP

four-yearly intervals, grew, until that of1967, opened by Cardinal Pellegrino, was more than double the size ofthe first, and
everyone took part without any denominational distinction.8
4. Guy Stroumsa spoke in Oxford, in2011, ofthe German Adolf
vonHarnack, as the greatest ofall Patristic scholars in modern times. Ithink it is more appropriate to say with F.L.Cross
that in the range ofhis achievements Harnack was prob(ably)
the most outstanding patristic scholar ofhis generation.9
On the one hand it was undoubtedly mainly his achievement
whenin connection with ageneral historicisation oftheology, in no way confined to theological liberalismChristian
antiquity became important for Protestant theologians (not only
in Germany) as never before. It also met the interest ofawider
public, even outside the churches, first ofall on grounds that
it was asignificant scholarly project, to prepare and publish
genuinely critical texts ofall relevant Christian writers, orthodox as well as heretical, disputed and non-disputed likewise
(in the series Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller der
ersten drei Jahrhunderte [GCS]), and that it was within the
scope ofathoroughly modern, large-scale research enterprise
(theKaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft, founded to alarge extent on
the suggestion ofHarnack, so that he deservedly became its first
president until his death). On the other hand, there can be no
doubt that his mastery ofPatristics, which nobody will call in
See Livingstone, p.xxxvi.
Harnack, Adolf(1851-1930), in The Oxford Dictionary ofthe Christian
Church, p.736f. E.A.Livingstone assures us that the Dictionary was very
largely his own work(p.xxxvi), and she must know it! For awell-balanced
picture ofHarnacks position within the Patristics(a term he never used)
ofhis generation, see now H.-C. Brennecke, Patristik oder altchristliche
Literaturwissenschaft? Eine historische Leitwissenschaft der protestantischen
Theologie in Deutschland am Beginn des20. Jahrhunderts, Zeitschrift fr Antikes
Christentum, 15.1(2011), p.7-46, together with the contributions ofV.H.
Drecoll, Die katholische Patrologie an deutschen Universitten im Jahr1911,
and P. Gemeinhardt, Die Patristik inDeutschland um1911 in ihrem Verhltnis
zur Religionsgeschichte, ibid., p.47-74; 75-98. Cfr. also my paper on Adolf
vonHarnack und die Frage nach dem Wesentlichen des Christentums in
altkirchlicher Perspektive, in Das ist christlich.Nachdenken ber das Wesen des
Christentums ed.W. Hrle, Gtersloh,2000, p.37-48. See also D. Buda,
Some Aspects ofAdolf vonHarnacks criticism on Orthodox tradition, Harvard
Theological Studies, 69.1(forthcoming).
8

201

A.M. RITTER

question, had an entirely archaeological or, better, archivistic

attitude towards its object. That means: from the time he wrote
aprize-essay on Marcion, of476 handwritten pages, as aseventeen year old student,10 Harnack was concerned with developments he widely interpreted merely as depravations, as defection or decline; in any case they were theologically meaningless
for him.
At precisely this point aremarkable change happened, just
afew years after Harnacks death,11 given added force after the
war. So it was that anew generation ofProtestant patristicians
from Germany and neighbouring countries, with new ideas,
participated in the second Oxford Patristic conference in1955,
and immediately afterwards decided to found aPatristic working
(or study) group (Patristische Arbeitsgemeinschaft) with the
main goal ofstudying the relation ofHoly Scripture and tradition and other problems ofafundamental relevance, especially
in connection with Patristics, and to clarify them in the light
ofexpert lectures on concrete examples and ofcomprehensive
discussions.12 One ofits promoters was Lukas Vischer(19262008), apupil ofOscar Cullmann and later aleading ecumenist,
at that time areformed pastor in Herblingen near Schaffhausen/
Switzerland; another Heinrich (Heinz) Kraft(1918-1998),
apupil ofHans vonCampenhausen, then lecturer in Church
History in Heidelberg, where the first meeting took place(1957).
Theresult ofthis new orientation is, in my eyes, that it contributed to the gradual removal ofspecifically Protestant shortcomings, and facilitated the ecumenical dialogue in Germany and
beyond.

10
S.A. Harnack, Marcion.Der moderne Glubige des 2.Jahrhunderts, der erste
Reformator.Die Dorpater Preisschrift(1870)(Texte und Untersuchungen 149)
ed.F. Steck, Berlin, NewYork,2003.
11Cfr. my paper on Situationsgerechtes kirchliches Handeln in der
Sptantike und heute am Beispiel des Johannes Chrysostomos, in A. Martin
Ritter, Studia Chrysostomica.Aufstze zu Weg, Werk und Wirkung des Johannes
Chrysostomus (ca.349-407)(STAC, 71), Tbingen,2012, p.183-221, in partic.
p.183-185.
12 So often repeated in materials at my disposal, documenting the origins
ofthis study group.

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THE ORIGINS OFAIEP

5.

The revival ofpatristic studies in Italy deserves to be mentioned,13

but time constraints unfortunately do not allow for this. Ishould
recall such illustrious names as that ofthe Salesian Paolo Ubaldi
(1872-1934); his pupil Michele Pellegrino(1903-1986), the first
professor in ordinary for Ancient Christian literature at an Italian state university and later Archbishop ofTorino and Cardinal, as we already heard; the classical philologist Giorgio Pasquali
(1885-1952); the philologist and historian Manlio Simonetti
(born1926), member ofthe Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei
(since1977) and holder ofthe Ratzinger-prize2011 in patristics, donated by the Foundation BenedictXVI. Ihope very
much that the following speakers, especially my Italian colleague
and friend Angelo di Berardino from the Instituto Patristico
Augustinianum, founded in1969 and officially inaugurated one
year later, will compensate for this deplorable deficiency.
But Ihave no choice. Imust now come to an end and
describeat least in extremely broad outline:

6. the origins ofAIEP14After aseries ofthree or four Oxford

conferences it necessarily became clear for many, in and outside France, what these conferences could achieve and what they
could not. What they were unable to guarantee was: comprehensive information on new projects, new challenges, new instruments ofresearch (instrumenta studiorum), over the space offour
years. InFrance agroup ofhighly qualified people were pre13 See L.Perrones very impressive overview on Die italienische Patristik
zwischen Altertumswissenschaft und Theologie in Zwischen Altertumswissenschaft
und Theologie.Zur Relevanz der Patristik in Geschichte und Gegenwart ed.Christof
Markschies, Jan vanOort, Leuven,2002, p.91-121.
14 After having finished my paper Idetected via the Internet, in search of
further biographical details referring to Marie-Louise Guillaumin, aTemoignage de Mademoiselle Marie-Louise Guillaumin sur les dbuts de lAIEP(19631983) et son rle lors de la fondation, recueilli sous forme dinterview par Benoit
Gain(vice-prsident) et Rgis Courtray(trsorier et correspondant pour la
France), le samedi 17mai2008 son domicile parisien(see http://www.aiepiaps.org/sites/all/files/pdf/Interview_avec_Mlle_Guillaumin.pdf). Iwas very
happy about this finding and used it for correcting and making some details
more precise, but persisted in my own conception. Thefirst part ofthe interview with M.-L.Guillaumin, titled Le demarrage, was the most useful for
me; it is based not only on the memory ofMademoiselle G., temporarily
the secretary ofMarrou, but on the material documenting the stretch ofroad
till the official founding ofthe association(1967).

203

A.M. RITTER

pared to undertake this heavy task. Inclose contact with M.Pellegrino, who immediately after the fourth Oxford conference
of1963 took the initiative, H.-I.Marrou undertook the work
oforganizer, and Jacques Fontaine (b.1922) became his most
important and very effective collaborator.Fontaine is awell
known Latinist and historian ofthe literatures ofLateAntiquity and High Middle Ages, later an ordinary member ofthe
Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres and responsible for
the quipe latine at the Centre de Recherches Lenain de Tillemont for almost20 years. From1965 aprovisional bureau
existed in Paris, appointed by an informal meeting or colloquium
(June1965) ofinvited experts from Paris as well as from outside (among them prominent foreigners). Theoffice was composed, besides Marrou and Fontaine, ofPieter G.van der Nat
(Leiden) as treasurer, and Kurt Aland (Mnster) and H.Chadwick (Oxford) as vice-presidents. They drew up statutes and prepared all the necessary arrangements to bring our association into
being and to apply for its legal registration(1967). After endless
correspondence and an announcement during the Oxford conference of1967, the first issue ofthe Bulletin dinformation et
de liaison appeared in1968, under the aegis ofand as asupplement to Vigiliae Christianae. This issue was distributed using
the available addresses ofthe participants ofthe Oxford conferencesan Annuaire, with alist ofmembers, their addresses and
an indication oftheir main interests and competencies naturally
did not yet exist; it did not appear until1980.
This provision ofaddresses was not the only help that the
founders ofAIEP received from the organizers ofthe Oxford
conferences.For example, the first issue ofthe Bulletin
included, with the permission ofDr.Cross, the communications regarding the Instrumenta studiorum from the conference
in1967. Oxford remained, on the whole, indispensable for
AIEP, because it offered the sole forum for bringing together the
large number ofmembers who were participating in the conference, in order to convene general assemblies; to discuss fundamental problems (such as the nature ofthe bulletins); to fix the
membership fee; to convene the so-called councils (Conseils),
consisting ofarestricted number ofelected delegates from the
various countries, in order to elect anew Executive; and last,
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THE ORIGINS OFAIEP

but not least, to make decisions concerning the applications for

membership (according toinitiallyfairly severe criteria).
Afirst general assembly atOxford in1971 elected as members
ofthe executive: H.Chadwick (Oxford) as president, K.Aland
(Mnster) and Alberto Pincherle (Rome) as vice-presidents, Andr
Benoit (Strasbourg) as secretary andalready mentioned Pieter
G.van der Nat as treasurer. Thenext assembly, which met at
Oxford in1975, elected the New Testament scholar and Patristician Willem Cornelis vanUnnik (Utrecht) as president, K.Aland
once more, this time together with Franco Bolgiani (Torino), the
pupil and successor ofM.Pellegrino, as vice-president; van der
Nat exchanged his former function (astreasurer) for that ofthe
secretary, by far the most demanding, and the researcher at the
CNRS in Paris, Marie-Louise Guilllaumin, took over his former
post.Unfortunately the secretary died, after alonger illness, in
May1977, and in the following March the president, van Unnik,
also died. F.Bolgiani and the Augustinian father Luc Verheijen
(as interim president and secretary) took over the unpleasant task
ofordering and deciding what didnt tolerate any further delay,
together with the energetic assistance ofMademoiselle Guillaumin. Ageneral assembly under H.Chadwicks chairmanship
during the Oxford conference of1979 received and discussed the
report ofactivities, made by the interim executive, and released
its members. Thecouncil elected anew Executive: F.Bolgiani as
president; Dom Eligius Dekkers(1915-1999), the founder ofthe
series Corpus Christianorum (1949), based in his Benedictine abbey
ofSt.Peter in Steenbrugge on the outskirts ofBruges/Belgium,
and my humbleness as vice-presidents; the Jesuit father Claude
Mondsert(1906-1990), co-founder ofthe Sources Chrtiennes, as
secretary; and M.-L.Guillaumin as treasurer.
At this point Ican stop and transmit the baton to Angelo di
Berardino, confining myself to two additional remarks:
7. What might the relevance ofsuch aretrospect be? My answer
is, taking up once more aquotation from G.Stroumsas Oxford
lecture(2011), that we come from many different cultural, intellectual, linguistic and religious backgrounds15which is also
Stroumsa, Athens, Jerusalem and Meeca, p.153.

15

205

A.M. RITTER

true for this Jerusalem conference and marks its main difference
from the origins ofAIEP. This difference should be considered
however not as apity, but as an unexpected chance and challenge or, better, as adivine grace: to participate in aconference
on Patristic studies as guests ofthe Hebrew University (unfortunately, it is true, not (yet) including Muslim scholars)!
My second remark is that progress concerning ecumenical
relations (between Christians and Christian churches), and also
with regard to interreligious dialogue (between the three Abrahamic and other religions), depends upon abetter knowledge
ofeach other and an increasing ability and willingness to rejoice
with the other at his achievements and to mourn with him
for his losses.

Bibliography
C.Andresen, Introduction in Zum Augustingesprch der Gegenwart
ed.C.Andresen, 2vols., Darmstadt,1981, II, p.1-39.
Augustinus Magister.Congrs International Augustinien, Paris, 21-24
Sept.1954, 3vols.
H.-C. Brennecke, Patristik oder altchristliche Literaturwissenschaft? Eine historische Leitwissenschaft der protestantischen
Theologie in Deutschland am Beginn des20.Jahrhunderts,
Zeitschrift fr Antikes Christentum, 15.1(2011), p.7-46.
D.Buda, Some Aspects ofAdolf vonHarnacks criticism on Orthodox tradition, Harvard Theological Studies, 69.1 (forthcoming).
V.H. Drecoll, Die katholische Patrologie an deutschen Universitten im Jahr1911, Zeitschrift fr Antikes Christentum, 15.1(2011),
p.47-74.
P. Gemeinhardt, Die Patristik in Deutschland um1911 in ihrem
Verhltnis zur Religionsgeschichte, Zeitschrift fr Antikes Christentum, 15(2011), p.75-98.
A.Harnack, Marcion.Der moderne Glubige des 2.Jahrhunderts, der erste
Reformator. Die Dorpater Preisschrift (1870) ed.F. Steck, Berlin,
NewYork,2003.
W. Kamlah, Christentum und Selbstbehauptung.Historische und philosophische Untersuchungen zur Entstehung des Christentums und zu
Augustins Brgerschaft Gottes, Frankfurt amMain,1940.
E.A. Livingstone, Frank Leslie Cross1900-1968, in The Oxford
Dictionary ofthe Christian Church, Oxford, 19973, p.xxxiv-xxxvii.

206

THE ORIGINS OFAIEP

H.-I.Marrou, Crise de ntre temps et reflexion chretienne, Paris,1978.

H.-I.Marrou, Patristique et Humanisme.Melanges, Paris,1976.
H.-I. Marrou, Christiana tempora.Melanges dhistoire, darchologie,
dpigraphie et de patristique, Paris, Rome,1978.
L.Perrone, Die italienische Patristik zwischen Altertumswisenschaft
und Theolgie in Zwischen Altertumswissenschaft und Theologie. Zur
Relevanz der Patristik in Geschichte und Gegenwart ed.Christoph
Markschies, Jan van Oort, Leuven, 2002, p.91-121.
J. Ratzinger, Herkunft und Sinn der Civitas-Lehre Augustins,
Augustinus Magister, 3vols., Paris, 1954, II, p.965-979.
A.M. Ritter, Adolf vonHarnack und die Frage nach dem
Wesentlichen des Christentums in altkirchlicher Perspektive, in
Das ist christlich.Nachdenken ber das Wesen des Christentums
ed.W. Hrle et al., Gtersloh,2000, p.37-48.
A.M. Ritter, Situationsgerechtes kirchliches Handeln in der Sptantike und heute am Beispiel des Johannes Chrysostomos, in A.M.
Ritter, StudiaChrysostomica.Aufstze zu Weg, Werk und Wirkung
des Johannes Chrysostomus (ca.349-407), Tbingen,2012, p.183221.
G.Stroumsa Athens, Jerusalem and Mecca: The Patristic crucible
ofthe Abrahamic religions, Studia Patristica, 62(2013), p.153168.

Abstract
The intention of this report is to integrate the origins of AIEP/IAPS
(until the International Conference on Patristic Studies in Oxford
1979) into their political as well as ecclesiastical and thdeological contexts, by illustrating the situation and rank of Patristic Studies in
different countries, and to outline portraits of the leading figures as
vivid as possible.

207

ANGELO DI BERARDINO
Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum

THE DEVELOPMENT
OFTHE AIEP/IAPS

Ishall start with some personal memories. In1981 Ihad awelcome visit from Claude Mondsert, editor ofSources Chrtiennes, when he was in Rome. Ihad met him in Lyon in1979,
whenwith his encouragement and advicewe organized the
Dizionario diPatristica eantichit cristiane at at the offices ofSources
Chrtiennes.1 Father Mondsert was in the process ofcreating
anetwork ofnational contributors for the Bulletin deinformation
et de liaison.
The great names in patristic research in Europe, especially
French, are those responsible for the founding ofthe AIEP/
IAPS. Ihad the good fortune to know almost all ofthem personally. TheAIEP was founded in in Paris, in1965: it was above
all the work ofFrench scholars, those who were best qualified
at that time; but the official establishment occurred in Oxford
in1967. Jacques Fontaine published the first Bulletin in1968.
This first edition was very important, both for the richness ofits
content and because it contained an outline ofthe sections into
which the bibliographical information would be subdivided.
This model was then continually expanded in the subsequent
editions. Thesame Bulletin, to the credit ofLorenzo Perrone,
and more recently ofMarco Rizzi, has now become agreat
wealth ofinformation and bibliography. Ibelieve Ican say that
every volume contains more information than each and every
volume ofthe renowned Bibliographia Patristica, the last edition
1 Encyclopedia ofthe Early Church ed.A.DiBerardino, tr.from Italian
A.Walford, foreword W.H.C.Frend, 2vols., Cambridge,1992.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107519

209

A. DI BERARDINO

ofwhich lists bibliography from the years1988-1990 (numbers

34-35) and was published in1997. After that volume, it was no
longer published.Our Bulletin not only appears annually, but the
bibliography is also meticulously updated.
The first issue was very useful because it offered apanorama ofthe study activities and the patristic research ofthose
years. Inthe Patristic Conferences ofOxford there was asession, stretching over several days, dedicated to the instrumenta
studiorum, asection that is no longer extant.Almost all ofthe
speeches from the Conference of1967 were included in the
Bulletin. Fontaine added the following comment: This update
ofevery four years regarding the important worldwide accomplishments merits being widely spread; now it is something that
has been done. For the issue we should wish for the second issue
different features, in particular the reports ofthe most recent
conferences or those that are to be held soon, ofmeetings and
talks. Thebibliography that was printed, was neither very long
nor very precise; it was rather approximate in its presentation.
Thesecretary had not intended to produce acomplete patristic
bibliography but instead to point out more recent publications
and those in preparation.
The first issue furthermore added alist in alphabetic order by
nationality, ofthe centers ofresearch and study: Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, and Italy. Thecountries with the greatest wealth ofactivity were Germany, France,
and Belgium. Thefirst secretary, Jacques Fontaine, knew how
to involve other people and he was intensely active in preparing
asecond issue, in1970. This issue was enhanced by the addition
ofnew sections: conventions, information about activities, and
useful notices ofevery sort. It aimed to create atruly international collaboration, which until that time had been quite small
in scope and limited to just afew scholars. Theintention was
to exchange knowledge and create anetwork ofinformation
in order to better coordinate works.2 The1970 bibliography
was increased in comparison to the first edition. And even the
other sections were expanded, with notices about talks and about
conferences, news regarding activities and publications; various
Bulletin, 2(1970), p.1.

210

THE DEVELOPMENT OFTHE AIEP/IAPS

communications and information from other centers ofresearch.

But there was still no mention ofthe countries ofEastern Europe
and ofthe enterprises under way there.
Shortly before the Patristic Conference atOxford in1971,
Bulletin n.3 was publishededited, as ever, by Jacques Fontaine. Theimprovements were noticeable. Theidea was reiterated that there was adesire to give notice ofstudies that were
in the course ofbeing completed, or even in preparation; ofthe
theses being elaborated, regarding which names were given both
ofthe candidates and ofthe directors and readers ofthe work.
Other centers ofresearch and instruction were also highlighted
(Israel and Poland).
On the 9thofSeptember1971, on the occasion ofthe Sixth
International Conference on Patristic Studies at Oxford University, anew Executive Committee was elected: Henry Chadwick,
president; Kurt Aland and Alberto Pincherle, vice-presidents;
Andr Benot, secretary; P.G.vanderNat, treasurer. This committee took the place ofthe preceding one, which had been provisional(1965-1971): H.-I.Marrou, president, with K.Aland
and H.Chadwick, vice-presidents; J.Fontaine, secretary; and
P.vanderNat treasurer. At that time there were various difficulties in deciding on dues to be paid by the members, who had to
deposit the money in aDutch bankin their own currency; for
aquite small sum it was necessary to go through acomplicated
banking process.After one year, in1973, the third issue ofthe
Bulletin was published, edited by Andr Benot. Thepage setting
was completely new, with abstracts, composed by the authors
themselves, ofnearly all the communications given at Oxford.
There were some notices ofthe instrumenta studiorum, but little
bibliographical information.
In those early years only scholars were members ofthe AIEP;
young students and researchers were not admitted. And rigorous
criteria for selection were applied.To be accepted one needed
the recommendation ofat least two members. Thefear wasas
M.-L.Guillaumin well recalled ofan invasion ofSpaniards
and Italians, ill-prepared and oflow caliber. Thefear was illfounded, because in Spain there were very few scholars interested in Christian Antiquity. Inthe Spanish public universities
there was no teaching on matters relating to Christian Antiq211

A. DI BERARDINO

uity and professors only ofRoman history, some ofwhom also

took an interest in ChristianityJ.M.Blsquez, for example.
Inthe few ecclesiastical faculties there were, no one taught
patrology. Infact, in the Annuaire of1980, the first Annuaire
ofthe series, there was still not asingle person from Spain.
InItaly, the study ofearly Christian history in the public universities was spreading; but by1980 the number ofItalian members
was still only 18, ofwhom some were not Italian but only resident in Italy.
After the year1973 the Association confronted adeep crisis
that threatened it with the danger ofdisappearing altogether.
As amatter offact, for six years, from1974 until1980 the
Bulletin was not published. In1975, the Seventh International
Conference on Patristic Studies was held at Oxford, the first
in which Iparticipated.Anew Executive Committee was
elected: W.C.VanUnnik, president; K.Aland and F.Bolgiani,
vice-presidents, P.G.vanderNat, secretary; and M.-L.Guillaumin, treasurer. TheBulletin, which was then the principal
work ofthe committee, could not be prepared due to aseries
ofmisfortunes: in May of1977 at The Hague (DenHaag),
P.G.vanderNat, the secretary, fell ill and died; and in March
of1978 the president, VanUnnik, died.
Fanco Bolgiani (Turin) and Luc Verheijen (Paris), very dear
friends ofmine, filled in and thus ensured that the Association
would live on. We must thank M.-L.Guillaumin who, with
the help ofLucVerheijen, was able to recover the archives and
the money from Holland and transfer them to France. In addition, Verheijen and Guillaumin contacted the members ofthe
Association to prepare them for the general assembly atOxford
on the occasion ofthe Eighth International Conference on Patristic
Studies in1979. This assembly was important for the re-establishment ofthe AIEP: approval ofthe revised Statutes, renewal
ofthe General Council ofthe AIEP, and approval ofthe tallies
and the election ofanew Executive Committee: Franco Bolgiani, president; Eligius Dekkers and Adolf Martin Ritter, vicepresidents; Claude Mondsert, secretary; and M.-L.Guillamin,
treasurer.
Anew life began for the Association.Claude Mondsert,
aided by personnel from Sources Chrtiennes, prepared the
212

THE DEVELOPMENT OFTHE AIEP/IAPS

Bulletin of1980, which from then on would be published and

distributed free by Brepols, in exchange for the addresses ofthe
members. Anew section was introduced: giving the names
ofthe paying members ofthe Association, with their addresses
and professional specializations.Thus was inaugurated anew
policy: to make the Association better known and to attract new
members. TheBulletin was redacted with aview to: promoting
acquaintances and contacts among the members ofthe AIEP;
drawing in ofas many as possible ofthose who were interested
in Patristic studies; and to make known all that was happening:
notices ofresearch, ofeditions, ofprojects, ofconferences, etc.
TheBulletin would now be sent to libraries as well.
Reading the list ofthose who were members in1980 is
amoving experience. Thegreater number is now deceased, yet
many are still active and some are even present at this meeting,
here in Jerusalem. There were then244 members, ofwhom over
half(128) were French or resident in France but from other
countries. Only afew were from Eastern Europe and there were
afew non-Europeans. TheReverend Pre Mondsert, in the
introduction, spoke ofthe difficulties with the postal services
in the preparation ofthe Bulletin and the list ofthe members.
Inthat period strikes were frequent in Europe, and they happened at different times in the various European nations, thus
causing mailed letters to arrive late or to disappear altogether.
Attimes the letters took months to arrive at their destination.
In1983 Iinherited the office and the responsibilities ofClaude
Mondsert; from1984 until2000 Iprepared 17Bulletins. Communications were still difficult, especially with Eastern Europe.
Today we send the notices, to every destination, by way ofe-mail;
and they arrive immediately at their destination and without the
added costs ofpostage. But Ishall add one more difficulty to
the list: many professors sent their letters to usstillhandwritten.It was never easy to decipher their handwriting. Much time
was spent and sometimes there was aneed to return letters to the
sender to ask for clarifications. Inasmuch as many ofthem were
Frenchmen, B.Gain was agreat help to me during those years.
Gain, moreover, prepared the Annuaire every two years: that is,
alittle booklet ofall the members, with their respective updated
addresses.
213

A. DI BERARDINO

Now to return to the secretary, Mondsert, who still prepared the Bulletins for the years1982 and1983, just as he did the
Annuaire, i.e., the updated the list ofmembers. In1983 the paying members numbered420; the action ofMondsert and ofhis
collaborators had been efficacious in attracting members ofother
nationalities. Inthree years the number increased from 244 to
420. This demonstrated the international vitality ofpatristic
studies and the desire to get to know other scholars. We were in
aperiod ofenthusiasm and inception. Many young people were
drawn to our studies. Inthe universities the number ofdepartments dedicated to the study ofChristian antiquities increased.
In Oxford in1983, the General Council elected anew
Executive Committee on the occasion ofthe Ninth International
Conference on Patristic Studies (5-9 September1983). Inthe General Assembly42 delegates participated. Thenew Committee
was made up ofthe following: Adolf Martin Ritter, president;
William H.C.Frend and Willy Rordorf, vice-presidents; Angelo Di Berardino, general secretary; Germain Hudon(Canada)
and Benot Gain, treasurers.M.-L.Guillaumin, the historical
memory ofthe AIEP, was named archivist ofthe official documents. For the first time anon-European, aCanadian, was
amember ofthe Committee. Theaim was to have someone
on the American continent who could recruit members in the
NewWorld, whether in NorthAmerica or SouthAmerica.
TheAmericansboth inCanada and in the United States had
their functioning associations and were not extremely interested
in an international association.
This new committee immediately introduced something new,
the designation associate member.This category embraced
those members who did not have apermanent teaching appointment or young people who were working on their dissertations.
They paid half ofthe fees and did not have the right to vote.
Theintention here was to promote and support the young.
The Bulletin of1985 had on its cover page the official title
Association Internationale dtudes patristiques with an added subtitle: International Association for Patristic Studies. President Ritter,
during his brief introduction in English, expressed the wish that
anincreasing number ofyoung scholars will make use ofthe
facilities ofan associate membership.
214

THE DEVELOPMENT OFTHE AIEP/IAPS

In order to facilitate the recruitment ofnew members, the

system ofpayment ofthe dues was also changed: At first this
had been paid in Dutch currency and had to be sent to Holland;
then for some years it was paid in French francs.Now people in
different countries could send the dues in the national currency
to anational correspondent.This method ofpayment greatly
facilitated the increase in membership ofthe AIEP. Thenational
correspondents collaborated increasingly so as to gather the
information that was to be included in the bibliography.
New names emerged, as did new centers and new geographical areas. Theprincipal activity ofthe Association still remained
preparation ofthe Bulletin, in order to make the circulation and
exchange ofinformation easier. TheAssociation also began to
make use ofgrants, furnishing books to the countries ofEastern Europe or providing subsidies to their residents so that they
could participate in the conferences at Oxford.
In number14 ofthe Bulletin(1987) the abbreviation AIEP/
IAPS was used for the first time. Theuse ofEnglish increased,
but the number ofmembers from North America did not grow,
because ofthe prior existence ofthe North American Patristic Society (NAPS), which holds meetings annually, except in
the years ofthe quadrennial patristic conference. TheBulletin
now comprised more pages and alarger bibliography, and it had
agreater international reach.
In1987, at the Tenth International Conference on Patristic
Studies, anew committee was elected: A.M.Ritter, president;
Stuart G.Hall and Claude Lepelley, vice-presidents; Angelo
DiBerardino, secretary; and the two treasurers were confirmed
(Germain Hudon and Benot Gain). TheStatutes were revised,
and there was now also an English translation ofthem that was
published to encourage agreater international subscription.
Inthe section dedicated to the authors ofthe Bulletin, the names
ofthe Fathers had previously been written in French.Now they
would be written in Latin, because it was more internationally
known and understood: for example, tienne became Stephanus,
Didier became Desiderius.There was also something else new.
Atthe end ofthe Bulletin anew section appeared entitled
Nouvelles de la Grce, with aGreek bibliography written inGreek.
This section was made possible by the effective collaboration
215

A. DI BERARDINO

ofElias Moutsoulas from Athens. Thegoal ofthe Bulletin was

not that it should gather bibliographiesthere were at that time
already instrumenta for that purpose.Rather, it was to publish
communications and briefs received from the members ofthe
AIEP/IAPS. For this purpose, although there was asection
devoted to epigraphy and to Christian archaeology, the bibliography included was not generous, for there were few scholars in
such fields who were members ofthe Association and in general
they did not send bibliographical information.
Publicizing works in progress or editions in preparation made
it easier for people who were working on the same topics to be
in touch with one another and exchange information. This type
ofinformation was not in general circulation, and even today it
circulates little. For this reason we insisted on specifically signaling the sort ofproject or work that was being undertaken, in
order to avoid the sterile occurrence oftwo or more people carrying on parallel studies, using the same arguments or those close
to one another. Oftentimes it happened that Iput into contact
scholars who were working on the same research.
In Bulletin19(1990) the vice-president, Stuart Hall, wrote:
The Association helps patristic scholars in Eastern Europe
and developing countries where foreign currency is virtually unobtainable by exempting individuals from paying subscriptions.We also make small grants and encourage gifts
ofbooks. Inthe last two years substantial help has been given
to colleagues in Romania, where the Association has sent
books paid for out ofasolidarity Fund; in addition, members
have sent books oftheir own. Thechief beneficiaries are
the seminaries ofBucharest and Sibiu, where there are able
scholars with very little access to modern scholarly literature.

This policy ofhelping colleagues has continued in the succeeding years and until today.
In the Eleventh International Conference on Patristic Studies of
1991, after the fall ofthe Berlin Wall, we enjoyed an increased
number ofscholars from Central and Eastern Europe and more
members ofthe AIEP/IAPS from these countries. Thecollaboration between our Association and DrElizabeth Livingstoneafter Cross, the soul ofthe Patristic Conferencewas
always very close in many ways. Anew executive committee
216

THE DEVELOPMENT OFTHE AIEP/IAPS

was then elected: Robert A.Markus, president; Kevin Coyle

and Yves-Marie Duval, vice-presidents; Angelo Di Berardino,
secretary; Benot Gain, treasurer.Preparation ofthe Bulletin became much easier with the use ofthe computer. Inthe
Annuaire, e-mail addresses began to be introduced as well as fax
numbers, for swifter communication.
In1995 the effective membership ofthe AIEP/IAPS numbered 620. In1995, as always at Oxford, anew executive committee was elected: Yves-Marie Duval, president; Pauline Allen
(Australia) and Kevin Coyle, vice-presidents; Marc Milhau, treasurer; Angelo Di Berardino, secretary. TheAIEP/IAPS was for
the first time directly involved in the preparation ofthe Conference at Oxford, because R.Markus was apart ofthe organizing
committee. In1996 two issues ofthe Bulletin were published,
one ofwhich was the Annuaire, that is, the index ofaddresses.
Moral support for the Base dInformation Bibliographique en Patristique was agreed upon, directed by R.-M.Roberge at Laval
University inQubec.
The Bulletin of1997(n.29) contained an ample section, very
rich in bibliographical information, set aside for Japan for the
years1986-1996.3 Normally, Japanese publications were not
noted in the Western worlds bibliographies. The aim ofthis
contribution is to draw attention to the flourishing nature
ofPatristics studies in Japan, and its diversity. Biblical studies,
in theology, Augustine, and Thomas, in philosophy, tended
to dominate, but as is evident from this large bibliography interest in early Christianity has widened greatly.4 The titles are
in European languagesespecially Englishgenerally translated
by the scholars themselves.
On the occasion ofthe Thirteenth International Conference on
Patristic Studies held in1999 it had been expected to renew
elections for the Executive Committee ofour Association.
But when the committee was elected, there was adivision,
and the committee was thus constrained to step down. Since
it was not possible to elect anew committee, Robert Markus
and Markus Vincent were designated to organize anew elec Bulletin 29(1997), p.108-129.
Bulletin 29(1997), p.108.

3
4

217

A. DI BERARDINO

tion by mail (we did not yet have electronic mail). Theoutcome ofthis election was as follows: Angelo Di Berardino,
president; Hanns Christof Brennecke and Samuel Rubenson,
vice-presidents; Pauline Allen, secretary. Theoffice oftreasurer
remained vacant. Marc Milhau continued as treasurer for afew
months and Angelo Di Berardino prepared the Bulletin in2000
(n.33). Thecommittee nominated Marie-Gabrielle Gurard,
ofSources Chrtiennes, as treasurer, and she prepared the Annuaire of2001 (n.34).
The secretary, Pauline Allen, prepared two issues ofthe Bulletin: 35(2002) and 36(2003). On 21August2003 anew Executive Committee was elected by the General council. Thenew
office-holders elected were Pauline Allen, president, Hanns
Christof Brennecke and Samuel Rubenson, vice-presidents;
and John OKeefe, general secretary. Thenew Committee
co-opted Roberto Palla as treasurer.Following the resignation ofJohn OKeefe, the Executive co-opted Michael Slusser
(Pittsburg) as general secretary. Inthe Council, the annual dues
were fixed at 14euros and the category ofassociate membership was abolished. Because ofthe difficulties oftransferring
the money from France, in these years it was not possible to
consider supporting such initiatives as providing scholarships
for student research or supporting the acquisition ofbooks
by the libraries in need.
Michael Slusser, in2006, achieved the amazing feat ofpreparing both the Annuairethat is, the addresses ofall the
membersand the Bulletin. Thepreparation ofthe Annuaire
required much attention, because it was necessary to verify
changes ofaddress, insert the names ofnew members, and
remove from the list those who were not paying their dues
or were deceased.Such atask is now much easier because
ofelectronic mail and the work ofthe national correspondents.
With 650 members in forty nations, the Association was constantly changing and developing. Thework ofM.Slusser
was also facilitated by the collaboration ofthe various members
ofthe Association. Thearchives ofthe AIEP/IAPS were transferred to the Centre National des Archives de lglise de France
in Issy-les-Moulineaux, where they can now be consulted
by appointment. Inn.39 ofthe Bulletin an old notice written
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THE DEVELOPMENT OFTHE AIEP/IAPS

by Jacques Fontaine, the first secretary, was published, on the

history ofthe foundation ofthe AIEP/IPAS.5 The Association,
in the meantime, had accumulated aconsiderable sum ofmoney,
whereby it was possible to make available 21grants to young
scholars and enable them to attend the Oxford Conference in
August2007 and present papers. These grants indicated that the
Association was now robust and in good health, in terms ofboth
membership and financial security.
The makeup ofthe new Executive Committee elected in
Oxford in2007 was as follows: Carol Harrison, president; Theodore de Bruyn and Benot Gain, vice-presidents; Lorenzo Perrone, general secretary; Samuel Rubenson, treasurer. As aconsequence ofthe remarkable growth in membership over the
years, the section ofthe Bulletinalmost200 pageson new
and forthcoming publications, research projects, conferences and
doctoral dissertations has grown markedly in size. There are now
new members from countries formerly outside our ambit: South
Africa, Angola, Armenia, China, Congo, Georgia, Israel, etc.
Thecreation ofawebsite, operative since August2008, through
the work ofTheodore de Bruyn, permits awider circulation
ofthe information and acloser contact with the Executive Committee. TheBulletins from2004 until2011 are to be found on
the website, agreat free service. Inthis way, too, the Association
is at the service ofthe scholars.
The indefatigable Lorenzo Perrone, going beyond tradition, has gathered avast bibliography in these last years: Bulletin
43(2009) is one volume ofabout 280 pages; and n. 44(2010)
has the same number ofpages; n.45(2011) introduced anovelty: an index ofthe names ofthe authors.Since the summer
of2011 we have had anew Executive Committee, which is still
in charge and has organized this conference: Theodore de Bruyn,
president; Carol Harrison and Oscar Velsquez, vice-presidents;
Marco Rizzi, secretary; and Benot Gain, treasurer. According
to the Annuaire of2012 the members ofour Association number824. TheCouncil fixed the annual dues at 18euros.

J.Fontaine, Bulletin 39, p.4-5.

219

A. DI BERARDINO

The growth ofthe Association is thanks to all its members,

but especially to those who dedicated their time to its development and to the spread ofpatristic knowledge.Many have
freely and generously donated their services in order to create
a communitas studiorum, at the service offriendship, ofculture
and ofknowledge. In my short paper, Ihave remembered
many ofthem. Finally, Iwould like to express many and warm
thanks to the current Executive Committee for this splendid
Conference and my best wishes for the continued good ofthe
Association. Thewarm welcome Ihave enjoyed at this prestigious university have made these two days very pleasant. Many
thanks to all the local organizers, especially to Brouria BittonAshkelony, Director ofthe Center for the Study ofChristianity
and the chair ofthe Department ofComparative Religion at the
Hebrew University ofJerusalem.

Abstract
My paper is intended as a continuation of that of Dr A.M. Ritter, which gave us the background of the foundation of AIEP/IAPS.
TheAIEP was founded in France, at Paris, in 1965; it was above
all the work of French scholars, but it was later officially established
at Oxford in 1967. Jacques Fontaine, who died recently, published
the first Bulletin in 1968, which was the very model that continually expanded in the following editions, until the last years. After the
year 1973 the Association was confronted with a profound crisis, and
was threatened with disappearing altogether. As a matter of fact, the
Bulletin was not published for six years, from 1974 until 1980.
Onthe occasion of the Eighth International Conference on Patristic
Studies in 1979, the Association was refounded with the approval of
the revised Statutes; Claude Mondsert, secretary, restarted the Bulletin. In 1983 I inherited the office of Claude Mondsert; I prepared
17 Bulletins, from 1984 till 2000. The life of the association has continually improved up to the present day and membership is steadily
increasing, from a wide variety of countries.

220

JEAN-NOL GUINOT
Sources Chrtiennes

DITER ET TRADUIRE
LES CRITS DES PRES
DANS SOURCES CHRTIENNES:
REGARD SUR SOIXANTE-DIX ANS
DACTIVIT DITORIALE

Parmi tant danniversaires ou commmorations, dont notre

poque est friande, la clbration, Jrusalem, des cinquante
ans de lA.I.E.P.revt un caractre particulier.Dabord, parce
que la notion mme de jubil sorigine dans la tradition juive
(Lv25,8-17), que reprendra au xivesicle lglise catholique
romaine sous lappellation danne sainte.Ensuite, parce que
les cinquante ans de lA.I.E.P.concident avec les cinquante
ans du concile VaticanII, les soixante-dix ans de la collection
Sources Chrtiennes, et le dix-septime centenaire de ldit
de Milan. Entre ces quatre anniversaires, clbrs en divers
lieux, on peroit aisment des liens qui, dune certaine manire,
se nouent au sein de lA.I.E.P.Pareillement, entre cultures juive,
chrtienne et musulmane, sans oublier ce quil est convenu
dappeler le monde paen, entre traditions chrtiennes dOrient
et dOccident, entre Byzance et lOccident mdival, comme
notre colloque tient le souligner, le dialogue et les changes,
malgr les difficults, nont jamais totalement cess dexister.
Modestement, la collection Sources Chrtiennes entend, elle
aussi, ycontribuer.Selon lesprit de ses fondateurs, elle apour
but de donner accs lintelligence de textes qui constituent un
patrimoine commun, la fois culturel et religieux, sans volont
apologtique et sans proslytisme, mais sans oblitrer non plus le
message chrtien dont ces textes sont porteurs. Elle le fait dans
un esprit ouvertement cumnique, les Pres tant un lieu de
rencontre et de confluence, capable daider surmonter les divisions survenues plus tard entre Orient et Occident, mais aussi
lintrieur mme de la chrtient occidentale.
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107520

221

J.-N. GUINOT

Depuis soixante-dix ans, la collection Sources Chrtiennes

dite donc les textes grecs, latins et orientaux des auteurs chrtiens des premiers sicles, dsigns sous lappellation gnrique
de Pres de lglise, quand bien mme tous ne remplissent
pas stricto sensu les critres requis pour mriter ce titre et quune
place, certes modeste, soit faite des femmes, dont deux au moins
grie et Dhuodasont des best-sellers de la Collection!
Avant dedresser devant vous, au terme de notre rencontre,
un bilan de cette activit ditoriale, je tiens remercier chaleureusement, au nom de Sources Chrtiennes, les organisateurs de la Confrence de lhonneur quils ont tenu lui rendre
par leur invitation. Jecommencerai par faire un bref historique
de la Collection, ncessaire pour bien comprendre un certain
nombre dorientations ditoriales. Je situerai ensuite les ditions de Sources Chrtiennes par rapport aux autres grandes
collections de textes patristiques. Je soulignerai enfin la nature
et limportance de la contribution de lInstitut des Sources
Chrtiennes ce travail ddition.

1.Historique de la collection Sources Chrtiennes1

1.1.Gense et naissance de la Collection
Un lieule scolasticat de la Compagnie de Jsusun minent
hellnistele Pre Victor Fontoynont, laction conjointe de
deux hommes au temprament fort diffrentles Pres Henri
deLubac et Jean Danilou, tels sont les trois facteurs qui se
trouvrent un jour runis Lyon, sur la colline de Fourvire,
dans les annes1940, pour donner naissance la collection
Sources Chrtiennes. Il faut en ajouter un quatrime, essentiel
et dterminant: la dcision courageuse prise, ds le dbut, par
les responsables des ditions du Cerf de soutenir ce projet ditorial.2 La maison dominicaine, dont le sige est Paris, venait,
en effet, en1941, de dlocaliser Lyon, alors en zone libre
le reste de la France tait occup par lAllemagne nazie une
1Ce rappel historique est grandement tributaire du livre que lhistorien
lyonnais tienne Fouilloux rdigea loccasion des 50 ans de SC: La collection
Sources Chrtiennes. diter les Pres de lglise au xxesicle, Paris,1995[2edition
2011, augmente dune postface, Sources Chrtiennes: tape 500, p.229-243].
2Cfr. Fouilloux, La collection Sources Chrtiennes, p.27.

222

DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

partie de ses activits en ycrant une succursale: les ditions

de lAbeille.Malgr bien des difficults, lies aux circonstances,
le contrat pass entre les jsuites de Fourvire et les dominicains
du Cerfles premiers assurant la direction littraire, les seconds
la gestion administrative et financirepermit Sources Chrtiennes de voir le jour et demeure depuis lors, avec la mme
rpartition des tches, le socle dune collaboration troite autour
dun objectif commun.
Aprs une gestation denviron une dizaine dannes, se
concrtisait ainsi lide dune collection de textes patristiques,
dont le P.Fontoynont fut en ralit le vritable initiateur et
le concepteur.3 Aux compagnons jsuites runis autour de lui,
il sut faire dcouvrir la richesse et la nouveaut des crits des
Pres grecs et bientt recruter parmi eux les premiers collaborateurs de la future collection. Avec H.deLubac et J.Danilou
sont dresses des listes de textes diter et des listes de noms
de collaborateurs potentiels pour ldition du texte et sa traduction, et de thologiens pour certaines introductions. Chacun utilise son rseau de relations pour intresser au projet et trouver
des collaborateurs au-del de la sphre jsuite. J.Danilou sy
emploie tout particulirement dans les cercles parisiens et universitaires auxquels il aaccs.Si bien que, fin1942, aux heures
les plus sombres de la guerre, plusieurs ditions sont prtes ou en
voie dachvement.
Il nest question alors que de Pres grecs ou byzantins. Cela
tient en partie aux circonstancesle groupe dhellnistes runis
Fourvire autour du P.Fontoynont, lintrt deLubac pour
lexgse dOrigne, celui de Danilou pour Philon dAlexandrie et Grgoire de Nyssemais tout autant la volont de faire
dcouvrir un pan de la littrature patristique largement mconnu
en Occident. Si lon cite rgulirement les Pres grecs,au moins
certains dentre eux,ils servent surtout dargument dautorit: on les lit peu pour eux-mmes ou seulement en extraits.
La volont des fondateurs est de rtablir lquilibre qui at rompu
entre Orient et Occident, les deux poumons de la chrtient, en
3 La collection des Pres H.Hemmer et P.Lejay, Textes et Documents pour
ltude historique du christianisme, en particulier, mais aussi la Collection des Universits de France(CUF) et la Bibliothque Augustinienne(BA) ont sans aucun doute
t des modles de rfrence.

223

J.-N. GUINOT

donnant lire dans leur intgralit les crits des Pres grecs, et de
renouveler ainsi, de lintrieur, la spiritualit, la vie chrtienne et
la thologie. Comme en attestent la plupart des dix-huit premiers
volumes de la Collection, la ligne ditoriale initialement retenue
est nettement spirituelle, dinspiration surtout alexandrine, voire
noplatonicienne. Il nest que de relire, pour sen convaincre, les
deux grandes introductionsaux allures de manifesterdiges
par H.deLubac pour prsenter les homlies dOrigne sur la
Gense et sur lExode, reprises ensuite, dans Histoire et Esprit.
Lintelligence de lcriture daprs Origne (Paris,1950); ou celle,
la fois philosophique et spirituelle, de J.Danilou son dition
de LaVie de Mose de Grgoire deNysse, ou encore de C.Mondsert ldition du Protreptique de Clment dAlexandrie, qui
achve en ces termes la prsentation de celui quil juge lun des
plus sduisants parmi les Pres grecs:
Il serait enfin trs intressant de sarrter la doctrine spirituelle de Clment et linfluence quil exera sur toute la spiritualit grecque chrtienne.Aprs Philon, qui, dj, marque
une transition nette entre lidal hellnique paen et lidal
juif, il apparat un peu comme linitiateur de cette grande
tradition qui compte des noms tels que ceux dOrigne, de
Grgoire de Nysse, de Macaire, dvagre, de Maxime et de
Denys, pour ne citer que ceux-l. Dj il offre une esquisse
de thologie ngative, et, sentant bien toute la difficult de
lascension jusqu Dieu, il sessaie marquer les tapes qui
conduisent jusqu la vision de lme guide par le Logos
rvlateur.4

1.2.Des dbuts difficiles

La publication de La Vie de Mose et celle de tous les premiers
volumes nalla pas sans mal.Il fallut trouver du papier. Ce ntait
chose facile, ni en zone occupe ni en zone libre. On en trouva,
mais insuffisamment pour permettre dditer le texte grec, ni
mme la totalit de La Vie de Mose. Il fut dcidun choix
rvlateur de lintrt port lexgse spirituellede publier
seulement la traduction de la seconde partie du traitla Contemplation (Thria)et de laisser de ct pour linstant la premire
Cfr.SC, 2 bis, Introduction, p.25-26.

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DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

partie, lHistoria. Il fallut ensuite obtenir le visa de la censure

allemande, qui, en raison du titre, vit dans louvrage un instrument de propagande juive, puis pareillement celui des autorits
de Vichy. Sources Chrtiennes devenait ainsi, en raison des
circonstances, un lieu de rsistance spirituelle.5 Malgr ces difficults matrielles et administratives, la Collection naissante rencontra immdiatement un nombre encourageant de lecteurs, et
les premiers volumes parurent un rythme soutenu.6
Au sortir de la guerre, la dfiance suscite auprs de censeurs ecclsiastiques par le groupe de Fourvire et la nouvelle thologie,7 perue comme un cheval de bataille contre
le thomisme, mit un temps en danger, par-del la personne du
P.deLubac, lexistence mme de la Collection. Cette crise sera
finalement, elle aussi, surmonte. Pour en mesurer limportance
et les enjeux thologiques, on se reportera lanalyse documente quen adonne lhistorien tienne Fouilloux.8
1.3.La reconnaissance scientifique
Une tape importante est franchie aprs le retour Lyon de
C.Mondsert qui prend en charge le secrtariat des Sources
Chrtiennes (octobre1947).Sans en avoir le titre, il devient
progressivement le vritable directeur de la Collection, au sens
o il fait valoir son bouillant confrre J.Danilou que Sources
Chrtiennes ne peut vivre et se dvelopper sans bnficier dune
vritable organisation, cest--dire dune administration et dune
direction au sens quasi industriel des mots, si lon veut viter
limprovisation.9 C.Mondsert ne deviendra directeur en titre
de la Collection quen1960, mais la conviction que, sans lui

5Au moment mme o allait paratre la Vie de Mose, Pierre Chaillet,

un des jsuites de Fourvire pressentis pour travailler la future Collection,
fondait les Cahiers du Tmoignage chrtien(1941) et sengageait activement dans
la Rsistance.
6
Cfr. Fouilloux, La collection Sources Chrtiennes, p.88-89.
7
Employe pour la premire fois par J.Daniloudans un article de la revue
jsuite tudes (Les orientations prsentes de la pense religieuse,1946), cette
expression fut en quelque sorte lorigine de la crise, avant de dsigner les
positions juges suspectes des thologiens de Fourvire.
8Cfr. Fouilloux, La collection Sources Chrtiennes, p.115-132.
9Cfr. ibid., p.141.

225

J.-N. GUINOT

qui en fut linfatigable artisan, elle naurait pas survcu dautres

traverses et naurait pas connu, coup sr, le dveloppement
qui fut le sien, lui valut dtre rang a posteriori(1984) parmi ses
fondateurs, aux cts dH.deLubac et J.Danilou.
C.Mondsert comprit rapidement que Sources Chrtiennes ne pouvait simposer comme une grande collection de
textes qu condition de renforcer le caractre scientifique
de ses volumes, de trouver dans le monde universitaire franais et tranger des soutiens et des collaborateurs, et de tisser
des relations suivies avec les grandes collections existantes de
textes patristiques ou profanes.Le numro 50 de la Collection,
ldition princeps de Huit catchses baptismales indites de Jean
Chrysostome (d.A.Wenger), premier ouvrage publi avec
le soutien du C.N.R.S., est cet gard reprsentatif de ce
quon apu appeler, pour souligner cette volont dun ancrage
scientifique et universitaire pour la Collection, le tournant
Mondsert.10 Lareconnaissance du C.N.R.S.se traduit, dans
ces mmes annes, non seulement par le soutien financier
important apport la publication des volumes, mais bientt(1959) par le recrutement du P.Mondsert comme matre
de recherches.11 Lerecrutement au C.N.R.S.de trois autres
jsuitesL.Doutreleau, B.de Vregille, L.Neyrandsuivra,
puis celui de plusieurs lacs jusqu la constitution, en1976,
dune quipe de recherche associe au C.N.R.S. On doit
aussi C.Mondsert la fondation, en1956, de lAssociation
des Amis de Sources Chrtiennes, reconnue dutilit publique
en1960, indispensable la vie de la Collection et la survie
de lentreprise. Jyreviendrai.
Cest galement, dans ces mmes annes1960, que la Collection inaugure, la demande des Cisterciens, la Srie des Textes
monastiques dOccident, une modeste continuatio mediaevalis,12 et
quest lance, peu aprs, en marge de Sources Chrtiennes,
Cfr. ibid., p.153s.
Il avait t recrut auparavant par le C.N.R.S.pour une dure de deux
ans(1955-1957), sur un poste de chercheur contractuel, ce qui lui permit de se
consacrer temps plein au dveloppement de la Collection.
12 Les volumes de cette srie portaient lorigine un numro propre, pour
les distinguer des crits des Pres au sens strict du terme, dont les auteurs mdivaux ntaient que les hritiers tardifs.
10
11

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DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

ldition des uvres compltes de Philon dAlexandrie,13 sous la

direction de C.Mondsert, J.Pouilloux et R.Arnaldez.
Ainsi peuvent tre retraces grands traits les vingt premires
annes dexistence de Sources Chrtiennes.La Collection prsente dj alors la physionomie quon lui connat aujourdhui.
La prsence initialement prdominante des Pres grecs tend peu
peu squilibrer avec louverture, ds1947, dune nouvelle
srie, celle des Pres latins avec Hilaire de Poitiers, Lon le Grand,
Ambroise, puis avec celle des auteurs mdivaux. Les Pres
orientaux firent eux aussi assez tt leur entre dans la Collection, mais restent encore aujourdhui trop peu reprsents pour
reflter, dans sa diversit, la richesse du christianisme primitif.14
La volont initiale tait bien pourtant de faire mesurer au lecteur
cette diversit et de lui permettre aussi de replacer les crits des
Pres dans le contexte historique, philosophique et religieux qui
leur avait donn naissance.Do lintrt port lhritage juif,
la littrature gnostique ou la philosophie noplatonicienne,
dont tmoignent les introductions de plusieurs volumes, mais
aussi quelques textes htrodoxes qui trouvrent place assez
tt dans la Collection.15 Cela sexplique dautant plus facilement
que la naissance de Sources Chrtiennes concide avec plusieurs dcouvertescelle de Toura en1941, de Nag Hammadi
en1945, de Qumrn en1947qui ont oblig relire les crits
bibliques et ceux des Pres avec un regard largi. Un tel contexte
asans nul doute contribu renouveler lintrt port la littrature patristique, comme il le fit pour les tudes bibliques.
Un autre atout pour les Sources Chrtiennes naissantes fut
le soutien que leur apporta lhistorien H.I.Marrou, alors professeur lUniversit de Lyon.Par ses travaux sur Augustin et
par son enseignement, il fit soprer, dans luniversit franaise,
un changement radical du regard port sur lAntiquit tardive
et la littrature patristique.16 On lui doit davoir grandement
Cette srie, inaugure en1961, aujourdhui acheve, comporte 38volumes.
Sur les 100 premiers numros(1942-1965), on compte: 66volumes grecs,
22latins, 11mdivaux et seulement 3orientaux.
15Ainsi les Extraits de Thodote(SC, 23,1948), transmis par Clment
dAlexandrie, ou de Ptolme, la Lettre Flora(SC, 24,1949).
16 Cfr. H.I.Marrou, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique, Paris1938;
Dcadence romaine ou Antiquit tardive.iiieviesicles, Paris,1977(posthume).
13
14

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J.-N. GUINOT

contribu permettre aux Pres de lglise de trouver enfin droit

de cit dans lenseignement suprieur et, pour reprendre lexpression de M.Harl, dentrer en Sorbonne.17 Il leur arrive
ainsi dtre rgulirement prsents aujourdhui au programme
du concours de lAgrgation des Lettres et de Grammaire.
Le caractre scientifique de ldition, autant que lintrt historique, littraire ou philosophique du texte, joue videmment un
rle essentiel dans le choix de louvrage retenu.

2.Les ditions Sources Chrtiennes

Si, depuis lorigine, les volumes de la Collection conservent
la mme structure et les mmes caractres fondamentaux, ils
ne constituent pas pour autant un ensemble homogne. Tous
noffrent pas une dition critique, proprement parler, et, si tel
est le cas, ces ditions ne prsentent pas toutes le mme degr
drudition. Des volutions se sont produites, dont il me faut
maintenant parler.
2.1.Les premires ditions
Seules les circonstances, je lai rappel, empchrent les premiers
volumes de la Collection de paratre avec le texte grec original en regard de la traduction franaise.Souvent pourtant ce
texte avait fait lobjet dun travail critique, plus ou moins pouss
selon les cas, si bien que, ds que la situation conomique le
permit, une seconde dition parut avec un texte critique: ainsi
La Vie de Mose(1955), le Protreptique(1949), les uvres spirituelles(1955) de Diadoque de Photic. Ce ntait pas vrai de tous
les volumes parus.Aussi plusieurs dentre eux furent-ils ensuite
rimprims avec la seule traduction franaise: ainsi le De opificio de Grgoire de Nysse (SC,6)18 ou LePr spirituel de Jean
Moschus (SC,12); dautres, entirement refondus et dots dun
texte critique, reurent un nouveau numro de srie: ainsi la
M.Harl, La Bible en Sorbonne ou la revanche drasme, Paris,2007.
Dans son Introduction, p.75-76, J.Laplace donne les raisons qui lont
conduit suivre pour sa traduction le texte de PG, 44, en labsence dune
dition critique satisfaisante; sil retient quelques variantes fournies par ldition
de G.Forbesius(1855), il juge toutefois cette dition insuffisante.
17
18

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DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

Supplique dAthnagore (SC, 3),19 le Journal de voyage dthrie (SC, 21)devenue entre-temps grie20, ou encore les
Homlies sur les Nombres dOrigne (SC,29).21 Faute de mieux,
on se contenta souvent, en ces dbuts, de reprendre le texte de
la Patrologie grecque ou latine de J.-P.Migne, quitte lamender partir de quelques tmoins manuscrits ou dune dition existante.Telle est la solution retenue par dom B.Botte
pour son dition du De sacramentis dAmbroise (SC,25bis).22
Mais pour ldition des Sermons de Lon le Grand (SC,22bis),
lauteur se contenta de reprendre ldition Ballerini (Venise, 1755)
reproduite par Migne, en attendant ldition critique annonce
par lAcadmie de Vienne.Toutefois, ds quil prit en charge
la direction effective de la Collection, Mondsert souhaita que,
dans la mesure du possible, chaque volume part accompagn
dun appareil critique.
2.2.Diffrents types ddition de texte
Pour des raisons similaires, les ditions de Sources Chrtiennes
prsentent toujours aujourdhui une relative htrognit.
Sil existe une dition critique satisfaisante, qui rend inutile un
travail frais nouveaux dont lapport serait insignifiant, le
texte de cette dition est reproduit, sans son apparat critique
ou avec un apparat critique rduit.Ne sont notes alors que
les variantes les plus significatives.Dans tous les cas cependant,
un chapitre de lIntroduction prsentera les critres suivis par
lditeur pour la constitution du texte. Cela ninterdit pas celui
qui le reprend pour Sources Chrtiennes doprer un certain
nombre de choix diffrents de ceux de cet diteur, condition de les justifier. Pour prendre des exemples rcents, telle est
la solution retenue pour la publication dans la Collection des
histoires ecclsiastiques de Socrate, Sozomne, Thodoret de
Cyr et vagre le Scolastique, ou encore pour celle de la Dfense
des Trois Chapitres de Facundus dHermiane. G.Bardy avait dj
Remplac par SC, 379.
Remplac par SC, 296.
21 Remplac par les numros SC, 415, 442 et 461.
22 Cfr. B.Botte d.Desacramentis dAmbroise de Milan(SC, 25 bis), Paris,
1961, Introd., p.40-45.
19
20

229

J.-N. GUINOT

adopt cette solution pour lHistoire ecclsiastique dEusbe de

Csare et la justifiait en ces termes dans son Avant-propos:
Le texte que nous reproduisons ici est, peu de choses prs,
celui qui at tabli par E.Schwartz pour la collection
des GCS, Leipzig,1903.Ce texte est, bon droit, devenu
classique. Les changements que pourront yapporter les
diteurs de lavenir ne porteront que sur des dtails, et il
nous semble que les travailleurs daujourdhui sont sollicits
par des tches plus urgentes que la perptuelle remise sur le
mtier de textes fort bien publis dj par leurs devanciers.23

Cette pratique est facilite par les accords dchange de textes

conclus entre Sources Chrtiennes et les grandes collections
de textes patristiques, notamment le Corpus de Vienne (CSEL),
le Corpus de Berlin (GCS) et le Corpus Christianorum (CCSL,
CCSG). Du reste, il arrive parfois quun mme auteur reprenne
dans SC, sous la forme dune editio minor, le texte de leditio maior
quil alui-mme fournie au CCainsi pour le Commentaire sur le
Cantique dApponius ou, terme, pour la Mystagogie de Maxime
le Confesseur; ou encore que, pour un mme ouvrage, deux
quipes travaillent conjointement, lune la constitution du
texte critique, lautre sa traduction et sa prsentation, comme
cela se fait actuellement pour ldition, dans les GCS et dansSC,
du Contre Julien de Cyrille dAlexandrie.
Dans de nombreux cas toutefois, malgr lexistence dune
dition savante, le travail critique exige dtre repris, soit que
des tmoins du texte aient t ngligs ou que de nouveaux
tmoins aient t reprs,24 soit que ldition se rvle insuffisante en raison de choix malheureux oprs par lditeur ou de
son appartenance une gnration de philologues ports corriger le texte, le normaliser ou lencombrer de conjectures
rudites, souvent inutiles. Sans nullement ngliger lapport de ces
23 Cfr. G.Bardy d.Histoire ecclsiastique dEusbe de Csare, Livres I-IV
(SC, 31), Paris,1952, p.v-vi.
24 Ainsi pour le Livre dtincelles de Defensor de Ligug: lditeur (H.Rochais)
arepris pour SC, 77 le texte de ldition critique quil avait prcdemment
donne au CC, 117, mais atenu compte de deux tmoins supplmentaires du
ixesicle et opr une quarantaine de modifications par rapport son texte
initial. Dans ce cas, cest donc ldition de SC qui fait autorit, bien quelle
reproduise pour lessentiel le texte publi au CC.

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DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

ditions, il importe donc de repartir des manuscrits, de lanalyse

de la tradition manuscrite et de lhistoire de la transmission du
texte. Aujourdhui, gnralement, les diteurs de textes tendent
sen tenir le plus possible au texte des manuscrits, viter les
corrections facilitantes et se garder de conjectures hasardeuses.
Ainsi, malgr une base manuscrite souvent troite, une nouvelle dition des Stromates de Clment dAlexandrie, des traits
de Tertullien, de Cyprien de Carthage, ou de plusieurs traits
dAmbroise, pour ne prendre que ces exemples, a-t-elle paru
ncessaire.
En ralit, chaque dition de texte asa spcificit.Il arrive
que lditeur dispose dun unique manuscrit, voire seulement
dune dition ancienne ralise partir dun manuscrit disparu.
Toutefois, dans le cas dun manuscrit unique ou dun texte transmis uniquement dans une traduction de loriginal grec, il peut
bnficier parfois dune tradition indirecte importantechanes
exgtiques, actes conciliaires, florilges, citations dorigines
diverses, dont lapport doit tre pris en compte, surtout si elle
est antrieure au manuscrit conserv.25 Inversement le nombre
des manuscrits est, en dautres cas, si important quil ade quoi
dcourager lditeur et le conduit gnralement ne retenir
pour ldition de Sources Chrtiennes quun choix de manuscrits jug reprsentatif de la tradition du texte, voire renoncer tablir un stemma codicum quand il se trouve en prsence
dune contamination gnrale et ancienne entre les manuscrits.26
Prendre en compte la tradition indirecte prsenterait alors gnralement peu dintrt et ne conduirait qu retarder, peut-tre
sine die, la parution de ldition. Ainsi la collection Sources
Chrtiennes na-t-elle jamais envisag de donner une editiomaior
des homlies de Jean Chrysostome ou de Basile de Csare,
ni des uvres de Grgoire le Grand: cela ncessiterait lexistence
25 Ainsi le trait de Thodoret sur La Trinit et lIncarnation, dont je prpare
ldition, transmis par le seul Vat.gr.841, bnficie dune tradition indirecte
importante: extraits grecs dans la Chane sur lvangile de Luc de Nictas et
la Panoplia Dogmatica dEuthyme Zigabne; extraits syriaques dans le Contra
Grammaticum de Svre dAntioche; extraits latins de Marius Mercator.
26Ainsi, pour ne prendre quun exemple, en va-t-il des Homlies sur les
psaumes de Basile deCsare, la contamination entre les mss paraissant dj
effective lpoque des traductions quen fit Rufin.

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J.-N. GUINOT

dinstituts spcialement ddis luvre de ces auteurs, comme

lest lI.E.A.pour celle dAugustin.Le choix dune editio minor
apareillement t fait pour ldition des Discours de Grgoire
de Nazianze, dont le CCSG prpare leditio maior qui tiendra
compte non seulement de la tradition grecque, mais aussi des
diffrentes versions de luvre du Thologien.
Il arrive, dans certains cas, que ldition de Sources Chrtiennes soit une editio princeps.Ainsi, les Huit catchses baptismales indites de Jean Chrysostome (SC, 50), dj mentionnes,
les commentaires de Didyme lAveugle Sur Zacharie (SC,83,
84 et85) et Sur la Gense (SC, 233 et 244), dits partir
des papyrus de Toura par L.Doutreleau et P.Nautin, ou le
Livre dHeures du Sina (SC, 486).Dautres ditions prsentent
des textes en partie indits: ainsi la Chane palestinienne sur le
Psaume118 (SC,189 et190) ou le Commentaire sur le Cantique
de Nil dAncyre (SC,403). Dautres enfin sapparentent une
editio maior, ainsi ldition de lApologie dAristide (SC, 470), la
plus ancienne que nous ayons conserve, puisque cette dition
prend en compte la totalit de la tradition du texte: la version
syriaque, une mtaphrase grecque (le Roman de Barlaam), une
autre gorgienne, un fragment armnien, et trois fragments grecs
transmis sur papyrus.
Si Sources Chrtiennes na pas pour rle de procurer la
communaut scientifique des editiones maiores, en raison de lexistence de grandes collections savantesaux trois grands corpus
dj cits, il faut ajouter: pour Jean Damascne les Patristische
Texte und Studien (PTS), pour Grgoire de Nysse les Gregorii
Nysseni Opera (GNO), pour les Pres orientaux le Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (CSCO) et la Patrologia Orientalis, elle se doit de fournir au lecteur un texte solidement tabli
selon les critres requis aujourdhui pour toute dition scientifique.

3.La traduction
Par rapport aux collections savantes, loriginalit de la Collection
est de fournir en vis--vis du texte original, grec ou latin dans la
majorit des cas, sa traduction. Cela relve non seulement dune
tradition franaise, mais dune ncessit imprative si lon veut
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rendre aujourdhui accessibles les crits des Pres.27 Songeons

ce que nous devons non seulement Jrme et Rufin, les
traducteurs latins dOrigne, mais aussi ceux moins illustres ou
anonymes qui traduisirent en latin, en syriaque ou en armnien
les uvres de Pres grecs.Ainsi les deux grandes uvres dIrne de Lyon crites en grec, sont-elles parvenues jusqu nous,
luneson trait thologique Adversus haeresesen traduction
latine, lautresa Dmonstration de la prdication apostolique
en traduction armnienne.28
En outre, que lauteur du texte critique soit ou non son traducteur, il est indispensable quil soumette son travail lpreuve
de la traduction pour vrifier la validit de ses choix, quitte
sapercevoir parfois de limpossibilit de maintenir une lectio
difficilior! Contrairement ce que lon apu penser en un temps
o seule ldition critique dun texte grec ou latin permettait
dtablir une rputation de savant, la traduction nest donc pas
un genre mineur. Cest un travail difficile qui exige de celui qui
lentreprend la fois une grande modestie et des comptences
multiples. La seule science philologique ny suffit pas.29
Lidal serait doffrir, dans tous les cas, une traduction la
fois aise et fidle loriginal grec ou latin.Sans doute les rgles
de la traductologie varient-elles selon les poques, de mme
que toute traduction reflte un tat de langue propre chaque
poque. Aussi est-il priodiquement ncessaire de donner une nouvelle traduction des textes anciens. Le traducteur
dun texte patristique prtera donc une attention toute particulire la traduction des termes techniques de son auteur en
fonction aussi de lpoque et du milieu auxquels il appartient.
Quil sagisse dun vocabulaire exgtique, thologique, philosophique ou asctique, les mmes termes ne sont pas toujours
porteurs du mme sens. Onle voit bien dans les dbats doctrinaux des iveet vesicles. Sigrande est parfois la difficult
27
Preuve en est le choix, similaire celui de SC, retenu par la jeune
collection allemande Fontes Christiani(Bochum).
28 Quatre autres traditions fragmentaires doivent nanmoins tre prises en
compte: deux grecquesle papyrus dOxyrrhynque et un ensemble de citations
patristiques, une armnienne et une syriaque.
29 Une solide culture historique, philosophique et thologique, selon les cas,
est galement ncessaire.

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J.-N. GUINOT

traduire certains termes du vocabulaire thologique que le

traducteur savoue vaincu et choisit de les translittrer, bien
que cette solution ne puisse tre quexceptionnelle, sous peine
de rendre illisible la traduction!

4.Introduction, annotation et index

Lintroduction et lannotation du texte sont deux autres lments constitutifs des ditions de Sources Chrtiennes. Ence
domaine aussi, depuis lorigine, des volutions ont eu lieu.
Ilnest plus ncessaire aujourdhui de prsenter longuement des
auteurs qui, depuis longtemps, ont pris place dans la Collection.
Nide justifier le choix dditer les crits de tel Pre, pour prvenir dventuels censeurs ou marquer une volont de renouveau la fois spirituel et thologique, comme le fit H.deLubac
pour les homlies dOrigne.Sauf sil sagit dun auteur moins
connu, qui entre pour la premire fois dans la Collection un
Nicphore Blemmyds, par exemple, toute biographie dveloppe est aujourdhui superflue. De brves indications biographiques et historiques, destines situer luvre dans la production littraire de son auteur et dans le contexte qui lui adonn
naissance, et un renvoi des monographies existantes ou aux
crits du mme auteur prcdemment publis dans la Collection, suffiront dans la plupart des cas. Sil peut arriver encore que
la dcision de publier tel ou tel texte demande tre justifie,
ce nest plus, depuis longtemps, pour des raisons thologiques,
mais plutt cause du caractre polmique outrancier de certains textes patristiques, ainsi celui des Discours contre les Juifs de
Jean Chrysostome ou de certains traits dAgobard de Lyon, qui
risqueraient dtre perus comme un soutien apport lantismitisme et de blesser la communaut juive. Lerreur et le danger
seraient nanmoins aussi grands de vouloir occulter de tels crits
en raison de contextes particuliers ou, plus encore, pour sauvegarder limage vnrable de lauteur ancien.Ace compte, mme
si lenjeu nest pas du mme ordre, il et fallu sabstenir dditer
lesDiscours de Grgoire de Nazianze contre Julien, sous prtexte
que leurs outrances et linjustice des accusations portes contre
lempereur apostat risquaient de ternir la figure du thologien
et du pote!
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DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

On attend dune introduction de Sources Chrtiennes

quelle situe luvre dans son cadre historique et la production
de son auteur, en essayant de la dater avec prcision autant que
faire se peut, quelle en indique clairement non seulement le
sujet, les thmes principaux et la structure, en fonction du genre
littraire auquel elle appartient, mais aussi lintrt historique,
doctrinal ou spirituel. Aces diffrents chapitres sajoute toujours
un expos consacr la transmission du texte et aux manuscrits
retenus pour ltablissement du texte critique.Compte tenu du
public vis, il est recommand de ne pas trop alourdir cette partie
de lintroduction, en rservant, si possible, la publication dans
une revue spcialise, ltude complte de la tradition manuscrite, dont ne sera fournie ici quune prsentation synthtique.30
Sanstoujours yparvenir, nous veillons, en effet, respecter un
quilibre entre la longueur du texte, celle de sa prsentation et
celle de lannotation.Pareillement, la bibliographie sera slective
et directement utile ltude du texte prsent, son but tant
de fournir au lecteur qui le souhaite les indications ncessaires
pour approfondir telle question ou vrifier le fondement de telle
affirmation.
Contrairement ce qui sest plusieurs fois pratiqu par le
pass, pour certains textes, en raison de leur importance doctrinale ou spirituelle, ou encore de la difficult particulire qui leur
tait reconnuelAdversus haereses dIrne de Lyon, la Viede
saint Martin par Sulpice Svre, les traits de Tertullien ou la
Rglede saint Benot, pour ne citer que ces exemples, la Collection naccepte plus dsormais de publier indpendamment du
volume de texte un volume de commentaires.Lannotation sera
toujours une annotation de bas de page, ce qui ninterdit pas la
prsence de quelques notes complmentaires, synthtiques, rejetes en fin de volume. Comme pour lintroduction, on veillera
ce que les notes ncrasent pas le texte, mais en facilitent lintelligence grce des parallles bien choisis, lexplication succincte dun point de doctrine ou dhistoire, et attirent lattention
du lecteur sur ce qui en fait la richesse ou loriginalit.Alvidence, un commentaire ou une homlie exgtique ncessitent
30Telle fut par exemple la solution retenue pour ldition des Traits de
Marc leMoine d.G.M.deDurand (SC, 445, 455), Paris,1999-2000.

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J.-N. GUINOT

une annotation plus sobre que celle dun trait doctrinal ou dun
texte historique.
Cette volont de donner la priorit au texte se traduit enfin
par la prsence dun index verborum, toujours slectif dsormais,
en raison de lexistence doutils informatiques qui rendent lexhaustivit superflue. On ne retiendra donc, en fonction de la
nature du texte, quun nombre limit de mots, dans la mesure
o ils sont reprsentatifs du vocabulaire exgtique, thologique
ou spirituel de lauteur.
Lindex scripturaire tient naturellement une place essentielle
dans nos ditions, dautant que les citations bibliques chez les
Pres prsentent un intrt particulier pour ltude des diffrentes
formes du texte de la Bible.31 Lutilit dun index des noms de
personnes et de lieux nest jamais aussi grande, bien entendu, que
dans un ouvrage caractre historique.

5.Le rle de lInstitut des Sources Chrtiennes

Ne Lyon, la Collection Sources Chrtiennes yagrandi et
sy est dveloppe entre Sane et Rhne, proximit de lUniversit Catholique dont la bibliothque complte utilement celle
de lInstitut, en particulier pour les revues, et en liaison troite
et statutaire avec lUniversit Lumire-Lyon2 et la Maison de
lOrient et de la Mditerrane-Jean Pouilloux, au sein de lunit
de recherche Histoire et Sources des Mondes antiques du
C.N.R.S.(HiSoMa).
5.1.Structure de lInstitut
LInstitut rassemble autour dun mme projet, ldition des textes
patristiques, deux entits: une unit du C.N.R.S., composante
de lquipe HiSoMa, de sept membres, tous lacsdeux chercheurs et cinq ingnieurs de recherche, trois hommes et quatre
femmes, et lAssociation des amis de Sources Chrtiennes qui
salarie quatre personnesune assistante de direction, une bibliothcaire charge galement de la publication assiste par ordina31 Tmoins les ditions critiques de la Septante procures par lentreprise
de Gttingen(1931-) et, pour les vieilles latines, celles de Beuron(1945-).

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DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

teur (P.A.O.), une relectrice et un chercheur associ, un jsuite

mis la disposition de lquipe par la Compagnie.LAssociation
fournit galement lunit C.N.R.S.les locaux qui labritent
et la logistique ncessaire son activit.Fonde par des pres
jsuites, la Collection fut dirige de fait par le P.Claude Mondsert, pendant prs de quarante ans, puis par son successeur, le
P.Dominique Bertrand, de1984 1994. Acette date, selon le
souhait de la Compagnie de Jsus, la direction en at confie
pour la premire fois au lac que je suis, chercheur au C.N.R.S.,
qui prit galement en charge, en1999, la direction de lInstitut.
Depuis2007, un autre lac, lui aussi chercheur au C.N.R.S.,
M.Bernard Meunier, exerce son tour ces deux fonctions directoriales.
Alintrieur des trois grands domaines couverts par la Collectiongrec, latin et oriental, at institue au sein de lquipe,
partir des annes2000, une rpartition des tches par ples:
trois ples principaux pour les Pres grecs (Alexandrie, Antioche,
Cappadoce) et trois autres pour les Pres latins (Italie, Afrique
romaine, Gaule), auxquels sajoutent un ple pour les Pres
Orientaux (syriaque, armnien, gorgien) et un autre pour
le Moyen ge occidental.Pour des raisons defficacit dans le
suivi des dossiers et des relations avec les collaborateurs, chaque
membre de lquipe aen charge, sous la responsabilit du directeur, au moins lun de ces ples.
5.2.Les collaborateurs de la Collection
Telle est donc aujourdhui la structure qui assure la rvision et
la prparation des manuscrits en vue de leur publication.Elle
bnficie dun rseau tendu de collaborateurs, en France et
ltranger,en Europe surtout,mais aussi en Amrique du
Nord et jusquen Australie, sans lequel la Collection ne saurait
se dvelopper au rythme qui est le sien.Religieux ou clercs,
lorigine, ces collaborateurs sont majoritairement aujourdhui
des lacs, enseignants duniversits ou chercheurs, de confession
chrtienne, mais aussi isralite, voire pour certains agnostiques.
Cela tient au fait que lhistoire de lAntiquit tardive chrtienne
et la littrature patristique ont trouv droit de cit dans lUniversit, et que lexception franaise dune universit laque, au sens
troit du terme, aprogressivement laiss place une vision plus
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J.-N. GUINOT

ouverte et moins rductrice de lhritage grco-latin.De ce fait,

les travaux universitaires sur les auteurs chrtiens des premiers
sicles, longtemps demeurs terra incognita, se sont multiplis sous
forme de mmoires, de thses et dditions de textes. La rforme
rcente en France et, dans plusieurs pays europens, de la thse
de doctorat s lettres agalement contribu largir le vivier des
diteurs de textes anciens, dont les recherches aboutissent assez
rgulirement une publication dans Sources Chrtiennes.
Cette situation prsente plusieurs avantages.Elle permet dapprcier le niveau scientifique de la thse soutenue et laptitude de
son auteur oprer les ajustements ncessaires entre un ouvrage
destin un jury universitaire et un volume de Sources Chrtiennes qui sadresse un autre type de lectorat. Elle permet
aussi, grce des contacts suivis avec les professeurs duniversit
chargs dun enseignement touchant lantiquit tardive, de susciter des recherches dans le domaine patristique, voire de constituer une quipe en vue de ldition dune uvre donne. Cest
lun des rles des instances scientifiques mises en place depuis la
fin des annes Mondsert.
5.3.Instances scientifiques
Elles sont aujourdhui au nombre de deux: un Conseil scientifique, qui se runit une fois lan, compos des acteurs de
lInstitut et dun reprsentant de chacune des principales universits ou centres de recherche franais dlivrant un enseignement
touchant lantiquit tardive chrtienne,32 et une Commission,
manation de ce mme Conseil. Le rle de celle-ci est de juger
de la recevabilit des propositions adresses lInstitut et de nommer des rviseurs pour les manuscrits dposs, qui prsenteront
leur rapport au Conseil scientifique.Pour chaque auteur dsireux de publier un texte dans Sources Chrtiennes, les tapes
observer sont les suivantes: 1. Acceptation de la proposition
par la Commission et validation par le Conseil; 2. Convention
signe par lInstitut avec lauteur; 3. Remise du manuscrit et
dsignation dun relecteur; 4. Rapport scientifique du rappor32 Le Conseil bnficie rgulirement dun reprsentant des universits francophones de Suisse et, plus pisodiquement, dun reprsentant des universits
dItalie, avec lesquelles les collaborations sont nombreuses.

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DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

teur devant le Conseil; 5. Acceptation ou refus par le Conseil du

manuscrit pour la publication.
Une fois accept pour la publication, le manuscrit est confi
un membre de lquipe qui en assure la rvision, non seulement
pour sassurer de sa conformit avec les normes de la Collection,
prcises dans un volume de Directives, mais aussi pour vrifier
lexactitude de la traduction, la lisibilit et la cohrence de lapparat critique, lexactitude des renvois bibliographiques, celle des
index, etc. Cest l un travail patient et minutieux, qui suppose
dordinaire des changes suivis avec lauteur auquel peuvent tre
proposs des amnagements ou des corrections.Ce travail est
toujours grandement facilit si des contacts ont t pris trs tt
entre lauteur du manuscrit et un membre de lquipe.

6.Aide ldition des textes fournie par lInstitut

Aujourdhui Sources Chrtiennes na plus la possibilit de
reprendre ou remanier en profondeur des parties entires du
manuscrit dun auteur, comme purent le faire en leur temps les
PP.Mondsert, Doutreleau ou Vregille et dautres membres de
lquipe. Cela se produit encore pourtant, non sans rclamer un
gros investissement de la part de la personne qui en est charge,
lorsque la mort aempch lauteur de mettre la dernire main
son manuscrit. De manire gnrale, laide fournie aux collaborateurs de la Collection, quelle que soit son importance, est
toujours apprcie, voire indispensable.
Elle se traduit par la mise disposition de toute une srie dinformations pratiques et de documents que chaque collaborateur
ou futur diteur dun texte patristique peut trouver sur le site
de Sources Chrtiennes33 et charger librement, qui lui fourniront, ct du volume de Directives, une rponse claire la
plupart de ses questions.Plus largement, la consultation du site
permet de connatre les travaux et les projets ddition en cours,
mais aussi les textes libres et ceux que la Collection souhaiterait
voir diter.

33Adresse du site: http://www.sources-chretiennes.mom.fr; liens avec

le site des ditions du Cerf et plusieurs autres sites.

239

J.-N. GUINOT

Elle se traduit aussi par lorganisation, chaque anne, depuis

bientt vingt ans, dune semaine de formation ldition des
textes anciens, prcde pour celles et ceux qui le souhaitent
dune initiation la palographie grecque.Cette semaine decdotique accueille rgulirement vingt vingt-cinq jeunes chercheurs franais et trangers, dsireux dditer un texte grec ou
latin, quil soit ou non patristique.La formation, naturellement
axe sur ldition de textes patristiques, comporte une srie de
confrences gnrales traitant de chaque aspect de lecdotique:
la recherche des manuscrits, leur collation, leur classement, la
rdaction de lapparat; la traduction, lintroduction et les notes;
lattention porter au texte biblique, lhistoire et aux realia, et
bien sr au caractre doctrinal du texte.Ces exposs se doublent
de travaux pratiques sous la forme dateliers de grec ou de latin,
anims par les membres de lquipe, o, par groupes de six ou
huit personnes, chacun est amen parcourir les diffrentes
tapes de ldition, depuis la lecture et la collation de manuscrits
jusqu la constitution dun texte critique, de ses apparatscritique et scripturaireet sa traduction.
Lintgration au sein dune quipe, parfois internationale,
runie autour dun projet donn, est une autre manire encore
dapporter un soutien aux collaborateurs de Sources Chrtiennes, dans la mesure o les changes sont alors facilits et o
sexerce librement un contrle mutuel entre spcialistes de disciplines diffrentes, quil sagisse de llaboration du texte critique,
de la traduction ou des notes.Ainsi ont t lancs plusieurs chantiers, certains dj anciens et proches de leur achvementldition des traits de Tertullien, celle des Discours de Grgoire de
Nazianze, celle des Institutions divines de Lactance, dautres plus
rcents pour ldition des traits de Cyprien de Carthage, des
uvres compltes de Bernard de Clairvaux, des traits de Grgoire de Nysse. Dernirement ont t mises en place une quipe
internationale pour ldition des traits dAmbroise de Milan
et une autre pour ceux de Jrme, une quipe franco-italienne
pour ldition des Homlies sur les psaumes de Basile de Csare,
et une quipe franco-allemande pour celle du Contre Julien de
Cyrille dAlexandrie.
Un autre grand chantier, le projet Biblindex, destin lui aussi
apporter une aide aux diteurs de textes patristiques, at
240

DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

rcemment ouvert en marge de la Collection,34 avec le soutien du C.N.R.S.Sous la responsabilit dun membre de notre
quipe, Mme Laurence Mellerin, le projet fdre plusieurs
centres de recherche et universits dEurope. On trouvera sur
le site de Sources Chrtiennes tous les renseignements souhaits sur cette base informatique qui intgre dj toutes les
donnes publies dans Biblia Patristica par le Centre dAnalyse
et de Documentation Patristiques (C.A.D.P.) de Strasbourg.
Ds aujourdhui consultable, la base est destine senrichir de
milliers de rfrences supplmentaires, lobjectif tant terme
de permettre le reprage des citations et allusions bibliques
de toute la littrature juive et chrtienne de lAntiquit et du
Moyen ge. Dj, dans son tat actuel, avec plus de 650.000
rfrences, elle permet daccder une meilleure connaissance
de la Bible des Pres grecs et latins, et, dans un avenir proche, des
Pres orientaux.Avec le projet en cours de LaBible dAlexandrie
aux ditions duCerf,35 auquel contribuent plusieurs collaborateurs de Sources Chrtiennes, Biblindex est trs reprsentatif
de ce double mouvement de la recherche actuelle, qui va de la
Bible aux Pres et des Pres la Bible, comme pour mieux
souligner le lien qui unit les deux domaines de recherche.
Telle quelle se prsente aujourdhui, avec plus de 560volumes
et un accroissement de 8 9 titres nouveaux par an, en moyenne,
la Collection Sources Chrtiennes offre dj un panorama
assez complet de la littrature patristique.Certes des manques
demeurent criants, notamment en ce qui concerne les Pres
orientaux. Mais enfin la littrature des trois premiers sicles yest
largement reprsente: les apologistes et Irne dans leur totalit,
Tertullien en grande partie et aussi Cyprien de Carthage, Clment
et Origne pour lessentiel.On peut dj ylire, au fil des sicles,
une histoire de lexgse, de la thologie et de la christologie, du
monachisme, de la spiritualit orientale et occidentale. Ysuivre
aussi, dans une certaine mesure, les diverses expressions de la vie
liturgique ou les proccupations pastorales des Pres concer Adresse du site: http://www.biblindex.mom.fr.
Cette collection aentrepris depuis1986, sous la direction de M.Harl,
la traduction en franais et lannotation des livres de la Septante(texte de
A.Rahlfs); une vingtaine de volumes est dj publie.
34
35

241

J.-N. GUINOT

nant linstruction des fidles (catchses) et la vie chrtienne.

Enfin toutes les grandes histoires ecclsiastiques sont dsormais
publies, depuis celle dEusbe jusqu celle dvagre le Scolastique, en passant par celle de Philostorge, la seule fournir
le point de vue dun htrodoxe.
Ce bilan honorable est d en grande partie laudace et la
tnacit de nos fondateurs, celle de Claude Mondsert en particulier, au courage des directeurs des ditions du Cerf qui ont
pris le risque de courir cette aventure36 en un temps o la
prudence semblait le dconseiller, au soutien que le C.N.R.S.
ajusquici accord Sources Chrtiennes, celui que lui
apportent les milieux universitaires et la Compagnie de Jsus, et
bien sr au travail quotidien de lquipe Sources Chrtiennes.
On ne saurait oublier limportance que joue depuis cinquante
ans lA.I.E.P.en faveur des tudes patristiques grce au rseau
que constituent son Annuaire et son Bulletin, grce aussi aux
rencontres quadriennales dOxford, un lieu dchanges privilgi entre chercheurs du monde entier.Ce nest pas par hasard
si J.Danilou en fut, ds le dbut, un fidle participant, et, sa
suite, C.Mondsert qui assura en1979 le secrtariat de lA.I.E.P.
et manifesta ici encore ses talents dorganisateur, avec lappui
efficace de Mlle M.-L.Guillaumin.37 Cest l que ce sont nous
des contacts nombreux et des amitis solides.

36 Le mot est emprunt au titre de la confrence que pronona C.Mondsert Naples, en1986, intitule Sources Chrtiennes: une aventure de quarante-cinq annes et publie dans Alle sorgenti della cultura cristiana, Naples,1987,
p.21-46.
37Voir Bulletin des amis de Sources Chrtiennes, 42(juin1980): Sans doute
la Collection pourrait-elle tre encore plus et mieux connue, et devrait-elle
avoir une clientle plus tendue, mais ces progrs souhaitables deux faits rcents
apporteront peut-tre une contribution efficace: la publication et la diffusion
de la brochure Pour lire les Pres de lglise(Foi Vivante,196) [...]; et la prise
en charge, par lInstitut des Sources Chrtiennes, du Secrtariat gnral de
lAssociation Internationale des tudes Patristiques, charge qui nous at impose lan dernier, au Congrs dOxford, charge qui est onreuse tous points de
vue, mais qui permet dtendre et de perfectionner encore notre rseau de relations internationales. Cest grce aux longs efforts et lesprit mthodique dune
de nos collaboratrices, Marie-Louise Guillaumin, que les archives et la comptabilit de cette Association ont t remises en ordre, aprs une grande dbcle,
suite de maladies et de dcs prmaturs parmi les responsables; aujourdhui,
nous venons dachever la rdaction dun premier Annuaire et nous prparons
pour lautomne un Bulletin dinformation sur les travaux en cours, les projets,

242

DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

De mme que les responsables actuels de notre Association

ont rcemment relay un appel en faveur de lI.E.A., je voudrais mon tour, en terminant, attirer lattention des membres
de lA.I.E.P. sur la situation de fragilit dans laquelle se trouve
aujourdhui Sources Chrtiennes. Les lecteurs du Bulletin de
lAssociation des Amis de Sources Chrtiennes ont pu, depuis plusieurs annes, constater lexistence dun dficit important et
rcurrent, hlas structurel, dans les finances de lAssociation des
Amis.Il nous acontraints en2009 abandonner les locaux que
nous occupions dans un btiment de lUniversit Catholique en
raison de notre impossibilit continuer den acquitter le loyer.
Laccueil, titre gracieux pour six ans, dans des locaux appartenant la Compagnie de Jsus, apermis dviter le pire, mais pour
un temps limit.Dautre part, la politique actuelle du C.N.R.S.
ne laisse pas esprer un renouvellement prochain des postes de
chercheurs ou dingnieurs, dernirement partis en retraite.
Il devient donc de plus en plus difficile de maintenir le rythme
des publications.Acela sajoutent la baisse du lectorat, les difficults que connat ldition religieuse surtout scientifique, une
inculture grandissante en matire religieuse, en France du moins,
la disparition progressive des enseignements du latin et du grec
dans nos tablissements scolaires et, par voie de consquence,
lUniversit. Sans catastrophisme, il nous faut donc regarder la
ralit en face.
Je ne voudrais pas achever sur cette note sombre la clbration des cinquante ans de lA.I.E.P. Lexistence de plusieurs collections de textes patristiques, conues sur un modle proche de
celui de Sources Chrtiennes,38 ou proposant un public plus
large une bonne vulgarisation,39 lexistence de plusieurs revues
patristiques, le nombre de personnes qui, le temps de la retraite
les publications, les colloques et congrs, et toutes les manifestations de lactivit
patristique dans le monde entier(C.Mondsert).
38La Bibliothque Augustinienne, Paris,1933, prcda de quelque dix ans
la naissance de SC, qui vit sa suite fleurir plusieurs autres collections: Early
Christian Texts, Oxford,1972; Corona Patrum, Turin,1975; Biblioteca Patristica,
Florence-Bologne,1980; Fontes Christiani, Bochum; Fuentes Patristicas, Madrid,
1991.
39 Cfr. les collections: Ancient Christian Writers,1946; Fathers ofthe Church,
1947; Collana diTesti Patristici, 1976; Les Pres dans la foi, 1977; Spiritualit
Orientale,1968; Philocalie des Pres neptiques,1979.

243

J.-N. GUINOT

venu, souhaitent se former dans les domaines de la thologie,

de lexgse et de la patristique, le succs rpt depuis quinze
ans de notre semaine ecdotique, lintrt et les ractions suscits par des sries tlvises rcentes comme Corpus Christi ou
LesOrigines du christianisme de Grard Mordillat et Jrme Prieur,
lcho rencontr dans les milieux cultivs par la dcouverte de
nouvelles lettres,40 puis de nouveaux sermons dAugustin,41 et
dernirement, celle de nouvelles homlies dOrigne sur les
psaumes dans un manuscrit de Munich et dans loriginal grec,
sont autant de signes encourageants.
Que les Pres aient encore quelque chose dire lhomme
daujourdhui et ne soient pas seulement un simple patrimoine
conserver pieusement, cela peut tre compris de beaucoup:
eux aussi ont cherch entrer en dialogue avec le monde de
leur temps, avec le judasme, avec la philosophie, avec dautres
religions, non sans difficults ou mme maladresses; eux aussi se
sont heurts lindiffrence, lincomprhension, lhostilit,
mais ont poursuivi leur qute de Dieu et de lhomme. Ils ont en
tout cas trop crit sur la Providence pour que nous doutions de
son assistance. Encore faut-il trouver les moyens qui lui permettront de se dployer.
Mais surtout, comme lcrit Michel Fdou dans un ouvrage
rcent:
Aujourdhui pas plus quhier, lintelligence de la foi ne peut se
passer dune rfrence vivante aux crits patristiques. Dire cela
ne signifie pas que tout thologien doive tre un spcialiste en
patrologie, mais que comme dautres poques, bien que
de manires ncessairement nouvelles la frquentation des
Pres doit pour sa part contribuer aux tches de la thologie.42

40
En1975, Johannes Divjak identifiait, la Bibliothque municipale de
Marseille, un lot de 29lettres dAugustin, parmi lesquelles 27 taient jusque-l
totalement inconnues, aujourdhui dites dans la Bibliothque Augustinienne
(BA, 46B), Paris,1987.
41En1990, Franois Dolbeau dcouvrait 62sermons dAugustin dans
un manuscrit de la Bibliothque municipale de Mayence, dits(latin) par linventeur sous le titre Vingt-six sermons au peuple dAfrique, retrouvs Mayence
(Collection des tudes Augustiniennes, 147), Institut dtudes augustiniennes, Paris,
1996 (2eed.2009).
42M.Fdou, Les Pres de lglise et la thologie chrtienne, ditions Facults
Jsuites de Paris, Paris,2013, p.11.

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DITER ET TRADUIRE LES CRITS DES PRES DANSSOURCES CHRTIENNES

Le temps est loin dsormais o Sources Chrtiennes suscitait

des inquitudes dans les milieux thomistes et semblait des censeurs sourcilleux favoriser une tentative de subversion de la scolastique! Le concile VaticanII, auquel furent invits participer
comme experts les PP.H. de Lubac et Jean Danilou, en a fourni
la preuve. Aussi pouvons-nous emprunter encore M.Fdou les
mots qui serviront de conclusion notre propos:
La mmoire des Pres, ds lors quelle devient prsence, est
par le fait mme inspiration pour lavenir. Elle suscite donc
de nouveaux langages sur la foi, selon la nouveaut des lieux
et des temps. Plus le thologien aura frquent les Pres, plus
il prouvera la ncessit intrieure de parler son propre
compte et dans son propre langage (...), parce que le contact
mme avec leurs crits lui aura apport une lumire inattendue, apte susciter ou fconder son propre travail dintelligence de la foi.43

Bibliographie
Littrature secondaire
M.Fdou, Les Pres de lglise et la thologie chrtienne, ditions Facults Jsuites de Paris, Paris,2013.
.Fouilloux, La collection Sources Chrtiennes: diter les Pres de
lglise au xxesicle, Paris,1995, 2edition,2011.
M.Harl, La Bible en Sorbonne ou la revanche drasme, Paris,2007.
H.I. Marrou, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique, 2vols.,
Paris,1938.
C.Mondsert, Sources Chrtiennes: une aventure de quarante-cinq
annes, dans Alle sorgenti della cultura cristiana, Naples,1987,
p.21-46.
http://www.sources-chretiennes.mom.fr.
http://www.biblindex.mom.fr.

Ibid., p.337-338.

43

245

J.-N. GUINOT

Abstracts
La concidence de la clbration des cinquante ans de lAIEP avec les
soixante-dix ans de la collection Sources Chrtiennes fournit loccasion
du prsent expos. Une premire partie retrace grands traits lhistoire de la Collection depuis sa gense, au scolasticat de la Compagnie
de Jsus, Lyon, sur la colline de Fourvire, puis sa naissance dans les
annes les plus sombres de la guerre et de loccupation (1941/1942),
jusqu la reconnaissance scientifique que lui ont apporte le CNRS
et lUniversit partir de 1950. Sont mises ensuite en vidence les
caractristiques des ditions de Sources Chrtiennes. Unregard rtrospectif port sur les premiers volumes permet de mesurer les volutions qui se sont produites depuis soixante-dix ans. Lesexigences
scientifiques ont t renforces, mais la physionomie gnrale des
volumes demeure inchange, comme la volont de rendre accessibles
au lecteur les crits des Pres grce des introductions substantielles,
des traductions fidles et un appareil de notes et dindex. La dernire
partie de lexpos insiste sur le rle de lInstitut qui assure la vie de la
Collection et sur laide quil apporte aux chercheurs et aux diteurs
de textes patristiques.
The coinciding of the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the
IAPS with the seventieth anniversary of the Sources Chrtiennes collection provides an opportunity for this essay. Its first part recounts
in broad terms the history of the Collection from its origins, in
the seminary of the Society of Jesus in Lyon on Fourvire hill,
to its inception in the darkest hours of the war and the occupation
(1941-1942), leading to its scientific recognition through the CNRS
and the University from 1950 onwards. The paper then highlights the
main characteristics of Sources Chrtiennes. A retrospective glance at
the first volumes enables the reader to grasp the evolutions that have
happened in the last seventy years. The scientific requirements have
been strengthened, but the general presentation of volumes remain
unchanged, as is the intention to make the writings of the Fathers
accessible to the reader thanks to substantial introductions, faithful
translations and a system of notes and indexes. The last part of the
essay insists on the role of the Institute which is central to the life of
the Collection and on the support it provides to researchers and to
editors of patristic texts.

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PATRISTICS AND THE CONFLUENCE

OF JEWISH, CHRISTIAN,
AND MUSLIM CULTURES

AVERIL CAMERON
Oxford

PATRISTIC STUDIES
AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

What has Islam to do with patristic studies, and what can patristic
studies contribute to our understanding ofearly Islam? InJerusalem, in the context ofaconference concerned with the discipline
ofpatristic studies, these seem to be questions worth asking.
For the most part, scholars ofearly Islam and ofthe Quran,
and patristic scholars, seem to operate in different worlds.
Not only are disciplinary boundaries maintained but also methodologies, questions and approaches. Iwas first struck by this in
the1980s, not in relation to patristic studies, but to late antique
history, when Ijoined with two colleagues in Arabic and in
Islamic archaeology to set up aseries ofworkshops and apublication series that became Studies in LateAntiquity and EarlyIslam.
Our aim was rather simpleto come together and learn from
each other. Many volumes have been published in the series
since then.1 However, theology, ofapatristic sort, did not
feature very much in our enterprise, and acompanion series,
The Formation ofthe Classical Islamic World,2 does not cover patristic themes.
What then do patristics and early Islam have to do with each
other? Ihave noticed that in the annual bulletin ofthe International Association ofPatristic Studies there are no sections on

1
Edited by L.I.Conrad, J.Scheiner, Princeton, NJ, currently running
to 24 volumes; sadly the volume that should have collected workshop papers
on culture and religion has not appeared.
2 Also edited by L.I.Conrad, also far running to 24 titles, but published by
Ashgate.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107521

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Christianity, or patristics, and Islam (unlike the section on Christianity and Judaism).Yet the question ofconnection seems all
the more worth asking now, when one can detect adistinct
current trend towards seeing the emergence ofIslam as aphenomenon oflate antiquity, and Islam not as asudden eruption
from the deserts ofArabia, but also as aproductin whatever
way ofthe religious framework ofthe eastern Mediterranean.
We can see this trend among historians oflate antiquity and
among scholars ofthe Quran and early Islam alike: take for instance arecent publication, the Oxford Handbook ofLateAntiquity,
published in2012, where we find achapter by Robert Hoyland
with the title Early Islam as alate antique religion,3 in which
Hoyland lists one by one the features ofearly Islam that in his
opinion are characteristic oflate antiquity. It is also commonly
stated that Islam was aproduct ofthe so-called Judaeo-Christian world. One does not have to look as far as the well-known
sceptical studies ofearly Islam by scholars such as John Wansborough, Gerald Hawting or Patricia Crone and Michael Cook,
whose book Hagarism came out in1977,4 when such current
works on the Quran as those by scholars such as Angelika Neuwirth or Gabriel Reynolds are also thinking in terms ofalate
antique context.5 Within late antique scholarship there has been
adecisive turn to the east, to the mixed and culturally and linguistically rich world ofthe eastern Mediterranean and eastern
Christianity; within such aperspective, not only does Byzantium
itself seem faraway, but is also hard to accommodate in the new
historical scenarios. Arecent book by Garth Fowden places the
emergence ofIslam within an expanded late antiquity that con-

3
R.G.Hoyland, Islam as alate antique religion, in Oxford Handbook
ofLateAntiquity ed.S.F.Johnson, NewYork,2012, p.1053-1077.
4 P.Crone, M.Cook, Hagarism. TheMaking ofthe Islamic World, Cambridge,1977; cfr. J.E.Wansborough, The Sectarian Milieu.Content and Composition ofIslamic Salvation History, Oxford,1978; G.Hawting, The Idea ofIdolatry
and the Emergence ofIslam.From Polemic to History, Cambridge,1999.
5 The Quran in its Historical Contexted.G.S.Reynolds, London,2008;
New Perspectives on the Quran. TheQuran in its Historical Context 2 ed.G.S.
Reynolds, London,2011; A.Neuwirth, Der Koran als Text der Sptantike. Ein
europischer Zugang, Berlin,2010; The Quran in Context.Historical and Literary
Investigations into the Quranic Milieu ed.A.Neuwirth, N.Sinai, M.Marx,
Leiden,2010.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

tinued, in his view, even as late as the first millennium. Avery

different book by Aziz al-Azmeh is entitled, uncompromisingly,
The Emergence ofIslam in LateAntiquity.6 Its author, aspecialist
in Arabic and Islam, argues for aPalaeo-Muslim phase deeply
embedded in the religious milieu oflate antiquity.7 Inthis powerful book he too argues for Islam as aproduct oflate antiquity
and places astrong emphasis on the shared concept ofuniversal
empire. Theestablishment ofuniversity chairs in the study ofthe
Abrahamic religions, as has happened recently for instance at
both Oxford and Cambridge, indicates another current tendency,
whereby the similarities, rather than the differences, between
Judaism, Christianity and Islam are made the focus ofexploration.8 Inthe latter context, the implications ofmonotheism have
become acentral topic.9 Against such abackground, the question that has been neglected up to now, ofwhat if anything
patristic studies can contribute to the discussion, seems avery
pressing one.
There may be several reasons why it has not been raised in this
form before. Thefirst relates to the prevailing discipline oflate
antique studies or late antique history, to which Christian materials are ofcourse basic, but which rarely engages in theological,
or what we might call patristic issues as such, leaving these for
G.Fowden, Before and After Muhammad. TheFirst Millenium Refocused,
Princeton,2013; cfr. Fowden, The Umayyad horizon, Journal ofRoman
Archaeology, 25.2(2012), p.974-982.Cfr. A.al-Azmeh, The Emergence ofIslam
in LateAntiquity: Allah and His People, Cambridge,2014.
7 A.al-Azmeh, Rom, das Neue Rom und Baghdad.Pfade der Sptantike, Carl
Heinrich Becker Lecture2008, Berlin,2008.However al-Azmeh sees the
Christian elements as sedimentary fragments ofearly Christianity ... preserved
in the fringe(p.70).
8 Indeed, Guy Stroumsa, the first holder ofthe Oxford chair, has addressed
some ofmy present questions in arecent paper, though from the different perspective ofahistorian ofreligions and ideas: see G.G.Stroumsa, Athens,
Jerusalem and Mecca: the patristic crucible ofthe Abrahamic religions, Studia
Patristica, 62.10(2013), p.153-168, delivered as the opening lecture at the
16thInternational Patristic Conference in Oxford in2011; he remarks at p.156
that patristic literature, in particular, offers amajor, if undervalued, testimony
to the background ofthe Quranic view ofAbraham and ofits religion, in
akind ofpraeparatio islamica, in which central tenets ofthe new religion were
already incipient in late antique patterns ofthought and behaviour.
9Already raised by G.Fowden, Empire to Commonwealth.Consequences
ofMonotheism in LateAntiquity, Princeton,1993, and see below.Al-Azmeh
downplays the theme, as also patristic and Jewish influences.
6

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theology, or, after acertain chronological point, to specialist

historians or theologians ofthe Orthodox church. Another reason is the well-known slowness with which Christians ofthe
seventh and eighth centuries seem to have engaged with Islam
as anew religion, or, if and when they did, their apparent lack
ofdetailed knowledge. Thefamous chapter on Islam added to
John ofDamascuss On heresies has often been cited as acase
in point, all the more surprising if John had the upbringing
in Umayyad Damascus ascribed to him in later hagiography.10
One ofthe earliest indications ofknowledge ofspecifically
Quranic themes is found in the Hodegos of Anastasius ofSinai
ofthe late seventh century.11 Anastasius travelled extensively,
and his writings also contain references to Muslims and to
Muslim building in Jerusalem. As one would ofcourse expect,
awareness ofMuslims is also apparent in other seventh-century
writings, but it is harder to find Christians engaging with specific
teachings.
The problem ofthis chronological gap has been discussed
many times, and awareness ofwhat seems to amodern observer
to be arather surprising fact has perhaps also had the effect ofdiscouraging acloser engagement by patristic scholars with actual
scholarship on early Islamand certainly ofcourse vice versa.
Put another way, the search for sources about early Islam, the
intense discussion ofits earliest phase ofhistorical development
and the excellent recent work done from this point ofview
on the non-Muslim sources by Robert Hoyland and others,12
has tended to obscure the sorts ofquestions which might be
ofmost interest to patristic scholars. Thedating ofsurviving

10
R.Le Coz, Jean Damascne.crits sur lIslam(SC, 383), Paris,1992.
John ofDamascuss treatment ofIslam as aChristian heresy is perfectly understandable in the context ofhis On heresies and its debts to earlier heresiological
writing, as Guy Stroumsa has also brought out: G.G. Stroumsa, Barbarians or
heretics? Jews and Arabs in the mind ofByzantium(fourth to eighth centuries),
in Jews in Byzantium.Dialectics ofMinority and Majority Cultures ed.R.Bonfil
et al., Leiden,2012, p.761-776, in partic.p.772-774.
11See S.H. Griffith, Anastasius ofSinai, the Hodegos and the Muslims,
Greek Orthodox Theological Review, 32.4(1987), p.341-358.
12See R.G.Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It.ASurvey and Evaluation
ofChristian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam(Studies in LateAntiquity
and Early Islam, 13), Princeton,1997.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

works is also akey factor, and again, it is not surprising to find

that awareness increases in the late seventh and eighth centuries.13 Investigating Christian-Muslim awareness in that period
is very different from positing Christian influences on the very
earliest stages ofMuhammads teaching and its expression in the
Quran. Finally, we must recognize that adifferent, but substantial, proportion ofthe scholarship on Christian and Muslim
relations in the early period springs from an inter-faith and interconfessional context.14 Understandable though it is, this too can
act as adeterminant ofthe questions that are asked, or at least
constitute aparticular set ofobjectives.
There is at present arenewed and intense interest in the
origins ofIslam, not only among Quranic scholars, but also as
historians oflate antiquity bring the early Islamic period into
their purview. Ineed hardly say that such an enterprise is fraught
with difficulties, not least because the Quran itself tells us so
little about the historical background from which it sprang that
the subject has lent itself to some very radical re-interpretation,
including the hypothesis, published under apseudonym, that it
originated in aChristian milieu and found expression in Syrian
Aramaic rather than Arabic.15 It is not surprising if, on the one
hand, many scholars have and still do accept the basic version
presented in the later Arabic sources, the hadith and the sira, or if
they have turned, on the other, like Crone and Cook, to what
can be gleaned from the non-Muslim contemporary sources.
Even accepting an Arabian context for the Quran (which is now
13
See for instance V.Droche, Polmique anti-Judaque et emergence de
lIslam(viie-viiiesicles), Revue des tudes Byzantines, 57(1999), p.141-161.
14See for instance The Encounter ofEastern Christianity with Early Islam
ed.E.Grypeou, M.Swanson, D.Thomas, Leiden,2006; Christians and Muslims
in Dialogue in the Islamic Orient ofthe Middle Ages ed.M.Tamcke, Beirut,
Wrzburg,2007, and especially the major work ofDavid Thomas, Professor ofChristianity and Islam, and Nadir Dinshaw, Professor ofInterreligious
Relations, at the University ofBirmingham, as editors ofthe series The History
ofChristian-Muslim Relations, published by Brill, with the five-volume Christian
and Muslim Relations, aBibliographical History, also published by Brill, Leiden,
2009-2013.
15 C.Luxenburg, Die syro-aramische Lesart des Koran.Ein Beitrag zur
Entschlsselung der Koranssprache, rev.ed., Berlin,2004.For English translation,
see Id., The Syro-Aramaic Reading ofthe Koran: AContribution to the Decoding
ofthe Language ofthe Koran, Berlin,2007.

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far from being generally agreed), it is often stated that we know

much more about Judaea and Palestine in the first century than
we do about Arabia in the early seventh.
However, recent scholarship does in fact have something
to contribute on the penetration ofArabia by Christianity.
Furthermore, we also now know from recent scholarship much
more about Christianity in the Sasanian empire.It was not simply amatter ofapossible encounter with the Greek and Syriacspeaking Christians ofthe Byzantine empire, previously written
off in many accounts as dominated by Monophysites/Miaphysites who were supposed to have welcomed the Arabs because
ofalienation from the imperial religion ofConstantinople.
Nor is there any need nowadays to rely on the traditional figure
ofaNestorian monk as the likely source ofChristian material in
the Quran. Christians themselves were on the move. Arecent
study by Joel Walker has revealed the extent offormal religious
debates both between Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians, and
between Christians themselves, sponsored by the Sasanian court,
and he and others have written about the travels ofEast and
West Christian holy men in the Sasanian empire.16 The Spiritual
Meadow by John Moschus indicates adense world ofmonastic travel within the Roman empire itself.17 Inside the Sasanian empire, the School ofNisibis produced aline ofChristian
scholars, exegetes and wandering scholars.It clearly had ascriptorium, as did the Christian monastery founded by Chosroes IIat
Hulwan in western Iran,18 while the East Syrian monastery at
16
J.T. Walker, The Legend ofMar Qardagh.Narrative and Christian Heroism
in Late Antique Iraq, Berkeley,2006; see also P.Wood, We have no King
but Christ. Christian Political Thought in Greater Syria on the Eve ofthe Arab
Conquest(c.400-585), Oxford,2010; Averil Cameron, Dialoguing in
LateAntiquity, Washington, D.C.,2014, chapter 2.
17See P.Booth, Crisis ofEmpire.Doctrine and Dissent at the End ofAntiquity,
Berkeley,2013.
18 Walker, The Legend ofMar Qardagh, p.329-330.On learning at
Qenneshre in Mesopotamia: J.Tannous, You are what you read. Qenneshre
and the Miaphysite church in the seventh century, in History and Identity in the
Late Antique Near East ed.P.Wood, Oxford,2013, p.83-102. On Christian
Arabs in the Roman empire before Islam, and for the term Arab, see now
F.Millar, Religion, Language and Community in the Roman Near East. Constantine to Muhammad, Oxford,2014, p.138-151, with R.G. Hoyland, Arabia and
the Arabs. From the Bronze Age to the Coming ofIslam, Oxford,2001.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

Kharg in the Persian Gulf had alibrary with wall niches to hold
its books.19
Probably the most striking development has been in recent
scholarship on the kingdom ofHimyar in South Yemen (southwest Arabia), which is richly documented in inscriptions and
written texts. Inthe early sixth century this kingdom had aJewish ruler, who instigated apogrom ofChristians (who had long
been established in the kingdom). It provoked ajoint expedition from Byzantium and the Christian kingdom ofEthiopia
(Axum) across the Red Sea, which established afifty-year period
ofChristian rule in the mid-sixth century, which only came to
an end when the Sasanians took over in 570 the traditional year
ofthe birth ofMuhammad. There is awealth ofrecent scholarship on these events and on the kingdom ofHimyar, mainly in
French, led by the work ofChristian Robin.20 GlenBowersock
has also recently presented it briefly in two short books in
English.21 Thepoint is that aChristian kingdom existed in
southern Arabia during the sixth century, and indeed the sources
suggest that the king in that period tried to extend his influence into central Arabia, or even on some accounts, to Mecca.
Archaeological evidence also exists ofmonasteries and Christian
settlement in the Gulf and the islands.22 It is not necessary to
M.-J.Steve, Lle de Kharg: une page de lhistoire du Golfe Persique et du
monachisme oriental, Neuchtel,2003.
20Recently C.Robin, Arabia and Ethiopia, in Oxford Handbook ofLate
Antiquity ed.S.F.Johnson, p.247-332, and see I.Gajda, Le royaume de
Himyar lpoque monothiste, Paris,2009; Juifs et chrtiens en Arabie aux veet
viesicles: regards croiss sur les sources(Association des amis du Centre dhistoire et civilisation de Byzance, monographies 32, Le massacre de Najran II) ed.J.Beaucamp,
F.Briquel-Chatonnet, C.J.Robin, Paris,2010.
21 G.W. Bowersock, Empires in Collision in LateAntiquity(The Menahem
Stern Jerusalem Lectures2011), Waltham, MA,2012.Also Id., The Throne ofAdulis. Red Sea Wars on the Eve ofIslam, NewYork,2013.
22
M.Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, Princeton,1984, Introduction; D.Potts, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, 2vols., Oxford,1990, II;
G.R.D. King, Settlement in western and central Arabia and the Gulf in
the sixth-eighth centuries A.D., in The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East,
II: Land Use and Settlement Patterns ed.G.R.D.King, A. Cameron, Princeton,1994, p.181-212; T.Hainthaler, Christliche Araber vor dem Islam.
Verbreitung und konfessionelle Zugehrigkeit: eine Hinfhrung(Eastern Christian
Studies, 7), Leuven, Dudley, MA,2007; B.Finster, Arabia in late antiquity:
an outline ofthe cultural situation in the peninsula at the time ofMuhammad,
in The Quran in Context ed.A.Neuwirth, N.Sinai, N.Marx, p.61-107.
19

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look for evidence ofaChristian community in Mecca, as some

do, to find possible connections.Many levels ofcontact were
both possible and likely.
My point is that even Arabia (if indeed that is where Islam
took shape), and certainly the Sasanian empire, were both penetrated by forms ofChristianity in the sixth and seventh centuries.23 Inthe case ofthe Sasanian empire, Christians, including
both east and west Syrians, formed asubstantial part ofthe population, including the elites.We sometimes tend to think that the
Byzantine and Sasanian spheres were insulated from each other.
Infact during the sixth-century wars between the two, even
before the conquest ofthe Near East by the Sasanians in the early
seventh century, the Sasanians often penetrated far into Byzantine territory, especially Syria and Mesopotamia, and as far as the
great city ofAntioch.Finally, ChosroesII, shah ofPersia in the
late sixth and early seventh centuries, was highly sympathetic to
Christianity, had aChristian wife, and was agenerous patron
ofthe shrine ofSt Sergius at Resafa in Syria.
The point ofthis historical diversion is to emphasise that
scholars often operate within divisions and categories that are
much too sharp, asituation which is reinforced or even dictated
by disciplinary boundaries. Ihave noticed for instance that some
ofthe most central contributions from within the field ofIslamic
or Quranic studies which argue for alate antique context do
so without actually engaging with the deluge oflate antique
scholarship in recent years. And ofcourse it also goes without
saying that not many late antique scholars actually engage with
Quranic or early Islamic scholarship either.
In recent work Ihave adopted adifferent model, referring to the late sixth and seventh centuries in the near East as
aregion in ferment, or the turbulent seventh century.24 These
descriptions do not merely concern political and military events,
but also religious currents.Nor do they simply refer to the wellknown religious reactions by Jews and Christians to the Persian
23Again, the importance ofthis is denied in al-Azmeh, The Emergence
ofIslam.
24 Averil Cameron, The Mediterranean World in LateAntiquity, ad 395-700,
rev.ed., London,2011, chapter 8; LateAntiquity on the Eve ofIslam
ed.AverilCameron, Farnham,2013, p.xxv.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

conquest ofthe Near East, and especially to the Persian control

ofJerusalem in 614,25 or to the Arab conquests and the arrival
ofIslam. Iuse them rather to refer to the widespread and complex religious developments, debates, and divisions that were
already taking place and that continued to take place alongside
such momentous public events.
The momentous changes in the political contours ofthe eastern Mediterranean that were taking place in the early seventh
century happened simultaneously with intense theological and
especially Christological debates and divisions which affected
the entire Mediterranean world.Even while the Byzantines
and the Arabs started to confront each other in the near East, in
Anatolia and in Egypt and North Africa in the seventh century,
these divisions continued to occupy the attention ofemperors
and churchmen alike in Constantinople, Carthage, Rome, and
the East. Inthe 630s, the very decade ofthe first Arab incursions
into Syria, the Emperor Heraclius held discussions with Monophysites at Hierapolis, with Armenians at Theodosiopolis, and
with Monophysites again in Egypt, all with the aim ofbringing
these groups togetherand with some success. Thedoctrines
ofone operation and one will in Christ dominated the middle
years ofthe seventh century, but further discussions also continued with the Armenians at Dvin in 653 under ConstansII.26
Itis at least as legitimate to bring some ofthese contemporary theological concerns into play when trying to understand
the contours ofearly Islam as it is to adopt the strategies currently favoured among Islamicists ofappealing to ageneralized
monotheism, or to ageneralized apocalyptic tendency, or positing the existence, and indeed the major importance among the
early Believers, ofotherwise unattested groups who might have
been possible conduits.
As already remarked, any attempt to locate the emergence
ofIslam in alate antique context has to contend with the formidable difficulties inherent in the Quran itselfcuriously
25See A.M.Sivertsev, Judaism and Imperial Ideology in LateAntiquity, Cambridge,2011.
26 The origins and development ofMonothelitism are currently receiving
new attention: R.Price, Monothelitism: aheresy or aform ofwords?, Studia
Patristica, 48(2010), p.221-232, and see Booth, Crisis ofEmpire.

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silent about the actual location ofMuhammads message, and

extremely hard to date as areligious document, yet suffused with
Jewish and Christian elements. Ihave tried to suggest first that
even if the traditional account ofits origin in Arabia is accepted,
there were multiple ways in which these elements could have
been absorbed and reused. Thepolytheist pagan environment
in Arabia depicted in the later Arabic sources, which has been
accepted on its own terms by many scholars in the past, does
not cohere with what we actually know now.Moreover, the
extent and spread ofArab Christianity before Islam also needs to
be emphasized.27 Even on the traditional view that the Quran
was written down and edited in the middle ofthe seventh century in Syria, this would have taken place in acontext suffused
with existing religious rivalries and discussions.Other views, for
instance accepted in arecent book by Stephen Shoemaker,28
place the editing later, under Abd al-Malik; but then too it
would have taken place amid aheady mix ofChristian and Jewish
elements in late seventh-century Syria.More radical critics, as
we have seen, locate the evolution ofthe message completely
outside Arabia, and indeed as emerging not out ofan Arabian
context at all.
With this background, let us look at the arguments for alate
antique context that are being offered by specialists on the Quran
and early Islam.Prominent among them are appeals first to existing monotheistic ideas, then to the prevalence ofeschatology
in the contemporary Near East, then to the alleged presence
ofnon-Trinitarian Christians, whose beliefs might account for
the way in which Jesus is presented in the Quranas aprophet,
but in no way as divine.Arecent book published in2010 by one
ofthe most prominent scholars ofearly Islam, Fred Donner,29
posits the widespread existence (and membership in the earliest
27
Above, and see G.Fisher, Between Empires.Arabs, Romans and Sasanians
in LateAntiquity, Oxford,2011, and the multi-volume work ofI.Shahid,
Byzantium and the Arabs, Washington, D.C.,(1984-).
28 S.Shoemaker, Death of aProphet, Philadelphia,2012(with whose denial
ofChristianity in Arabia, however, not based on archaeological or epigraphic
evidence, Ipart company); see also S.Shoemaker, Muhammad and the Quran,
in Oxford Handbook ofLateAntiquityed.S.F.Johnson, p.1078-1108.
29 F.M.Donner, Muhammad and the Believers. Atthe Origins ofIslam, Cambridge, MA,2010.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

Islamic community) ofsuch non-Trinitarian Christians, who

were among the first Believers and presumably brought some
ofthese ideas with them.
The problem Ihave also applies to some other recent writing, namely that Donner writes exclusively from within his own
discipline, and does not even try to pin down his assumption
within the actual historical context oflate antiquity. We are not
given evidence for the existence or the role ofthe non-Trinitarian Christians posited by Donner, and their identity remains
as obscure as that ofseveral groups mentioned in the Quran,
on which scholars still disagree.As for the Jewish Christians
who have been posited as having influenced Quranic thought,
in my view their very existence in this period is highly dubious.
Theyfeature in earlier heresiology, but to my knowledge
are not mentioned as such in any reliable historical source in
late antiquity.Indeed, we owe the evolution ofthe concept
ofJewish Christianity itself to New Testament scholars and
theologians ofearly Christianity, not to historians oflate
antiquity.30 Here Imust take issue with my respected friend
Guy Stroumsa, who has argued for their likely continued existence in several recent articles.31 Stroumsa fully admits the lack
ofhistorical evidence for the period, but appeals to indirect
sources and commonsense, and places some weight on areference by John ofDamascus to Elkasites and Sampseans. Inhis
30 For instance, F.De Blois, Islam in its Arabian context, in The Quran
in Context ed.A.Neuwirth, N.Sinai, M.Marx, Leiden,2010, p.615-623, in
partic.p.622; Id., ElchasaiManesMuhammad: Manichismus und Islam
inreligionshistorischen Vergleich, Der Islam, 81(2004), p.31-48; J.Gager,
Did Jewish-Christians see the rise ofIslam?, in The Ways that Never Parted:
Jews and Christians in LateAntiquity and the Early Middle Ages ed.A.H.Becker,
A.Yoshiko Reed, Tubingen,2003, p.361-372.[See the paper by Emmanuel
Fiano in this volume].
31 G.G.Stroumsa, False prophets ofearly Christianity, in Priests and Prophets among Pagans, Jews and Christians ed.B.Dignas, R.Parker, G.G.Stroumsa,
Leuven,2013, p.208-232; Id., Jewish Christianity and Islamic origins, in
Islamic Cultures, Islamic Contexts: Essays in Honor ofPatricia Crone ed.B.Sadeghi et al., Leiden, 2014, p.72-96; cfr. his Athens, Jerusalem, Mecca, p.166:
it stands to reason that Jewish Christians, whom we know(sic) were still in
existence in the seventh century, and also, perhaps, Abrahamists, must be
counted among these proximate channels.Despite this respectful disagreement
Imust record my deep appreciation to Guy Stroumsa for his kindness and inspiration, especially, but needless to say not only, during his years in Oxford.

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catalogue ofheresies, John follows Epiphanius very closely;

he equates the Elkasites with the Sampseans, who are like the
Ebionites, but adds that the Sampseans live until now on the
eastern shore ofthe Dead Sea.32 This would in any case take
us to the eighth century, while the identity ofgroups such as
Sampseans, Elkasites and the like, not to mention Sabians,
Nazoraioi and others in the Quranic context, is hotly contested.
Inmy view, both the highly derivative nature ofJohn ofDamascuss On heresies, and its theological rather than historical nature,
make it dangerous to rely on this single remark, and particularly
so when, as we have seen, Jews and Christians were very far from
unknown in the context ofArabia in late antiquity.
The Jewish elements in the Quran are undoubtedly strong,
as also are the Christian ones, but positing their sources by
speculating on the basis ofcontroversial references within the
Quranic text itself is an equally hazardous business. Iagree with
Robert Hoyland about the methodological risks when he writes
that scholars tend to assume, where the Quran offers aversion
ofastory or adoctrine that does not conform to the official version, that [...] it reflects the views ofsome heretical sect that has
survived in Arabia. More likely, it is just that it gives us ahint
ofthe broad array ofnarratives and beliefs that existed below
the level ofcanonized and codified texts.33 This leaves us with
monotheism and apocalyptic, or perhaps better, eschatology.
The first appears in current scholarship in terms ofreferences
to arising tide ofmonotheism in the late antique Near East,
which is adduced to provide acontext for the Quranic insistence on one God alone.We find this mode ofargument not
only among Quranic scholars and Islamists (and Patricia Crone
now argues that the pre-Islamic pagans were monotheist),34 but
also among late antique historians (alaboratoire ofthe CNRS

De haer.34(heresy 53), cited by Stroumsa, False prophets, p.227.

Hoyland, Early Islam as alate antique religion, p.1872; on the
dangers within this methodology, see also S.H.Griffith, Al-Nasara in the
Quran: ahermeneutical reflection, in New Perspectives on the Quran ed.G.S.
Reynolds, p.1-38; LateAntiquity on the Eve ofIslam ed.A. Cameron,
p. xxix-xxx.
34P.Crone, The religion ofthe Quranic pagans: God and the lesser
deities, Arabica, 57(2010), p.151-200.
32
33

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PATRISTIC STUDIES AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

now exists in Paris to study ancient monotheisms), and it has

been given more credence by the emphasis recently laid on the
seemingly monotheistic inscriptions ofHimyar.35 According to
the sadly deceased American historian Thomas Sizgorich, there
was a semiotic koine of monotheistic religiosity within which
Islamic narratives took shape.36
However, the concept ofapagan monotheism, applied to
Greco-Roman religion, has also come under criticism.37 As for
its applicability to Christianity in late antiquity, suffice it perhaps
to say that this was also the very period when within Christianity
the cult ofsaints and the veneration ofrelics, and indeed images,
were proliferating, and to remind ourselves that the strongest
message ofthe Quran in relation to Christianity is to assert
that God cannot be divided, and God cannot have ason;
this suggests that there was not enough monotheism, rather than
that the Quran was tapping in to an existing trend. There were
many voices ofanxiety within Christianity itself, and what
modern scholars perceive as Christian monotheism must also
have looked very different from outside.
Finally, apocalyptic.38 Stephen Shoemaker, himself apatristic scholar who has also written about early Islam, has recently
provided avigorous reassertion ofthe argument that the pri-

35
For pagan monotheism, and generally, see Pagan Monotheism in LateAntiquity ed.P.Athanassiadi, M.Frede, Oxford,1999; One God: Pagan Monotheism
in the Roman Empire ed.S.Mitchell, P.Van Nuffelen, Cambridge, 2010;
Monotheism between Pagans and Christians in LateAntiquity ed.S.Mitchell,
P.Van Nuffelen, Leuven,2010; P.Athanassiadi, La lutte pour lorthodoxie dans
le platonisme tardif de Numnius Damascius, Paris,2006; G.W.Bowersock,
Polytheism and monotheism in Arabia and the three Palestines, Dumbarton
Oaks Papers, 51(1997), p.1-10.Among Islamicists, see Crone, The religion
ofthe Quranic pagans, referring to the monotheistic trend, p.185-88;
G.Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence ofIslam, Cambridge,1999;
Donner, Muhammad and the Believers, e.g.at p.87, cfr. p.59 the idea
ofmonotheism was already well established throughout the Near East, including
Arabia, in Muhammads day; also F.M.Donner, Narratives ofIslamic Origins.
TheBeginnings ofIslamic Historical Writing, Princeton,1998.
36T.Sizgorich, Narrative and community in Islamic late antiquity, Past
and Present, 185.1(2004), p.9-42.
37 See the review of One God.Pagan Monotheism in the Roman ed.S.Mitchell,
P.Van Nuffelen, by C.Addey, Journal ofRoman Studies, 101(2011), p.259-260.
38 On this see further Averil Cameron, Late antique apocalyptic: acontext
for the Quran?, in Visions ofthe End ed.E.Grypeou, Leuven, forthcoming.

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mary message ofMuhammad was to proclaim the imminence

ofthe Hourthe end ofthings, when all would be judged.39
This is not the place to discuss the alternative view, which
sees Muhammad as primarily asocial and moral reformer, but
Shoemakers emphasis on the imminence ofthe Hour chimes
in with statements common in current scholarship to the effect
that, as in the case ofmonotheism, there was also ageneral trend
towards apocalyptic in the late antique Near East.For Robert
Hoyland, this was aspirit, which early Islam seems to have
caught;40 for Fred Donner, apocalyptic ideas were aparticular
feature ofthe religious climate oflate antiquity, with an obvious
appeal, given what he claims was the harsh reality oflife in the
Byzantine domains.41 Finally, in John C.Reevess guide to
Jewish apocalypses, we read that the apocalyptic imagination
operated more or less continuously within the broader ethnic
or religious framework ofthe wider Near East, and that in the
seventh and later centuries it was figured as amentality;42 it was
atype ofnarrative within aformulaic set ofconventions, tropes
and figures.
But there are problems here too.Certainly eschatological
ideas were common, but it is another matter to argue that they
were such adominant feature ofthe period as to provide an
impetus and explanation for Quranic themes whose emphasis
is in fact very different.Further, the well-known Jewish apocalypses from the context ofthe Persian occupation ofJerusalem,
and the later and perhaps even better-known Syriac apocalypses
such as that ofPseudo Methodius, with their quasi-historical
scenarios based on the four kingdoms ofthe book ofDaniel,
are both very different from the proclamations ofthe Hour in
the Quran. Appeals to something that was allegedly in the air
in late antiquity do not seem to help very much.
In the final section ofthis paper Iwould like to turninevitably too brieflyto some examples from the side ofpatristic

Shoemaker, Muhammad and the Quran; Id., The Death of aProphet.

Hoyland, Early Islam as alate antique religion, p.1066-1067.
41 Donner, Muhammad and the Believers, p.14-17.
42J.C.Reeves, Trajectories in Near Eastern Apocalyptic. APostrabbinic Jewish
Apocalypse Reader, Atlanta,2003, p.1-2, 4.
39
40

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PATRISTIC STUDIES AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

studies that Ithink are worth bringing into the discussion.They

do not usually feature in studies by Islamicists.Yet the seventh
century was an extraordinarily tense time for doctrinal and
political developments within Christianity.These are obscured
if the Arab conquest ofJerusalem in the 630s is taken as achronological boundary, as it often has been, and they are also currently the subject ofvery active historical, as well as patristic,
scholarship.
Leading some ofthese developments was Maximus Confessor, possibly the greatest ofall Byzantine theologians, as well as
being one ofour earliest non-Muslim authors to indicate awareness ofthe Arab incursions.43 Maximus was in North Africa in
the 630s and early 640s, the latter also the decade ofLeontius
ofNeapoliss Lives ofSymeon the Fool and John the Almsgiver
(appended to an earlier Life by Moschus and Sophronius).
He went from Africa to Rome and was prominent in the Lateran
Synod of649, after which he was arrested by the imperial authorities, taken to Constantinople and made to face exile and death.
Itis perhaps understandable that most ofthe huge scholarly
literature on Maximus detaches him from what Ibelieve tobe
his Palestinian background (accepting the value ofthe hostile
Monothelite vita), and deals with his writings only in theological
terms. Itis sometimes forgotten that Maximus was also aclose
associate ofSophronius, the future patriarch ofJerusalem, whose
works extended much more widely than the field oftechnical
theology: Sophronius was also close to John Moschus, author
ofthe Spiritual Meadow, as explored in aclassic article by Henry
Chadwick, and now brought out in full detail by Phil Booth.44
Wedo not read much in scholarship on early Islam about the
monasteries ofPalestine, which produced all these authors, and
Ep.14; see Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, p.77-78.
Booth, Crisis ofEmpire; cfr. H.Chadwick, John Moschus and his
friend Sophronius the sophist, Journal ofTheological Studies, 25.1(1974), p.4174 (repr.in Doctrine and Debate in the East Christian World, 300-1500
ed.A. Cameron, R.G.Hoyland, Farnham,2011). On Sophronius see also
P.Booth, Sophronius ofJerusalem and the end ofRoman history, in History
and Identity in the Late Antique Near East ed.P.Wood, p.1-27. An English
translation ofthe Acts ofthe Lateran Synod of ad 649 by Richard Price, with
contributions by Phil Booth and Catherine Cubitt, was published in 2014 in the
series Translated Texts for Historians.
43
44

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which were key centres ofreligious activism in the seventh century, but we probably ought to.
As for John ofDamascus, later in the Umayyad period, most
writers approach him simply as aByzantine or patristic theologian, perhaps the last patristic theologian.He features straightforwardly as aByzantine writer for Alexander Kazhdan, who
memorably wrote: can we imagine [...] Byzantine literature
without John Damaskenos?45 Andrew Louth, in his important
book on John, offers astrongly monastic (andto me convincing) context for Johns works.46 At the same time, the question
ofwhether John was in any sense an original theologian, or an
original philosopher, has gained new attention, in the context
ofarenewed interest in investigating Byzantine philosophy as
such, and especially the question ofwhether Byzantine philosophy is distinguishable from theology.47 Thetraditional view
ofJohn has been that he has little to offer ofinterest to philosophers, and arecent article argues strongly that his major work,
the Pege gnoseos, or Fount ofKnowledge, is entirely derivative in
nature;48 theauthor does not consider the intriguing question
ofwhat the library resources might have been at the Mar Saba
monastery in Palestine, but speculates that John might have had
acopy ofthe work ofthe philosopher Stephanus.Indeed, there
is some uncertainty, according to Marie-France Auzpy, about
whether John was indeed amonk ofMar Saba, and problems
about the sources for his biography which parallel those for
Maximus.49 We cannotas many scholars doassume without
question the historicity ofthe later Arabic vitae, or fail to take
45 A.P.Kazhdan, with L.F.Sherry and C.Angelidi, AHistory ofByzantine Literature, 650-850, Washington, D.C.,1999, p.3, cfr. p.74-79.
46
A.Louth, St John Damascene.Tradition and Originality in Byzantine
Theology, Oxford,2002.
47 For which see Byzantine Philosophy and its Ancient Sources ed.K.Ierodiakonou, Oxford,2002; The Many Faces ofByzantine Philosophy ed.B.Bydn,
K.Ierodiakonou, Athens,2012.
48 J.A.Demetracopoulos, In search ofthe pagan and Christian sources
ofJohn ofDamascus theodicy: Ammonius, the Son ofHermeias, Stephanus
ofAthens and John Chrysostom on Gods foreknowledge and predestination
and mans freewill, in Byzantine Theology and its Philosophical Background
ed.A.Rigo, Turnhout,2011, p.50-88.
49 See especially M.-F.Auzpy, De la Palestine Constantinople: tienne
le Sabate et Jean Damascne, Travaux et Mmoires, 12(1994), p.183-218.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

account ofthe strange silence about John in such sources as

we do have for Mar Saba.50
Johns three orations in defence ofimages are also ofgreat
importance, and again, they tend to feature in works on Byzantine iconoclasm without much discussion ofthe fact that few
if any in Constantinople seem to have known the works themselves. On the other hand, Sidney Griffith has argued in complete contrast that Johns target was nearer home, and that he
must be understood in the local sphere oficonoclastic tendencies
in the Umayyad context.51 The fact is that we have no direct
contemporary information about John himself. But with their
emphasis on the issue ofidolatry, his orations on religious images
can be placed well within the tradition ofthe Christian Adversus
Iudaeos tradition, which was such akey contemporary element,
and which had already begun to incorporate images, that is icons,
as an example ofthe created objects whose veneration Christians
needed to defend. Finally, Johns famous extra heresy ofIslam,
the last chapter ofhis work on heresies, is usually discussed along
with other non-Muslim sources for early Islam, when in fact
it entirely fits the patristic and Byzantine structure and tradition
ofhis catalogue ofheresies.
These famous examples are indicative ofthe disciplinary
divide Imentioned earlier.Whatever theory we adopt about
the genesis ofthe Quran and the date ofits collation, Islam was
still taking shape during the very decades that saw particularly
intense theological developments, debates and divisions among
Christians. Iwill take as further examples the cult ofthe cross
and that ofthe Virgin, which cannot be without interest in
view ofthe presentation ofJesus, Mary, and the crucifixion in
the Quran.
Again, Sidney Griffith is one ofthe scholars to whom
we owe awareness ofthe centrality ofthe cross as abadge
ofChristian identity during the Umayyad period, especially

50The Life ofStephen the Sabaite(a younger contemporary ofJohn)

describes the monastic life at Mar Saba with no mention ofJohn ofDamascus;
see M.-F.Auzpy, La Vie dtienne le Jeune par tienne le Diacre, Aldershot,1997.
51Recently, S.H.Griffith, The Church in the Shadow ofthe Mosque.
Christians and Muslims in the World ofIslam, Princeton,2008, p.40-42.

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under Abd alMalik.52 The Emperor Heracliuss symbolic

return to Jerusalem in 630 and his restoration ofthe fragments
ofthe True Cross to Golgotha constituted amomentous act,
on the very eve ofthe Arab invasions ofSyria.53 Somewhat less
noted, but closer to the theme ofpatristic studies, is the distinct
increase ofemphasis on the cross in this period in liturgy and
theological writing; the liturgical feast ofthe exaltation ofthe
Cross on 14 September gained prominence, homilies were written on the theme ofthe cross, and the dead Christ began to
appear for the first time in crucifixion scenes in eastern Christian
visual art.54 Sure indicators ofachanging context, the Christian
Adversus Iudaeos texts developed acomprehensive defence ofthe
52 S.H.Griffith, Images, Islam and Christian icons.Amoment in the
Christian/Muslim encounter in early Islamic times, in La Syrie de Byzance
lIslam, viie-viiiesicles (Actes du colloque international, Lyon, Maison de lOrient
Mditerranen, Paris: Institut du monde arabe, 11-15 sept.1990) ed.P.Canivet,
J.-P.Rey-Coquais, Damascus,1992, p.122-138.
53 Interpreted in apocalyptic terms by G.J.Reinink, Heraclius, the new
Alexander. Apocalyptic prophecies during the reign ofHeraclius, in The Reign
ofHeraclius. Crisis and Confrontation(610-641)ed.G.J.Reinink, B.H.Stolte,
Leuven,2002, p.81-94, but see Cameron, Late antique apocalyptic.
54Cult: A.Frolow, La relique de la vraie Croix.Recherches sur le dveloppement dun culte, Paris,1961; homilies: R.Scott, Alexander the Monk, Discovery
ofthe True Cross, Eng.trans.with notes, in Metaphrastes, or, Gained in Translation ed.M.Mullett, Belfast,2004, p.157-184; partial ed.and trans.
J.Nesbitt, Alexander the monks text ofHelenas discovery ofthe True
Cross (BHG 410), in Byzantine Authors: Literary Activities and Preoccupations
ed.J.Nesbitt, Leiden,2003, p.23-39; for asimilar work in Syriac by Pantaleon(BHG 6430), see A.Di Berardino, PatrologiaV, Torino,2000, p.299,
and cfr. Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, p.427; dead Christ: J.R.Martin,
The dead Christ on the cross in Byzantine art, in Late Classical and Medieval
Studies in Honor ofAlbert Mathias Friend Jr.ed.K.Weitzmann, Princeton,1955,
p.189-196; K.Corrigan, Text and image on an icon ofthe crucifixion at Mount Sinai, in The Sacred Image East and West ed.R.Ousterhout,
L.Brubaker, Urbana, Ill., 1995, p.45-62; defence ofrepresentations ofthe
crucifixion and ofChrists real suffering on the Cross by Anastasius ofSinai:
see A.Kartsonis, Anastasis. TheMaking ofan Image, Princeton,1986, p.40- 67;
Heraclius and the True Cross: C.Mango, Deux tudes sur Byzance et la Perse
sassanide, Travaux et Mmoires, 9(1985), p.91-118; Id., The Temple Mount,
ad614-638, in Bayt al-Maqdis, Part 1.Abd al-Maliks Jerusalem ed.J.Raby,
J.Johns, Oxford,1992, p.1-16; A.Frolow, La vraie Croix et les expditions
dHraclius en Perse, Revue des tudes byzantines, 11(1953), p.88-105; the theme
as part ofHeracliuss public image: Mary Whitby, Defender ofthe Cross:
George ofPisidia on Heraclius and his deputies, in The Propaganda ofPower.
TheRole ofPanegyric in LateAntiquity ed.MaryWhitby, Leiden,1998,
p.247-273.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

veneration ofthe physical wood ofthe Cross against the charge

ofidolatry, and in the eighth century the Cross was adopted
by the iconoclasts in preference to the figural representation
ofthe divine.55 Inthe seventh century, Anastasius ofSinai had
developed astriking defence ofvisual representations ofthe crucifixion and ofChrists real suffering on the Cross. Tothis we
should add the debates about whether, and in what way, the
divine nature ofChrist had suffered on the Cross which had
divided Christians in the sixth century and which continued to
do so in the seventh,56 when the intense anxieties about the exact
relation between the human and divine natures ofChrist were
inextricably bound up with that ofthe physical reality ofthe
crucifixion and the capacity ofthe divine to suffer. Itis well
known that visual art in the early Byzantine period had preferred
not to depict the dead or suffering Christ on the cross, but just as
canon 82 ofthe Council in Trullo (below) asserted the physical
humanity ofChrist, so too slowly more explicit portrayals ofthe
crucifixion itself began to emerge.
Given such acontext, the docetic denial ofthe crucifixion
in the Quran does not seem so surprising; it spoke to direct
Christian concerns that had been manifested in the disputes since
the late fifth century onwards about the addition to the Trisagion,
and among the Julianist groups in the sixth century and later.57
Babai the Great, for example, catholicos ofthe Church ofthe
East, who died circa 628, was astrong opponent ofthe idea that
God could suffer.58 While it is certainly the case that docetic
trends had been evident in the earliest period ofChristianity,59
55See C.Barber, Figure and Likeness.On the Limits ofRepresentation in
Byzantine Iconoclasm, Princeton,2002, p.83-105.
56
Sixth century: see L.VanRompay, Society and community in the
Christian east, in The Cambridge Companion to the Age ofJustinian ed.M.Maas,
Cambridge,2005, p.239-266, in partic.p.252-254.
57
So also Griffith, Al-Nasara in the Quran, p.32; Julianists: see Hainthaler, Christliche Araber vor dem Islam, p.32.
58See J.T.Walker, Asaint and his biographer in late antique
Iraq: the History ofSt George ofIzla(614) by Babai the Great, in Writing
True Stories. Historians and Hagiographers in the Late Antique and Medieval Near
East ed.A.Papaconstantinou, with M.Debi and H.Kennedy, Turnhout,
2010, p.31-41.
59R.Goldstein, G.G.Stroumsa, The Greek and Jewish origins of
doceticism: anew proposal, Zeitschrift fr antikes Christentum, 10.3(2007),

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the contemporary debates about whether God could suffer

(and whether God could be divided or have ason) provide
amore immediate and closer context.Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that eastern Christianity in the sixth and seventh centuries saw aresurgence ofold anxieties and old disputes which
focused on Christological issues still unresolved after Chalcedon.
Yet another feature oflate sixth- and early seventh-century
Christianity was agrowing emphasis on the power ofsaints
among Christians, as can be seen in the proliferation ofsaints
lives and miracle collections in Greek, Syriac, and the other languages ofeastern Christianity.60 This caused some to question
the saints power ofintercession and the value oftheir relics;
at the same time appearances ofsaints in visions, and miracles
associated with their pictures, were accompanied by anxiety as
to the proper visual representation ofholy personages. Inthe late
seventh century the famous canon82 ofthe Council in Trullo
(691-92) sought to regulate the depiction ofChrist by requiring Him to be depicted in the flesh, and forbidding Him to
be represented symbolically as alamb, thus asserting the reality ofhis human nature and suffering.61 Again, this speaks to
p.423-441; G.G.Stroumsa, Christs laughter: docetic origins reconsidered,
Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, 12.3(2004), p.267-88.
60See S.Efthymiades, V.Droche, with contributions by A.Binggeli and
Z.Analis, Greek hagiography in late antiquity(fourthseventh centuries), in
The Ashgate Research Companion to Byzantine Hagiography ed.S.Efthymiades,
2vols., Farnham,2011, I, p.35-94; S.P.Brock, Syriac hagiography, ibid.,
p.259-83, both with bibliographies; M.Debi, Writing history as histoires:
the biographic dimension ofEast Syriac hagiography, in Writing True Stories:
Historians and Hagiographers in the late Antique and Medieval near East(Cultural
Encounters in late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, 9) ed.A.Papaconstantinou,
M.Debi, H.Kennedy, Turnhout,2010, p.43-75.
61 Doubts as to the efficacy ofsaints: An Age ofSaints? Power, Conflict and
Dissent in Early Medieval Christianity ed.P.Sarris, M.Dal Santo, P.Booth,
Leiden,2011; anxieties about representation: G.Dagron, Iconophobie et
iconodulie, in G.Dagron, Dcrire et peindre.Essai sur le portrait iconique, Paris,
2007, p.41-63, where this is linked to the issues raised in the Christian Adversus Iudaeos literature; V.Droche, Tensions et contradictions dans les recueils
de miracles de la premire poque byzantine, in Miracle et Karama. Hagiographies
mdivales compares ed.D.Aigle, Turnhout,2000, p.145-163; AverilCameron,
The language ofimages; icons and Christian representation, in The Church and
the Arts(Studies in Church History, 28) ed.D.Wood, Oxford,1992, p.1-42;
Barber, Figure and Likeness; H.Maguire, The Icons oftheir Bodies: Saints and their
Images in Byzantium, Princeton,1996.

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PATRISTIC STUDIES AND THE EMERGENCE OFISLAM

the docetic and anti-docetic debates, while the anxieties surrounding the proliferation ofsaints cults speak to the Quranic
insistence on an uncompromising monotheism. Finally, in relation to symbolic interpretations, we can point to the theology
ofMaximus Confessors Mystagogia, awork ofthe 630s, as being
expressive ofcontemporary preoccupations with representation,
in its emphasis on symbolic or mystical interpretation, applied by
Maximus to the liturgy.62
Yet another developing feature in late patristic Christianity concerns the cult ofthe Virgin, well documented in many
recent scholarly contributions.Leslie Brubaker, indeed, would
deny any cult ofthe Virgin until after about 680, but the
proliferation ofimages and anecdotes tell adifferent story.63
Stephen Shoemaker, whose work Icited earlier, has also recently
translated the earliest hagiographical Life ofthe Virgin, which he
thinks might have been composed by Maximus the Confessor
himself, but which in any case he dates to this period.64 The Virgin
features frequently in contemporary anecdotes about miracles and
apparitions, and was also often depicted in visual art, not merely in
apse mosaics but also in small objects, ivories, and indeed icons.65
Maximus, Mystagogia, PG 91, 657-717; Cameron, The language ofimages,
p.24-40.
63L.Brubaker has championed the view that relics were initially more
important and that images did not become problematic until the late seventh
century, before which there was also no cult ofthe Virgin: see L.Brubaker,
Introduction, in The Sacred Image East and West ed.R.Ousterhout, L.Brubaker, Chicago,1995, p.1-24; Id., Icons before iconoclasm, in Morfologie sociali
e culturali in Europa fra tarda antichit e also medioevo(XLV Settimane internazionale
di studi sullalto Medioevo), Spoleto,1998, p.1215-1254; also in L.Brubaker,
J.F.Haldon, Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, c.680-850.AHistory, Cambridge,2011, but see Averil Cameron, The anxiety ofimages: meanings and
material objects, in Images ofthe Byzantine World: Visions, Messages and Meanings. Studies presented to Leslie Brubaker ed.A.Lymberopoulou, Farnham,2011,
p.47-56. Theunderlying question relates to the definition ofcult, perhaps
in fact aword better avoided in this connection.
64S.
J.Shoemaker, The Life ofthe Virgin.Maximus Confessor, trans.with
introduction and notes, NewHaven,2012, and see further Mother ofGod.
Representations ofthe Virgin in Byzantine Art ed.M.Vassilaki, Milan,2000;
The Cult ofthe Mother ofGod in Byzantium.Texts and Imagesed.L.Brubaker,
M.Cunningham, Farnham,2011; B.V.Pentcheva, Icons and Power. TheMother
ofGod in Byzantium, University Park, PA,2006.
65
The earliest surviving assemblage oficons ofthe Virgin(panel paintings,
mosaics and frescoes) is to be found in Rome, not in Constantinople, for reasons
62

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Her exact role was crucial to any debate about the nature ofthe
Incarnation and in particular the divine and human natures
ofChrist.Surely our understanding ofthe Quranic portrayal
ofMary can only be deepened by awareness ofthese contemporary developments within Christianity, which went in parallel
with renewed and agonizing anxieties about the real suffering
and death ofChrist.
Iwould argue therefore that while agreat deal ofattention has
been paid by scholars to the Christian and Jewish reactions to the
Persian invasions ofthe early seventh century, and especially to the
capture ofJerusalem in 614, much less effort has been expended
on the theological developments ofthe succeeding period
and their relevance to the emerging Muslim system.Possible
influences were multiple, as we have seen.But Iwould also
like to argue for amore holistic view, which neither detaches the
theology ofsuch figures as Sophronius, Maximus, and John
ofDamascus from their near Eastern background nor sees the
non-Muslim writers ofthe period primarily as sources for early
Islam. Nor, as Ihave argued, need we posit unattested groups
ofheterodox Christians who might have conveyed their views
to the emerging Muslim community.
In his recent book, The Death of aProphet, to which Ihave
already alluded, the patristic scholar Stephen Shoemaker has
made aforceful case for an early stage ofIslam which focused
on Jerusalem and the Temple.He is not the first to make such
acase, and if it were widely accepted it would force us to rethink
not only Islamic origins but also Christian and Jewish thinking in
the seventh century, in the period after the conquests. Ileave this
argument aside for now, because Shoemakers book also raises
deeper questions about methodology, in particular in relation
to the case he makes for the application ofthe methods ofNew
Testament and Biblical criticism to Islamic origins.66 Even if one
is not convinced by all his central arguments, his book challenges
to do with the history ofboth cities; one can also cite the well-known icon ofthe
Virgin and saints at St Catherines, Sinai, often dated to the sixth century;
for apses, see B.Brenk, The Apse, the Image and the Icon.An Historical Perspective
ofthe Apse as aSpace for Images, Wiesbaden,2010.
66In the course ofwhich he gives avery useful and detailed overview
ofscholarship on early Islam, past and present.

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us as patristic scholars to cross the divide, to think outside the

box, to review our disciplinary boundaries, and that can only
be good.
In this paper Iavoided the question ofdirect borrowings,
and still more ofsources for elements in the Quran.Nor have
Iventured into the complex issue ofthe latters date and environment. Nor have Ialigned myself with the sceptics who see
it as essentially deriving from aJewish or Christian background.
But it is perhaps worth reiterating the surprising silences in the
Quranic textmost ofall, about the life and actual context
ofMuhammad and his message. Iwant to suggest that if Islam is
really areligion oflate antiquity, there are other ways oflooking at it than by general assertions about monotheism or apocalyptic. Thealignment ofIslam with alate antique context set
out in the recent book by Aziz al-Azmeh takes us even further
from the commonly expressed arguments Ihave discussed here,
and will need much closer attention from late antique scholars.
Atthe same time, patristic studies, adiscipline that has been
greatly enriched in current scholarship by being extended into
the worlds ofSasanian Persia and neighbouring eastern cultures,
would benefit, Ibelieve, if it took more note ofthe debates and
questions about the beginnings ofIslam.

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R.Le Coz, Jean Damascne.crits sur lIslam (SC, 383), Paris,1992.
A.Louth, St John Damascene.Tradition and Originality in Byzantine
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C.Luxenburg, Die syro-aramische Lesart des Koran.Ein Beitrag zur
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C.Mango, The Temple Mount, ad 614-638, in Bayt al-Maqdis.
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Abstract
This paper argues for acloser engagement by patristic scholarship
with the issues and problems about the emergence ofIslam. It starts
by discussing recent trends among historians oflate antiquity and
Islamicists alike to reconceive early Islam as alate antique religion,
and moves to suggest that what we now know about the historical
background, together with the intense theological debates that were
going on among Christians in the eastern Mediterranean during the
sixth and seventh centuries provide athick context for Quranic
themes. Especially (but not only) in view ofthe recent tendency
to absorb early Islam into late antiquity, patristic scholarship and
Quranic and early Islamic scholarship would do well to come
closer together.

278

EMANUEL FIANO
Duke University

THE CONSTRUCTION OFANCIENT

JEWISH CHRISTIANITY
IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY:
THE CASES OFHANS-JOACHIM SCHOEPS
AND JEAN DANILOU

As Annette Yoshiko Reed wrote, somewhat reassuringly, at the

beginning ofarecent overview, [s]cholarship on Jewish Christianity is notorious for inspiring confusion.1 Here Ishould like
to offer my contribution ofconfusion to this topic by proposing are-reading oftwo works that first reignited the debate on
the significance ofJewish Christianity in the twentieth century:
Hans-Joachim Schoepss1949 Theologie und Geschichte des
Judenchristentums and Jean Danilous1958 La thologie du Judochristianisme.2 After tracing avery brief, and perforce inadequate,
chronology ofthe spread ofthe notion ofJewish Christianity,
Iwill attempt to assess the labour performed by this category in
the systems ofthought ofSchoeps and Danilou, who published
those two works at atime when the shadows ofarecent past were
felt to confer great urgency to the investigation ofChristianJewish relations in antiquity.To conclude, Iwill offer amodest
proposal for integrating some aspects oftheir work into the contemporary study ofso-called Jewish Christianity.

1 A.Y. Reed, Jewish Christianity, in Oxford Bibliographies Online,2011

DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780195393361-0032 [accessed 5 April2014].
2 H.-J.Schoeps, Theologie und Geschichte des Judenchristentums, Tbingen,
1949; J.Danilou, Thologie du judo-christianisme(Bibliothque de thologie.
Histoire des doctrines chrtiennes avant Nice,1), Paris,19581. Thetwo scholars
probably knew each other, since Schoeps contributed to aFestschrift for Danilou:
cfr. H.-J.Schoeps, Der Ursprung des Bsen und das Problem der Theodizee
im pseudoklementinischen Roman, in Judo-Christianisme.Recherches historiques
et thologiques offertes en hommage au Cardinal Jean Danilou(Recherches de Science
Religieuse,60), Paris,1972, p.129-141.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107522

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E. FIANO

Neither Schoeps nor Danilou invented the term Jewish

Christianity.Ferdinand Christian Baur, who is considered the
founder ofthe Tbingen School, is commonly credited with
originating the moniker Judenchristentum in afamous article,
published in 1831, in which he saw the Catholic Church arising at the end ofthe second century as the product ofasynthesis between the Pauline and Jewish brands ofChristianity.3
In reality, however, the notion predates even Baurs work. First
put forth by the eighteenth-century British deists John Toland
and Thomas Morgan, it reached German patristic studies via
the mediation ofGerman Church historians such as Lorenz
vonMosheim, Johann Salomo Semler, and Johann Karl Ludwig
Gieseler, and soon became commonplace in scholarly discourse.4
Nor were Schoeps and Danilou the first students ofearly Christianity to tackle this topic in the twentieth century. However, it
was arguably their different (and differently problematic) thematizations ofthis category, offered at acritical historical juncture,
that planted the seeds for the flourishing ofJewish Christianity as afield ofstudies in contemporary patristics. Are-reading
oftheir treatments, for which the present brief paper can be but
an encouragement, is all the more called for at atime when more
or less celebratory or thoughtful efforts have begun to be made
in order to pull these two thinkers out ofthe thirty-year-long
oblivion to which they had been condemned by some ofthe
circumstances oftheir lives (and, in the case ofDanilou, even
ofhis death).5
Hans-Joachim Schoeps(1909-1980), one ofthe odd fellows oftwentieth-century politics ofreligion,6 would no doubt
F.Ch. Baur, Die Christuspartei in der korinthischen Gemeinde, der
Gegensatz des petrinischen und paulinischen Christentums in der ltesten Kirche,
der Apostel Petrus in Rom, Tbinger Zeitschrift fr Theologie,4(1831), p.61-206;
cfr. D.Lincicum, F.C.Baurs Place in the Study ofJewish Christianity, in
The Rediscovery ofJewish Christianity.From Toland to Baur ed.F.St.Jones,
Atlanta,2012, p.137-166.
4Cfr. all the other contributions contained in The Rediscovery ofJewish
Christianity.
5On Danilous death cfr. P.Giuntella, Vietato ai tradizionalisti, scomodo per i progressisti: il cardinale Danilou e la sua morte scandalosa, Il margine,1(1983), p.17-23.
6Cfr. G.Lease, Odd Fellows in the Politics ofReligion.Modernism, National
Socialism and German Judaism(Religion and Society,35), Berlin,1995; H.-J.
3

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THE CASES OFHANS-JOACHIM SCHOEPS AND JEAN DANILOU

be wronged by an attempt to summarize in afew words his

worldview and controversial legacy.7 Schoepss fervid Prussian nationalism,8 which initially led him to the persuasion that
Jews could have aplace in the future the Nazis had in store for
Germany, condemned him to an isolation that lasted until his
death andalong with his anti-Zionismresulted in something
akin to adamnatio memoriae among contemporary European
Jewry and Israeli academia alike. His activism for the decriminalization ofhomosexuality in Adenauers Germany made him
a rara avis among conservatives, who looked at him askance.9
His understanding ofhis own belonging to Judaism as mediated
not through blood butin the wake ofSalomon Ludwig Steinheims theology ofrevelation through the Sinaitic covenant
set him on the path ofafecund rumination on the conditions
ofaLutheran-leaning third way to Judaism, transcending what
Hillerbrand, Hans-Joachim Schoeps als Religionswissenschaftler, in Wider
den Zeitgeist. Studien zum Leben und Werk vonHans-Joachim Schoeps(19091980) ed.G.Botsch, J.H.Knoll, A.D.Ludewig(Haskala.Wissenschaftliche
Abhandlungen herausgegeben vom Moses Mendelssohn Zentrum fr europisch-jdische
Studien,39), Hildesheim,2009, p.45-62; E.W.Stegemann, Hans-Joachim
Schoeps als Interpret frhchristlicher und frhjdischer Religionsgeschichte, in
Wider den Zeitgeist, p.31-44; and F.-L.Kroll, Geschichtswissenschaft in politischer
Absicht. Hans-Joachim Schoeps und Preuen(Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen und
Reden zur Philosophie, Politik und Geistesgeschichte,61), Berlin,2010. Schoepss
works are collected in H.-J.Schoeps, Gesammelte Schriften, 16vols., Hildesheim,
1990-2005.Cfr. also the contributions included in Wider die chtung der
Geschichte. Festschrift zum 60.Geburstag vonHans-Joachim Schoeps ed.K.Tpner,
Mnchen, 1969.
7
On many ofthe themes cursorily alluded to in the course ofthe
present discussion ofSchoepss worldview one can profitably read R.Faber,
Deutschbewusstes Judentum und jdischbewusstes Deutschtum.Der historische und
politische Theologe Hans-Joachim Schoeps, Wrzburg,2008.
8Cfr. H.-J.Schoeps, Bereit fr Deutschland! Der Patriotismus deutscher
Juden und der Nationalsozialismus. Frhe Schriften1930 bis1939.Eine historische
Dokumentation, Berlin,1970. Cfr. also F.-L.Kroll, Hans-Joachim Schoeps
und Preuen, in Wider den Zeitgeist, p.105-137.
9Cfr. H.-J.Schoeps, Soll Homosexualitt strafbar bleiben?, Der Monat,
15(1962), p.19-27; and Id., berlegungen zum Problem der Homosexualitt, in Der homosexuelle Nchste ed.E.Bianchi(Stundenbcher, 31), Hamburg,
1964, p.74-114.Cfr. also M.Keilson-Lauritz, Hans-Joachim Schoeps, Hans
Blher und der Mnnerbund.berlegungen zu Hans-Joachim Schoeps und
dem Thema Homosexualitt, in Wider den Zeitgeist, p.177-198, republished
with some modifications as Der selbstmrderische Mut des Professor Schoeps,
in Id., Kentaurenliebe.Seitenwege der Mnnerliebe im20.Jahrhundert.Essays19952010, Hamburg,2013, p.116-133.

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E. FIANO

he saw as the shortcomings ofboth Orthodoxy and Jewish

Liberalism.10
Schoepss fascination with Christianity, stopping short only
ofbaptism, brought him to inhabit aposition ofborderline Jew
that pleased few.Over amillennium (and possibly almost two
millennia) after the so-called parting ofthe ways, Schoepss singular subjectivity reactivated the ancient machinery ofreligious
boundary-setting.Gerschom Scholem famously declared that
the twenty-three-year-old author ofJdischer Glaube in dieser Zeit
was better acquainted with Barthian theology than with Jewish
history.11 Karl Barth himself, on his part, considered Schoeps not
Christian enough.12 The Wandervogel prophet and anti-Semitic
reactionary extraordinaire Hans Blher, in aconversation with
Schoeps carried out in the last, feverish hours ofthe Weimar
Republic and published in1933 as Streit um Israel, expressed
his anxiety about this callow thinkers admission that blessed
miracles have occurred outside Israel and that Jesus was one
ofthose astatement that appeared to Blher, and understandably so, as one step over the Rubicon.13
It was then almost inevitable that when Schoeps would
come to investigate ancient Jewish Christianity he would find
in it more than asimple object ofdetached scholarly inquiry.
Schoeps himself, in the foreword to the first,1937 edition ofhis
Israel und Christenheit, remarked on how his own originality lay

Cfr. H.-J.Schoeps, Jdischer Glaube in dieser Zeit.Prolegomena zur

Grundlegung einer systematischen Theologie des Judentums, Berlin,1932; and M.A.
Krell, Schoeps vs.Rosenzweig.Transcending Religious Borders, Zeitschrift
fr Religions- und Geistesgeschichte,52(2000), p.25-37.
11Cfr. G.Scholem, Offener Brief an den Verfasser der Schrift Jdischer
Glaube in dieser Zeit, Bayerische Israelitische Gemeindezeitung, (15 August1932),
p.241-244.
12Cfr. G.Lease, Der Briefwechsel zwischen Karl Barth und Hans-Joachim
Schoeps, Menora.Jahrbuch fr deutsch-jdische Geschichte,2(1991), p.115-120.
13Cfr. H.BlherH.-J.Schoeps, Streit um Israel.Ein jdisch-christliches
Gesprch, Hamburg,1933, p.62, 80.Cfr. also J.H.Schoeps, Sexualitt, Erotik
und Mnnerbund.Hans Blher und die deutsche Jugendbewegung, in Typisch
deutsch.Die Jugendbewegung.Beitrge zu einer Phnomengeschichte ed.J.H.Knoll,
J.H.Schoeps, Opladen,1988, p.137-154; and Id., Ein jdisch-christliches
Streitgesprch am Vorabend der Katastrophe.Ungedrucktes aus dem1932
gefhrten Briefwechsel zwischen Hans Blher und Hans-Joachim Schoeps,
Menora.Jahrbuch fr deutsch-jdische Geschichte,13(2002), p.313-336.
10

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THE CASES OFHANS-JOACHIM SCHOEPS AND JEAN DANILOU

in being always able to view historical problems theologically,

as well as to constantly observe theological problems against
the background ofhistory.14 He wrote his first monograph
on Jewish Christianity from the Swedish exile into which the
increasing control ofthe Gestapo had forced him in1938.15
The book was published with the title Theologie und Geschichte
des Judenchristentums in1949 (one year after Marcel Simons
Verus Israel),16 following Schoepss return to Germany, where
his parents had in the meantime encountered death at the hands
ofthe Nazis, and where he had finally been able to begin teaching at auniversity, in the Bavarian city ofErlangen. Inthis work
Schoeps applied the label ofJewish Christian only to the
Ebionites, whom he saw as aprolongation ofthe primitive
Christian community ofJerusalem, and whose most representative literary expression he found in the Pseudo-Clementine corpus. TheEbionites reportedly combined apartial obedience to
the Law with faith in Jesus as anon-soteriological Messiah who
had earned this dignity by virtue ofhis perfect conduct.
Areading ofSchoepss memoire Ja, nein, und trotzdem reveals
that, although the Jewish scholar could never accept the divinity
ofJesus, he was prepared to adhere to an adoptionistic theology,
such as the one he attributed to the Ebionites and the Arians.17
In his statement to this effect Schoeps inaccurately conflated
Ariuss radical subordinationism with the adoptionist monarchianism of(his construalof) Ebionitism (aconnection much more
discerningly, yet still contentiously, explored again thirty years
later by Rudolf Lorenz).18 It is tempting to see this uncharacter14 H.-J.Schoeps, Israel und Christenheit.Jdisch-christliches Religionsgesprch
in19 Jahrunderten. Geschichte einer theologischen Auseinandersetzung, Mnchen,
19613, p.10.
15
Cfr. J.H.Schoeps, Hitler ist nicht Deutschland.Der Nationalsozialismus, das Exil in Schweden und die Rckkehr vonHans-Joachim Schoeps in
die ehemalige Heimat, in Wider den Zeitgeist, p.227-248.
16
M.Simon, Verus Israel.tude sur les relations entre chrtiens et juifs dans
lEmpire romain(Bibliothque des coles franaises dAthnes et de Rome, Srie1,166),
Paris, 1948.
17 H.-J.Schoeps, Ja, nein und trotzdem.Erinnerungen, Begegnungen, Erfahrungen, Mainz,1974, p.139.
18 G.Lorenz, Arius judaizans? Untersuchungen zur dogmengeschichtlichen
Einordnung des Arius (Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte,31), Gttingen,
1979.

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E. FIANO

istically anachronistic move as revealing ofSchoepss wish to find

his own hybrid theological postures at work as late as the fourth
century, at atime when rabbinic Judaism and empire-backed
Christian orthodoxy had congealed enough to assumeat least
according to the narrative current in his timesthe contours
oftwo poles ofan unsparing binary logic.
Ebionitism, however, did not appeal to Schoeps exclusively
by reason ofits character ofin-betweenness. Inhis anti-rabbinic
eyes, the Ebionitic belief system had the function ofrevealing the will ofGod, which undergirded the Torah, as distinguished from the Torah itself.Schoepss later, popular book
Das Judenchristentum shows him believing that the Ebionites,
battled by the Rabbis, held the key to apossible reform of
Judaism which would have saved the latter from its fate of
Selbstverkapselung.19 Freed from its legalistic degenerations, Judaism
would have thus finally led humankind to Gottesfurcht, anotion
fundamental to comprehending Schoepss ultraconservative
political theology ofadivinely ordained restoration ofPrussias grandeur.20 Ancient Jewish Christianity, like other images
ofambiguous, open-ended, or hybrid religious identity that
Schoeps made the object ofhis attention (such as Paul or the
thinkers discussed in his Philosemitismus im Barock),21 was for him
amirror by means ofwhich to contemplate what has been called
his unique positionlessness on the border between Judaism and
Christianity.22 This mirror, however, must be questioned in
relation to Schoepss idiosyncratic subjective position as awhole,
H.-J.Schoeps, Das Judenchristentum.Untersuchungen ber Gruppenbildungen
und Parteikmpfe in der frhen Christenheit, Bern,1964, p.104.
20Cfr. R.Faber, Theokratie vonoben versus Theokratie vonunten.
Die Antipoden Hans-Joachim Schoeps und Jacob Taubes, in Wider den Zeitgeist,
p.45-62; and H.-Ch.Kraus, Hans-Joachim Schoeps als konservativer Denker,
in Wider den Zeitgeist, p.159-176.
21 H.-J.Schoeps, Philosemitismus im Barock.Religions- und geistesgeschichtliche
Untersuchungen, Tbingen,1952; Id., Paulus.Die Theologie des Apostels im
Lichte der jdischen Religionsgeschichte, Tbingen, 1959; cfr. D.R. Langton,
Modern Jewish Identity and the Apostle Paul.Pauline Studies as an IntraJewish Ideological Battleground, Journal for the Study ofthe New Testament,
28(2005), p.217-258 at 226-230; and F.Damour, Le retour du fils prodigue?
Interprtations juives de Paul aux xixeet xxesicles: quelques jalons, Revue
dhistoire et de philosophie religieuses,90(2010), p.25-47 at 39-41.
22 M.A. Krell, Schoeps vs.Rosenzweig, p. 26.
19

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THE CASES OFHANS-JOACHIM SCHOEPS AND JEAN DANILOU

and as one ofthe forms assumed by an at times tragic quest for

identity in avariety ofdimensions (national, erotic, and religious) arestless engagement that sustained Schoepss intellectual creativity throughout his life.
Schoepss feeling ofthe ultimate, inescapable untenability
ofhis own liminal position in various realms ofhuman experience surfaces in his writings. TheEbionites, described as standing
in the breach to defend Christianity against the dangers ofMarcionism and Gnosticism in the second century,23 did not receive
the gratitude they deserved from the then-rising mainstream
Christianity. Atthe endperhaps not coincidentally ofashort
article discussing the confluence, in the sexual morals ofthe
Jewish Christians, ofthe opposite attitudes towards eros supposedly typical ofJudaism and Christianity, Schoeps writes:
Denn die Ebioniten wollten eben zu gleichen Teilen wahre
Juden und wahre Christen in einem sein,24 and entrusts the proscription ofthis position to Jeromes lapidary formula: But when
they wish to be both Jews and Christians, they are neither Jews
nor Christians.25
Schoepss book sparked aproductive debate, and paved the
way for more work on the subject. Atthe outset ofhis1958
monograph Thologie du judo-christianisme, Jean Danilou (19051974) explicitly announced his desire to do for the orthodox
kind ofJewish Christianity what Schoeps had done for its
heterodox variety. Inother words, the French theologian and
historian was keen to draw, adecade after Schoeps, aJewish
Christianity ofhis own Catholic liking.26 Danilous book
marks an important episode in an engagement with Judaism and
non-Christian religions that spanned several decades ofhis life,
and which would bring this Jesuit cardinal, aprominent theorist
Cfr. H.-J.Schoeps, Das Judenchristentum, 102.
H.-J.Schoeps, Ehebewertung und Sexualmoral der spteren Judenchristen, in Studia Theologica.Nordic Journal ofTheology,2(1948), p.99-101.
25 Hier., Epist., 112,13(PL22,924): Sed dum volunt et Iudaei esse et
Christiani, nec Iudaei sunt, nec Christiani.
26On Danilous views on Jewish Christianity cfr. also W.D. Davies,
Paul and Jewish Christianity according to Cardinal Danilou. ASuggestion,
in Judo-Christianisme, p.69-79; and M.Fdou, Le judo-christianisme selon
Jean Danilou, in Actualit de Jean Danilou ed.J.Fontaine, Paris,2006,
p.43-56.
23
24

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E. FIANO

ofthe ressourcement and exponent ofthe nouvelle thologie, to be

called by Pope JohnXXIII to serve as aperitus in the Second
Vatican Council(1962-1965).27 Structured in four parts, respectively devoted to the sources, intellectual milieus, doctrines,
and institutions ofJewish Christianity, Danilous monograph
famously redefined this historical phenomenon as lexpression
du christianisme dans les forms du Sptjudentum.28 Danilous
Jewish Christianity (in his view alive from Jesuss death up to
the second Jewish revolt in135, and later surviving only in
Syria) implied no link to the practicing Jewish community, and
found expression in the structures ofthought typical ofJudaism
(particularly apocalypticism), while upholding atheology that
was, in his words, fully Christian.
Danilous monograph is commonly regardedand rightfully soas amajor historical achievement, despite all its limitations. Thecriticism directed to it has concerned matters such
as its underestimation ofHellenistic and Iranian influences
on the allegedly Semitic Late Judaism, its arbitrary periodization,
or the simplistic equation the book draws between Jewish
Christianity and apocalyptic thought.Here Iwould like to shift
the focus onto Danilous very construction ofthe category
ofJewish Christianity, by suggesting that the hermeneutical
framework ofThologie du Judo-Christianisme is one informed,
at least to some extent, by the authors prominent theological
commitments. As in the case ofSchoeps, the point is ofcourse
not to declare inadmissible the holding ofabelief on the part
ofahistorian, or to denounce aparticular theological outlook on
the relations between Christianity and Judaism as objectionable,
but rather to foreground intellectual driving forces that might lie
at times unrecognized.
For Danilou, as Iwould like to suggest, the congeries of
phenomena gathered under the label Jewish Christianity represent but one instance in the history ofinculturation ofthe Christian truth. Thecardinal himself regarded the book devoted to
27Cfr. J.Mettepenningen, Nouvelle ThologieNew Theology.Inheritor
ofModernism, Precursor ofVaticanII, London,2010, p.87-95; and M.Fdou,
Les pres de lglise et la thologie chrtienne, Paris,2013, esp.chapters2 and3
(p.35-82).
28 J.Danilou, Thologie du Judo-Christianisme, p.19.

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THE CASES OFHANS-JOACHIM SCHOEPS AND JEAN DANILOU

Jewish Christianity as the first volume ofatrilogy (including

Message vanglique et culture hllnistique and Les origines du christianisme latin)29 representing ahistory ofthe cultural expressions
ofearly Christianity. Thetraditional missiological views that
Danilou shared, in opposition to some ofthe contemporaneous
developments in the ecumenical movements, saw Christs word
ofredemption as needing to be embodied in different human
cultures in order to gain efficacy.For Danilou, religions in and
ofthemselves have no power to save, since salvation is given by
Christ alone.30 The religion ofIsrael, for all its specificities, was
no exception. While some Christian scholars after the Holocaust
were attempting to revise supersessionist understandings ofthe
relations between Judaism and the Church, Danilou was
persuaded that the latters commitmentpursued on ahuman,
non-theological levelto mount aguard against revivals of
Christian anti-Semitism would constitute an adequate response
to the events ofthe Second World War. Il yaune continuit
dIsral, he said in an exchange de Iudaeiis with Andr Chouraqui,
29 J.Danilou, Message vanglique et culture hellnistique aux iieet iiiesicles
(Bibliothque de thologie. Histoire des doctrines chrtiennes avant Nice,2), Paris, 1961;
and Id., Les origines du christianisme latin(Bibliothque de thologie. Histoire des
doctrines chrtiennes avant Nice,3), Paris,1991.
30Cfr. J.Danilou, Le mystre du salut des nations, Paris,1946; Id., Essai sur
le mystre de lhistoire, Paris,1953; Id., Lavenir de la religion, Paris,1968; R.E.
Vergastegui, Christianisme et religions non-chrtiennes. Analyse de la tendance Danilou, Euntes docete,23(1970), p.227-279; M.Sales, La thologie
des religions non-chrtiennes, in Jean Danilou1905-1974 ed.Socit des
amis du Cardinal Danilou, Paris,1975, p.37-55; L.Gardet, Jean Danilou
et le dialogue des cultures, in Jean Danilou1905-1974, p.57-61; F.Frei,
Mdiation unique et transfiguration universelle.Thmes christologiques et leurs perspectives missionnaires dans la pense de J.Danilou(Europische Hochschulschriften,23;
Theologie,173), Berne,1981; D.Veliath, Theological Approach and Understanding
ofReligions. Jean Danilou and Raimundo Panikkar. AStudy in Contrast, Bangalore,1988; P.Vithayathil, Jesus and Religions.Jean Cardinal Danilous Theological
Understanding ofUniqueness ofChrist and Religious Pluralism in the Context ofTodays
Christological Debate, Rome,1999; I.Morali, J.Danilou e la teologia della
salvezza dei non cristiani in H.deLubac, Euntes docete,53(2000), p.29-51;
F.-M.Bald, Inculturation et dgagement de lglise parmi les nations, in
Actualit de Jean Danilou, p.197-201; D.Burrell, Christians, Muslims (and Jews)
before the One God. Jean Danilou on Mission Revisited, Interpretation,61(2006),
p.34-41; M.Meslin, Jean Danilou et les religions non chrtiennes, in Actualit
de Jean Danilou, p.155-164; A.I. Rodrguez, Cristianismo yreligiones en el pensamiento de Jean Danilou(1905-1974)(Excerpta e dissertationibus in sacra theologia,
51,3), Pamplona,2007.

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E. FIANO

quun chrtien accepte pleinement, celle dIsral constituant

un type humain particulier [...] qui aabsolument le droit [...]
de persister dans lexistence, [...] davoir une terre, [...] dtre
un peuple parmi les peuples.Mais en ce qui concerne ce que
jappellerais lHistoire sainte, lHistoire du salut, ce people ne
peut plus tre aujourdhui, pour nous, ce quil tait dans lAncien Testament. [N]ous, he added with refreshing frankness,
ne pouvons pas renoncer vous convertir.31
Danilou was ofcourse aware that second Temple Judaism
constituted the breeding ground ofthe Jesus movement. This,
however, was for him no real obstacle to viewing Jewish culture as one in which Christianity could be inculturated. From
the viewpoint ofsacred history such as Danilou conceived it,
the tie between Israel and Gods covenant was severed by the
Jews collective rejection ofJesus.Thereafter, ofthe special
status granted to Israel by its election there remained only some
fond memories, crystallized in the Hebrew Bible.To be sure,
the chapter ofJewish Christianity remained aspecial one in
the history ofsalvation, because Gods relinquishing ofJesusdisbelieving Israel was not without residue.There persisted for
Danilou amystery ofIsrael, lying in the fact that the Jewish
people taken as awhole, though undeservedly chosen by God
to contract with him acovenant, refused to recognize its own
glory.32 But, notwithstanding this mystery, whose solution is
projected into the happy ending ofthe eschaton, the historical
phenomenon ofJewish Christianity remained for Danilou an
instance ofinculturation.
In this manner, Jewish Christian theology ceased to be seen,
as it was by Schoeps, as ato be sure, theologically meaningfulsolution ofcompromise, sought by aparticular group
at aspecific point in history, between the Jewish demands of
faithfulness to the Law and the gospel ofsalvation preached
by Jesus. Inancient Jewish Christianity, rather, Danilou saw
the intersection between the transhistorical and supernatural level
to which the event ofthe incarnation pertains and the historical
A.Chouraqui,J.Danilou, Les juifs, Paris,1966, p.94-95.
Cfr. J.Danilou, Dialogue avec Isral, Paris,1963, p.8; and A.Chouraqui, J.Danilou, Les juifs, p.26.
31
32

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THE CASES OFHANS-JOACHIM SCHOEPS AND JEAN DANILOU

and natural dimension to which Israel, by now simply an ethnos

endowed with its own linguistic, cultural, and religious heritage,
had been reduced by its unbelieving.Ultimately, Judaism and
Christianity are for Danilou two incommensurable quantities;
one could even say that only the former was for him areligion
in the mundane sense ofthe word.
For the Jesuit, however, the missiological interest ofthe question ofJewish Christianity was not limited to the past: it was
also linked to the need for Israels conversion in the present day.
Inhis conversation with Chouraqui he mused again: Il yaeu un
judo-christianisme, cest--dire quaux origines lglise primitive at essentiellement constitue par des juifs qui restaient
parfaitement juifs en toutes choses sauf dans le fait quils avaient
reconnu en Jsus-Christ le Messie annonc par les Prophtes et
le Fils de Dieu.Aujourdhui galement, il nous parat extrmement important que le juif soit juif au sens o, mme lintrieur
dune famille universaliste comme la famille chrtienne, il puisse
yavoir nouveau une expression juive du christianisme, ceci
marquant bien que la judacit, si lon peut dire, fait partie
de la plnitude de lhumanit.33 In what exactly this form
of Christianity would wind up consisting in Danilous mind
acouple ofgenerations after the conversion to Christianity
ofindividual Jews is not clear, considering that the cardinal elsewhere in his writings excluded the viability ofaTorah-observant Christianity.
It is time to summarize. Inthe portrayals ofancient Jewish
Christianity ofboth Schoeps and Danilou, Ipropose, it is possible to read, per speculum in aenigmate, these two writers wishes
for the Jewish people oftheir day (and the frustration thereof).
On the one hand, Schoepss Ebionitism, destined to extinction,
offered aclear image ofaJudaism defeated by those very historical forces to which it was seeking to sacrifice its immediate, carnal identity in the name ofahigher, more inclusive belonging.
Der deutsche Vortrupp, the hypernationalistic Gefolgschaft built by
Schoeps and composed ofGerman Jews resolved to hold their
posts and dissolve into the German race while retaining their
faith in the Jewish God ofcreation, unmistakably repeated,
A.Chouraqui,J.Danilou, Les juifs, p. 25.

33

289

E. FIANO

if with more tragic consequences, the gesture ofthat curious

heresiological and scholarly creature that were the Ebionites.
Danilou, on the other hand, found in ancient Jewish Christianity the image ofaJewish readiness to accept Christ that he
could only pray for in contemporary times. Such an acceptance
would have allowed the Jewish people to leave its status ofoutcast among the nations, leading it, as we have seen, to be considered at last as part ofthe fullness ofhumanity astatement
that may have to be read as friendly advice and as acoded recipe
for avoiding an encore ofthe recent disasters. If this interpretation ofthe role ofthe category ofJewish Christianity in our two
authors is correct, it is interesting to notice how for both the
German Jew and the French Catholic the ideal focus lies on the
first term ofthe construct, Judaism acircumstance revealing
ofthe urgent preoccupations that gave rise to the will to define
and, in away, narratively construct this religious phenomenon.
These considerations do not detract from the fact that
some ofthe fundamental insights ofSchoepss and Danilous
approaches remain relevant for todays inquiry into early Christian-Jewish relations.Danilous focus on thought structures,
though de-confessionalized, echoes in Daniel Boyarins broad
project ofchartingmostly through asophisticated analysis ofdiscursive practicesan unbroken morphology ofideas
for the continuum ofJudaeo-Christianity.34 In this regard
(and Iam aware that this may go, so to speak, regressively
beyond Boyarins intentions), in tackling the problem ofthe
relative position ofJews and Christians in the first centuriesce,
ashifting ofthe focus onto religious constructs and their discursive and material contextswhile retaining awareness of
ongoing rhetorical struggles within power structurescould
allow us to avoid the impasse ofthe debate over the very
legitimacy ofthe notion ofJewish Christianity.35
34 Boyarin himself refers to Danilous project: cfr. D.Boyarin, Rethinking
Jewish Christianity.An Argument for Dismantling aDubious Category
(to which IsAppended aCorrection ofMy Border Lines), The Jewish Quarterly
Review, 99(2009), p.7-36 at 33.
35 The bibliography on the debates about the definition ofJewish Christianity
is nearly infinite, and any citation would be purely arbitrary. Good guidance
is provided in J.N.Carleton.Paget, Jewish Christianity, in The Cambridge

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THE CASES OFHANS-JOACHIM SCHOEPS AND JEAN DANILOU

Boyarin has made acompelling plea for the dismantling

ofthis category, which he considers to always function as
aterm ofart in amodernist heresiology.36 In fact the continuum model Boyarin proposes, asserting the impossibility
ofidentifying two stable identities, would show any appeal
to forms ofhybridity or co-participation as unwarranted.
If, however, we decide to focus on the need to discontinue
using the term, how can we avoid the risk ofopening the
door to Hegels night in which all cows are black? And how
can we prevent the negative focus on the term from paradoxically resulting in the essentialization ofacategory commonly utilized for its heuristic and explanatory value? Apossible answer might comethough, again, on adescriptive,
non-confessional planefrom what Marc Krell described as
Schoeps seemingly contradictory and multiple Jewish subjectivity (mirrored in his construction ofEbonitism), representing
apossible model for aJewish-Christian heterogeneous totality,
in which Jewish and Christian identities are intertwined yet
not melded together, therefore retaining their difference.37
In practical terms, accompanying the reconstruction ofrhetorical strategies ofboundary-setting with the drawing ofacartography ofreligious ideas may help neglected connections
emerge across adescriptively and historically productive border; after all, amap such as the one proposed by Boyarin can
hardly be navigated without the very categories it endeavours
to do away with. Eventually, aprocedure such as this could
enable students ofJewish Christianity to fight the confusion
the topic inspires by squeezing, so to speak, as much history as
possible out ofthe texts and contexts they investigate.

History ofJudaism,III: The Early Roman Period ed.W.D.Davies, W.Horbury,

J.Sturdy, Cambridge,2000, p.731-775; Id., The Definition ofthe Terms
Jewish Christian and Jewish Christianity in the History ofResearch, in Jewish
Believers in Jesus. TheEarly Centuries ed.R.Hvalvik, O.Skarsaune, Peabody,
2007, p.22-52; and A.Y. Reed, Jewish Christianity.
36 D.Boyarin, Rethinking Jewish Christianity, p.7.
37 M.A. Krell, Schoeps vs.Rosenzweig, p.26.

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E. FIANO

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Studien zum Leben und Werk vonHans-Joachim Schoeps (1909-1980)
ed.G.Botsch, J.H.Knoll, A.D.Ludewig (Haskala. Wissenschaftliche
Abhandlungen herausgegeben vom Moses Mendelssohn Zentrum fr europisch-jdische Studien,39), Hildesheim, 2009, p.31-44.
The Rediscovery ofJewish Christianity.From Toland toBaur
ed.F.St.Jones, Atlanta,2012.
Wider die chtung der Geschichte.Festschrift zum 60.Geburstag vonHansJoachim Schoeps ed.K.Tpner, Mnchen,1969.
D.Veliath, Theological Approach and Understanding ofReligions.
Jean Danilou and Raimundo Panikkar.AStudy in Contrast, Bangalore, 1988.
R.E. Vergastegui, Christianisme et religions non-chrtiennes.
Analyse de la tendance Danilou, Euntes docete,23(1970),
p.227-279.
P.Vithayathil, Jesus and Religions.Jean Cardinal Danilous Theological Understanding ofUniqueness ofChrist and Religious Pluralism in
the Context ofTodays Christological Debate, Rome,1999.

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THE CASES OFHANS-JOACHIM SCHOEPS AND JEAN DANILOU

Abstract
This paper discusses the accounts ofancient Jewish Christianity
offered in the aftermath ofthe Second World War by the Prussian
nationalist Jewish intellectual Hans-Joachim Schoeps and the French
Jesuit theologian Jean Danilou. Inparticular, it investigates how
these scholars deployment and further development ofJewish Christianity as ahistorical category served their religious and ideological
commitments, and may be seen as expressing their hopes for the
Jewish people oftheir day. Isuggest that Schoepss treatment of
Jewish Christianity should be read in conjunction with his liminal
position in avariety ofrealms, and in particular with his labour
ofnegotiating Jewish identity in tandem with his attraction to
Christianity and investment in the Prussian ideal. As for Danilou,
Ipropose that, in keeping with his theology, he saw Jewish Christianity as an instance ofinculturationreplicable in contemporary
times ofthe Christian faith in apeople that, due to its unbelieving,
had lost its special role in salvation history. Thepaper ends with some
remarks about the relevance ofthese two scholars treatments for
contemporary research on ancient Jewish Christianity.

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TIMOTHY PETTIPIECE
University ofOttawa

MANICHAEISM AT THE CROSSROADS

OFJEWISH, CHRISTIAN
AND MUSLIM TRADITIONS

Mani and the Manichaeans have often served as convenient

foils in much ofthe history ofPatristic Studies.More often than
not, Mani is simply seen as the arch-heretic par excellence against
which the orthodoxy ofothers can be judged or condemned.
He has frequently been viewed as the culmination ofeverything
deviant, degenerate, and foreign to mainstream Christian discourse.
Manichaean thought is aspectre that particularly haunts the world
ofAugustinian studies, where its influence (real or imagined)
is almost always portrayed in adark, negative light.1 Manichaeans,
ofcourse, would have been greatly offended by this tenebrous
caricature, but the questions must be askedwhat have they
contributed to the development not only ofChristian tradition,
but oflate antique traditions in general? Is there anything in
their legacy ofenduring value? On one level, Manichaeans preserved ideas and traditions abandoned elsewhere in the Jewish
and Christian worlds, while on another, Manichaeism serves as
an important link between several ofthe major late antique religious traditions, the implications ofwhich are only starting to be
uncovered.
In its essence, Manichaeism is aliminal religion.Its unique
amalgam offeatures have often made it difficult to define and
classify in relation to neighbouring traditions.Growing up in

1 This is being re-evaluated by J.Beduhns recent multi-volume study

Augustines Manichaean Dilemma, Volume 1.Conversion and Apostasy, 373-388ce,
Philadelphia,2009 and Volume 2.Making aCatholic Self, 388-401 ce,2013,
Philadelphia,2013.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107523

299

T. PETTIPIECE

mid-3rd century Iran, Mani was well-positioned to produce afar

reaching and original religious message.Sasanian Persia, like its
Parthian precursor, was religiously diverse.Not only could the
Hellenistic traces ofMacedonian colonies be felt throughout
its territories, but also astrong Jewish and Christian presence
manifested itself in avariety offormslargely in Aramaic,
apoint Ishall return to later.Moreover, Mani would have
certainly been exposed to some form ofZoroastrian piety,
as well as Indian religious traditions, be they Hindu, Buddhist,
or even Jain.2 This situation is born out, albeit in asomewhat
sinister light, by the declaration ofthe Magian high-priest
Kirdir, who under Bahram IIfamously celebrated his persecution
of Jews (yahud), Buddhists (aman), Brahmans (braman), Syriac
Christians (nasra), Greek Christians (kristiyan), and Manichaeans
(zandk) in an inscription.3 Manis openness to other traditions
may have intrigued King Shapur, but after the Great Kings
death he and his movement were perceived as subversive by both
Persian and Roman authorities alike.As aresult, the Manichaean
movement occupied cultural, political, geographical, and theological spaces at the margins ofthe Roman and Sasanian worlds.
Itmust be remembered, however, that Manichaeism is not
unique in this regard, since, regardless oftheir later distribution,
all ofthe major religions ofthe late antique Near EastJewish,
Christian, Muslimemerged from the very same liminal matrix
as Manichaeans themselves.What is forgotten, or wilfully overlooked, is the significant role played by the followers ofMani
in this dynamic mix.

2 Gh.Gnoli Aurentes The Buddhist arhants in the Coptic Kephalaia

through aBactrian Transmission, East and West, 41.1(1991), p.359-361; M.Deeg,
I.Gardner, Indian Influence on Mani Reconsidered: The Case ofJainism,
International Journal ofJaina Studies, 4-6(2008-2010), p.158-186; I.Gardner,
SomeComments on Mani and Indian Religions from the Coptic Sources,
in New Perspectives in Manichaean Research ed.A.Van Tongerloo, L.Cirillo,
Leiden,2005; T.Pettipiece, The Buddha in Early Christian Literature, in Millennium 6/2009: Jahrbuch zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n.Chr.,
Berlin,2009.
3 Ph.Gignoux, Les quatre inscriptions du Mage Kird
r: Textes et concordances,
Studia Iranica 9,1991.See J.Wiesehofer, Ancient Persia: From 550bc to 650ad,
London,1996, p.199.

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MANICHAEISM AT THE CROSSROADS OF TRADITIONS

1.From Darkness toLight:

The Rediscovery ofthe Manichaean Voice
It has indeed taken along time for Manichaeans to find their
rightful place in the scholarly dialogue about late antique religious culture.Long considered little more than aheresiological
curiosity, the impact oftextual discoveries from the Turfan
Oasis in the early twentieth century revolutionized modern
Manichaean studies.4 Unfortunately, in spite ofthe renewed
energy and interest these finds generated, the Turfan texts led
scholars down an errant path to aplace where Manichaeism
was conceptualized as another form ofPersian religion, since
the fragments retrieved were in various Middle Iranian dialects
(Middle Persian, Parthian, Sogdian) and contained asignificant
amount ofZoroastrian technical terminology.One scholar in
particular resisted this trend. In1924, F.C.Burkitt gave aseries
ofDonnellan Lectures on The Religion ofthe Manichees,5 in which
he maintained that Manichaeism took root in arich, albeit eclectic, Christian soilsoil from Persia to be sure, but Christian soil
nonetheless.
Burkitts interpretation was validated in1929 when acollection ofCoptic manuscripts from Medinet Madi were
recognized as once belonging to aManichaean community.6
In these texts, dated to the fourth or fifth centurymuch earlier
than those found in Central Asiathe Christian elements come
to the fore. For one thing, the Manichaeans call themselves
the Holy Church, and, in the codex containing Manis Letters,
Mani designates himself an Apostle ofJesus Christ.7 This conception was made even more explicit some decades later with
the publication ofthe tiny Cologne Mani Codex, which also
4
A.Stein, Sir Aurel Steins Expedition in Central Asia, The Geographical
Journal, 46.4(1915), p.269-276.Aside from the many scholarly editions by
Sundermann and others, see H.-J.Klimkeit, Gnosis on the Silk Road: Gnostic Texts
from Central Asia, NewYork, 1993 and M.Boyce, ACatalogue ofthe Iranian
Manuscripts in Manichean Script in the German Turfan Collection, Berlin,1960.
5 F.C. Burkitt, The Religion ofthe Manichees, Cambridge,1925.
6 C.Schmidt, H.-J.Polotsky, Ein Mani-Fund in gypten, Sitzungsberichte
der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften(1933), p. 4-90. See J.Robinson,
The Manichaean Codices ofMedinet Madi, Eugene,2013.
7 Already noted by Schmidt, Polotsky, Ein Mani-Fund, p.24.

301

T. PETTIPIECE

contains excerpts from Manis correspondence with the same

introductory formula embedded into ahagiographic narrative
ofhis early life in asectarian community.8 Now, Manis
fascination with and commitment to Jesus has come even
more into focus with the recent publication ofremains ofyet
another Letters codex from Kellis.9 Here, Mani writes:
My good saviour, the witness who is my father: He is [...] my
redeemer from[...] all the time, the one whom my eyes gaze
upon all the time; it is he who bears witness that you are [...]
in [...] in love, like abeloved friend and abrother and agood
companion (P.Kell.Copt.53).10

At the beginning ofthe twenty-first century, there should be

no doubt that Manichaeism represents aparallel stream within
the multiform topography ofearly Christian discourses. Manichaeism, therefore, or more properly the Manichaean Church,
is not aPersian religion in Christian guise, as was once imagined, but an indigenous form ofPersian Christianity. Consequently, Manichaean writings and ideas ought to be considered in any broad-based and genuinely holistic examination
ofearly Christian traditions. Theconfrontation between this
Persian church and the rival orthodoxy imported, or relocated
by Shapur,11 from the west is vividly portrayed in the imagined
confrontation between the Bishop ofCarchar and Mani in the
Acts ofArchelaus,12 and more subtly so in the Doctrine ofAddais
overwriting ofan earlier Manichaean mission to Edessa.13
8 Der Klner Mani-Kodex: ber das Werden seines Leibes: Kritische Edition
ed.A.Henrichs, L.Koenen, Opladen,1988.
9See I.Gardner, S.N.C. Lieu, From Narmouthis(Medinet Madi)
to Kellis(Ismant El-Kharab): Manichaean Documents from Roman Egypt,
TheJournal ofRoman Studies, 86(1996), p.146-169; I.Gardner, The Reconstruction ofManis Epistles from Three Coptic Codices(Ismant el-Kharab and
Medinet Madi), in The Light and the Darkness: Studies inManichaeism and its
World ed.P.Mirecki, J.Beduhn, Leiden,2001, p.93-104.
10 I.Gardner, Kellis Literary Texts, 2vols., Oxford,2007, II.
11
Wiesehfer, Ancient Persia, p.201.
12 J.Beduhn, Placing the Acts ofArchelaus, in Frontiers ofFaith: The Christian
Encounter with Manichaeism in the Acts ofArchelaus ed.J.Beduhn, P.Mirecki,
Leiden,2007, p.7.
13 H.Drijvers, Addai und Mani.Christentum und Manichismus im dritten
Jahrhundert in Syrien.in IIIeSymposium Syriacum1980, Rome,1983, p.75-185.

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MANICHAEISM AT THE CROSSROADS OF TRADITIONS

Even much later Islamic observers, such as Abd al-Jabbar,

recorded the Manichaeans insistence that they are the followers ofChrist who possess the true gospel.14 Still, in spite
ofall this mounting evidence, there is still astrong resistance
to giving Manichaeans their due.Not so long ago, Michel Tardieu complained that no one really cared about Manichaean
readings ofthe Bible,15 although Charles Kannengiesser did
include achapter on Mani in his magisterial Handbook ofPatristic
Exegesis(2004) and Alexander Bhligs dissertation Die Bibel
bei den Manichern, which has long circulated privately among
scholars, has just been published by Brill(2013).These are
important steps, but still more can be done to define the
Manichaean contribution to the late antique religious landscape.

2.Sibling Rivalries: Manichaeans and the Religions

ofthe LateAntique Near East
So if Manichaeans are to be seen as integral to the interactions
and developments oflate antique religions, what do such
interactions look like? Are they primarily hostile, or mutually
influential? Moreover, do they tell us anything about the
common environment in which these traditions developed?
For one thing, it has long been evident that Mani was
greatly influenced by some form ofsectarian Judaism, one with
important connections to the Dead Sea Scrolls. John Reeves,
for example, examined the parallels between Iranian fragments
from the Manichaean Book ofGiants16 and certain Aramaic texts
from Qumran.17 Moreover, the publication ofthe Cologne Mani
Codex made it clear that the Elchasaite community in which
Mani is said to have been raised also has significant points ofcon14
J.Reeves, Prolegomena to aHistory ofIslamicate Manichaeism, Sheffield, 2011,
p.96.
15 M.Tardieu, Principes de lexgse manichenne du Nouveau Testament,
in Les rgles de linterprtation, Paris,1987, p.123-124.
16 W.B. Henning Ein manichisches Henochbuch, Sitzungsbe-richte der
Preuischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 5(1934), p.27-35; W.B. Henning,
The Book ofthe Giants, Bulletin ofthe School ofOriental and African Studies,
11.1(1943) p.52-74.
17 J.C. Reeves, Jewish Lore in Manichaean Cosmogony: Studies in the Book
ofGiants Traditions, Cincinnati, 1992.

303

T. PETTIPIECE

tact with Second Temple Jewish sectarianism.18 Mani appears to

have been well versed not only in the so-called Enoch literature,
but stories about other biblical forefathers as well, such as Adam,
Seth, Cain, and Abel.He even endeavoured to provide aclever
etymology for the name ofMount Sinai in his Living Gospel.19
At the same time, later Jewish authors reacted negatively to
Manichaean teachings and were offended by their dualism, as in
the case ofthe Karaite theologian Yusuf al-Basir (11th cent), who
lumped them in with Zorastrians and Christians, or the Spanish
philosopher Abraham bar Hiyya, who believed that Mani
was aheretic predicted by the prophet Daniel (11:20).20
Christians, who engaged with Manichaeans most directly,
share with them arather complex history. Inaddition to Manis
proclamation to be an Apostle ofJesus Christ,21 Manichaean
mythology is deeply rooted in an alternate trinitarian FatherMother-Child schema which we also find in texts such as
the Secret Book ofJohn. Additional connections between other
Nag Hammadi texts such as the Gospel ofPhilip, Eugnostos, and
On the Origin ofthe World and Manichaean literature can also be
found, although the lines ofinfluence between the corpora are
far from clear,22 as is the case with similar motifs in other noncanonical writings such as the Acts23 and Gospel of Thomas.24
18 A.Henrichs, Mani and the Babylonian Baptists: AHistorical Confrontation, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 77(1973), p.23-59; A.F.J. Klijn,
G.J.Reinink, Elchasai and Mani, Vigiliae Christianae, 28.4(1974), p.277-289.
19 W.-P.Funk, Manis Account ofOther Religions According to the
Coptic Synaxeis Codex, in New Light on Manichaeism: Papers from the sixth International Congress on Manichaeism; organized by the International Association ofManichaean Studies ed J.Beduhn, Leiden,2009, p.123.
20 Reeves, Prolegomena, p. 136-137.
21This identification has been further reinforced by Zsuzsanna Gulcsis
recent identification ofManis personal seal, see N.A.Pedersen, J.M.Larsen,
Manichaean Texts in Syriac: First Editions, New Editions and Studies, with contributions
by Zsuzsanna Gulcsi and Myriam Krutzsch, Turnhout,2013.
22
See T.Pettipiece, Towards aManichaean Reading ofthe Nag Hammadi Codices, Journal ofthe Canadian Society for Coptic Studies, 3-4(2012):
p. 43-54.
23 P.-H.Poirier, LHymne de la perle des actes de Thomas.Introduction, TexteTraduction, Commentaire, Louvain-la-Neuve,1981.
24 W.-P.Funk, Einer aus tausend, zwei aus zehntausend: Zitate aus dem
Thomasevangelium in den koptischen Manichaica, in For the Children, Perfect
Instruction: Studies in Honor ofHans-Martin Schenke on the Occasion ofthe Ber-

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MANICHAEISM AT THE CROSSROADS OF TRADITIONS

Such similarities, ofcourse, did nothing to garner any sympathy

among western proto-orthodox observers, so Christian authors
in Roman lands tended to denigrate Mani as aPersian charlatan,
or worse, as an illegitimate slave.25 For instance, in his classic
description, Hegemonius says in the Acts ofArchelaus:
When he saw Manes, Marcellus was first astonished at the
garments he was wearing.For he wore akind ofshoe which
is generally known commonly as the trisolium, and amulticoloured cloak, ofasomewhat ethereal appearance, while
in his hand he held avery strong staff made ofebony-wood.
He carried aBabylonian book under his left arm, and he
had covered his legs with trousers ofdifferent colours,
one ofthem scarlet, the other coloured leek-green. His appearance was like that ofan old Persian magician or warlord
(trans.Vermes).26

Even the Aramaic speaking Mandaeans interacted with Manichaeans in important ways, although this remains asubject that
is far from being satisfactorily explored.For example, we find
parallel descriptions ofthe King ofDarkness in Kephalaia Chapter21 and the Mandaean Right Ginza, where the dark ruler is
described as resembling alion, eagle, serpent, and demon.27 Yet,
at the same time, the Mandaeans are harshly critical of their Manichaean cousins, since elsewhere in the Right Ginza, we read:
There is another gate to perdition, which resulted from the
mission ofthe Christ.They are the ones called zandiqia and
mardmania ...they invoke wind, fire, and water and sing
hymns ofpraise to the sun and moon...they are termed
elect ones whom Mar Mani has chosen.28
liner Arbeitskreis fr koptisch-gnostische Schriftens Thirtieth Year ed.H.-G.Bethge
et al., Leiden, 2002, p.67-94; J.K. Coyle, The Gospel ofThomas in
Manichaeism? in J.K.Coyle, Manichaeism and Its Legacy, Leiden,2009, p.123141.
25
Numerous polemical sources, including the Acts ofArchelaus, tell an
alternate story ofManis origins as aslave-boy named Corbicius.
26
M.Vermes, S.N.C.Lieu, K.Kaatz, Acta Archelai(The Acts ofArchelaus),
Turnhout, 2001, p.58.
27See T.Pettipiece, Pentadic Redaction in the Manichaean Kephalaia, Leiden,2009, p.55-56; M.Lidzbarski, Ginza: Der Schatz oder Das groe Buch der
Mander, Gttingen,1978 [1925].
28 Reeves, Prolegomena, p. 143-144.

305

T. PETTIPIECE

Aside from Christians, Islamic writers have the most to say about
Manichaeans and are among our most valuable witnesses, due
in part perhaps to apossible Manichaean resurgence under the
early Islamic regime.29 Yet, as in the case ofthe Mandaeans,
the full trajectory ofinfluence between Manichaean and early
Muslim communities has remained very much underexplored.
For example, what do we make ofthe fact that, as al-Biruni
suggests, Mani called himself Seal ofthe Prophets long before
Muhammad?30 Indeed, we should not be surprised to find
Manichaeans in pre-Islamic Arabia. They are attested by Titus of
Bostras lengthy fourth-century refutation and, in fact, according to the Persian geographer Ibn Rusta, Manichaeans reportedly came from al-Hira to Mecca,31 possibly via Palmyra, where
they had been received by Queen Zenobia.32 Yet, even if we
can demonstrate some historical proximity, can we also detect
some deeper degree ofinterconnection? Tor Andrae suggested
that the only definite trace ofManichaean teaching could be
found in Muhammads docetic Christology,33 but surely we can
see some broad similarities in the way in which both Mani and
Muhammad characterized their respective missions to restore the
primeval revelation given to humanity and as the last in aseries
ofprophetic forerunners. As Mani proclaimed in his Shaburagan,
atext he wrote specifically to announce his mission to the Persian court:
Apostles ofGod have constantly brought wisdom and
deeds in successive times. Inone era they were brought by

29 S.N.C. Lieu, Manichaeism in the Later Roman Empire and Medieval China:
AHistorical Survey, Manchester,1985, p.82-83.
30
E.Sachau, TheChronology ofAncient Nations: An English Version ofthe
Arabic Text ofthe Athar-Ul-Bakiya ofAlbrun, Or, Vestiges ofthe Past, Collected
and Reduced to Writing by the Author in A.h.390-1, A.d.1000.Lahore,1983,
p.207; See Reeves, Prolegomena, p. 97; G.Stroumsa, Seal ofthe Prophets:
the Nature ofaManichaean Metaphor, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam,
7(1986), p.61-74.
31
T.Andrae, Mohammed: The Man and His Faith, NewYork,1960, p.105.
32 M.Tardieu,Larrivee des manicheens al-Hira, in La Syrie de Bysance
lIslam, viie-viiie siecles: actes du Colloque international De Bysance lIslam,
Lyon, Maison de lOrient mediterraneen, Paris, Institut du monde arabe, 11-15septembre1990 ed.P.Canivet, J.-P.Rey-Coquais, Damas, 1992.
33 Andrae, Mohammad, p. 112.

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MANICHAEISM AT THE CROSSROADS OF TRADITIONS

the apostle al-Bud to the land ofIndia, in another (era) by

Zardasht to Persia, and in another (era) by Jesus to the West.
Now this revelation has descended and this prophecy is
promulgated during this final era by me, Mani, the apostle
ofthe God oftruth to Babylonia.34

In fact, both prophets claimed (or were said to claim) to represent the Paraclete promised by Jesus.Indeed, as the tenth-century
Islamic scholar al-Nadim stated, Mani claimed that he was the
Paraclete,35 whereas this is an identification also famously applied
to Muhammad in Quran 61.6.More specifically, the Sira of
Ibn Ishaq cites a(non-Peshitta) Syriac version ofIoh.15:23
and states that munahhemana refers to Muhammad.36

3.Abstaining Aramaeans: The Lost Socio-Linguistic Matrix

ofManichaeans and their Rivals
While we can see that Manichaeans interacted with other late
antique religions in avariety ofconcrete and specific contexts,
there are some broader trajectories that unite them in fundamental ways, both ideologically and linguistically.
One ofthe characteristic features oflate antique religiosity
is the rise ofthe ascetic movement. Instark contrast to earlier
Graeco-Roman values, which we tend to imagine as idealizing and valuing the body and its pleasures, the flesh increasingly became the battleground in acosmic war waged for the
soul. This ascetic tendency, which spreads through the eastern
Mediterranean in the fourth centuryshortly after the emergence ofManichaean communities37is certainly present at the
core ofManichaean ideology, particularly in terms ofwhat was
expected ofthe communitys elite, the Elect.Yet, according to

Cited by al-Biruni, see Reeves, Prolegomena, p. 103.

Fihrist in Reeves, Prolegomena, p. 169.
36 A.Guillaume, The Life ofMuhammad: ATranslation ofIbn Ishaqs Sirat
Rasul Allah, London,1955, p.104.
37 G.Stroumsa, Monachisme et Marranisme chez les Manicheens dEgypte,
Numen, 29.2 (1982), p. 184-201; L. Koenen, Manichische Mission und Klster
ingypte, Das rmisch-byzantinische gypten.Aegyptiaca Treverensia, 2(1983),
p.93-108.
34
35

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T. PETTIPIECE

accounts ofManis origins, his father Patek, while spending time

in one ofCtesiphons shrines, heard avoice call to him and say:
Donot eat meat, do not drink wine and abstain from intercourse with anyone.38 Asimilar statement can be found in the
second (unpublished) volume ofManichaean Kephalaia in connection with the Greek sage Anacharsis: Anacharsis the Blessed
[...] thus spoke to him [...] Anacharsis the Blessed and [...] hear
[...] Do not leave [...]*/ beasts! Drink no wine! Eat(?) no flesh(?)
[...]wife! Beget no [...].39 This same admonition is attested in
an earlier third-century source, the Syriac teacher Bardaisans
Book ofthe Laws ofCountries, which states that there is alaw
among the Indians for the Brahmans, which many thousands and
tens ofthousands ofthem are, not to kill, to worship idols, to
commit no fornication, to eat no meat and to drink no wine.40
Moreover, it is also attested later in the seventh century, when
Sebeos in his Armenian History attributes to Muhammad the
teaching not to eat carrion, not to drink wine, not to speak
falsely, and not to engage in fornication.41 It would seem then
that this command functioned as asort ofascetic slogan throughout LateAntiquity and may ultimately derive from Tatian and
his Syrian encratite milieu.42
In fact, it is important to note is that this ascetic mantra frequently occurs in texts and traditions firmly rooted in Aramaic/
Syriac religious culture.Mani, ofcourse, communicated in an
Aramaic dialect, as his father would have as well, and Coptic
Manichaean writings were most definitely based on aSyriac
foundation.Bardaisan represents one ofour earliest sources
ofSyriac literature from Edessa, whereas the earliest Islamic traditions, if we accept the implications ofChristoph Luxenburgs
38 Al-Nadim, Fihrist in I.Gardner, S.N.C.Lieu, Manichaean Texts from the
Roman Empire, Cambridge,2004, p.46-47.
39
Chapter 312: [On the Seven Buddhas...Anacharsis...Chasro...]
(2Ke310.9-310.14 unpublished). S.Giversen, The Manichaean Coptic Papyri in
the Chester Beatty Library, Geneve,1986.
40
H.Drijvers, The Book ofthe Laws ofCountries: Dialogue on Fate of Bardaisan

ofEdessa, Assen,1965, p.43.

41 R.W. Thompson, The Armenian History Attributed To SebeosPartI:
Translation and Notes, Liverpool,1999, p.95-96.
42See Eus., Hist.Eccl.7.29 and Clem.Alex., Strom.1.15.

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MANICHAEISM AT THE CROSSROADS OF TRADITIONS

ground-breaking study,43 also contain asignificant Aramaic/

Syriac substrate.Add to this the fact that the Jewish, Christian,
and Mandaean sources mentioned above also emerged from an
Aramaic-speaking milieu and we can see aprofound linguistic
and cultural nexus interconnecting these varied strands oflate
antique religiosityone strongly marked by an ascetic impulse.
Itis rather remarkable how little attention is paid to the common Aramaic roots ofChristian, Jewish, Manichaean, Mandaean, and also Muslim traditions.This is partly understandable,
since somuch ofthis early Aramaic substratum has been lost or
erased. Yet, in spite ofthis lacuna, we can see something ofthe
palimpsest just below the surface ofour normative textual traditions. Afterall, it is well-known that Aramaic served as alingua
franca throughout the ancient Near East since Achaemenid times,
but somehow this obvious fact fails to translate into arecognition ofwhat it actually implies. It implies that the opportunities
for interchange between these traditions would have been far
greater and lasted for far longer than their surviving literatures
would have us believe.
In this sense, Mani really does stand at acrossroads ofsorts,
since he represents so many ofthe elements that characterize the
religious culture ofhis time.Inspired by adeep sense ofmission
and election, an ascetically inclined, Aramaic-speaking prophet
(somemight say religious organizer) took elements ofboth
Jewish and Christian predecessors and formed them into what he
saw as arestoration oftheir originally revealed form.As aresult,
he created amovement that seems to have greatly stimulated
the ascetic leanings ofLateAntiquity and set the stage not only
for the monastic movement, but also for alater prophet with
asimilar sense ofmission and election to restore the revelation
yet again.

43 Ch.Luxenberg, The Syro-Aramaic Reading ofthe Koran: AContribution

to the Decoding ofthe Language ofthe Koran, Berlin,2007.

309

T. PETTIPIECE

Bibliography
1.Primary Sources
Clement ofAlexandria, Clemens Alexandrinus: Bd.2., Leipzig, 1906.
H.Drijvers, The Book ofthe Laws ofCountries: Dialogue on Fate of
Bardaisan ofEdessa, Assen,1965.

Eusebius, The Ecclesiastical History, London,1926.

I.Gardner and S.N.C.Lieu, Manichaean Texts from the Roman Empire,
Cambridge, 2004.
I.Gardner, Kellis Literary Texts, 2vols., Oxford, 2007, II.
Ph. Gignoux, Les quatre inscriptions du Mage Kirdr: Textes et concordances, Studia Iranica9, 1991.
Giversen, The Manichaean Coptic Papyri in the Chester Beatty Library,
Geneve,1986.
A.Guillaume, The Life ofMuhammad: ATranslation ofIbn Ishaqs Sirat
Rasul Allah, London, 1955.
W.B.Henning Ein manichisches Henochbuch, Sitzungsbe-richte der
Preuischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 5(1934), p.27-35
W.B. Henning, The Book ofthe Giants, in Bulletin ofthe School
ofOriental and African Studies, 11.1(1943), p.52-74.
A.Henrichs, L.Koenen, ed, Der Klner Mani-Kodex: ber das Werden
seines Leibes: Kritische Edition, Opladen, 1988.
M.Lidzbarski, Ginza: Der Schatz oder Das groe Buch der Mander,
Gttingen,1978 [1925].
N.A.Pedersen, J.M.Larsen, Manichaean Texts in Syriac: First Editions,
New Editions and Studies, with contributions by Zsuzsanna Gulcsi and
Myriam Krutzsch, Turnhout, 2013.
E.Sachau, TheChronology ofAncient Nations: An English Version ofthe
Arabic Text ofthe Athar-Ul-Bakiya ofAlbrun, Or, Vestiges ofthe
Past, Collected and Reduced to Writing by the Author in A.h.390-1,
A.d.100., Lahore,1983.
M.Vermes, S.N.C.Lieu, K.Kaatz, Acta Archelai (The Acts of
Archelaus), Turnhout,2001.
R.W. Thompson, The Armenian History Attributed to Sebeos PartI:
Translation and Notes, Liverpool,1999.

2.Secondary literature
T.Andrae, Mohammed: The Man and His Faith, NewYork,1960.
J.BeDuhn, Augustines Manichaean Dilemma, Volume 1.Conversion and
Apostasy, 373-388ce, Philadelphia,2009.

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J.BeDuhn, Augustines Manichaean Dilemma, Volume 2.Making a

Catholic Self, 388-401ce,2013, Philadelphia,2013.
J. BeDuhn, Placing the Acts ofArchelaus, in Frontiers ofFaith: The
Christian Encounter with Manichaeism in the Acts ofArchelaus
ed.J.BeDuhn, P.Mirecki, Leiden,2007.
M.Boyce, ACatalogue ofthe Iranian Manuscripts in Manichean Script
in the German Turfan Collection, Berlin,1960.
F.C. Burkitt, The Religion ofthe Manichees, Cambridge,1925.
J.K.Coyle, The Gospel ofThomas inManichaeism?, in Manichaeism
and Its Legacy, Leiden,2009.
M.Deeg, I.Gardner, Indian Influence on Mani Reconsidered: The
Case ofJainism, International Journal ofJaina Studies, 4-6(20082010), p.158-186.
H.Drijvers, Addai und Mani.Christentum und Manichismus
im dritten Jahrhundert in Syrien, in iiie Symposium Syriacum1980,
Rome, 1983, p.75-185.
W.-P.Funk Einer aus tausend, zwei aus zehntausend: Zitate
aus dem Thomasevangelium in den koptischen Manichaica, in
Forthe Children, Perfect Instruction: Studies inHonor ofHans-Martin
Schenke on the Occasion ofthe Berliner Arbeitskreis fr koptisch-gnostische
Schriftens Thirtieth Year ed.H.-G.Bethge etal., Leiden,2002,
p.6794.
W.-P.Funk, Manis Account ofOther Religions According to
the Coptic Synaxeis Codex, in NewLight on Manichaeism: Papers
from the sixth International Congress on Manichaeism; organized by
the International Association ofManichaean Studiesed J.Beduhn,
Leiden,2009.
I.Gardner, S.N.C. Lieu, From Narmouthis (Medinet Madi)
toKellis (Ismant El-Kharab): Manichaean Documents from
Roman Egypt, The Journal ofRoman Studies, 86(1996), p.146169.
I. Gardner, The Reconstruction ofManis Epistles from Three
Coptic Codices (Ismant el-Kharab and Medinet Madi), in
The Light and the Darkness: Studies in Manichaeism and its World
ed.P.Mirecki, J.Beduhn, Leiden, 2001, p.93-104.
I.Gardner, Some Comments on Mani and Indian Religions from
the Coptic Sources, in NewPerspectives in Manichaean Research
ed.A.Van Tongerloo, L.Cirillo, Leiden, 2005.
Gh.Gnoli Aurentes: The Buddhist arhants in the Coptic
Kephalaia through aBactrian Transmission, East and West,
41.1(1991), p.359-361.

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T. PETTIPIECE

A.Henrichs, Mani and the Babylonian Baptists: AHistorical

Confrontation, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 77(1973),
p.23-59.
A.F.J.Klijn, G.J.Reinink, Elchasai and Mani, Vigiliae Christianae,
28.4(1974), p.277-289.
H.-J.Klimkeit, Gnosis on the Silk Road: Gnostic Texts from Central
Asia, NewYork,1993.
L.Koenen, Manichische Mission und Klster ingypten, Das
rmisch-byzantinische gypten.Aegyptiaca Treverensia, 2(1983),
p.93-108.
S.N.C. Lieu, Manichaeism in the Later Roman Empire and Medieval
China: AHistorical Survey, Manchester, 1985.
Ch.Luxenberg, The Syro-Aramaic Reading ofthe Koran: AContribution to the Decoding ofthe Language ofthe Koran, Berlin,2007.
T.Pettipiece, The Buddha in Early Christian Literature, in Millennium 6/2009: Jahrbuch zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n.Chr., Berlin,2009.
T.Pettipiece, Pentadic Redaction in the Manichaean Kephalaia, Leiden, 2009.
T.Pettipiece, Towards aManichaean Reading ofthe Nag Hammadi Codices, Journal ofthe Canadian Society for Coptic Studies,
3-4(2012): p. 43-54.
P.-H.Poirier, LHymne de la perle des actes de Thomas.Introduction,
Texte-Traduction, Commentaire, Louvain-la-Neuve,1981.
J.C. Reeves, Jewish Lore in Manichaean Cosmogony: Studies in the Book
ofGiants Traditions, Cincinnati,1992.
J.Reeves, Prolegomena to aHistory ofIslamicate Manichaeism, Sheffield,
2011.
J.Robinson, The Manichaean Codices ofMedinet Madi, Eugene,2013.
C.Schmidt and H.-J.Polotsky, Ein Mani-Fund in gypten,
Sitzungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1933,
p.4-90.
A.Stein, Sir Aurel Steins Expedition in Central Asia, The Geographical Journal, 46.4(1915), p.269-276.
G.Stroumsa, Monachisme et Marranisme chez les Manicheens
dEgypte, Numen, 29.2(1982), p.184-201.
M.Tardieu, Larrivee des manicheens al-Hira, in La Syrie
de Bysance lIslam, viie-viiie siecles: actes du Colloque international
De Bysance lIslam, Lyon, Maison de lOrient mediterraneen, Paris,

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Institut du monde arabe, 11-15septembre1990 ed.P.Canivet,

J.-P.Rey-Coquais, Damas, 1992.
M.Tardieu, Principes de lexgse manichenne du Nouveau
Testament, in Les rgles de linterprtation, Paris, 1987, p.123-124.
J.Wiesehfer, Ancient Persia: From 550bc to 650ad, London,1996.

Abstract
After highlighting the rediscovery ofprimary Manichaean sources
over the last century, this article examines the multiple points
of interconnectedness that exist between Manichaeans and the
religions ofthe late antique Near East and suggests anew approach
to understanding the nature oftheir common social and linguistic
milieu.

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PATRISTICS BETWEEN EASTERN

AND WESTERN
CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS

COLUMBA STEWART OSB

Saint Johns Abbey and University Collegeville, Minnesota

PATRISTICS BEYOND EAST

AND WEST

Introduction
This essay explores the intricate pathways oftransmission of
ideas and texts in early Christianity.My hope is to suggest
some perspectives for amore nuanced and accurate portrayal
ofthe literature ofthe Christian world in its first millennium.
Most ofmy examples will be drawn from the literature Iknow
best, ascetic and monastic writings, and from what we know
ofthe people who created and read them.First, Iwill offer some preliminary remarks about the key terms in the title
ofthis lecture, Patristics, East, and West, then Iwill continue with observations about Patristics between Greek East
and Latin West, then Patristics beyond the Greek East, and
finally Patristics beyond East and West.

1.Patristics
Traditionally the study ofPatristics has focused on texts, and
these texts were regarded as if they were fixed monuments with
aquasi-inspired status (unless, ofcourse, they were considered
heretical).Occasionally the sands oftime would shift and anew
text would be uncovered and added to the register ofmonuments. We now accept that texts are not as stable as once was
thought, especially when they have crossed linguistic frontiers,
nor is their attribution always as certain as widely assumed.
We now call the Areopagite Pseudo-Dionysius and place him
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107524

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C. STEWART OSB

in Syria rather than Athens.In the twentieth century numerous

texts traditionally ascribed to Nilus ofAncyra were found to be
disguised writings ofEvagrius Ponticus, who had been largely
written out ofthe traditional ascetic canon even as many of
his works survived, several ofthem only in Syriac translation.
More recently, Gregory the Greats Commentary on First Kings,
atext ofsome importance to Benedictines because it was the
only one ofGregorys works actually to quote the Regula
Benedicti, was determined by its learned monastic editor to be
atwelfth-century pastiche.1
We have also become more keenly aware ofwhat is missing, and ofthe fact that we have mere remnants ofwhat was,
even into the medieval period, amuch larger corpus ofearly
Christian writings eroded by changes in theological fashion,
devastation ofcommunities in the Middle East, or simple accident. It is helpful to recall some examples.Irenaeuss Demonstration ofApostolic Preaching (CPG1307) was rediscovered only
in the early twentieth century, and then only in Armenian;
the Adversus haereses (CPG1306), ofcourse, is complete only
in Latin translation.Clements Hypotyposes (CPG1380) with
the teachings ofhis master, Pantaenus, the former Stoic and
adventurous missionary to India (known from Eusebius) are
lost apart from some fragments.For all ofhis now-restored
significance, we lack some ofOrigens most important works:
the Greek ofmost ofDe principiis (CPG1482), though at least
there is the Latin; the Hexapla (CPG1500), though there is
the Syro-Hexapla; any ofthe Stromata (CPG 1483) beyond
fragments; large portions ofhis exegetical works.Fortunately,
there are still discoveries to be made, as in2012 ofthe Greek
original oftwenty-nine lost homilies on the Psalms (CPG1428)
in the Staatsbibliothek in Munich.2 The writings ofTheodore
1 A.deVog, LAuteur duCommentairedesRoisattribu S.Gregoire:
un moine deCava? Revue Bndictine, 106(1996), p.319-331.Vog was
partway through an edition ofthe commentary forSC when he made this
determination; the first two volumes (SC, 351, 391) bear the name ofGregory,
the four subsequent ones (SC, 432, 449, 469, 482) add Pierre de Cava as the
probable author.
2See M.Molin Pradel,Novit origeniane dalla Staatsbibliothek di
Monaco di Baviera: ilCod.graec.314, Adamantius, 18(2012), p.16-40; L.Per-

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ofMopsuestia are lost in Greek apart from fragments. Many

ofhis works survive complete in Syriac, others in snippets.
One ofthe most important, the single known copy ofthe
Syriac translation ofthe De incarnatione (CPG 3856), was lost as
recently as acentury ago.The existence ofthis manuscript was
known in the west for only adecade. Sadly it was not edited
before it disappeared in the massacres ofChristians in eastern
Turkey in1915, which brought the murder ofits owner, the
learned Chaldean Archbishop Addai Scher, and the destruction
ofhis library.3
And then there are the texts that survive in asingle manuscript, ofwhich Iwill cite some important for my own work.
The Greek Vita of Alexander Akoimetes (BHG47) exists in
one manuscript now in Paris (Parisinus 1452, tenth-eleventh
century).The original form ofthe Kephalaia gnostica ofEvagrius Ponticus (CPG 2432) survives only in Syriac, and only
in one manuscript now in the British Library (BL Add.17167,
sixth-seventh century).The fascinating life ofthe early fifthcentury bishop ofEdessa, Rabbula, exists in asingle sixth-century manuscript now in the British Library (BL Add.14652),
brought like the manuscript ofthe Kephalaia gnostica from Wadi
Natrun. The Latin Regula magistri (CPL 1858), now accepted to
be the principal source ofthe Regula Benedicti, survived complete only in Parisinus 12205 (ca600) and excerpted in another
manuscript (Parisinus 12634, late sixth century), both found at
Corbie by the Maurist Benedictines in the seventeenth century
and taken to their headquarters at Saint Germain des Prs.
The manuscripts remained there until the monastery was suppressed in 1796, fortunately by aregime that chose to save
manuscripts rather than to burn them.
What survives ofthe patristic legacy, then, is not astatic
array ofmonuments but the epiphenomena ofdeep currents
rone, Riscoprire Origene oggi: prime impressioni sulla raccolta di omelie sui
Salmi nelCodex Monacensis Graecus314, Adamantius, 18(2012), p.41-58.
3The manuscript was Seert 88, as in A.Scher, Catalogue des manuscrits
syriaques et arabes conservs dans la bibliothque piscopale de Sert(Kurdistan),
Mosul,1905, p.65; Cfr. the notice by Scher in Joseph Hazzaya, crivain
des inscriptions
syriaque du viiiesicle, Comptes rendus des sances de LAcadmie
et Belles-Lettres, Paris, 1909, p.306-307.

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C. STEWART OSB

ofthought and culture, currents that kept moving even as

some texts fell out offashion and were no longer copied, or
were deliberately suppressed because oftheological or other
controversy. Those deeper currents are what concern us here,
flowing back and forth across the Mediterranean and Adriatic,
the Black Sea and the Red, the Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea,
following trade routes and imperial ventures.We are beginning to understand the impressive mobility ofLate Antique
people, whose evangelism and pilgrimage were carried on the
infrastructure oftrade and post, and whose lives and locations
were altered by wars both military and theological.

2.East and West

Linguistic and cultural frontiers in the ancient world should
not be understood exclusively in geographical terms, as if
east and west were strictly bounded.Linguistic and cultural
frontiers ran through individuals and sub-cultures, and through
the various sectors oftheir lives, with language use changing
according to context or activity.
Let me illustrate this with amodern example.Irecently
spent time with friends from Istanbul.The father ofthe family
was Armenian, the mother Greek.Both oftheir families
had been in the Polis for centuries.Their daily business at
work and when shopping was largely conducted in Turkish,
alanguage both ofthem spoke well.As neither ofthem knew
the others mother tongue, they conducted their marriage
in French. The choice ofFrench was both utilitarian and
an expression ofidentity: though both knew Turkish, they
preferred alanguage that linked them to abroader, Christian,
world that in turn somehow evoked the lost past ofChristian
Constantinople.Were they ofthe east or ofthe west?
In the Late Antique world ofthe Church Fathersespecially in its eastern regions multilingualism was typical, not
only in speaking but also (to varying degrees) in reading and
writing: as one scholar ofthe phenomenon has remarked,
It is not monolingualism but multilingualism that represents
the norm: monolingualism is aculture-bound exception from
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PATRISTICS BEYOND EAST AND WEST

multilingualism, and bilingualism avariety ofthe latter.4

This is areversal ofthe modern western, or at least typically
Anglophone, presumption that the whole of life is conducted
in asingle language, ones own.
We must also remember that when discussing Patristic texts,
we confine ourselves to High literary forms oflanguage, floating above and often quite beyond Low spoken languages.
The literary Greek ofour texts was distinct from its own spoken
forms and bore no relation whatsoever to indigenous languages
spoken throughout most ofthe Hellenistic world. These of
course included various forms ofAramaic in Palestine and Syria,
or the now-lost languages ofAsia Minor, e.g., Cappadocian,
ofwhich we know virtually nothing other than Strabos assertion
that it was related to Cataonian, about which we know even less.5
InAsia Minor, Greek and such indigenous non-literary languages co-existed for centuries, perhaps until the sixth century,
and in the case ofPhrygian, even later, until the rise ofArabic
and then Turkish.And even as Syriac emerged as the preferred
Christian literary form ofAramaic over other spoken and written forms ofthe language (e.g., Christian Palestinian Aramaic),
and spread westward from Osrhoene, what became the classical written language did not suppress variant spoken forms,
as is still the case today in the Tur Abdin, Iraq, parts ofSyria
and Iran. The book language ofKthobonoyo, spoken Classical Syriac, may be used in certain settings (such as monasteries),6
while Turoyo, Sureth, and other Syriac or Neo-Aramaic dialects are used in daily life.7 In this way Syriac foreshadows what
will be the story ofArabic, with aclassical written language and
awide range ofspoken dialects.

4
G.Ldi, as quoted in M.Janse, Aspects ofBilingualism in the History
ofthe Greek Language, inBilingualism in Ancient Society.Language Contact and
the Written Word ed.J.N.Adams, M.Janse, S.Swain, Oxford,2002, p.333.
5 Geogr.12, 1, 2, as in M.Janse, Bilingualism in the History ofGreek,
p.355.
6See G.Kiraz, Kthobonoyo Syriac: Some Observations and Remarks,
Hugoye: Journal ofSyriac Studies, 10(2007), p.129-142.
7 See the summary ofNeo-Aramaic dialects in L.VanRompay, Aramaic,
in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary ofSyriac Heritageed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts,
G.A.Kiraz, L.VanRompay, Piscataway,2011, p.29-30.

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C. STEWART OSB

3.Patristics between Greek East and Latin West

Before the mid-twentieth century, western patrologists typically
had what one might call abinary Patrologia Latina/ Patrologia
Graeca view ofthe Church Fathers. This division was obviously
made along linguistic lines, but was also influenced by the schism
between Rome and Constantinople. This becomes evident when
one considers the overall scope ofMignes audacious project.
The Patrologia Latina includes 217volumes (plus indices) covering
aperiod lasting until 1221. This was certainly an expansive
view ofthe Fathers. The Patrologia Graeca consists of161
volumes extending to the year 1439, which is arevealing
terminus ad quem: the Greek authors were ofinterest until all
hope oftheir reconciliation with Rome was lost. The volumes
ofthe PG that parallel the period covered by thePL, i.e.,
up to the early thirteenth century, number 140, only two-thirds
ofthe PLs 221volumes. But even that number is misleadingly
high, given thePGs parallel Latin translation ofits Greek texts.
The result is amuch diminished corpus oftexts, which is
obviously not areflection ofthe true magnitude ofthe Greek
literature. In fairness, Migne was inhibited by his reliance on the
printed editions ofGreek texts as available by the 1850s (many
ofthem, incidentally, produced by my Maurist Benedictine
forebears).It was at best apartial view.When the series Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller (GCS) was founded in 1891 by
Harnack and Mommsen to improve upon the editions of
thePG, the fact that it was limited to only the first three centuries ofChristianity may indicate another set ofassumptions about
which texts were important.Only after the Second World War
was the series expanded to the eighth century.
There are many famously untranslated or only partially or latterly translated Greek texts that could have made adifference in
understanding between Greek east and Latin west, among them
the Orationes ofGregory Nazianzen (CPG, 3010), especially the
so-called Orationes theologicae (Orat.27-31). Rufinus translated
only the first ofthese among the nine he selected from the full
collection offorty-five.8 OfBasils Despiritu sancto (CPG,2839),
Ed.A.Engelbrecht(CSEL, 46), Wien,1910.

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PATRISTICS BEYOND EAST AND WEST

there exists in Latin only avery brief excerpt made in the sixth
century by Dionysius Exiguus.9 Gregory ofNyssas De vita
Moysis (CPG, 3159) with its profound mystical instruction was
not known in the west until George ofTrebizonds translation
almost athousand years later.There is no indication that
Evagriuss Kephalaia gnostica (CPG, 2432) or his treatise Deoratione (CPG,2452) were among the works translated by either
Rufinus or Gennadius; nor are they found among the anonymous
translations that survive.10 The works ofPs.-Dionysius were
translated twice in the ninth century (see CPG, 6614), but their
real impact on western spirituality would come only in the
twelfth century.And from the other direction, when speaking
ofGreek translations ofAugustine, Dekkers remarks laconically
in his Clavis, omnes posterioris aetatis (CPL, p.99).
As noted, however, anarrow focus on texts takes us only
so far. The Latin Christian world was steeped in Hellenism,
received its scriptures in Greek and translated them from Greek
(until Jeromes muddled turn to the Hebraica veritas for much
ofthe Old Testament), and even Augustine depended on NeoPlatonism mediated through the translations ofMarius Victorinus
for critical components ofhis theological system. In fact, there
were waves oflinguistic influence, which flowed back and forth
between Greek and Latin.The laments ofLibanius over the
growing fashionableness ofLatin in Antioch in the late fourth
century are well known, even if not to be taken literally.11
This was atime when the city was afrontline imperial and military base for the war against Persia, and experiencing anew
(and surely not unrelated) vogue for the study ofLatin law
rather than Greek rhetoric.In the fifth century the Empire was
inevitably undergoing Hellenization after the definitive shift
ofthe capital to Constantinople, but even so, Latin was still
prominent in Constantinople in the sixth century. The Justi9
Ed. E.Schwartz, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, IV, 2, Berlin,1914,
p.95, l.10-15.
10 C.Stewart, Evagrius Beyond Byzantium: the Latin and Syriac Receptions, in Evagrius and His Legacy ed.R.D.Young, J.Kalvesmaki, South
Bend(forthcoming)
11See R.Cribiore, The School ofLibanius in Late Antique Antioch, Princeton,2007, p.207-212.

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C. STEWART OSB

nianic legal reforms depended on the copying ofLatin texts,

and high-ranking Italian families displaced by the Gothic Wars
were arriving to take up what sometimes proved to be long-term
residence.12 Among them was Cassiodorus, who wrote his
Expositio Psalmorum (CPL,900) in Constantinople before heading back to Italy to found his exceptionally bi-cultural monastic
colony at Vivarium. Gregory, Roman papal diplomat and later
bishop ofRome himself, delivered the talks that became his
Moralia inIob while living at aLatin monastery in Constantinople.
Greek moved west with the reassertion ofByzantine control
over Italy in the sixth century, leaving alasting mark on the
church ofsouthern Italy.13
With the exception ofCassiodorus Vivarium, there is not
in these examples any deliberate effort at theological exchange
between east and west, but rather illustrations ofthe world
in which these people lived, where all kinds offorces could
shift people and ideas from one placeor cultural context
to another.Those shifts could have significant, if usually unintended, consequences.
Let me offer two examples.The first is John Cassian, whom
the west thinks ofas the founder ofmonasteries at Massilia
(Marseilles) in southern Gaul and whom the Greeks called
Kassianos the Roman.The fact that the Greeks called him anything at all is significant, as will be so for Gregory the Great
later. Cassian, like other monks, embodied more ofthe on-the
ground reality ofcultural exchange than other ecclesiastical
types. The monks were more mobile, often spurred by their
quest for monastic authenticity.Latin monks explored the east;
eastern monks went to Egypt.Monastic mobility also helped
them escape political and personal troubles when these arose.
When one considers the Latin monastic authors ofthe fourth
12 F.Millar, Linguistic Co-Existence in Constantinople: Greek and
Latin(and Syriac) in the Acts ofthe Synod of536ce, Journal ofRoman Studies,
99(2009), p.92-103; A.Cameron, Old and New Rome: Roman Studies
in Sixth-Century Constantinople, in Transformations ofLateAntiquity.Essays
for Peter Browned.P.Rousseau, M.Papoutsakis, Farnham, 2009, p.15-36.
13See A.Ekonomou, Byzantine Rome and the Greek Popes: Eastern Inuences
on Rome and the Papacy from Gregory the Great to Zacharias, ad590-752,
NewYork,2007, and less ecclesiastically, E.Zanini, Le Italie bizantine. Territorio,
insediamenti ed economia nella provincia bizantina dItalia(VI-VIIIsecolo), Bari,1998.

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and fifth centuries know to have been capable oftranslating or

adapting Greek texts into LatinRufinus, Jerome, Cassian
these were hardly exemplars ofthe later Benedictine virtue
ofstabilitas.
Cassian was likely born in the bilingual environment of
Scythia Minor.As ateenager he went to the Holy Land and
joined aGreek cenobium, aprelude to alonger residency in
Egypt at the monastic settlement ofScetis.There he was exposed
to the ascetic theories ofEvagrius Ponticus and others, and there
too he was caught in the reaction against the philosophical
orientation ofEvagrius and others ofhis kind.Cassians subsequent years ofwandering to Constantinople, Rome, and
perhaps elsewhere, and his eventual arrival in southern Gaul,
are cloaked in mystery.His substantial literary output, composed
in aflowing if sometimes turgid Latin, cleverly passed Evagrian
monastic ideas to the west without the taint ofthe masters name
and shorn ofthe esoteric ideas Evagrius had elaborated from
Origens more sober speculations.Like Benedicts later pruning
ofthe Regula magistri, Cassians selective use ofEvagrian thought
was to be ofenormous significance for western monasticism.
Cassians distinction was to be agenuine conduit between east
and west, agoal he explicitly declared in his preface to the Conlationes:
May your prayers obtain...acomplete recollection by us
oftheir traditions, and the words to speak ofthem readily,
so that we may explain it just as holy and complete as we
received it from them, and may show them to you in away
embodied in their teaching [instituta], and even better,
speaking in Latin.14

But not always: Cassian retained Greek terminology for crucial

elements ofthe system he learned from Evagrius, thereby contributing to the monastic vocabulary ofthe west, even while
cleverly moving away from problematic Greek terms that had
14 Obtineant itaque orationes uestrae...ut nobis earumdem traditionum memoriam
plenam et sermonem ad dicendum facilem conferre dignetur, quo tam sancte eas tamque
integre quam ab ipsis accepimus explicantes ipsos quodammodo suis institutis incorporatos
et quod maius est Latino disputantes eloquio uobis exhibere possimus(Conl.Praef.6
ed.M.Petschenig [CSEL,13], Wien, 1886, p.4).

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attracted the wrath ofJerome.Thus Evagriuss became

puritas cordis. More fundamentally, Cassian ensured aplace
in the west for the ascetic anthropology ofthe Christian east,
which despite later clashes with the more pessimistic views
of Augustines heirs such as Prosper ofAquitaine would nonetheless survive in the western monastic tradition.15 Furthermore,
Cassians mystical theology has notable affinities with that of
the earlier Greek writer now usually called Pseudo-Macarius
(CPG, 2410-2412) and surprising parallels with that ofthe slightly
later Greek monk-bishop Diadochus ofPhotike (CPG, 6106).16
Cassians writings were translated into Greek (portions survive),17
sayings attributed to him were included in the collections ofthe
Apophthegmata patrum (the only Latin figure so honored), and
he has acommemoration in the Byzantine liturgical calendar.
In the first and last ofthose distinctions, Cassian is joined by
Gregory the Great, my second example.Ihave already noted
Gregorys presence in Constantinople in the late sixth century;
despite his occasional protestations that he did not know Greek,
his familiarity with it has probably been underestimated.18
During his lifetime the Regula pastoralis (CPL,1712) was translated into Greek by the bishop Anastasius IIofAntioch at the
Emperors request (600 ca), though the translation is now lost.19
His Dialogues (CPL 1713) were translated in the mid-eighth
century by the Greek Bishop ofRome Zacharias (741-52),

15Prospers De gratia Dei et libero arbitrio contra Collatorem(CPL, 523) is an

attack on Cassians Conl.13, Deprotectione Dei, on the exercise ofthe will.
16
C.Stewart, Cassian the Monk, Oxford,1998, p.121-129.
17 Now edited by P.Tzamalikos, ANewly Discovered Greek Father: Cassian
the Sabaite Eclipsed by John Cassian ofMarseilles(Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae,
111), Leiden, 2012. In an accompanying volume he argues that the Greek is the
original text and the Latin amassively interpolated and expanded translation:
The Real Cassian Revisited: Monastic Life, Greek Paideia, and Origenism in the Sixth
Century(Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae, 112), Leiden, 2012. Idisagree.
18 Greg.M., Epist.7, 29 ed.D.Norberg(CCSL, 140), Turnhout, 1982,
p.487-489 and 11, 55(CCSL, 140A), Turnhout,1982, p.960, l.24-25.
19 Greg.M., Epist.12, 6(CCSL, 140A), p.976, l.53-58. See R.Lizzi,
La traduzione graeca delle opere di Gregorio Magno, in Gregorio Magno et il
suo tempo.XIX Incontro di studiosi dellantichit christiana in collaborazione con lcole
Franaise de Rome.Rome, 9-12 maggio(Studia ephemeridis Augustinianum, 33-34),
Rome,1991, vol. 2, p.41-57.

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and survives complete in that translation,20 as well as excerpted

in the eleventh-century Byzantine anthologies ofPaul Evergetinos and Nikon ofthe Black Mountain.Here it is worth
remembering that the bishops ofRome for almost acentury
(from 678-752, excluding 715-31) were Greeks, whether of
Syrian or Sicilian origin.Some ofthem were in Rome because
ofthe displacements caused by the Persian and Arab invasions,
reflected also in the growth in number ofGreek monasteries in
Rome between the seventh and ninth centuries.21 The Dialogues
were composed by Gregory as propaganda on behalf ofItalian
saints, inspired by and responding to the stories ofholy men
circulating in the east and increasingly available in Latin translation. The translation ofGregorys own work into Greek completed acircle ofinspiration and response.
One ofthe more unusual stories in the Dialogues was picked
up by John Moschus, who was in Rome from615 until his
death in619 as arefugee from the Persian assault on Egypt.
His companion, Sophronius, would later negotiate the surrender ofJerusalem to its Arab conquerors in637. The story is
about amonk in Gregorys own monastery who had violated
his promise ofpoverty and been cast out ofthe community.22
He soon died, and Gregory, fearful for the dead monks spiritual
state, commanded that the Eucharist be offered for thirty consecutive days as the best hope ofobtaining forgiveness for the
sins ofthe deceased.After the thirtieth such Eucharist, the dead
monk appeared in avision to one ofthe other monks, assuring
him that he had now found peace.

20
PL, 77, col.149-430.See I.Havener, The Greek Prologue to the
Dialogues ofGregory the Great, Revue Bndictine, 99(1989), p.103-117.
21 P.Hatlie, The Monks and Monasteries ofConstantinople ca.350-850, Cambridge,2008.
22 Greg.M., Dial.4, 57(PL, 77, col.420A-421C); Ioh.Mosch., Prat.192
(PG, 87, col.3072).Abriefer version ofthe Latin story, with reference to
its inclusion in Moschuss collection, is found in the ninth-century Ioh.Diac.
Vita Greg.M.[BHL 3641] 2, 45(PL, 75, col.106).Because the preceding
story in Moschus is narrated by Anastasius ofAntioch, both that one and
this also circulated in at least one manuscript ofthe works ofAnastasius of
Sinai (BL Add.28270, fol.88v-90r, dated 1111), as in F.Nau, Le texte
grec des rcits utiles lme dAnastase(le Sinate), Oriens Christianus, 3(1903),
p.84-85.

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C. STEWART OSB

Ithas been argued that Gregory was addressing this and other
such stories in the fourth book ofthe Dialogues (de aeternitate
animarum) to controversies in Constantinople about the state
ofthe soul after death.23 The fact that Moschus not only seems
to have heard it while in Rome but chose to include it in the
Pratum spirituale suggests that it had aparticular resonance to an
eastern ear.The same story would have asignificant impact on
the Latin Church, more specifically on its sacerdotal economy,
through the popularization ofthe so-called Gregorian Trental,
aseries ofthirty Masses offered on consecutive days for asoul in
Purgatory.The storys characterization ofastate between death
and the final status ofthe soul played arole in the later western
development ofafull doctrine ofPurgatory and corresponding
pious practices.Given later polemics between Latins and Greeks
over that doctrine, the circulation ofthe story in the Greek
tradition is ironic indeed.
Before leaving Gregory, there must be one last note, about
his mystical teaching.For him, compunction, asorrow-tinged
but expansive kind ofintense spiritual experience, played
amajor role in contemplative development.Gregorys emphasis
on compunction can be traced back to Cassian, though for the
so-called Doctor ofDesire it plays amore dynamic role than
it did for the monk ofMarseilles.24 For Cassian, conpunctio was
aterm inclusive ofvarious forms ofintense spiritual experience,
whether sorrow for sins or gratitude for Gods mercy, and it
was closely associated with the phenomenon ofphysical tears.
For Gregory, compunction yoked to desire was the motor
ofcontemplative progress.In the Moraliacomposed in Constantinoplehe writes:
Hearts are wounded so that they might be healed...The
soul struck by the darts ofhis love...burns with desire for
contemplation...She has been brought back to health by
ablow, called back to the safety ofdeep restfulness by the
See M.DelSanto, Debating the SaintsCults, Oxford,2008.
The phrase is from J.Leclercq, The Love ofLearning and the Desire for
God.AStudy ofMonastic Culturetr.C.Misrahi, NewYork, 19823, p.29-32;
cfr. C.Straw, Gregory the Great.Perfection in Imperfection, Berkeley, 1988,
p.213-235.
23
24

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PATRISTICS BEYOND EAST AND WEST

disturbance ofhis love.When the wounded mind begins

to pant for God, despising all ofthe offerings ofthis world,
it stretches itself by desire toward the homeland above.25

Citing the famous verse vulnerata caritate ego sum (Iam wounded
by love, Cant. 2,5) following the Greek tradition rather than
the Vulgates less vivid amore langueo, rendering the Hebrew,
Gregory echoes for aLatin audience Origens mystical interpretations ofthe Canticum Canticorum as well as the kind of
spiritual longing described in Gregory ofNyssas Vita Moysis.

4.Patristics beyond the Greek East

Having considered the scope ofthe Patrologia Latina and Patrologia
Graeca, it is now time to move beyond the Greek linguistic
frontier into the other languages ofthe Christian Orient and the
scholarly series that have been devoted to them.The first was the
Patrologia Syriaca begun in 1894 by Ren Graffin (1858-1941).
At the same time he launched the Revue de lOrient Chrtien (1896),
which featured both texts and studies.The Patrologia Syriaca was
soon complemented by the Patrologia Orientalis (1904), originally conceived as aseries for non-Syriac oriental texts though
eventually it absorbed the Syriac ones as well.26 This evolution
is perhaps indicative ofthe growing realization that there
was not ahierarchy among oriental Christian languages. Each
of them has both asubstantial native literature as well as translations of Greek (and other) texts ofimportance. In1903 the
Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium (CSCO) was launched

25 Sed [corda] vulnerantur ut sanentur ... percussa autem caritatis eius spiculis ... ardet
desiderio contemplationis ... Percussione ergo ad salutem reducitur quae ad securitatem
quietis intimae amoris sui perturbatione revocatur.Sed cum sauciata mens anhelare
in Deum coeperit, cum cuncta mundi huius blandimenta despiciens ad supernam se
patriam per desiderium tendit (Mor.6.42 ed.M.Adriaen [CCSL, 143, p.315);
cfr. InEz.II 2.8 and 10.21 ed.M.Adriaen [CC SL, 142, p.230 and
p.395-396]).
26The PS finally included three substantial volumes(1894,1907,1926)
ofSyriac texts with Latin translation.ThePO continues and has now reached
235 fascicles, each with edited text and facing translation, which from the outset
were in modern languages rather than the Latin versions ofthe PS and the early
volumes ofCSCO.

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C. STEWART OSB

as ajoint project ofthe Catholic Universities ofLouvain and

America, including texts, translations, and asubsidia series of
important monographs covering arange oflanguages as expansive as the Patrologia Orientalis.
In some areas ofthe east not only was the culture multilingual
but there were also multiple literary languages in regular use.
In Syria and Mesopotamia, both Greek and Syriac were in regular
use for centuries,27 and in eastern Asia Minor, Greek co-existed
with an array oflanguages including Armenian, Syriac, Kurdish,
Georgian, and Arabic.28 Greek was often given acertain pride
ofplace, as in the marvelous inscription above the doors ofthe
baptistery in Nisibis, at the far eastern end ofthe Roman Empire,
dated 359 ce.29 Even many centuries later, Greek appears in the
captions ofilluminations in Syriac manuscripts, though with
obvious signs that it was increasingly unfamiliar.30
Over time, the church in the east experienced significant linguistic transitions that further eroded any normativity of Greek.
Though Greek was the original biblical and liturgical language
from Egypt to Armenia, inevitably it yielded to Coptic, Syriac,
Armenian, and other languages as biblical translations were made
and vernacular liturgies created, atransition later encouraged by
the doctrinal controversies that weakened ties to the Byzantine/
Melkite center. Later, the advent ofIslam and its literary language ofArabic would introduce yet another factor.
27 S.Brock, Greek and Syriac in LateAntique Syria, in Literacy and Power
in the Ancient World ed.A.Bowman, G.Woolf, Cambridge, 1994, p.149-160;
D.G.K. Taylor, Bilingualism and diglossia in Late Antique Syria and Mesopotamia, in Bilingualism in Ancient Society ed.J.N.Adams, M.Janse, S.Swain,
p.298-331. For amaximalist view ofthe role ofGreek in regions where
Greek and Syriac coexisted, see F.Millar, Greek and Syriac in Edessa and
Osrhoene, ce213-363, Scripta classica Israelica, 30(2011), p.93-111. Ithank
Scott Johnson for stimulating conversations about this surprisingly controversial issue.
28 Janse, Bilingualism in the History ofGreek, 357.
29 Published by F.Sarre, E.Herzfeld, Archologische Reise im Euphrat und
Tigris Gebiet, 4vols., 2, Berlin, 1920, p.337-338. It remains quite visible after
the recent excavations at the site.
30 See, e.g., Mardin Orth.(CFMM) 37, f.5r, athirteenth-century Gospel
book in which Greek captions are written horizontally in white, and Syriac
ones vertically in yellow.Though the Greek has the place ofhonor, it features
telling faults oforthography: e.g., for ,
for .

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Even if authors from these regions wrote in only one language, they inhabited more than one linguistic space.Theodoret
ofCyrrhus is the famous example: as anative ofAntioch, his
literary output was extensive and entirely in Greek, though he
was clearly able to speak some version ofSyriac, which Sebastian
Brock has suggested should be considered his mother tongue.31
Theodoret provides some ofour best information about language use in northern Syria in the early fifth century.At the
monasteries ofTeleda, some were chanting the poet in Greek,
some in the local language.32 The monastery ofPouplios near
Zeugma was divided into Greek and Syriac communities with
different leaders.33 In commenting on Iud.12,6 (shibboleth
vs. sibboleth), Theodoret compared the spoken varieties of
Aramaic/Syriac, noting: In the same way, those from Osrhoene
and Syria and Euphratensis and Palestine and Phoenicia use
the phone ofthe Syrians; but all the same their dialexis exhibits
many differences.34
So was Theodoret Greek, Syriac, or both? Paul Peeters
described Theodoret as an example of:
[T]hose Orientals in whom Hellenic culture, brought to
arare degree ofexcellence, has masked without effacing
[their] ethnic character.One ofhis admirers, who studied
him extensively, regarded his being a pure Greek as an
essential aspect ofhis glory.But this is an illusion among
many others attributable to the Hellenic mirage.We must
restore Theodoret to Syria.35
31 Brock, Greek and Syriac in LateAntique Syria, p.154. See also
T.Urbainczyk, The Devil Spoke Syriac to Me: Theodoret inSyria,
in Ethnicity and Culture in LateAntiquity ed.S.Mitchell, G.Greatrex,
London,2000, p.253-265.
32
H.rel.4, 13(SC, 234, p.324).
33
H.rel.5, 5 and 6(SC, 234, p.334-338): Theogenos inherited the
leadership of[those of] the Greek tongue, and Aphthonios ofthe Syrian.
34 Qu.1-28 in Iud.19(PG, 80, col.507-509).
35[Thodoret est un] de ces Orientaux chez qui la culture hellnique,
porte un rare degr dexcellence, arecouvert sans leffacer le caractre
ethnique. Un de ses admirateurs, qui la pourtant bien tudi, regarde comme
essentiel sa gloire quil soit un pur grec.Cest une illusion entre beaucoup
dautres dues au mirage hellnique.Il faudra bien quon rende Thodoret
la Syrie. P.Peeters, Orient et Byzance.Le trfonds oriental de lhagiographie
byzantine (Subsidia hagiographica, 26), Bruxelles,1950, p.89.

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C. STEWART OSB

Because ofthe complexities presented by his cultural and

theological positions, Theodoret raises ahost ofquestions about
the interplay between language, identity, and the rhetorical
manipulation ofboth.
When we expand our view ofthe East beyond Greek patristic literature, we enter the complex territory oftranslation and
adaptation. Translation almost always moved in one general
direction, from Greek to other languages, sometimes with
athird language serving as an intermediary, e.g., Greek to Syriac
to Armenian; Greek to Syriac to Arabic; Greek to Coptic to
Arabic to Geez. The exceptions to that flow from Greek to
other languages are instructive.There is the vast corpus of Greek
hymns attributed to Ephrem ofNisibis, though few are likely
to have been written by him.Why Ephrem? He was apoet
and writer ofhymns, and from the sixth century onward the
Byzantine Church fell in love with liturgical poetry, largely
through the influence ofaGreek writer with deep Syriac roots,
Romanos the Melodist, born in Emesa (Homs) in the late fifth
century. Romanos was influenced by Ephrems hymns and
by other Syriac writings, notably the Diatessaron.36 The Greek
ascetic writings now usually referred to as the Pseudo-Macarian
corpus have clear affinities with themes typical ofSyriac literature
but that are unusual, and proved to be controversial, in Greek.37
The Pseudo-Macarian writings inspired Gregory ofNyssa,
Diadochus ofPhotike, Maximus the Confessor, and Symeon
the New Theologian, becoming staples ofByzantine spiritual
reading.38
As noted earlier, the forced or voluntary displacement of
individuals and communities because ofwar or theological controversy was asignificant element in the flow ofthought and
texts between east and west.This was also the case within
36
See W.Petersen, The Dependence ofRomanos the Melodist upon
the Syriac Ephrem: Its Importance for the Origin ofthe Kontakion, Vigiliae
Christianae, 39(1985), p.171-187, and E.Papoutsakis, The Making ofaSyriac
Fable: from Ephrem to Romanos, Le Muson, 120(2007), p.29-75.
37See C.Stewart, Working the Earth ofthe Heart: The Messalian Controversy in History, Texts, and Language to ad431 (Oxford Theological Monographs),
Oxford,1991.
38See M.Plested, The Macarian Legacy: The Place ofMacarius-Symeon in the
Eastern Christian Tradition (Oxford Theological Monographs), Oxford,2004.

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the broader eastern world, especially after the fifth century.

Aconsequence was the creation ofmultilingual microclimates that proved enormously important for literary history.
In the fourth century there were Manicheans at Kellis, in the
Dakhleh Oasis ofEgypt, writing in Syriac, Greek, and Coptic.39
As we shall see, from the fifth to the seventh centuries the
Monastery ofthe Enaton near Alexandria became arefuge for
Miaphysites escaping Melkite persecution in Syria and elsewhere, becoming aremarkable center for translation and literary
production.40 From the fifth century to the Ottoman period,
the monastery ofSaint Catherine at Sinai was polyglot, with
early evidence ofmonks adept at Greek, Latin, Syriac, Coptic,
and Ethiopic, and soon Armenian, Georgian, Arabic, and
Slavonic as well.Sinai became acenter ofChalcedonian manuscript production in both Greek and Syriac.41 Inthe sixth to
ninth centuries, the monastery ofQenneshre (eagles nest)
on the Euphrates was acenter ofGreek learning for Miaphysite
Syriac monks and aplace oftranslation ofGreek texts into Syriac.42
In the eighth and ninth centuries, the monastery ofMar Saba in
Palestine was first acenter oftranslation from Syriac to Greek
(e.g., for the writings ofIsaac ofNineveh), and then from Greek
to Arabic, in addition to being acenter for Arabic Chalcedonian theological literature.43 In Egypt, aSyriac-language com39 S.Emmel, Coptic Literature in the Byzantine and Early Islamic World,
in Egypt in the Byzantine World, 300-700 ed.R.Bagnall, Cambridge,2007,
p.83-102.
40
A.Juckel, The Enaton, in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary ofSyriac
Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz, L.VanRompay, Piscataway,
2011, p.144-145.
41
S.Brock, Syriac on Sinai: the main connections, inEukosmia: Studi
miscellanei per il 75o di Vincenzo Poggi S.J. ed.V.Ruggieri, L.Pieralli, Soveria
Mannelli, 2003, p.103-17.
42See J.Tannous, Qenneshre, Monastery of, in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary ofSyriac Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz, L.VanRompay, Piscataway,2011, p.345-346.
43 S.Brock, Syriac into Greek at Mar Saba: the Translation ofSt Isaac
the Syrian, in The Sabaite Heritage in the Orthodox Church from the Fifth Century
to the Present(Orientalia Lovaniensia analecta, 98) ed.J.Patrich, Leuven,2001,
p.201-208; the two collections ofarticles in S.H.Griffith, Arabic Christianity
in the Monasteries ofNinth-Century Palestine, Aldershot,1992, and The Beginnings
ofChristian Theology in Arabic: Muslim-Christian Encounters in the Early Islamic
Period, Aldershot,2002.

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munity was in residence at Dayr al-Suryan in Wadi Natrun

from ca.800 to the seventeenth century, with an extraordinary
collection ofmanuscripts now largely at the British Library.44
From the eleventh to thirteenth centuries, the BlackMountain near Antioch had Greek, Armenian, Georgian, and Syriac
(both Miaphysite and Melkite) monks, and even Latins as well,
in aBenedictine monastery that passed under the Cistercian
observance.45
Each ofthese multicultural and multilingual environments
encouraged an exchange ofideas and the translation oftexts,
and interesting things happened in such places.As with Greek
into Latin, so with Greek into Syriac we have the problem
ofwhy some texts were translated but not others.For example,
although Aristotle was extensively translated into Syriac, Plato
was not.Clement, Origen, and Didymus were not translated
into Syriac apart from the briefest ofsnippets on the Psalms.
One ofthe manuscripts containing such snippets is itself an
example ofthe unexpected flow oftexts. The manuscript,
BLAdditional 14434, is from the collection formerly at Dayr
al-Suryan inEgypt, and is probably to be dated to the eighth
century.46 It contains the Psalms in the Syriac translation made
by Paul ofTella from the Hexaplic Septuagint. That translation
was aproduct ofwhat proved to be afruitful exile for Paul at
the Enaton near Alexandria in the early seventh century, and was
part ofawave ofincreasingly literal sixth- and seventh-century

44
See L.VanRompay, al-Suryan, Dayr, in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary
ofSyriac Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz, L.VanRompay,
Piscataway,2011, p.386-387.
45 S.Brock, Syriac Manuscripts Copied on the Black Mountain, near
Antioch, inLingua restituta orientalis.Festgabe fr Julius Assfalg(gypten und
Altes Testament,20) ed.R.Schulz, M.Grg, Wiesbaden,1990, p.59-67;
W.Z.Djobadze, Materials for the Study ofGeorgian Monasteries in the Western
Environs ofAntioch on the Orontes(CSCO, 372), Louvain,1976, p.86-108;
J.J.S.Weitenberg, The Armenian Monasteries on the Black Mountain, in
East and West in the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean.I: Antioch from the Byzantine
reconquest until the end ofthe Crusader principality, acta ofthe congress held at Hernen
Castle in May2003(Orientalia Lovaniensia analecta, 147) ed.K.Ciggaar,
M.Metcalf, Leuven,2006, p.79-94.
46 W.Wright, Catalogue ofSyriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired
Since 1838, London, 1870-1872, vol.1, p.35-36(=no.LIV, the first part
ofMS Add.14434). Cfr. Milan, Ambrosianus C313 Inf.

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Syriac biblical translations.Pauls was one ofthe mirror translations ofthe period, marked by such precise attention to the
Greek original that one could retrovert the results back into
Greek with some ease.47 In this manuscript ofthe Psalms in
Paul ofTellas Syriac version, there are prefixed to the Psalter
some translated extracts from various Greek commentators on
the Psalms, including Hippolytus, Basil, Eusebius ofCaesarea,
Athanasius, and Origen. The selection ofthat particular array
ofauthorities to acollection ofcommentaries on the Psalms
translated from Greek into Syriac in the early sixth century
on the Black Mountain, presumably the famous center near
Antioch.48 The manuscript is additionally notable for the inclusion ofarare marginal note in Latin, providing afew lines from
Psalm50, added by someone residing at the monastery, probably
before the twelfth century. Was it avisiting monk? In any case,
here we have asixth-century translation from Greek done at
the Black Mountain in Syria, accompanying aseventh-century
Syriac translation ofthe Psalms done at the Enaton in Egypt,
found in an eighth-century manuscript from Wadi Natrun bearing aLatin note from the Crusader era.

5.Patristics beyond East and West: abroader view

What does any ofthis mean for our view ofPatristics in the
twenty-first century? One ofthe remarkable features ofthe last

L.VanRompay, Pawlos ofTella, in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary

ofSyriac Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz, L.VanRompay,
Piscataway,2011, p.325-326; Brock, Towards aHistory ofSyriac Translation
Technique, p.11-14.
48See A.Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, mit Ausschluss der
christlich-palstinensischen Texte, Berlin,1922, p.164, with reference to Vatican
syr. 135, which contains Simeons description ofthe project(but not the
work itself). Both Simeon and his monastery seem to be otherwise unknown.
Acomplete copy ofthe compilation also exists in atwelfth-century manuscript
formerly in the Chaldean library ofDiyarbakir(Diyarbakir 36). The manuscript
was taken with several others from Diyarbakir to Mosul and then to Baghdad,
where the collection ofthe Chaldean Patriarchate suffered terrible damage
at the time ofthe2003 Iraq War. The surviving manuscripts are now being
inventoried and digitized, and it is not yet known if this one is among them
or what its condition maybe.
47

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C. STEWART OSB

hundred years has been the break-out from that dichotomous

PG/PL view ofthe world and afuller inclusion ofthe nonGreek eastern Christian cultures into our understanding of
Late Antiquity. This broader view has sometimes taken us
beyond the theological literature that was the traditional basis
ofPatristics, but it remains grounded in texts.When Iwas
adoctoral student in the late1980s it was somewhat unusual
to be working with Syriac as well as Greek patristic writings.
Now it is normal, just as it is increasingly common for those
studying the Latin Middle Ages to learn Arabic.Though we can
never fully enter into the thought and experience ofthese ancient
people, we can at least recognize that they had an instinctively
comprehensive view ofthe geography and cultures ofwhat was
then the Christian world and ofthe other cultures within and
adjacent to it.
As we have seen, reception and influence are not simply
amatter oftextual mechanics, translation and redaction. They
also follow from live (or epistolary) human interaction, especially in places where cultures overlap, or where individuals
representing various cultures are gathered.Our modern version
is aconference such as this, where scholars representing different
traditions, perspectives, and methodologies gather in acity that
has historically been acenter ofcultural encounter and mutual
influence.Let us be humble enough to recognize that we are
simply recapitulating what has long been the case.

Bibliography
1.Primary sources
Greg.M., Dial.=Gregorius Magnus, Liber dialogorum, Latin text
and Greek version by Pope Zacharias (PL, 77, col.149-430).
Greg.M., Epist. =Gregorius Magnus, Registrum epistularum
ed.D.Norberg (CCSL, 140, 140A), Turnhout,1982.
Greg.M., In Ez.II 2.8 and 10.21=Gregorius Magnus, In Ezechielem homiliae ed.M.Adriaen (CC SL, 142), Turnhout,1971.
Greg.M., Moral.=Gregorius Magnus, Moralia, sc.Expositio beati
Iob ed.M.Adriaen (CCSL, 143, 143A, 143B), Turnhout,1979.

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PATRISTICS BEYOND EAST AND WEST

Greg.Naz., Orat.=Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orationes; Latin tr.and

ed.A.Engelbrecht (CSEL, 46), Wien,1910.
Ioh.Cass., Conl.Praef.= Iohannes Cassianus, Conlationes
ed.M.Petschenig (CSEL, 13), Wien, 1886.
Ioh.Diac., Vita Greg.M.=Iohannes Diaconus, Vita Gregorii Magni
(PL, 75, col.59-241).
Ioh.Mosch., Prat.192=Iohannes Moschus, Pratum spirituale
(PG, 87, col.2851-3112).
E.Schwartz, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, IV, 2, Berlin,1914.
Thdt.H.re.=Theodoretus Cyrrhensis, Historia religiosa (SC, 234,
257), Paris,1977-1979.
Thdt. Qu.1-28 in Iud.= Theodoretus Cyrrhensis, Quaestiones
in Iud.(PG, 80, col.485-517).

2.Secondary sources
A.Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, mit Ausschluss der
christlich-palstinensischen Texte, Berlin,1922.
S.Brock, Syriac on Sinai: the main connections, inEukosmia:
Studi miscellanei per il 75o di Vincenzo Poggi S.J. ed.V.Ruggieri,
L.Pieralli, Soveria Mannelli,2003.
S.Brock, Syriac into Greek at Mar Saba: the Translation ofSt Isaac
the Syrian, in The Sabaite Heritage in the Orthodox Church from
the Fifth Century to the Present (Orientalia Lovaniensia analecta, 98)
ed.J.Patrich, Leuven,2001, p.201-208.
S.Brock, Greek and Syriac in Late Antique Syria, in Literacy and
Power in the Ancient World ed.A.Bowman, G.Woolf, Cambridge,1994, p.149-160.
S.Brock, Syriac Manuscripts Copied on the Black Mountain, near
Antioch, inLingua restituta orientalis.Festgabe fr Julius Assfalg
(gypten und Altes Testament,20) ed.R.Schulz, M.Grg,
Wiesbaden,1990, p.59-67.
S.Brock, Towards aHistory ofSyriac Translation Technique,
in IIISymposiumSyriacum,1980:les contacts du monde syriaque avec
les autres cultures: Goslar 7-11Septembre1980 (Orientalia christiana
analecta, 221) ed.R.Lavenant, Roma,1983, p.1-14.
A.Cameron, Old and New Rome: Roman Studies in Sixth-Century Constantinople, in Transformations ofLateAntiquity. Essays
for Peter Brown ed.P.Rousseau, M.Papoutsakis, Farnham,2009,
p.15-36.

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R.Cribiore, The School ofLibanius in LateAntique Antioch, Princeton,2007.

W.Z. Djobadze, Materials for the Study ofGeorgian Monasteries in the
Western Environs ofAntioch on the Orontes (CSCO, 372), Louvain,1976.
A.Ekonomou, Byzantine Rome and the Greek Popes: Eastern Inuences
on Rome and the Papacy from Gregory the Great to Zacharias, ad590752, NewYork, 2007.
S.Emmel, Coptic Literature in the Byzantine and Early Islamic World,
in Egypt in the Byzantine World, 300-700 ed.R.Bagnall, Cambridge, 2007, p.83-102.
S.H. Griffith, The Beginnings ofChristian Theology in Arabic: MuslimChristian Encounters in the Early Islamic Period, Aldershot,2002.
S.H. Griffith, Arabic Christianity in the Monasteries ofNinth-Century
Palestine, Aldershot, 1992.
P.Hatlie, The Monks and Monasteries ofConstantinople ca.350-850,
Cambridge, 2008.
I.Havener, The Greek Prologue to the Dialogues ofGregory
the Great, Revue Bndictine, 99(1989), p.103-117.
M.Janse, Aspects ofBilingualism in the History ofthe Greek Language, in Bilingualism in Ancient Society.Language Contact and the
Written Worded.J.N.Adams, M.Janse, S.Swain, Oxford, 2002,
p.332-390.
A.Juckel, The Enaton, in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary ofSyriac
Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz, L.VanRompay,
Piscataway,2011, p.144-145.
G.Kiraz, Kthobonoyo Syriac: Some Observations and Remarks,
Hugoye: Journal ofSyriac Studies, 10(2007), p.129-142.
J.Leclercq, The Love ofLearning and the Desire for God.AStudy
ofMonastic Culturetr.C.Misrahi, NewYork, 19823.
R.Lizzi, La traduzione graeca delle opere di Gregorio Magno,
in Gregorio Magno et il suo tempo.XIX Incontro di studiosi dellantichit
christiana in collaborazione con lEcole Franaise de Rome.Rome,
9-12maggio (Studia ephemeridis Augustinianum, 33-34), Rome,1991,
2vols., 2,p.41-57.
F.Millar, Greek and Syriac in Edessa and Osrhoene, ce213-363,
Scripta classica Israelica, 30(2011), p.93-111.
F.Millar, Linguistic Co-Existence in Constantinople: Greek and
Latin (and Syriac) in the Acts ofthe Synod of536ce, Journal
ofRoman Studies, 99(2009), p.92-103.

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F.Nau, Le texte grec des rcits utiles lme dAnastase (le Sinate),
Oriens Christianus, 3(1903), p.56-90.
E.Papoutsakis, The Making ofaSyriac Fable: from Ephrem to
Romanos, Le Muson, 120(2007), p.29-75.
P.Peeters, Orient et Byzance.Le trfonds oriental de lhagiographie byzantine (Subsidia hagiographica,26), Bruxelles,1950.
L.Perrone, Riscoprire Origene oggi: prime impressioni sulla raccolta di omelie sui Salmi nelCodex Monacensis Graecus314, Adamantius, 18(2012), p.41-58.
W.Petersen, The Dependence ofRomanos the Melodist upon the
Syriac Ephrem: Its Importance for the Origin ofthe Kontakion,
Vigiliae Christianae, 39(1985), p.171-187.
M.Plested, The Macarian Legacy: the Place ofMacarius-Symeon in the
Eastern Christian Tradition (Oxford Theological Monographs), Oxford,
2004.
M.Molin Pradel, Novit origeniane dalla Staatsbibliothek di Monaco
di Baviera: ilCod.Graec.314, Adamantius, 18(2012), p.16-40.
L.VanRompay, Aramaic, in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary ofSyriac
Heritageed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz, L.VanRompay, Piscataway,2011, p.29-30.
L.VanRompay, Pawlos ofTella, Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary
of Syriac Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz,
L.VanRompay, Piscataway, 2011, p.325-326.
L.VanRompay, al-Suryan, Dayr, in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary ofSyriac Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz,
L.VanRompay, Piscataway,2011, p.386-387.
F.Sarre, E.Herzfeld, Archologische Reise im Euphrat und Tigris
Gebiet, vols., 2, Berlin,1920.
A.Scher, Joseph Hazzaya, crivain syriaque du viiiesicle, Comptes
de LAcadmie des inscriptions et Belles-Lettres,
rendus des sances
Paris,1909, p.300-307.
A.Scher, Catalogue des manuscrits syriaques et arabes conservs dans la
bibliothque piscopale de Sert (Kurdistan), Mosul,1905.
C.Stewart, Evagrius Beyond Byzantium: the Latin and Syriac
Receptions, in Evagrius and His Legacy ed.R.D.Young,
J.Kalvesmaki, South Bend [forthcoming].
C.Stewart, Cassian the Monk, Oxford,1998.
C.Stewart, Working the Earth ofthe Heart: the Messalian Controversy
in History, Texts, and Language to ad431 (Oxford Theological Monographs), Oxford,1991.

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C. STEWART OSB

C.Straw, Gregory the Great.Perfection in Imperfection, Berkeley,1988.

J.Tannous, Qenneshre, Monastery of, in., Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary ofSyriac Heritage ed.S.Brock, A.M.Butts, G.A.Kiraz,
L.VanRompay, Piscataway,2011, p.345-346.
D.G.K.Taylor, Bilingualism and diglossia in Late Antique Syria
and Mesopotamia, in Bilingualism in Ancient Society.Language
Contact and the Written Word ed.J.N.Adams, M.Janse, S.Swain,
Oxford,2002, p.298-331.
P.Tzamalikos, ANewly Discovered Greek Father: Cassian the Sabaite
Eclipsed by John Cassian ofMarseilles (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae, 111), Leiden, 2012.
P.Tzamalikos, The Real Cassian Revisited: Monastic Life, Greek Paideia, and Origenism in the Sixth Century (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae, 112), Leiden, 2012.
T.Urbainczyk, The Devil Spoke Syriac to Me: Theodoret in
Syria, inEthnicity and Culture in LateAntiquity ed.S.Mitchell,
G.Greatrex, London, 2000, p.253-265.
A.deVog, LAuteur duCommentairedesRoisattribu S.Gregoire:
Un moine deCava? Revue Bndictine, 106(1996), p.319-31.
J.J.S.Weitenberg, The Armenian Monasteries on the Black Mountain, in East and West in the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean. I:
Antioch from the Byzantine reconquest until the end ofthe Crusader
principality: acta ofthe congress held at Hernen Castle inMay2003
(Orientalia Lovaniensia analecta, 147) ed.K.Ciggaar, M.Metcalf,
Leuven, 2006, p.79-94.
W.Wright, Catalogue ofSyriac Manuscripts in the British Museum
Acquired Since 1838, 3 vols, London, 1870-1872.
E.Zanini, Le Italie bizantine.Territorio, insediamenti ed economia nella
provincia bizantina dItalias (VI-VIIIsecolo), Bari,1998.

Abstract
The traditional view ofPatristics as the study ofacanon of
texts is challenged by awareness that many texts have been lost,
others survive only in translations, some in asingle manuscript.
The static view is yielding to amore supple understanding
ofcultures, languages, and the interactions among them. The
flow ofideas and texts across linguistic frontiers suggests the
naturally multilingual context ofLate Antique Christianity.
340

PATRISTICS BEYOND EAST AND WEST

There is significance in both the translation oftexts and the fact

ofno translation. In this exchange, monks played aparticular
role as facilitators ofcultural influence, and several monasteries
became multilingual environments for literary composition and
translation.All ofthis takes the modern scholar beyond the
traditional Patrologia Latina/ Patrologia Graeca view ofPatristics
to aperspective that includes the numerous oriental Christian
traditions and their interactions with the Hellenistic world.

341

BARBARA CROSTINI
Stockholm University

AMEETING-POINT
BETWEEN EAST AND WEST:
HESYCHIUS OFJERUSALEM
AND THE INTERPRETATION
OFTHE PSALTER IN BYZANTIUM

Hesychius, astill relatively little-known1 church father who

lived in fifth-century Jerusalem (d.453?), taught and preached
at the Church ofthe Holy Sepulchre, probably after having
lived as amonk in some monastery on the border with Egypt.
He became arenowned didaskalos in his own time.2 His works,
mainly exegetical and homiletic in character, have come down
to us in the original Greek, but also in translations, such as
Armenian,3 Georgian4 and Latin. Inparticular, his Commentary

1 Much basic editorial work remains to be done on texts attributed to him;

see Clavis patrum graecorum, III: ACyrillo Alexandrino ad Iohannem Damascenum
ed.M.Geerard, Turnhout,20032, no.6552-6555(hereafter abbreviated as
CPG), in particular the Scholia and Commentaries on the Psalms. Iam currently working on an edition ofawork published as De titulis psalmorum under
the name ofAthanasius in PG,27,col.649-1344(CPG, no.6552). Thebook
by R.Devreesse, Les anciens commentateurs grecs des Psaumes(Studi e testi,264),
Vatican City,1970, p.243-301, remains fundamental.Cfr. also M.-J.Rondeau, Les Commentaires patristiques du Psautier (iiie-vesicles) (Orientalia christiana
analecta,219), Rome,1982, p.137-143.
2 On Hesychiuss life and works, see Hesych. H., Les Homlies festales=
M.Aubineau, Les Homlies festales dHsychius de Jrusalem, I: Homlies I-XV(Subsidia hagiographica,9), Brussels,1978, p.xiii-xx. For arecent thesis with an
editorial scope, see M.Eriksson, The Scholia by Hesychius ofJerusalem on
the Minor Prophets(unpublished doctoral thesis, Uppsala University,2012).
Thefirst chapter is structured around the sources for the life ofHesychius.
3
Hesych.H., Comm.in Iob=Homlies sur Job: version armnienne
ed.Ch.Renoux, tr.Ch.Mercier, Ch.Renoux(PO,42.1-2), Turnhout,1983.
4
Hesych.H., Homilia in Hypapantem=G.Garitte, Lhomlie gorgienne dHsychius de Jrusalem sur lHypapante, Le Muson, 4(1971), p.353372; Hesych.H., Homilia de resurrectione mortuorum=M.van Esbroeck,
Lhomlie gorgienne dHsychius de Jrusalem sur la rsurrection des morts,

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107525

343

B. CROSTINI

on Leviticus is preserved almost exclusively in amedieval Latin

translation,5 and only the relatively recent discovery ofaGreek
fragment dispelled doubts about the attribution ofthis work to
him.6 In this paper, Iwill argue that this linguistic multiformity
favoured the successful role ofHesychius as abridge between
traditions.Looking at the specific use ofhis glosses on the Psalms
in aByzantine manuscript, Iwill further suggest that he was
used and recognized as such in Byzantium at amoment ofcrisis,
namely, in the aftermath ofthe 1054 schism.7
Two issues seem fundamental when thinking about dialogue
in general, and East-West dialogue in particular. One is the search
for texts that can speak to both traditions because each is familiar
in some way with the author in question, his writings being
known through translations, partial quotations, or abbreviations,
and thus coming to constitute ashared patrimony oflanguage
and thought. We can refer to this aspect as the concept of
familiarity. Thesecond key point is what we can refer to as the
concept ofvariety, anotion that is not usually associated with
matters theological and dogmatic, which tend to be apprehended
as rigid in their conclusions and generating stark oppositions that
reflected in the bitter and prolonged debates often punctuated
by schisms. Nevertheless, theological reflection was not impervious to maintaining, or even at times actively seeking, an openness to different interpretations ofthe same concept. More
specifically, in exegetical questions, different interpretations
of the same scriptural passage were possible, and indeed welcome. This fanning out ofpossible interpretations attested to the
Le Muson,7(1974), p.1-21.As far as Iam aware, Hesychius has not been
transmitted in Syriac.
5 Hesych.H., Comm.in Lev.(PG, 93,col.787-1180). Inhis thesis at the
University ofBologna Stefano Tampellini proposed anew critical edition ofthis
text; see S.Tampellini, Lesegesi del Levitico di Esichio di Gerusalemme:
osservazioni introduttive e sondaggi preliminari, Annali di Storia dellEsegesi,
3.1(1996), p.201-209.
6 A.Wenger, Hsychius de Jrusalem.Notes sur les discours indits et
sur le texte grec du commentaire in Leviticum, Revue des tudes Augustiniennes,
2(1956), p.457-470.
7 The most recent monograph on the topic is that by A.Bayer, Spaltung
der Christenheit.Das sogennante Morgenlndische Schisma von1054(Beihefte zum
Archiv fr Kulturgeschichte,53), Bhlau,2002.

344

AMEETING-POINT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

common interest ofstruggling with understanding the word of

God, ofstriving to apply its message to ones specific situation,
ofpractising that constant reflection, meditating upon it day and
night, as the Psalm says (Ps.1,2). Inperceiving Hesychius as
alynch-pin in East-West dialogue, both these aspects appear
operative.
The presbyter Hesychius was almost exactly acontemporary
ofAugustine.While the problem ofAugustines reception in
the East may not be as stark as is normally perceived, as his
works (quoted by the church councils) were probably alittle
better known by Greek Christians than is usually assumed even
before the fourteenth-century Kydonian revival,8 the figure of
Augustine, invested with episcopal authority and overflowing
in his copious writings, is often perceived more as an obstacle
than as apath for East-West understanding in the historical and
contemporary dialogue between the churches.9 Hesychius, on
the contrary, quiet and unassuming, little known and without
special honours, yet prolific in his teachings and writings
(he is said to have produced commentaries on the whole
ofScripture), inserts his voice in the crevices and communicates
in typical monastic fashion across centuries and cultures.

1.Hesychius in the context ofhis time

Although still seriously understudied, Hesychius is gradually
but steadily emerging as an influential voice carrying the impact
of Palestinian Christianity in the directions ofboth Rome and
Constantinople at one and the same time.Both as apoint of
departure and as acontinuing symbol ofutmost importance
for Christianity, Jerusalem could and did act as apivot in the
ecclesiastical and political consciousness ofthe oikoumene. It can
therefore be perceived and used as auniting force, acommon

8 B.Crostini, Augustine in the Byzantine World to 1453, in The Oxford

Guide to the Reception ofAugustine ed.K.Pollman, 3vols., Oxford,2013, II,
p.726-734.
9 A.Nichols, Rome and the Eastern Churches.AStudy in Schism, Edinburgh,1992.

345

B. CROSTINI

focus; indeed, its political role came to the fore precisely around
the turn ofthe millennium.
Beside his Palestinian and Jewish origins, Hesychius strides
across the environments ofboth cathedral and monastery.
His preaching and teaching appear to have taken place in
achurch setting before an audience as varied as that expected of
aplace ofpilgrimage like Jerusalem, and his capable rhetoric
was influenced by the bishops who were his teachers, notably
JohnII and Juvenal.This point has been admirably proved by
the editor ofHesychiuss Festal Homilies, Michel Aubineau,
through adetailed study oftheir rhetoric and vocabulary.10
But the roots ofHesychiuss formation and perhaps his deepest
allegiance belonged to the monastic world, aworld spreading
out from Jerusalem across the desert to Egypt, comprising a
variegated reality ofcommunities and anchorites that the studies
by Brouria Ashkelony, Aryeh Kofsky,11 and Lorenzo Perrone12
are gradually bringing to scholarly attention. These communities
evolved from simple retirement into the desert into complex
networks regulated by strict rhythms and nourished by aspecial literature that dissected the movements ofthe soul and
prescribed progressive askesis.
Not alien to this monastic setting, however, was also the
classical training in rhetoric and grammar, which these ascetics
had been and perhaps were still being exposed to in the context
oftheir monastic schooling, in their roles as learners and then
as teachers.This particular interaction, often underestimated,
has been the special focus ofthe project Paideia and Ancient
Monasticism at the University ofLund.13 The notes taken

Hesych. H., Les Homlies festales, passim.

B.Bitton-Ahskelony, Penitence in Late Antique Monastic Literature, in Transformations ofthe Inner Self in Ancient Religions ed.J.Assmann,
G.G.Stroumsa(Numen Book Series,83), Leiden,1999, p.179-420, and more
comprehensively, B.Bitton-Ahskelony,A.Kofsky, The Monastic School
ofGaza (Vigiliae Christianae, Supplements,78), Leiden,2006.
12 L.Perrone, La Chiesa di Palestina e le controversie cristologiche.Dal concilio
di Efeso(431) al secondo concilio di Costantinopoli(553)(Testi e ricerche di scienze
religiose), Brescia,1980, esp.p.64-79.
13 See http://mopai.lu.se/education.html [accessed 30 November2013].
Papers from collaborators in this project, directed by Samuel Rubenson, are gathered in Papers Presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies
10
11

346

AMEETING-POINT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

by the disciples ofDidymus the Blind are acase in point.14

His world combining ascetic discipline and exegetical teaching
is not far from Hesychiuss own, and the Alexandrian tradition
ofspiritualized interpretation permeates both.15 Traces ofDidymuss commentary on the Psalms are fragmentary, but passages
make their way into catenae despite his Origenist leanings, and
often closely echo Hesychiuss glosses.
Hesychius, for his part, was surely as versed in understanding
his own self as he was in meditating upon and explaining to
others the Scriptures. Inarecent article, Cornelia Horn suggests that the voice inspiring some ofthese ascetic Palestinian
communities may well be that ofHesychius,16 bestowing his
ascetic counsels in the form ofglosses on the Scriptures, in which
he dwells particularly on the concept ofrepentance, but with
apositive emphasis on the associated promise offorgiveness.
Hesychius may replace the expected but ultimately unattested
influence ofthe Cappadocian Basil;17 it is in this author that one
needs to look to understand the intellectual framework ofthese
coenobia, perched uneasily between doctrinal controversies, in
particular the Christological debates leading from the condemnation ofNestorianism at the Council ofEphesus in431 to the
definition ofChrists two natures at Chalcedon in451.Horn is
Held in Oxford2011, III: Early Monasticism and Classical Paideia ed.M.Vinzent,
S.Rubenson(Studia Patristica,55) Leuven,2013.Arecent conference
(October2012) atLund University explored this theme further.
14
Didym., Fr.Ps.(PG,39,col.1155-1616).On Didymus, see R.Devreesse,
Les anciens commentateurs, p.147-210; M.-J.Rondeau, Les Commentaires patristiques, p.116-120. Theteaching milieu in which Didymus operated has been
explored more recently in the work ofB.Stefaniw, developing from her study,
B.Stefaniw, Exegetical Curricula in Origen, Didymus, and Evagrius: Pedagogical Agenda and the Case for Neoplatonist Influence, Studia Patristica,
44(2010), p.281-294.
15
R.A.Layton, Didymus the Blind and His Circle in Late Antique Alexandria.
Virtue and Narrative in Biblical Scholarship, Urbana,Ill.,2004, esp.p.135-158.
16 C.Horn, Preaching and Practising Repentance: Hesychius ofJerusalems Influence on Ascetic Movements in Byzantine Palestine, in Bibel,
Byzanz und Christlicher Orient.Festschrift fr Stephen Ger zum 65.Geburtstag
ed.D.Bumazhnov, E.Grypeou, T.B.Sailors, A.Toepel(Orientalia Lovaniensia
Analecta,87), Leuven,2011, p.535-552.
17 Horns suggestion was preceded by the problematization ofthis issue in
B.Bitton-Ahskelony, Penitence, questioning Basils influence specifically on
the subject ofmonastic penance.

347

B. CROSTINI

not alone in considering Hesychius as probably sharing the antiChalcedonian perspective ofthe monastic milieu ofthe Judaean
desert, even though his death soon after prevented his full and
explicit participation in that schismatic party.
Besides Horns study pointing to the emphasis on penance
in Hesychius, Mats Erikssons recent doctoral thesis at Uppsala
University suggests that the conventional view ofHesychius
portrayed as entirely orthodox (i.e.Chacedonian) in the ponderous volumes written by Jssen18 may need revisiting.Eriksson maintains that more personal and ascetic material is to be
found in the Hesychian corpus than the limited studies have
so far managed to highlight.For example, Hesychiuss glosses
on Ps.131 LXX (132Heb.) make explicit references to the
monastic choice as fulfillment ofthe words ofthe psalm: the
tabernacles () ofthe Lord explicitly become the
that we are invited to enter into.19 This monastic
facet ofHesychiuss writings makes it likely that his theological
position was closer to that ofthe anti-Chalcedonians, who were
mostly supported within Palestinian monasticism.Nonetheless,
far from alienating him, the monastic involvement may be among
the factors that accompanied the survival and guaranteed the
transmission ofHesychiuss exegesis. Whether his glosses and
commentaries were written directly by him or were taken down
by disciples from his oral presentations, these works were often
selected for inclusion in the catenae, that is, the commentaries
copied in the margins ofparchment manuscripts ofthe Scriptures and made up ofexcerpts from the fathers. This process
began probably in Palestine around the sixth century, Procopius
ofGaza (circa 465-528 ad) being cited as the initiator or one
ofthe earliest examples ofthis type ofcommentary, although the
manuscript evidence begins later on.20

18
K.Jssen, Die dogmatische Anschauungen des Hesychius vonJerusalem(Beitrge
zur Theologie,17,20), 2vols., Mnster i.W.,1931,1934.
19 Hesych.H., Ps.tit.(PG,27, col.1249A12 and C12 [interpretatio]): see
M.Eriksson, The Scholia, p.15.
20 The hiatus between actual composition and extant evidence has given rise
to much speculation as to the early form and function ofcatenae.On Procopius,
see the work by F.Petit, Introduction, in Autour de Thodoret de Cyr. La Collectio Coisliniana sur les derniers livres de lOctateuque et sur les Rgnes. Le Commen-

348

AMEETING-POINT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

The freedom in the use ofsources that the excerptors experienced in their work is attested by the survival ofanumber
ofcondemned or dubious authors in the form ofpassages that
either became attached to adifferent author or blended in with
the rest by remaining unattributed.21 The variety ofcatenae that
have been preserved in manuscripts, particularly those on the
Psalter, also witnesses to the creative use ofjuxtaposition in the
sequence ofpatristic sources selected for the commentaries, and
although scholars have attempted, and to asmall degree succeeded, in systematizing the extant evidence, questions about
their evolution remain open. Thefundamental survey by Gilles
Dorival, now published in four volumes, distinguishes primary
from secondary compilations, calling them mother-catenae
and daughter-catenae.22 However, it is not uncommon to find
compilations produced ad hoc for aspecific edition, and the case
ofVatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat.gr.752, an illuminated Greek Psalter from the eleventh century, appears to
contain precisely such an apposite and original catena, that must
be categorized as its own type.

2.Hesychius in Vat.gr.752
The catena ofVat.gr.752 is principally composed ofpassages
from Hesychiuss commentaries on the Psalter, flanked by interpretations by other authors such as Theodoret ofCyrrhus, who
is in particular paired with Hesychius in nearly all the glosses
on the titles (also called inscriptions) ofthe Psalms. Ininventorying this manuscript in his survey ofcatenae to the Greek
Psalter, Dorival noted from the start the presence ofuniden-

taire sur les Rgnes de Procope de Gaza(Traditio exegetica graeca,13) ed.F.Petit,

Leuven,2003, p.xxxii-xxxiii.
21 F.Petit, Introduction, in La Chaine sur la Gense: dition intgrale
ed.F.Petit(Traditio exegetica graeca,1-4), 4vols., Leuven,1991-1996,
I, p.xv.
22 G.Dorival, Les Chines exgtiques grecques sur les Psaumes.Contribution
ltude dune forme littraire(Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense,43-46), 4vols., Leuven,
1986-1991. Thefifth volume that was planned to contain indices has not yet
appeared.

349

B. CROSTINI

tified extracts.23 These passages may belong to as yet unpublished

sources, which include parts ofHesychiuss own exegetical
homilies on the Psalter (the Commentarius magnus or Long Commentary, CPG 6554), or may be versions ofpublished works,
albeit reworked and altered beyond recognition.
In this manuscript, Hesychiuss importance above the other
authors juxtaposed to him by the compiler is clearly marked
in several ways.To begin with, his commentary on the titles
ofthe Psalter was copied in the biblical column as part ofthe
titles written in red or gold ink.Moreover, the illustrations often
use aquotation from his commentary as part ofthe caption, in
this way establishing adirect relationship between Hesychiuss
interpretation ofaverse ofthe Psalm and the subject chosen for
the illustration. Thefact that the miniatures in the manuscript
are placed in the commentary column definitively establishes this
particular relation. Thecentral role that Hesychius performs in
Vat.gr.752 goes beyond his popularity as asource in biblical
catenae, and, considered within the overall intent ofthe
production ofthis manuscript, can be taken as aconscious choice
that responds to the overall planning criteria for this edition
ofthe Psalter.
The setting ofthis book at the time ofthe East-West schism
of1054 (it is dated to 1058/59 by the paschal tables contained
in it) allows us to probe whether Hesychiuss exegetical approach
could work effectively at atime ofcrisis. Iwould like to suggest that possible reasons for this choice include the suitability
ofHesychius for the cumenical and pacifying role that his exegesis could offer in the context ofthe events surrounding the
creation ofthe manuscript.These turbulent times in the eleventh
century were not unlike the original context oftheological controversy in which Hesychius lived in the fifth, but from which
he appears to have remained relatively unscathed, steering asafe
course between monophysitism and the new Chalcedonian
allegiance that Palestine reluctantly embraced.Lorenzo Perrone
suggested that Hesychius turned to the Scriptures and thereby
maintained an anchor-hold in times ofChristological con23 G.Dorival, Chanes exegtiques, IV, p.54-113, includes Psalms 1, 11, 21,
31, 41, 50, 51, 61, 75-78, 91, 100, 101, 118, 131, 141, and 150.

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AMEETING-POINT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

troversy leading to aphase ofschism in the Palestinian church

in the aftermath ofChalcedon (431).24
Across the centuries, Scriptures and their interpretation
were akey factor in the self-definition of, and confrontation
between, churches. Theproduction ofspecial manuscripts of
the Bible, whether we think ofthe Carolingian renaissance or
of the production ofilluminated bibles in the eleventh century
on the wave ofecclesiastical reform, played an important role
between the imperial patrons sponsoring these manuscripts and
the church authorities for whom (or in view ofwhom) they
were made. Inasimilar manner, the Byzantine affirmation
of belonging to the true faith included astatement about
their attitude to Scripture via the copying, commenting, and
illustration ofbiblical manuscripts.This production displayed
their serious study ofbiblical writings, and also their capacity
for using imagery to express its hidden or spiritual meanings
(of the Old Testament in particular).
The considerable number ofhexaplaric readings that accompany Hesychiuss exegesis attests the extent to which he capitalized on Origens philological work on Scripturehis sixcolumn comparative Bible, the Hexaplato further problematize
and explore the text from its original language, Hebrew, to the
Septuagint Greek translation.25 He also made extensive use of the
first-century revisions by Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion
(known as the Three translators included in the Hexapla), in
this not unlike Eusebius. Therole ofthese later, more literal
translations ofthe Bible in the liturgical life ofthe Jewish26
and Christian communities testifies to asharp awareness ofthe
variable renderings ofthe Word ofGod expressed through
human language.While the intent ofthese more literal translations may have been that ofdiminishing the Messianic content

L.Perrone, La Chiesa di Palestina, p.66.

On hexaplaric readings ofthe biblical text ofVat.gr.752, see A.Schenker,
Hexaplarische Psalmenbruchstcke.Die hexaplarischen Psalmenfragmente der Handschriften Vaticanus graecus 752 und Canonicianus graecus 62(Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis,8), Freiburg and Gttingen,1975.
26 N.de Lange, Jewish Greek Bible Versions, in The New Cambridge History
ofthe Bible, II: From600 to1450 ed.R.Marsden, A.Matter, Cambridge,2012,
p.56-68, at p.59, 61.
24
25

351

B. CROSTINI

in the Old Testament, their value for the exegete was nonetheless intact. Avery unusual image ofAquila and Symmachus in
the illuminations ofVat.gr.752 well visualizes the respect that
these biblical scholars were accorded, and raises issues about
the perception ofJews both in ahistorical and acontemporary
perspective (see Figure 1=fol.187r).
While the main gist ofHesychiuss exegesis tallies more
closely with the Alexandrian interpretative approach (allegorical/
spiritualizing),27 he also resorts to etymological discourse and
Christ-centred typology to expose the gamut ofmeanings
that the Scriptures open up, rather than define.This range
ofmeanings is explored through connection with other parts of
Scripture, through an analysis oflanguage and words, including
proper names, and with an eye to ethical engagement with the
Word ofGod as found especially in the Psalms.This attitude at
once puts Hesychiuss writings at one remove from the heart
ofcontemporary controversy in its more technical sense, and
offers apositive, slowly paced approach to religious contemplation as constituted by meditative and critical reading, resulting in adiffraction ofpossible meanings and approaches.

3.ACase Study: Hesychius on the Sons ofKore

The scholarship applied to the people and words ofthe Psalter
takes us into the depths ofamultiform approach that makes
Hesychiuss exegesis at once alien and fascinating for amodern
reader. Iwould like to turn to one example, namely the explanatory possibilities Hesychius contemplates concerning the sons
ofKore. Inan attempt to counter their role as authors ofthe
Psalms, Hesychius emphasizes their function as psalm-singers,
while at the same time offering alternative, allegorical explanations for the insertion ofnames in the Psalm titles.
This exegesis is found in Hesychiuss Prologue to the Psalms
edited by Giovanni Mercati in1901 from two tenth-century
manuscripts, but the shorter glosses ofHesychiuss commentary

27 M.Simonetti, Lettera e/o allegoria: un contributo alla storia dellesegesi patristica(Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 23), Rome,1985, p.226-230, at p.227.

352

AMEETING-POINT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

also rely on similar interpretations.28 Thirteen psalms mention

by name the sons ofKore in their titles, and on this basis are
attributed to them: Psalms 42-49, 84-85, and 87-89 (Heb.).
However, Hesychius proposes the following alternatives for
their interpretation:
,
. ,
.

.
,

,
, ,
.
. ,

, , .
,
.
, ,
.

.
, .
.
, ,
,
,
, ,
,
.
.
28 G.Mercati, Il commentario dEsichio Gerosolimitano sui Salmi, in
Id., Note di letteratura biblica e cristiana antica(Studi e testi,5), Rome,1901,
p.145-179(edited text at p.155-169).As Mercati says at p.154, il proemio ci d la chiave del commentario. Ihave reproduced here Mercatis
text(p.160, l.9-161, l.17). Iam currently preparing anew edition based
on more manuscript witnesses and with an English translation, to appear in
A Book of Psalms from Eleventh-Century Byzantium: the Complex ofTexts and
Images in Psalter Vat.gr.752.Proceedings ofan Ars edendi Workshop, Rome,
11-13 June2012 ed.B.Crostini, G.Peers(Studi e testi), Vatican City,
forthcoming 2015.

353

B. CROSTINI

And whenever the superscription is those ofKore, this

superscription also can designate different things.For there
were psalm-singers among the sons ofKore, as we find in
Chronicles.For it is written there: And the Levites rose up
from the children ofKaath and from the sons ofKore to praise the
Lord God ofIsrael with aloud voice on high. (IIChron.20,19)
Thus they were the psalm-singers praising the Lord in the
words ofDavid, according to what it says in Chronicles,
that: The Levites on the organs [were performing] the odes to
the Lord, that King David had composed in order to bear witness before the Lord, because his mercy [is] forever, in the hymns
ofDavid through their hands (cfr. IIChron.29,26-30).
Thus the sons ofKore (Korenoi) were psalm-singers together with the Levites.When the psalm has the inscription, of the sons ofKore, it designates: either [1] that the
psalm is said concerning the pure in heart;29 or [2] concerning the helpless;30 or [3] concerning people who like
to quarrel.31 For the name Kore means bald head, but
one who is bald according to the law, is pure, as it is written in Leviticus: And if any ones head should lose the hair,
and he become bald: he is pure (Leu.13,40).32 And again in
the Prophets we find in some passages that God is angry
with Israel and he says: And there shall be baldness upon
every head, just as there shall be shame and reproach upon every
leader ofthe people, whenever I will remove from them my help
(cfr. Am.8,10; Is.15,2; Ez.7,18). And it is clear that
Kore himself was involved in disputations. Thus, where
the psalm does not speak about the sons ofKore, who
were psalm-singers, as Isaid, it is speaking about the pure
in heart or about those who are outside the protection
ofGod, or about those who oppose the Gospel ofGod,
about whom the apostle says, Woe to them, who perished
by the rebellion ofKore (cfr. Iudae 1,11), and in another passage, They disputed against the words ofPaul (cfr.
Act.13,45), and the author ofProverbs said: Disputation

Mercatis note c)points to Hesychiuss exegesis in Ps.83 and 86.

Mercatis note c)points to Hesychiuss exegesis in Ps.43.
31 Mercatis note b)points to Hesychiuss exegesis in Ps.84 and 87.
32Chapter13 ofLeviticus is ofkey importance for the issue ofpurity,
dealing with the topic ofleprosy and the definition ofpriesthood.Hesychiuss
commentary on this passage, extant in Latin, does not mention the sons
ofKore; see Hesych.H., Comm.in Lev.13,40-43(PG,93, col.945-946).
29
30

354

AMEETING-POINT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

engenders every evil (Prou.17,11).And Ihave explained

to you thus what the superscription of the sons ofKore
means.33

Even from this limited and, to us, unusual example, the richness
ofHesychiuss outlook, and his mental habit ofstretching far and
wide to gather material for his interpretations, is evident. Rooted
in the interrelationship ofscriptural texts, its resonances branch
out towards the contemporary situation. Thesons ofKore as
privileged performers ofthe Psalms impresses on these texts the
mark ofauthority, dealing with issues ofpurity as reflected in
the Levitical law but also representing the strife that disputations
impart onto the mechanisms ofthe ecclesia as seen in the biblical
narrative and reflected in Hesychiuss own times.
In his edition Mercati provides one example for each of
Hesychiuss possible meanings ofsons ofKore, based on the
gloss to the title applied in each case by Hesychius himself.
So, the purity concept appears in the title to Ps.83, while the
abandonment is found for Ps.43 and the disputational issues
in Ps.84 and87. These different leads suggested by the interpretation ofthe sons ofKore go at least some way towards
explaining the different and at times ostensibly diverging functions that the representations ofthe sons ofKore take in the
illustrations to Vat.gr.752. These characters, unusually taking
centre stage in this manuscripts programme ofilluminations,
have puzzled commentators, who naturally sought one meaning
for their rather extensive presence. Here Hesychius shows us
that arange ofmeanings can be applied to them, going from the
quasi-saintly to the more expected disputational aspect related to
the objectionable behaviour ofKore.
Iwould like to dwell on the concept ofpurity and its
application to Ps.83 in the Vatican illuminated manuscript, in
view ofthe importance ofthe concept ofclerical purity in the
eleventh-century liturgical reform ofthe Church. Iam inclined
to attribute the use ofHesychius to the demonstration ofthe
ancient roots ofthis shared concern that came to the fore again

33Iwould like to thank Joseph MunitizSJ for help in revising the

translation.

355

B. CROSTINI

forcefully in the Middle Ages.Through the Latin translation

ofHesychiuss commentary on Leviticus and its manuscript
diffusion in Carolingian and Ottonian monasteries,34 one could
argue that ashared vocabulary ofbiblical references was being
employed to attest that the Byzantine church also subscribed to
the same requirements ofpurity.Through this appeal to afamiliar
author and to the familiar concepts in his writings, adialogue
across cultures was sought that had acommon basis and, because
ofthis, abetter chance ofsuccess.
It is particularly interesting that in Vat.gr.752 we find
Ps.83 assigned for use in case ofschism between the churches.
This designation is due to aparticular adaptation ofthe Letter ofAthanasius to Marcellinus in the shortened and modified
version copied in the codex Vaticanus.35 When we turn to
the iconography employed by the manuscript at this juncture,
we find that the words ofHesychius about the Levitical purity
ofthe sons ofKore is matched by an image ofthe purity
of the ecclesiastical rites ofconsecration. De Wald describes
the image in the following words (see Figure 2=fol.265r):
David stands at left in an attitude ofadoration before a
deacon or priest who holds acenser and the pyxis with the
Holy Wafer. Atthe right is an altar set within abalustrade
beneath adomed ciborium at which abishop is celebrating
the mass.Abook and achalice are placed on the altar.36

If the fourth and fifth centuries were characterized by problems

in Christological definitions, the tenth and eleventh saw unrest
in anumber ofother areas, principally concerning the sacrament ofthe Eucharist, with some repercussions on the proper
34
The pattern ofdiffusion can be traced through the extant Latin manuscripts. See also the article by R.Savigni, Purit rituale e ridefinizione del sacro
nella cultura carolingia: linterpretazione del Levitico e dellEpistola agli Ebrei,
Annali di Storia dellEsegesi, 13.1(1996), p.229-255.
35 Ath., Ep.Marcell.(CPG, no.2097; PG,27, col.12-45); Vat.gr.752,
fol.12r-17r. Further remarks on the manuscript tradition were made by
M.-J.Rondeau, Lptre Marcellinus sur les Psaumes, Vigiliae Christianae,
22(1968), p.176-197, and further bibliography can be found in Athanasius
Handbuch ed.P.Gemeinhardt, Tbingen,2011, p.271-274.
36 E.de Wald, The Illustrations in the MSS.ofthe Septuagint, II: Vaticanus
graecus 752, Princeton,1942, p.29.

356

AMEETING-POINT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

practice ofrepentance and absolution, as well as acontinued

interest in the definition ofthe Trinity.East and West came to
clash on both points ostensibly in matters ofpractice, as the socalled schism of1054 is usually characterized, consisting ofthe
choice between the use ofleavened and unleavened bread in the
liturgy,37 and which words to utter for recitation in the Creed
concerning the procession ofthe Holy Spirit.38 It is not here the
place to evaluate the political or theological basis ofthe events
at Constantinople, nor their representative weight in the painful
and eventually quite radical process ofseparation ofthe Greek
and Latin churches.But it is important to remember that these
topics belonged to awider and ongoing history ofdogmatic definitions and discussions, which swept through the entire Christian medieval world much as the Christological debates once did
in the Late Antique world, and thus cannot be reduced purely
to matters ofdiscipline or consuetudo between traditions, but
affected more deeply the self-definition ofthe entire Church.
It is significant therefore that Hesychiuss concept ofritual purity
is applied to the celebration ofthe eucharist in this Byzantine
manuscript, bringing his understanding ofits Old Testament
roots to bear on current ecclesiastical debates.

4.Conclusion
It is likely that the illuminated Psalter now known as Vat.gr.752
had the contemporary ecclesial climate in mind when it was
planned and copied around the1050s. Inits combination of
imagery and text it engages with the question ofthe Eucharist by depicting the liturgical action ofthe sacrament and the
typological Old Testament meals.It also appears to pursue some
political agenda in emphasizing the repentance ofDavid (usually
asymbol for the Byzantine emperor) and in choosing to represent several times the rather unusual figure ofSaint Sylvester,
37 Still useful is the little volume by M.H.SmithIII, And Taking Bread...
Cerularius and the Azyme Controversy of1054(Thologie historique,47), Paris,1978.
38 P.Gemeinhardt, Der Filioque-Streit zwischen Ost und West, in Vom
Schisma zu den Kreuzzgen, 1054-1204 ed.P.Bruns, G.Gresser, Munich,2005,
p.105-132, esp.p.122-28.

357

B. CROSTINI

the legendary Constantinian pope. Further, it places special

emphasis on eschatology, as seen in the representation ofthe
Archangel Michael, the throne ofthe hetoimasia, and several
scenes ofjudgment, perhaps in this respect reflecting contemporary concerns against aversion ofthe Bogomil heresy then
attested at Constantinople, that denied the resurrection ofthe
dead.39 What could Hesychius contribute in the ostensibly
orthodox and pacifying purpose that this psalterat least according to our interpretationtried to put forth in the midst ofcontroversy?
The centrality ofthe Bible and its interpretations emerge as
the focus ofthe eleventh-century reform movement, whether
seen as instigated by papal policy from on high or moving more
subtly around the monastic communities ofcentral Italy, such
as Vallombrosa in the North or Monte Cassino in the South.
Thestill partly unknown process ofcopying the so-called Atlantic bibles, majestically surviving the centuries in their giant formats and striking decoration, was often accompanied by marginal
commentaries.40 The glossa ordinaria that in the next century
developed as amore standard medieval form ofcatena commentary has roots in that period, and we may by now not find it
too surprising that it should include excerpts from Hesychius
ofJerusalem, as signaled in the article ofDictionnaire de Spiritualit
that is still awaiting more detailed investigation on this point.41
The unusual gathering together ofmuch Hesychian material
on the Psalms in Vat.gr.752 could indeed be based on anotion
that this authors voice could be heard across traditions, thanks to
its scriptural, but also down-to-earth, ascetic bent.

39
Witness to the heretical movements coming into contact with Byzantine
monastics ofthe captial is the text edited by F.Osti, LEpistola invettiva di
Eutimio della Peribleptos(1050ca.) nei codici Vaticani greci840 e604.
Una versione breve e un rimaneggiamento, in Vie per Bisanzio ed.A.Rigo,
A.Babuin, M.Trizio, 2vols., Venice,2013, I, p.251-274, at p.263.
40 See especially G.Lobrichon, Riforma ecclesiastica e testo della Bibbia,
in Le Bibbie Atlantiche.Il Libro delle Scritture tra monumentalit e rappresentazione
ed.M.Maniaci, G.Orofino, Montecassino,2000, p.15-23.
41 J.Kirchmeyer, Hsychius de Jerusalem, in Dictionnaire deSpiritualit,7,
Paris,1968, col.399-408, at col.407.On the complex questions concerning
the Glossa ordinaria and its transmission, see L.J.Smith, The Glossa Ordinaria.
TheMaking of aMedieval Bible Commentary, Leiden, 2009.

358

AMEETING-POINT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

Covering the topics ofrepentance, reparation in case ofstrife,

and purity, Hesychius offered agood commentary for the transposed eleventh-century setting, where his straightforward yet
multiple exegesis could act as aneutral voice in describing the
predicament ofthe Church.While the Palestinian influence over
liturgical ritual and ascetic practices in Byzantine monasteries has
been well described, the texts from Palestine that were used in the
Stoudite tradition have received less attention.These included,
for example, the writings ofDorotheus ofGaza and the exegesis
ofHesychius ofJerusalem. Thelatter seemed particularly suited
to keeping open adialogue between traditions in times ofstrife:
as in his own time, Hesychius eluded at once an ecclesiastical
career and a condemnation for heresy. Steering amiddle course
and keeping close to the word ofScripture earned him alasting
usefulness for later generations. When strife came again to the
foreas it usually doeskeeping in mind his manifold interpretation ofScripture meant taking the Word ofGod seriously
and openly at the same time. Choosing Hesychius in East-West
dialogue meant finding an author who was familiar to both contexts and kept avariety ofoptions open. And this continuous
dialogue in the manifold and ever deeper ways ofunderstanding
is what looking at the patristic tradition should do for us also.

Bibliography
1.Primary sources
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ed.A.Mai (PG,39), Paris, 1863, col.1155-1616.
Hesych.H., Comm.in Iob=Homlies sur Job: version armnienne
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Turnhout,1983.
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Hesych.H., Homilia in Hypapantem=G.Garitte, Lhomlie gorgienne dHsychius de Jrusalem sur lHypapante, Le Muson,
4(1971), p.353-372.

359

B. CROSTINI

Hesych.H., Homilia de resurrectione mortuorum=M.van Esbroeck,

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Schisma von1054 (Beihefte zum Archiv fr Kulturgeschichte, 53),
Bhlau, 2002.
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(Vigiliae Christianae, Supplements,78), Leiden, 2006.
Clavis patrum graecorum, III: ACyrillo Alexandrino ad Iohannem Damascenum ed.M.Geerard, Turnhout,20032.
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Oxford Guide to the Reception ofAugustine ed.K.Pollman, 3vols.,
Oxford,2013, II, p.726-734.
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History ofthe Bible,II: From600 to1450 ed.R.Marsden,
A.Matter, Cambridge,2012, p.56-68.
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4vols., Leuven, 1986-1991.
M.Eriksson, The Scholia by Hesychius ofJerusalem on the Minor
Prophets, unpublished doctoral thesis, Uppsala University,2012.

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P.Gemeinhardt, Der Filioque-Streit zwischen Ost und West,

in Vom Schisma zu den Kreuzzgen, 1054-1204 ed.P.Bruns,
G.Gresser, Mnchen,2005, p.105-132.
C.Horn, Preaching and Practising Repentance: Hesychius of Jerusalems Influence on Ascetic Movements in Byzantine Palestine,
in Bibel, Byzanz und Christlicher Orient.Festschrift fr Stephen
Gero zum 65.Geburtstag ed.D.Bumazhnov, E.Grypeou,
T.B.Sailors, A.Toepel (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta,87),
Leuven,2011, p.535-552.
K.Jssen, Die dogmatische Anschauungen des Hesychius vonJerusalem
(Beitrge zur Theologie, 17,20), 2vols., Mnsteri.W., 1931, 1934.
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R.A.Layton, Didymus the Blind and His Circle in LateAntique
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G.Lobrichon, Riforma ecclesiastica e testo della Bibbia, in Le Bibbie
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ed.M.Maniaci, G.Orofino, Montecassino,2000, p.15-23.
G.Mercati, Il commentario dEsichio Gerosolimitano sui Salmi,
in Id., Note di letteratura biblica e cristiana antica (Studi e testi,5),
Rome,1901, p.145-179.
A.Nichols, Rome and the Eastern Churches.AStudy in Schism, Edinburgh, 1992.
F.Osti, LEpistola invettiva di Eutimio della Peribleptos (1050ca.)
nei codici Vaticani greci 840 e 604.Una versione breve e un
rimaneggiamento, in Vie per Bisanzio ed.A.Rigo, A.Babuin,
M.Trizio, 2vols., Venice,2013, I,p.251-274.
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L.Perrone, La Chiesa di Palestina e le controversie cristologiche. Dal concilio di Efeso (431) al secondo concilio di Costantinopoli (553) (Testi
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F.Petit, Autour de Thodoret de Cyr. La Collectio Coisliniana sur
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sur les Rgnes de Procope de Gaza (Traditio exegetica graeca,13)
ed.F.Petit, Leuven,2003.
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M.-J.Rondeau, Lptre Marcellinus sur les Psaumes, Vigiliae

Christianae, 22(1968), p.176-197.
R.Savigni, Purit rituale e ridefinizione del sacro nella cultura
carolingia: linterpretazione del Levitico e dellEpistola agli Ebrei,
Annali di Storia dellEsegesi, 13.1(1996), p.229-255.
A.Schenker, Hexaplarische Psalmenbruchstcke.Die hexaplarischen
Psalmenfragmente der Handschriften Vaticanus graecus752 und Canonicianus graecus62 (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis,8), Freiburg, 1975.
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patristica (Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 23), Rome,1985.
L.J.Smith, The Glossa Ordinaria. TheMaking ofaMedieval Bible
Commentary, Leiden, 2009.
M.H.SmithIII, And Taking Bread...Cerularius and the Azyme Controversy of1054 (Thologie historique,47), Paris, 1978.
B.Stefaniw, Exegetical Curricula in Origen, Didymus, and
Evagrius: Pedagogical Agenda and the Case for Neoplatonist
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dellEsegesi, 3.1(1996), p.201-209.
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et sur le texte grec du commentaire in Leviticum, Revue des tudes
Augustiniennes, 2(1956), p.457-470.

3.Web sites
http://mopai.lu.se/education.html

Abstract
The Psalter is in itself aspecial place ameeting-point ofhistories
and cultures, and atimeless voice expressing both the universal and
the particular truths that pertain to each and every human being who
experiences life in its different facets. Theintimate, prayerful voice
ofthis Jewish-Christian text makes it suitable for different adaptations,
but also lays it open to different interpretations. Hesychius ofJerusalem,
writing in fifth-century Palestine, adopts on the one hand ascholarly
and philological approach didactically expounding the different
meanings ofwords and names, and on the other hand emphasizes
aspects offorgiveness and repentance in reflecting as apastor on the
impact ofthe Psalms on the souls journey. InByzantine catenae,

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AMEETING-POINT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

he was apopular author, but the use ofhis glosses in the West
and the Latin translation ofhis Commentary on Leviticus argue for his
suitability in East-West dialogue. Iillustrate such possible function
during the eleventh-century crisis between the Latin and Greek
churches from aspecific illuminated Byzantine Psalter, Vatican,
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat.gr.752, whose tailoring oftexts
and images may be thought to reflect aspects ofthat controversy.

363

B. CROSTINI

Fig. 1.
Vat. gr. 752, fol. 187r

Fig. 2.
Vat. gr. 752, fol. 265r

364

PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY

CHRISTOPH MARKSCHIES
Berlin

PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY:

FROM CONCORDANCE
AND CONFLICT TO COMPETITION
AND COLLABORATION?

There are occasions when, after having accepted afriendly

invitation to contribute to acertain subject, you do not realize
when formulating the title, precisely what achallenge you have
taken on, which only becomes clear when actually writing the
piece. Thechallenge this time already begins with the title,
as the title ofmy paper contains two terms that nowadays
are not self-explanatory, either standing on their own, or when
examined in their specific collocation. Iwill begin with arelatively detailed explanation ofthe title, and this explanation
will also contain the guiding thesis ofmy paper; Ishall develop
this argument in two parts that will deal with the following
principal questions, namely: What can Theology contribute
to Patristics today? and What can Patristics contribute to
Theology today? The fact that Ihave to limit myself in avery
strict sense and that what Ihave to say is influenced by avery
specific confessional and national background, which Ican
escape only to acertain extent, requires no further explanation.
Luckily, very different confessional and national views are offered
in the present volume as well.
Ibegin the first part ofmy paper by explaining the main title:
Patristics and Theology, before examining the main questions
in the following two parts. TheEnglish word Patristics or
Patristik in Germanas documented in nearly all relevant
lexica or textbooksderives from the Latin adjective patristicus.
Theuse ofthis adjective enabled the differentiation ofthe
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107526

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C. MARKSCHIES

theologia patristica from the theologia biblica in early modern

times.1 And, as often happened in modern times, the adjective took on an independent existence as anoun and in the
process ofgaining independence lost, in purely linguistic terms,
its original accompanying noun theologia.This autonomous
noun Patristics first ofall continued to stand pars pro toto for
that to which theologia patristica had once referred, namely, the
study ofearly Christian writings under the guiding paradigm
ofthe two (or three) confessional theologies in continental
Europe or under the guiding paradigm ofthe Anglican theology in modern times.As such, to name only one single Protestant example from Germany, the theologian, physicist and
mathematician Albrecht Veiel (1672-1704) from Ulm publishedunder the title the Theses ex universa theologia patristica
selectaeforty-four quite extensively documented miscellanea
in 1695 which dealt with early Christian literature under the
deanship ofLutheran baroque-era theologian Johannes Fecht
(1636-1716). Thestandard by which early Christian literature
(for example, the First Epistle ofClement in the seventeenth
thesis) is judged in these Theses reflects Lutheran Reformation
theology, narrowed down to the doctrine ofjustification by
grace alone.And Johann Franz Buddeus (1667-1729), Lutheran
professor in Jena from 1705 on, in his historical and systematic introduction to theology published posthumously in 1730,
pointedly defined Patristics as asecondary subject within
systematic theology: Per theologiam patristicam intelligimus complexum
dogmatum sacrorum ex mente sententiaque patrum, inde ut cognoscatur, quo pacto veritas religionis christianae conservata semper sit in ecclesia, ac propagata; (it is through Patristic theology that we understand the connection between the teachings from the spirit and
the opinions ofthe Fathers so that we can recognise why the
truth ofthe Christian religion must always be safeguarded and
disseminated in the Church).2 To put it in other words: until
the end ofthe eighteenth century the horizons within which
1 H.R.Drobner, Lehrbuch der Patrologie, Frankfurt amMain,20113, p.61f.;
J.Quasten, Patrology, 4vols., Utrecht,Brssel,1950, I,p.1-20.
2 J.F.Budde, Gesammelte Werke, VIII.1: Isagoge Historica-Theologica ad Theologiam Universam Singulasque eius Partes.Novis Supplementis Auctior(Historia Scientiarum), Hildesheim,1999(= Lipsia, 1730), p.478.

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PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY

early Christian texts were perceived under the term theologia

patristica wereat least in Germany the debates ofthe confessional age, that is, on the one hand the conflicts between
Roman Catholic and Lutheran and Reformed theologians and,
on the other hand, ofcourse, also the conflicts within asingle confessional paradigm, in our example within the Lutheran
theology ofthe Baroque period. Thesame may be observed in
the Anglican engagement with the Church Fathers and their
writings since the early modern period, but Iwill not elaborate
on this here.Likewise, Iwill leave out the discussion ofthe
origins ofthe use ofthis terminology in the ancient Christian
discourse by the Church Fathers and the theological argumentation with the Fathers in antiquity, mainly since the fourth
century; this topic has been examined in detail in other places,
also by myself.3
The title Patristics and Theology ofthe present paper, however, only makes sense if we keep in mind that this close unity
between the study ofearly Christian literature and acertain confessional horizon fell apart in most parts ofProtestant continental
Europe in the late eighteenth, and above all in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries.Even if Johann Matthias Schrckh
(1733-1808), professor at Wittenberg and author ofaforty-three
volume Christian Church History, presented early Christianity
with the aim ofgaining orientation for the present time, and
considered both the perfection and the simplicity ofthe early
Christians as representative ofearly Christianity,4 nevertheless,
neither the ancient nor the early modern distinctions between
true and false theology, between orthodoxy and heresy, played
3 T.Graumann, Die Kirche der Vter.Vtertheologie und Vterbeweis in den
Kirchen des Ostens bis zum Konzil von Ephesus (431) (Beitrge zur Historischen Theologie, 118), Tbingen,2002; Ch.Markschies, Normierungen durch Vter
bei Neuplatonikern und Christen.Ein Vergleich, in Zwischen Altertumswissenschaft und Theologie.Zur Relevanz der Patristik in Geschichte und Gegenwart
ed.Ch.Markschies, J.van Oort(Studien der Patristischen Arbeitsgemeinschaft, 7),
Lwen, 2002, p.1-30.
4 J.M. Schrckh, Christliche Kirchengeschichte, 43vols., Leipzig, 1772, I,
p.63f.; cfr. S.P.Bergjan, Die Beschftigung mit der Alten Kirche an deutschen Universitten in den Umbrchen der Aufklrung, in Zwischen Altertumswissenschaft und Theologie, p.31-61, in partic.p.49.

369

C. MARKSCHIES

an influential role in the study ofearly Christianity, as my colleague from Zurich, Silke-Petra Bergjan, has already shown
with regard to Schrckh and other theologians some timeago.5
Patristics and Theology developed into two separate disciplines
in Protestant continental European Universities in the eighteenth
century already because ofthe differentiation that was taking
place in the academic disciplines in the universities at that time.
Thus, out oftheologia patristica emerged Patristics and systematic theology. However, this development also set free the
study ofearly Christianity to seek out new institutional affiliations and therefore methodical contexts and fundamental frameworks other than the systematic theology ofEuropes confessional churches. Representative ofthis increase in autonomy,
which isfor example, in the German speaking regionsoften
conventionally and confusingly referred to under the central
category Patristics is the article in the classic Realencyklopdie
fr protestantische Theologie und Kirche from the year1904, edited
by Gustav Krger (1862-1940), astudent ofAdolf Harnack.6
Krger basically understood Patristics as aliterary history ofearly
Christian writings and strived verbatim to eradicate the leftovers
ofdogmatic prejudices7.Of course, on the other hand there
have also been since then repeated attempts to revive the classical
theologia patristica or to transform it, in order to meet the needs
ofthe respective contemporary climate. Iam thinking here, for
example, ofthe so-called Neo-Lutheranism (Neuluthertum)
on German Protestant territory. In1867, Adolf vonHarnacks
sometimes friend and later opponent Theodor vonZahn (18381933) portrayed Marcellus ofAncyra as amodel for aBibleoriented Lutheran theologian from Antiquity8. Therepresenta Bergjan, Die Beschftigung mit der Alten Kirche an deutschen Universitten in
den Umbrchen der Aufklrung, p.42-49.
6 G.Krger, Patristik, Realencyklopdie fr protestantische Theologie und Kirche,
24vols., Hamburg,1904, XV, p.1-13.
7 G.Krger, Patristik, p.12; H.Ch. Brennecke, Patristik oder altchristliche Literaturwissenschaft? Eine historische Leitwissenschaft der protestantischen Theologie in Deutschland am Beginn des20.Jahrhunderts, ZAC,
15(2011), p.8f.
8 H.Ch.Brennecke, Patristik in der konfessionellen Theologie des19.
Jahrhunderts, in Zwischen Altertumswissenschaft und Theologie, p.62-90, in partic.
p.83.
5

370

PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY

tives ofthe French Catholic Nouvelle Thologie oriented

themselves after1945 less towards the Dicta probantia ofthe preceding neo-scholastic textbooks, but more towards the theological methods ofthe Church Fathers.9 Accordingly, not only
the orthodox Church Fathers ofthe Great Church appeared
in the Sources Chrtiennes edition series, but also Anhomoean
Easter homilies.10 However, in addition to such attempts to continue or revive the classic theologia patristica, as we saw, attempts
were also made to study early Christianity without any reference
whatsoever to confessional contexts.And Patristics is nowadays
the only umbrella term used to cover different approaches to the
rich field ofthe study ofancient Christianity, which is widely
accepted, although nearly everyone has serious problems with
that term aquite paradoxical situation!
Out ofthe self-evident unity ofatheologia patristica, the dyad
Patristics and/or Theology began to develop in the eighteenth
centuryand to put it pointedlyat least at some institutions,
and above all universities in Protestant lands, but also French
and Italian state universities, under respectively different conditions that were brought about by the separation ofstate and
church. One only needs to go through the lists ofparticipants
and the published lectures from any ofthe Oxford Conferences
on Patristic Studies since these took place first in1951 to see
that some ofthem understood the term Patristics fully in the
classic meaning ofatheologia patristica. Others tended to see it as
adyad aview which may sometimes implicate antagonism
and as we know, many ofthe circumstances in which adiscipline
gains autonomy from its original discipline are often rife with
conflict during the initial stages ofthis process; Iam thinking
here ofthe certainly tense relationship between Religious
Studies and Theology.Accordingly, in the first Oxford conference in1951, the Swiss reformed theologian Lukas Vischer
(1926-2008), astudent ofOscar Cullmann, held ajoint lecture
9 R.Winling, Nouvelle Thologie, Theologische Realenzyklopdie, 36vols.,
Berlin,NewYork,1994, XXIV, p.668-675.
10 Deux homlies anomennes pour loctave de Pques, ed.andtr.J.Libaert
(SC, 146), Paris,1969; cfr. .Fouilloux, La collection Sources Chrtiennes, diter
les Pres de lglise au xxesicle, Paris,1995.

371

C. MARKSCHIES

with David Lerch about the history ofinterpretation as anecessary task oftheological study and examined, if only briefly,
the benefits ofthe history ofinterpretation for systematic
theology.11 Early Christian texts are not dealt with at all in that
essay. Therelationship between Patristics and Theology was
presented completely differently, for example, in alecture also
held in1951 by the editor ofthe conference volume, Lietzmanns student, Kurt Aland (1915-1994), who worked in Halle
and Berlin at the time.Aland dealt in his lecture with the religious attitude ofEmperor Constantine. Atthe end ofhis lecture,
he asksand that only in mild termswhether the religious
changes that took place during the times ofEmperor Constantine, Chlodwig and the Elector ofSaxony, Frederick the Wise
during the Reformation were asign ofareasonable occurrence,
which was driven by the inner strengths ofthe faith, the continuation ofwhich we are referring to here.12 Seen from this
viewpoint, Patristics is one ofthe many terms in modern European times which was deprived ofits original theological context and became secularised (this holds true, no matter what one
thinks about the thesis put forward by the not unproblematic
jurist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985), who stated that all terms used
in modern theories ofthe state are secularised religious terms).13
At the same time, however, the category Patristics also makes
clear what contemporary research on secularisation repeatedly
makes clear as well, namely, that there has not been an uninterrupted dechristianisation ofEurope, but rather always arenewed
religiosity and therefore always arenewed theologia patristica.
Munichs Protestant theologian Trutz Rendtorff has described
these circumstances as multivalent (vielspltig),14 meaning
that in our times what we have is not simply the random parallel existence ofideological pluralism, but asituation, in which
11
L.Vischer,D.Lerch, Die Auslegungsgeschichte als notwendige
theologische Aufgabe, Studia Patristica=TU 63, Berlin,1957, p.417.
12 K.Aland, Die religise Haltung Kaiser Konstantins, Studia Patristica=
TU63, Berlin,1957, p.599.
13 C.Schmitt, Politische Theologie.Vier Kapitel zur Lehre vonder Souvernitt,
Berlin, 20048, p.43.
14 T.Rendtorff, Vielspltiges.Protestantische Beitrge zur ethischen Kultur,
Stuttgart, 1991.

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PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY

avariety ofconflicts exist.Ultimately, asecular definition

ofPatristics stands for very different forms ofthe study ofearly
Christianity alongside avery traditional definition ofPatristics
in the sense ofarenewed theologia patristica.My colleague
from Gttingen, Ekkehard Mhlenberg, describes this situation
in what at first glance appears to be aconfusing use oflanguage in one ofthe aforementioned Lexicon entries as
follows:
As used in the language oftoday, Patristics refers to all
academic study ofchurch history ofthe first six centuries.
Theologians dedicated to the research ofearly Christianity
are called Patristics scholars. InRoman Catholic faculties,
Patrology is listed as adiscipline on its own right that
deals with the lives, writings and teachings ofthe Church
Fathers.[...] Church Fathers is aconventional term for
early Christian writers who are seen as witnesses ofthe truth
offaith and their teachings enjoy aposition ofauthority
within the Church.15

The thesis that Iwould like to substantiate in its two parts in

the following begins with asimple observation based on hermeneutics and the philosophy ofscience: even if the increasing
movement within Patristics towards an autonomy from theology
has repeatedly been justified by the sublime pathos ofobjectivity
in European science16 aclassic example ofwhich is Gustav
Krgers claim to purify Patristics by eradicating remaining
dogmatic prejudices17 and thus render it suitable for scientific
studyit nevertheless remains questionable whether an objectivity
ofthis type, understood quasi as the clinical purity of ascience
free from prejudices, is even possible. Thephilosopher HansGeorg Gadamer(1900-2002), who last taught in Heidelberg,
described amodel ofaseptic objectivity ofthis kind as an illusion.
Inhis work, first published in1960 and entitled Truth and Method,

15
E.Mhlenberg, Patristik, Theologische Realenzyklopdie, 36vols., Berlin,
NewYork,1996, XXVI, p.97-106, in partic.p.97.
16L.Daston,P.Galison, Objectivity, NewYork,2007.
17 Krger, Patristik, p.12; H.Ch. Brennecke,
Patristik oder altchristliche Literaturwissenschaft?, p.8f.

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C. MARKSCHIES

he instead defined prejudices as acondition ofunderstanding.18

Prejudices are then conditional for real understanding if they
are judgements before scrutiny that are in principle revisable,
that is, they can be revised in the process ofthe appropriation
oftexts or positions.Thus, Gadamer rehabilitates the concept
ofprejudice, which had had negative connotations since the
eighteenth century, as something that is always influenced by
aprevious understanding, which guides and defines our understanding, but which can always be adapted and formed anew
through our understanding.If one describes the theological
background ofthose who study early Christianity as prejudices
in this sense, then these do not categorically differ from other
kinds ofpreconception that are constituted by national origin,
social influence or any other factors.One can, with Gadamer,
count all ofthese elements under historical tradition that shapes
us when we encounter something that is alien to us and we
attempt to understand it.19 When Gadamer tries to rehabilitate
authority and tradition as characteristics ofprejudice, theology
can even be seen as aparticularly classic case ofprejudice in the
way that Gadamer means thislike the definition ofclassic as
well, ofcourse.20 It is, ofcourse, clear to me that this is not all that
there is to say about theology in the context ofother academic
disciplines, but for the purposes ofthe present article, adescription oftheology within the horizons ofthe dyad Patristics and
Theology may suffice.For Patristics, Theology provides an
ensemble ofpossible prejudices in Gadamers definition and,
vice versa, Patristics also offers Theology an ensemble ofpossible prejudices in this sense.Theology is aprejudice quite close
to the content oftexts and positions that we analyse in Patristic
studies. Understanding is the endless process ofmerging these
distinct horizons so that both Theology and Patristics can be
respectively transformed through their separation21.Aprocess
ofthis kind is an opportunity and not adisadvantage to academic
pursuit.
H.G.Gadamer, Wahrheit und Methode.Grundzge einer philosophischen
Hermeneutik, Tbingen, 19754, p.261.
19 Gadamer, Wahrheit und Methode.p.255.
20 Gadamer, Wahrheit und Methode.p.263.
21 Gadamer, Wahrheit und Methode.p.289.
18

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PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY

After this relatively detailed explanation ofmy title, we can now

come to the two other parts ofmy paper, the title and contents ofwhich are reflected in the main questions ofour section:
What can Theology contribute to Patristics today? and What can
Patristics contribute to Theology today? Iwill begin with the
question about the influences oftheology on Patristicsand in
doing so Iwould like to mention in passing that it is presumably not that easy to define cause and effect in precise terms
here. Whether, for example, the greater attention to the history
ofinterpretation ofScripture that Lukas Vischer and David
Lerch demanded in1951 can be explained either on the grounds
oftheir respective doctoral studies in Patristics under Oscar Cullmann22 or because ofasystematic interest in building abridge
between historical-critical exegesis and denominational interpretation (asformulated in the aforementioned Oxford lecture
from1951) would require athorough investigation, unless what
we have here is an inextricable hermeneutical circle.Taking all
ofthis into consideration, Iwould like to attempt to provide
several answers to the first question:

What can Theology contribute to Patristics today?

First ofall, Icould come up with asimple answer to this question: Theology offers Patristics in many places an institutional
umbrella in the form oftheological educational facilities, faculties and research institutes. Iam thinking here not only
ofthe faculties ofTheology that still existif in very different
formsin various European countries at state universities,
but also ofresearch institutes, such as the Institutum Patristicum
Augustinianum or the bilingual Fontes Christiani series. Thelatter
receives notable funds from the German Catholic Bishops Conference and leans towards the Sources Chrtiennes, not only in
terms oflanguage.It is hardly surprising that Catholic institutions
22 L.Vischer, Die Auslegungsgeschichte vonI.Kor.6,1-11(Beitrge zur
Geschichte der neutestamentlichen Exegese,1), Tbingen,1955; D. Lerch,
Isaaks Opferung, christlich gedeutet.Eine auslegungsgeschichtliche Untersuchung. Die
vorreformatorische Auslegung vonIsaaks Opferung, Tbingen, 1950.

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C. MARKSCHIES

are more predominant here ofcourse; it is only the Catholic

Church that offers an Instruction on the Study ofthe Fathers
ofthe Church in the Formation ofPriests, (this booklet from
the year1989 does not contain any references to critical text
editions at all, but only to the cloaca maxima ofthe Patrologiae
by Jean-Paul Migne), but the Protestant churches do not have
anything comparable.However, such alisting would, ofcourse,
only be avery superficial description.One could assume (and
mainly from aFrench or Italian perspective) that what we have
here are the last institutional remains from the era ofthe theologia
patristica. More recent developments towards the deconfessionalisation oftheological faculties in Great Britain and Sweden could
indeed be interpreted in this direction.
It seems to me that we have been given the first hints towards
asomewhat more thorough answer: on the one hand, the obvious
awakening ofresearch in the area ofthe history ofinterpretation ofScripture, at least in German-language Patristics between
the fifties and seventies, is without doubt down to afundamental reorientation ofProtestant theology during those years.
Inthe context ofthe so-called dialectical theology, one would
once again reflect upon the category ofthe Word ofGod
(Karl Barth and his friends speak ofthe theology ofthe Word
ofGod). Accordingly, the biblical text received anew appreciation also within the systematic theology.However, this also
meant that the interpretation ofthis biblical text precisely and the
history ofits interpretation at the same time became more interesting. Nevertheless, if one considers the relevant book series,
namely the Beitrge zur Geschichte der biblischen Exegese
(Contributions to the History ofBiblical Exegesis), ofwhich
twenty-eight volumes appeared in the years between1955
and1986 and which the Mohr-Siebeck publishing house in
Tbingen has since ceased publishing, one needs to acknowledge that acomplete realignment ofthe discipline, in order to
become the history ofthe interpretation ofthe Holy Scripture,
as was the intention ofthe Protestant theologian, Gerhard
Ebeling(1912-2001),23 did not succeed.Presumably, one must
23G.Ebeling, Kirchengeschichte als Geschichte der Auslegung der Heiligen Schrift
(Sammlung gemeinverstndlicher Vortrge, 189), Tbingen,1947=Wort Gottes.

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PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY

concede that, although Ebeling did not intend to narrow down

this program in terms ofapure history ofbiblical exegesis, it
was fortunate for both Patristics and Theology that the program
did not succeed. Inthe meantime, this program ofinterpretation history has also been taken up in some sense by the Italian
journal Annali di Storia dellEsegesi.Moreover, one can also
trace back, to acertain extent, the more fundamental hermeneutical works ofBasil Studer(1925-2008) and Charles Kannengiesser to distant influences ofthis Protestant awakening.24
Still, both names also bear evidence to the strong impact ofthe
awakening ofthe Nouvelle Thologie on Patristics, because
both the Benedictine, Studer, and the once Jesuit, Kannengieer,
had been influenced by their formative years in Paris, and by
De Lubac and Danilou in particular.25 Furthermore, one should
mention this awakening and the corresponding debates at the
Second Vatican Council.26
It should have become clear by now that my review ofthe
process ofawakening in interpretation history during the last
decades ofthe previous century, has not ofcourse answered
the question concerning its contributions today yet.It also seems
to me that aProtestant theologian ofGerman origin is not necessarily the best person to fulfil this task.German Protestant theology
is at the present time in many places greatly influenced by avery
significant renaissance ofthe theologians Friedrich Schleiermacher and Ernst Troeltsch.As is well known, neither ofthese
theologians offered any particularly original academic contributions to Patristics, but ratheras Simon Gerber demonstrated
in his edition ofrelevant lectures by Schleiermacher (as well as

Studien zu einer Hermeneutik der Konfessionen (Kirche und Konfessionen, 7), Gttingen,19662, p.9-27.
24 Ch.Kannengiesser, Handbook ofPatristic Exegesis, Leiden,2000; B.Studer,
Dominus Salvator. Studien zur Christologie und Exegese der Kirchenvter (Studia
Anselmiana, 107), Roma,1991.
25 G.Rexin, Studer, Basil, in Biographisch-bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon,
33vols., Nordhausen,2011, XXXII, p.1379-1390.
26Cfr. D.E.Gianotti, IPadri della Chiesa al Concilio Vaticano II.La teologia patristica nella Lumen gentium, Bologna,2010; A.M.Triacca, Luso dei
loci patristici nei documenti del Concilio Vaticano II: un caso emblematico
e problematico, in Lo studio dei Padri della Chiesa oggi ed.E.dal Covolo (Biblioteca di Scienze Religiose, 96), Roma,1991, p.149-184.

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C. MARKSCHIES

in his Habilitation thesis in Berlin)27they mainly relied on

secondary sources.Schleiermacher has at least contributed
an intelligent treatise on the history ofTrinitarian theology
which, however, written in favour ofthe theology ofMarcellus ofAncyra, establishes aclear distance to the Neo-Nicene
theology laid down by the authoritative Church Fathers ofthe
fourth century.28 Since there are hardly any direct influences
on Patristics by contemporary Protestant theology, one needs
to refer to awakenings in the Anglican, Catholic and Orthodox churches Iam thinking, for example, ofthe neo-Patristic
concepts ofateologia patristica in Romania or the concepts
ofarevived mysticism among Catholics29 or ofSarah Coakleys
attempts to rethink contemporary Anglican theology with the
use ofthe Cappadocian Fathers30. Atthis point because ofalack
ofexpertise on my own part, Imay refer to contributions in this
volume that further illuminate corresponding theological concepts.
Thus, we can now proceed with the examination ofour second
question regarding the influences ofPatristics on Theology.

What can Patristics contribute to Theology today?

As ascholar ofPatristics who has been teaching and still teaches
at Protestant theological faculties in Germany, Imust unfortunately begin this last part ofmy paper by announcing adeficit:
in contemporary Protestant theology, the interest in the outcome
ofthe scholarship ofearly Christianity tends to be low.This is
27
F.D.E.Schleiermacher, Vorlesungen ber die Kirchengeschichte ed.S.Gerber (Kritische Gesamtausgabe, II/6), Berlin,NewYork,1991.
28 F.D.E.Schleiermacher, ber den Gegensatz zwischen der Sabellianischen und der Athanasianischen Vorstellung vonder Trinitt, in Theologischdogmatische Abhandlungen und Gelegenheitsschriften ed.H.-F.Traulsen, M.Ohst
(Kritische Gesamtausgabe, I/10), Berlin,NewYork,1990, p.223-306.
29 G.Collins, Meeting Christ in His Mysteries: ABenedictine Vision ofthe
Spiritual Life, Dublin,2011.
30 Re-thinking Gregory ofNyssa, ed.S.Coakley, Oxford,2003[originally
aspecial issue ofModern Theology 18(2002)], passim; Re-thinking Dionysius the
Areopagite, ed.S.Coakley,C.M.Stang, Oxford, 2009 [originally aspecial issue
ofModern Theology 24(2008)].

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PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY

mostly due to the prejudice that the history ofthe Reformation churches began only in the sixteenth century. Theview
that the Protestant Church is that part ofthe una sancta catholica
which went through the Reformation is not unanimously
held in the run-up to the Reformation jubilee year in2017.31
Atelling example ofthis confusion is the comparatively unhelpful definition ofthe function ofPatristics for theology that can be
found in Ekkehard Mhlenbergs aforementioned article under
the same title:
The word Patristics expresses aconnection to theology.
As aresult, the theological element in the academic study
ofthe early Christian period must be named as clearly as
possible. There is, namely, in Theology, aspecific interest
in its own history and in particular in the knowledge ofthe
ancient Christian era.Roman Catholic theology defines
the theological element as aprinciple oftradition; for the
Orthodox churches, the principle oftradition is rather confined to the time period ofthe seven ecumenical councils,
while the Anglican Church has aleaning towards Patristics.
Therelationship ofthe Protestant churches ofthe Reformation to the Fathers can by comparison be described as
abroken one. However, what should be true for Christian
theology in general is, that it cannot ignore the question
ofthe Churchs historical unity, nor can it detach its truth
from the Christian faith ofthe past.32

The images ofaspecific understanding ofthe respective Christian confessions are static (a theological awakening like the aforementioned one ofthe Nouvelle Thologie is left by the wayside)
and the importance ofPatristics for Protestant theology is here
reduced to aplain interest in gaining orientation via the past
in order to establish arelationship to past concepts ofchurch
and faith.Why it might be necessary or even vital, and
31Cfr., however, Ch.Markschies, Wie katholisch ist die Evangelische
Kirche? Wie katholisch sollte sie sein?, Evangelischer Pressedienst Dokumentation, 16(17.4.2012), p.4-14 [repr.in kumenische Information. Nachrichten
und Hintergrnde aus der Christlichen kumene und dem Dialog der Religionen,
17(24.4.April2012), p.i-xii]; cfr. Italian version: Limportanza di stabilire
cosa significhi cattolicit per la Chiesa evangelica.Certe parole hanno un peso,
LOsservatore romano, 227(3.10.2012), p.4.
32 Mhlenberg, Patristik, p.97.

379

C. MARKSCHIES

what gains one might have from an orientation ofthis kind,

remains hidden within an unspecific and imprecise discourse.
Inhis1999 farewell lecture, Mhlenbergs Protestant colleague
from Heidelberg, Adolf Martin Ritter, defined the significance
ofearly Christian (and medieval) traditions for Protestantism
very differently, in the following three respects:
Protestantism needs to be rooted in the pre-Reformation,
ancient Christian and Medieval tradition and therefore in
Antiquity itself, because its ability to take part in an ecumenical dialogue is highly dependent on this. Theability
to take part in adialogue with the Catholic churches
(that is, Roman Catholic, Orthodox, and Anglican) in particular [...] is affected at its very core by whether or not
Protestants possess not only rudimentary knowledge ofearly
and Medieval (Church) history, but also whether they understand the pre-Reformation period as apart oftheir own
history instead ofpurely in terms ofhistorical development.[...]
Protestantism needs this rootedness in pre-Reformation
tradition, because this is an essential factor influencing
its ability to take part in the dialogue between religions.
TheAntiquity and the early Middle Ages are not only the
formative periods ofChristianity and Islam, but also ofthe
so-called classical Judaism.[...] Protestantism needs to be
rooted in the ancient Christian and Medieval tradition in the
interest ofacultural competence that is becoming increasingly
vital today.[...] However: the fact that knowledge ofthe
Jewish-Christian tradition may contribute essential insights
to our cultural self-reassurance is something that can hardly
be disputed.33

If one derived tasks for Patristics from this definition ofthree

layers ofmeaning, then one would end up with avery broad
approach to the subject, both in terms ofmethod and content.
Aclassic history ofdogma and atheology focusing on the great
ecumenical themes would be welcome (which could certainly
be broadened in the sense ofanew history ofideas in line with

33 A.M.Ritter, Protestantisches Geschichtsbewusstsein und vorreformatorische Tradition, in A.M.Ritter, Vom Glauben der Christen und seiner Bewhrung im Denken und Handeln.Gesammelte Aufstze zur Kirchengeschichte(Texts and
Studies in the History ofTheology, 8), Mandelbachtal,Cambridge,2003, p.22f.

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PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY

the suggestions put forward by Quentin Skinners Cambridge

School to include historical, political and social contexts)34 as
well as astudy ofPatristics that expands to include religious
history and to examine ancient Judaism and Christianity as
praeparatio islamica (from the research perspective brought forward by Guy Stroumsa, at the Oxford Patristics Conference
in2011, which understands Islam as apart ofthat Late Antiquity
which is characterized by lively contacts between Judaism and
Christianity and not only by aparting ofthe ways).35 Ultimately,
it remains necessary, in order to fulfil the tasks outlined by Ritter,
to develop an interest in the transformation ofthe early Christian
(aswell as the ancient Jewish and Islamic) heritage in the postAntique period. Inthe meantime, the classic models ofahistory
ofreception and influence have been added to by highly ambitious theories oftransformation (for example, in one research
project in Berlin entitled Tranformations in the Antiquity)36
which describe the alongside-one-another in in-one-another
ofchange and continuity much more precisely than the older
models.
One can take Ritters description further by referring to contributions from French scholars ofAntiquity, who drew attention to the fact that the secularisation ofour image ofAntiquity which took place in the nineteenth century dramatically
affected more than just our image ofAntiquity in relation to
historical reality. InGermany, at least, following the Humboldt
educational reform, the texts ofAugustine disappeared from
the school curricula and Antiquity became just as dechristianised
as the surrounding society.When some time ago, following
Henri-Irne Marrou, Jacques Fontaine (incidentally, before
the circle ofsponsors and friends ofthe Franz-Josef-Dlger
Institute in Bonn, which publishes the Encyclopaedia ofAntiquity
and ChristianityReallexikon fr Antike und Christentum) in turn
34
Die Cambridge School der politischen Ideengeschichte ed.M.Mulsow,
A.Mahler, Frankfurt amMain, 2010.
35G.Stroumsa, Athens, Jerusalem and Mekka: The Patristic Crucible
ofthe Abrahamic Religions, in Studia Patristica 62(2013), p.153-168.
36H.
Bhme, Einladung zur Transformation, in Transformation.Ein Konzept
zur Erforschung kulturellen Wandels ed.H.Bhme et al., Mnchen,2011,
p.7-38.

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C. MARKSCHIES

stated, in programmatic terms, Christianity is also Antiquity,37

he ofcourse intended to express the converse ofhis sentence,
namely: Antiquity is also Christianity. Theclassical philologian,
Reinhart Herzog (1941-1994), who was in close exchange with
Fontaine and his French colleagues, bundled and narrowed
down the results ofFrench research on the history ofthe term,
LateAntiquity, in his programmatic essay, We live in Late
Antiquity: The experience ofan era and its impulses for
scholarship.38 If one attempts to draw one simple pragmatic
conclusion from his highly reflective considerations, then perhaps that conclusion should be not to overdo it when trying
to update the results ofPatristics research work for contemporary theological tasks: amere repristination ofancient theologoumena, ethical norms, or even world views would serve nobody.
Herzog pleads in favour ofdealing with the tradition ofthe
Enlightenment in areflective manner.
If one compares Adolf Martin Ritters description to what Italian colleague Lorenzo Perrone, who teaches at an institute
for the study ofAntiquity in Bologna, said in2004 at aconference ofthe New Europe College in Bucharest under the title
Les Pres de lglise dans le monde daujourdhui, one will find
significant congruities between aProtestant church historian
and an Italian scholar ofAntiquity.Even if Perrone, ofcourse,
also refers to the Second Vatican Council, to the new world
situation after the collapse ofthe Eastern Bloc, and to the conflicts with aradicalized Islam, his lecture is also characterised
by the conviction that early Christian texts contain challenging
ideas for the present time.39 Certainly, he pleads in favour of
37
J.Fontaine, Christentum ist auch Antike.Einige berlegungen zu Bildung und Literatur in der lateinischen Sptantike, JbAC, 25(1982), p.5-21.
38 R.Herzog,
Wir leben in der Sptantike: Eine Zeiterfahrung und
ihre Impulse fr die Forschung, in R.Herzog, Sptantike.Studien zur rmischen
und lateinisch-christlichen Literatur ed.P.Habermehl, (Hypomnemata.Suppl.,3),
Gttingen, 2002, p.321-348.
39 L.Perrone, Ltude des Pres dans lUniversit: pour une approche europenne, in Les Pres de lglise dans le monde daujourdhui.Actes du colloque international organis par le New Europe College en collaboration avec la Ludwig Boltzmann
Gesellschaft (Bucarest, 7-8octobre2004) ed.C.Badilita,Ch.Kannengiesser, Paris,
2006, p.19-35.

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PATRISTICS AND THEOLOGY

taking aEuropean approach to the task at hand and thus leaving

decidedly behind us the era ofcompetition between individual
nation states (take, for example, the edition ofthe Greek Church
Fathers ofthe Prussian Academy in Berlin that was in competition with the edition ofthe Latin Church fathers in Vienna40).
This adds afourth layer to the series oftasks for the research
ofPatristics which we have already derived from the three layers
ofmeaning provided by Ritter: if one follows Perrones plea in
favour ofaEuropean dimension to the significance ofPatristics
(which, ofcourse, does not apply to theology alone), then the
trans-European dimension ofthe history ofearly Christianity
must once again be addressed more rigorously.Here, we not
only have a(sometimes strongly deviating) Christianity beyond
the imperial borders ofPersia and Arabia, which is ofgreat
importance for the emergence ofManichaeism and Islam, but
also an interaction on the basis ofthe Mediterranean between
various actors in the so-called Arian or Pelagianist disputes,
which it would be well worth investigating again.
Concluding: in his aforementioned Bucharest lecture, Lorenzo
Perrone said that lunivers des Pres, the universe ofthe
Church Fathers, cannot be studied by only one discipline and
also not from only one disciplinary background, because ofthe
fact that it is already so rich.Significantly, it is not exhausted
in Greek and Latin texts,41 since it has been transmitted in the
various languages and cultures ofthe Christian Orient. If, in the
course ofmy line ofargument here, it has become clear that the
increasing autonomy ofPatristics from its mother, the theologia
patristica, does not have to result in apermanent, eternal separation between Patristics and Theology aperpetual breaking
asunder ofthe twobut that Theology can now happily join
the ranks ofthe disciplines that may deliver interesting aspects to
40 Ch.Markschies, Origenes in Berlin und Heidelberg, Adamantius,
8(2002), p.135-145 [=Origenes in Berlin.Schicksalswege eines Editionsunternehmens, in Markschies, Origenes und sein Erbe. Gesammelte Studien
(Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 160), Berlin,
NewYork, 2007, p.239-259].
41 L.Perrone,
Ltude des Pres dans lUniversit: pour une approche
europenne, p.27f.

383

C. MARKSCHIES

the study ofearly Christianity, then Ihave achieved what Iset

out to do in this paper.Certainly, one should not have illusions
about the possible achievements ofareflectively established connection between Patristics and Theology: Andrei Plesu, former
Romanian foreign minister and rector ofthe New Europe College in Bucharest, when he spoke at the aforementioned conference about Les Pres de lglise dans le monde daujourdhui
in2004, did not speak ofthe relevance ofthe Church Fathers
in contemporary times, but about their lack ofcontemporary
relevance.42 And Iclearly remember how surprised Iwas as
ayoung assistant to find only isolated Dicta probantia in mostly
outdated editions,43 both in official Roman Catholic and Ecumenical church documents.That is why asense ofsobriety
is recommended in thefor theologians perhapsnatural
expectation to bring Patristics and Theology closer together,
if the subject is to be dealt with to some extent exhaustively.

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387

C. MARKSCHIES

Abstract
The paper addresses the issue ofthe complex and intricate relationship
between Patristics and theology today and offers ahistory ofthe
discipline ofPatristics as well as ahistorical overview ofthe relationship
between Patristics and its mother discipline: Theology, in its various
stages and mainly in continental Europe. Thepaper refers to the impact
ofparticular confessional understandings with regard to the historical
development and interpretation ofatheologia patristica. Moreover,
the paper examines the role, and transformation ofthe study ofearly
Christianity in German language Protestant theology with afocus on
the secularisation process in modern times.It suggests anew approach
based on hermeneutics and the philosophy ofscience that highlights
the importance oftheology as an ensemble ofpossible preconceptions
for Patristics. Finally, the paper stresses the importance ofthe study
ofPatristics that expands to include aclassic history ofdogma and
theology as well as religious history and atrans-European dimension
ofthe history ofearly Christianity and argues for the significance
ofthe contribution oftheology to this rich field ofstudy.

388

LENKA KARFKOV
Prague and Olomouc

THE FIFTH THEOLOGICAL ORATION

OFGREGORY NAZIANZEN
AND THE HISTORICAL CONTINGENCY
OFREVELATION*

Christianity understands itself from the storythe revelation

ofJesus ofNazareth, whom it considers to be the person in
whom God himself comes to the world.This faith displays, in
the religious milieu ofJudaism from which Christianity grew,
as well as in the world ofGreek thought in which it gradually
developed and formulated its teaching, ahint ofthe scandalous
and the foolish. TheChristian message about Jesuswho lost
in human history, but in whom, nevertheless, salvation comes to
the worldis, in the words ofPaul ofTarsus, a stumbling block
to Jews and folly to Gentiles (ICor. 1,23).
We could, without too much exaggeration, suggest that the
whole ofChristian theology came into being as an attempt to
explain how acontingent event, in this case the story ofone man,
is able to possess universal revelatory and soteriological value.
Understood like this, sacred contingency, which nonetheless
claims universal relevance, will be aparadigm ofChristian selfunderstanding and also the key to the Christian concept ofgodhood: the Christian God reveals himself not only in the universal
sacred world order, but first and foremost in the unpredictable,
entirely particular and far from glorious story ofacertain individual. By contingent Ido not, however, mean completely
accidental, rather that the story could have happened otherwise,
as acertain and by no means insignificant role was played by
* The contribution has been prepared as a part of the project History and Interpretation of the Bible, Grant Agency of the Czech Republic
(P401/12/G168).
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107527

389

L. KARFKOV

human freedom, and by the historical situation created by the

many factors that could also have been otherwise.
The testimony ofthe body oftexts that forms the Christian
New Testament focuses on the life and ministry ofJesus, and on
what that life and ministry means.It is in this context that the
questions concerning Jesuss heavenly Father and the continuing
significance ofJesuss life and ministry, as guaranteed by the Holy
Spirit, have been asked.After the intricate path taken by the dogmatic controversies ofthe fourth Christian century, these questions
eventually lead to the formulation ofTrinitarian doctrine, just as
the question concerning the person ofJesus would, acentury later,
lead to the formulation ofChristological doctrine.
This highly adventurous journey, which Ibelieve fully shares
the fate ofthe historical contingency ofthe story ofJesus (that is,
it could also have happened otherwise, without being completely
accidental) cannot be reconstructed here.Rather, Iwould like
to concentrate on the contingency itself, on the fact that the
Christian God gave himself into human hands not only in the
story ofChrist, but also in the historicity ofrevelation, that is,
in the astonishing fact that truth, understood as revealed and
binding, at the same time possesses an historical and therefore
also acontingent nature.
This historicity, or at least the progression ofGods revelation in history, was reflected upon in Patristic times, as is shown
very clearly in Gregory Nazianzens famous pneumatological
oration, which Iwill review in the first part ofthis paper. Inthe
second part Iwill return to the question ofwhat this historicity
ofrevelation, or historicity oftruth, actually means.

The Fifth Theological Oration ofGregory Nazianzen

Gregory, who was designated non-Arian Bishop ofConstantinople, delivered his five theological orations (Or. 27-31)
devoted to the questions ofChristology and pneumatology
into the tense atmosphere preceding the second ecumenical
council, convened in Constantinople in ce 381.1 Gregory
1 On Gregorys time in Constantinople(379-381) and his difficult role at
this council, see E.Fleury, Hellnisme et christianisme: Saint Grgoire de Nazianze
et son temps, Paris, 1930, p.269-330; C.A. Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus on the

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THE FIFTH THEOLOGICAL ORATION OFGREGORY NAZIANZEN

devotes the fifth ofthese theological orations to the divinity

ofthe Holy Spirit,2 apparently an even more controversial
subject than the consubstantiality ofthe Father and the Son,
as he has to counter not only the neo-Arian position but also
the reproaches ofthe non-Arian Pneumatomachians, who
recognized the divinity ofthe Son but did not find sufficient
support in Scripture for the divinity ofthe Spirit.3
As with the Christological controversies, so here the chief argument is ofasoteriological nature: only God can unite man with
God, which is why neither the Son (the mediator) nor the Spirit
(the medium ofsuch aunion) can possibly be inferior mediatory
beings, as it is in them that man becomes united with God; they
are not only the means but also the goal ofhuman deification.4 At
the same time, Gregory seeks to explain why Scripture is somewhat tacit on this matter.It is precisely this discourse on the progressive revelation ofGods Persons that is now ofinterest to us.
The argument Gregory presents in defence ofthis belief is not
taken from the letter ofScripture, but more from insight into
its logic, from contemplation upon Gods pedagogy through
history, and on the economy ofsalvation:
There have been two manifest transformations ofthe human
way oflife ( ) in the course ofthe worlds
history ( ).These are called two
covenants, and, so famous was the business involved,
two shakings ofthe earth ( ) (cfr.Ex.20, 3-5;
Hebr.12, 27; Matth.27, 51). Thefirst was the transition from
idols to the Law; the second, from the Law to the Gospel.
TheGospel also tells ofthe third shaking (), the
change from this present state ofthings to what lies unmoved
Trinity and the Knowledge ofGod: In Your Light We Shall See Light, Oxford, 2008,
p.34-54.
2On Gregorys pneumatology, see also D.F. Winslow, The Dynamics
ofSalvation: AStudy in Gregory ofNazianzus, Cambridge, MA,1979, p.121-145,
and C.A. Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus, p.153-186 (analysis ofOr.31, ibid.,
p.164-185).
3On the addressees ofGregorys polemic, see F.W. Norris, Gregorys
Opponents in Oration31, in Arianism: Historical and Theological Reassessments.
Papers from the Ninth International Conference on Patristic Studies, 5-10 September1983,
Oxford ed.R.C.Gregg,(Patristic Monograph Series,11), Cambridge, MA,
1985, p.321-326; F.W. Norris, Faith Gives Fullness to Reasoning: The Five
Theological Orations ofGregory Nazianzen, Leiden,1991, p.53-71.
4 Or.31,4(SC, 250, p.282); 31,28(SC, 250, p.332).

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L. KARFKOV

and unshaken (cfr.Hebr.12, 28) beyond (

)[...]The first change cut away idols
but allowed sacrifices to remain; the second stripped away
sacrifices but did not forbid circumcision.Then, when men
had been reconciled to the withdrawal ( ), they
agreed to let go what had been left them as aconcession.
Under the first covenant that concession was sacrifice, and
they became Jews instead ofGentiles; under the second,
circumcisionand they became Christians instead ofJews,
brought round gradually, bit by bit, to the Gospel.5

To this process ofwithdrawal ( ) in the history

ofsalvation there is acorresponding opposite process ofaddition or accretion ( ) in theology ():6
The old covenant made manifest () proclamation
ofthe Father, aless definite () one ofthe Son.
Thenew[covenant]made the Son manifest ()
and gave us aglimpse () ofthe Spirits Godhead.
Atthe present time the Spirit resides amongst us, giving us
aclearer manifestation ofhimself than before (
). It was dangerous to preach
openly the Son ( ) when the Godhead
ofthe Father was still unacknowledged (
). It was dangerous, too, to
make the Holy Spirit (and here Iuse arather rash expression) an extra burden ( ),
when the Godhead of the Son had not been received (
). It could mean men jeopardizing
what did lie within their powers, as happens to those encumbered with adiet too strong for them or who gaze at
sunlight with eyes as yet too feeble for it.No, God meant it
to be by piecemeal additions, ascents () as David
called them (Ps.83:6 LXX), by progress and advance from
glory to glory (IICor.3,18), that the light ofthe Trinity
should shine upon more illustrious souls (
).7

5
Or. 31,25(SC, 250, p.322,1-7; p.324,22-28) [Eng.trans. after
L.Wickham and F.Williams, Faith, p.292-293].
6 Or.31,26(SC, 250, p.326).
7 Or. 31,26(SC, 250, p.326,4-17) [Eng. trans.after L.Wickham and
F.Williams, Faith, p.293].

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THE FIFTH THEOLOGICAL ORATION OFGREGORY NAZIANZEN

This double process ofwithdrawal in matters ofrite and ofaddition in theological knowledge appears for Gregory to represent asingle process ofsalvation actualized in human history.
Thegradual enlightenment that we are given (
)that is, the gradual revelation ofthe
deity ofthe individual Persons, first the Father, then the Son,
and finally the Spiritis not just aquestion ofepistemology
( ),8 but is itself the very process ofrevelation,
aprocess by which salvation takes place.Gregory describes
these two transformations ofthe human way oflife as shakings
ofthe earth, but at the same time emphasizes their gradual9
and non-forceful nature.God did not want to enforce them but
was waiting for human acceptance.10 He did not want to act
like atyrannical authority ( ) but on the basis
ofwhat is right in each situation (), like ateacher and
aphysician ( ).11
Knowledge ofthe Spirit also grows gradually,12 as was already
apparent in the New Testament: from the beginning ofthe
Gospels the Spirit partially ( ) dwells in the hearts ofthe
disciples, according to their capacity, but after the Passion
and Ascension ofJesus this capacity is made perfect, the Spirit
is breathed upon them (Ioh.20,22), and appears to them in
tongues offire (Act.2,3).Jesus himself, in his farewell speech in
Johns Gospel, also reveals the Spirit gradually.First, he reveals
his relationship to the Father: And Iwill ask the Father, and
he shall give you another Counsellor[...]the Spirit oftruth
Or.31,27(SC, 250, p.328).
Linked with this idea, J.Plagnieux talks about slowness(lenteur) as
abasic law. See J.Plagnieux, Saint Grgoire de Nazianze thologien, Paris,1952,
p.52.
10 Or. 31,25(SC, 250, p.324): ,
.
11 Or.31,25(SC, 250, p.324).
12 Similarly, in his oration on Pentecost, Gregory talks about the gradual
revelation ofthe Spirit before the Passion, after the Resurrection, and after
the Ascension ofJesus: in the first case the revelation was obscure, in the
second more apparent, and in the last even more perfect, as at Pentecost the
Spirit is present not only in his activity(), but substantially().
See Or.41,11(SC, 358, p.340):
, ,
, , .
8
9

393

L. KARFKOV

(Ioh.14,16,17). Thevery next moment, however, Jesus says

that although the Spirit will be sent by the Father, it will be sent
in his (Jesuss) name (which he adds instead ofmentioning again
his request to the Father; see Ioh.14,26).Alittle further on,
he says: Iwill send you[...] (Ioh.16,7) and finally he speaks
only ofthe Spirit himself: He comes (Ioh.16,8).This progression corresponds exactly to Gregorys economy oftheology:
first to be revealed is the operation ofthe Father, then that ofthe
Son, and finally that ofthe Spirit.13
Gregory also sees akind ofeconomy oftheological knowledge implied in Jesuss wordsagain in Johns Gospelabout the
Spirit who will guide the disciples into all truth and who will
tell them at alater date what Jesus cannot tell them now because
they would not be able to bear it (Ioh.16,12).14 Among these
teachings that were until then hidden (), Gregory
includes the deity ofthe Spirit, which could only be revealed
after the return ofJesus to glory (), as it was only
by this miracle that his authority was definitively confirmed
as divine.15
Gregory thus develops his theological economy as part
ofan economy ofsalvation: not only could the Spirit be given
only after the glorification ofJesus, but also he could be known
as God only after aclear statement ofthe Sons deity. These
two events belong inseparably together like two sides ofGods
self-revelation to man.So what we have before us in Gregorys
pneumatological exposition is not only an outline ofthe history
ofsalvation but also atheological basis for the historicity of
revelation,16 and with it, in nuce, aconcept ofthe historicity

Or.31,26(SC, 250, p.328).

Gregory is particularly proud ofthis biblical argument although he doesnt
rule out the possibility that someone before him might have thought ofit.
See Or.31,27(SC, 250, p.328).
15 Or.31,27(SC, 250, p.330).
16See J.Plagnieux, Saint Grgoire de Nazianze, p.50-59; Or.31,25
(SC,250), p.322-323, note 4; Or.31,26 (SC, 250), p.326-329, note2;
D.F.Winslow, The Dynamics, p.124-125; F.W.Norris, Faith, p.53 and206207. (In relation to Gregorys text, this author explores more the possibility
ofextra-biblical revelation rather than the historicity ofdogma.) H.E.W.Turner
shows the background to the idea ofprogressive Revelation in other Church
fathers, mainly in Origens biblical hermeneutics(see H.E.W.Turner, The Pattern
13
14

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THE FIFTH THEOLOGICAL ORATION OFGREGORY NAZIANZEN

oftruth in general (although Gregory himself makes no connection between historicity and the concept oftruth).17 It is to
this idea that Iwould like to devote the second part ofthese
reflections.

The historicity ofrevelation

The idea ofthe historicity oftruth, and historicity in general,
finds little place today among the principle avenues ofphilosophical enquiry, as if the subject had been exhausted by Herders
optimistic visions, and by Hegels speculative ontologization and
Marxs subversive application ofthem.Heideggers historicity
ofexistence (Dasein) and temporality ofBeing, or Benjamins
Jetztzeit ofrevolutionary discontinuity as amodel ofmessianic
time,18 arein all their difference akind oflate blossoming
ofthis tradition. Inorder to be able to develop aphilosophy
ofhistory, we need to be convinced that there is something at
stake in history, some kind ofmeaning, whether it is guaranteed by something extra-human, or as fragile as finite human
existence itself.19 This belief did not exist in antiquity, and
neither does it appear as agiven in European philosophy today.20
ofChristian Truth: AStudy in Relations between Orthodoxy and Heresy in the Early
Church, London,1954, p.264-273).Similarly C.A. Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus, p.169-170. On the idea ofthe history ofsalvation as progress in the
authors ofsecond and third centuries, see also W.Kinzig, Novitas Christiana.
Die Idee des Fortschritts in der Alten Kirche bis Eusebius, Gttingen,1994, p.210361. On Irenaeus, see also E.P.Meijering, God Being History: Studies in Patristic
Philosophy, Amsterdam,Oxford,1975, p.52-80.
17
On differing meanings ofthe term in Gregorys work(from personal honesty to orthodox teaching, even God the Son himself), see F.Trisoglio, SanGregorio di Nazianzo: Un contemporaneo vissuto sedici secoli fa ed. R.L.
Guidi,D.Petti, Cantalupa, 2008, p.211-254.
18See W.Benjamin, ber den Begriff der Geschichte, in Gesammelte Schriften,
I/2 ed.R.Tiedemann, H.Schweppenhuser, Frankfurt a.M.,1991, Theses
17-18, p.703 [693-704]. For Benjamin, who in the messianic stopping of
history sees an opportunity to bring salvation to an oppressed past(ibid.,
Thesis17, p.703; see also Thesis2, p.694), it is clear, however, that the puppet
ofhistorical materialism is controlled by the invisible and ugly hunchbacked
dwarf oftheology(ibid., Thesis 1, p.693).
19 So Czech philosopher J.Patoc
ka, Ketzerische Essays zur Philosophie der
Geschichte, Frankfurt a.M., 2007.
20 Even Paul Ricur, though he is convinced ofthe meaning ofhistory in its
totality, considers this meaning to be hidden or eschatological.See P.Ricur,

395

L. KARFKOV

As Karl Lwith shows, the very asking after the meaning of

history is itself historically conditioned.This colossal question
was instigated by Jewish and Christian thinking, with their idea
ofaGod who stands outside history, but who nonetheless has
aplan for it.21 Asecularized form ofthe search for the meaning
ofhistory in history itself (rather than anticipating its eschatological completion) can only, according to Lwith, ultimately
become meaningless: philosophy ofhistory originates with the
Hebrew and Christian faith in afulfilment and [...] it ends with
the secularization ofits eschatological pattern.22
But what about theology? Can theology that is based on the
biblical message ofaGod who enters history fail to consider the
relevance ofhistory? But on the other hand, can it not see the
danger such reflections might present to the idea ofGodshould
he be excessively given over to historical contingencyas well
as to the idea ofhistoryshould it be, with all its horrors, considered as the locus ofhis revelation?
Prima facie, we can think ofthe historicity ofrevelation
(and ofrevealing) in two very different ways.Either we think in
terms ofan atemporal truth gradually, in various complementary forms, and even perhaps with increasing intensity, revealing
itself in history. Or we can abandon the concept ofan atemporal
basis oftruth altogether and consider its historical revelation,
Le Christianisme et le sens de lhistoire, in Id., Histoire et vrit, Paris, 1955,
p.98-102. He would prefer to renounce philosophy ofhistory in favour
ofhistory ofphilosophy(P.Ricur, LHistoire de la philosophie et lunit
du vrai, in Id., Histoire et vrit, p.56,72), in which the unity oftruth is present
only in an imaginary dialogue ofparticular truths(ibid., p.69-70). Similarly,
Ricouer understands the unity ofhistory in its continuity as something inaccessible to historical man; rather it is anticipated in the discontinuity ofevents or
in the discontinuity ofindividual focal points ofmeaning(P.Ricur, Objectivit et subjectivit en histoire, in Id., Histoire et vrit, p.48-50; see also Id.,
Le Christianisme et le sens de lhistoire, p.92).
21 K.Lwith, Meaning in History: The Theological Implications ofthe Philosophy
ofHistory, Chicago, 1949, p.4. Theonly truly historical religion is, according
to this protestant thinker, Judaism.Christianity, so he believes, does not assume
the continuance ofhistory, but the end ofhistory in the coming ofChrist and
consequent expectation ofhis second coming(ibid., p.194-198).
22 K.Lwith, Meaning in History, p.2. Asecularized form ofphilosophy
ofhistory eventually leads, according to Lwith, to fruitless historicism and an
emptying ofphilosophy. See also K.Lwith, Wahrheit und Geschichtlichkeit
in Smtliche Schriften, 9vols., Stuttgart,1983, II, p.460-472.

396

THE FIFTH THEOLOGICAL ORATION OFGREGORY NAZIANZEN

the process ofrevealing, or even, ultimately, history itself, to be

the truth.
Atemporal truth, as understood by the former ofthese concepts ofhistoricity, relates, paradigmatically, to mathematical
relations which have been considered as ahistorical since Platos
times.Knowledge which appeals to these relations is also subordinated to time only in the sense that each individual soul has
itself to recollect it, usually with the help ofanother individual
soul.Mathematics may well also display ahistory ofrevealing
(as Husserl reflected in his Origin ofGeometry),23 but this is
more as akind ofirreversible tradition ofthought, an historical
constitution ofgeometry as afield ofstudy. Inthis case, truth
is historical in the sense that the one who is gaining knowledge ofit is necessarily embedded in an historical tradition
which nonetheless helps him relate to the atemporal contents.24
It may also be possible to understand theological knowledge
this way, although the subject would not then be the history
ofsalvation but rather God in his atemporality. Thequestion
remains, however, whether one is actually able to get to know
God in such away, that is, whether such revelation is possible.
To abandon the concept ofan atemporal basis ofhistorical
revelation (as assumed in the second ofour two concepts ofthe
historicity oftruth) would mean to understand not only the
self-revelation ofGod, but also God himselfor at least perhaps
his Trinitarian natureas historical: God would be God only
within world history, or would only through the incarnation
and the sending ofthe Spirit become Trinitarian. InEuropean

23 E.Husserl, Die Frage nach dem Ursprung der Geometrie als intentionalhistorisches Problem, from1936, reprinted as appendix3, in Id., Die Krisis
der europischen Wissenschaften und die transzendentale Phnomenologie; also in Id.,
Die Krisis der europischen Wissenschaften und die transzendentale Phnomenologie
(Husserliana,VI), DenHaag, 1954, p.365-386.
24 Taking into account the historical apriori ofall mathematical formulations, Husserl assumes the ideal objectivity(ideale Objektivitt) ofPythagoruss
theorem(and ofall geometry), which exists only once and is identically the same
no matter how many times or in what language it is expressed(E.Husserl,
Die Frage, p.368). This veritas aeterna, that is, the apodictically general invariant
content ofgeometric science(and every other intellectual construction), allows
for its universal validity and so opens the possibility ofrepeating the insight
which was at its origin(E.Husserl, Die Frage, p.385).

397

L. KARFKOV

history (from Hegel to Hans Jonas25) there has been no shortage

ofattempts to make God, in his completion, dependent on
history. But the question is, in this case, how great ahistorical
necessity there is for such ahistorical God to be eventually
identified with history or to dissolve into it.26 In this case the
truth will be in some way radically historical because its revelation will have no atemporal basis.Rather it will be the process
itself through which human beings relate to the historical world
and so create this world at the very same time.But can we then
still speak ofthe revelation ofthe Godhead?
Perhaps there is yet athird way to understand the historicity
ofrevelation and truth, and that is, on the one hand not to deny
to them some kind ofatemporal basis, but on the other to understand them as more radically historical than simply in the sense
ofthe historicity oftradition, which allows knowledge ofatemporal contents.
As we have seen in Gregorys exposition, the process of
revelation also includes human knowledge: the Spirit is gradually
revealed as Godthat is, he gradually becomes known as such.
God, in his pedagogy, takes into account the human condition,
as if waiting, with his revelation, for man in all his slowness.
Gregory clearly does not mean that the Spirit would not, without
such arevelation and without human acceptance, be God; rather
he talks ofthe triune Godhead outside time ().27
Even though he speaks elsewhere about the motion by
which Gods Persons are established, there is no time aspect in
this differentiation. Gregory illustrates it as amotion between
numbers: Therefore number one, having from the beginning

25
See H.Jonas, Zwischen Nichts und Ewigkeit.Drei Aufstze zur Lehre vom
Menschen, Gttingen,1963, p.55-62; Id., Der Gottesbegriff nach Auschwitz.
Eine jdische Stimme, Frankfurt a.M.,1987.
26 The movement in European thinking from Hegels Absolute Spirit which
comes to know Himself through history even though He remains at the same
time transcendent to it, to the total secularization ofthe idea ofprogress and
the disintegration ofhistoricity in the doctrine ofeternal recurrence, is shown
by K.Lwith, Von Hegel zu Nietzsche(Smtliche Schriften,IV), Stuttgart,1988,
p.1-490.
27 Or.31,14(SC, 250, p.304).See also Or.31,4(SC, 250, p.280-282);
Or.29,3(SC,250, p.180-182).

398

THE FIFTH THEOLOGICAL ORATION OFGREGORY NAZIANZEN

arrived by motion at number two, found its rest in number three.

This is what we mean by Father and Son and Holy Spirit.28
Gregory thus assumes on the one hand an atemporal godhead
which is triune in its relationality (because the names ofGods
Persons are, for him, the names ofrelations, ),29 and on the
other Gods historical revelation, to which also belongs historical
knowledge (that is, the economy ofsalvation).
Ido not take this to mean, however, that the economy of
salvation and the theological order, as we hear about them in
Gregorys pneumatological oration, are about the progressive
revelation ofan atemporal truth (as in the historical constitution
ofgeometry).Gregorys idea is both more sceptical and more
radically historical, as we will now see.
In the second ofhis theological orations Gregory gives an
exposition on the ungraspability ofGod, who is knowable only
to himself as Trinity.30 Only on what he calls asecond course
can we attempt to know God from his works,31 and we will
only truly be able to find him when we are made like him at the
end oftime.32 According to Gregory, Plato is not precise when

28 Or. 29,2(SC, 250, p.178-180):

, . , ,
. Gregory suggests that the Persons are distinct in number(),
not in essence(). This is perhaps why he uses the arithmetical comparison
for the constitution ofthe Persons.
29
Or. 29,16(SC, 250, p.210):
, . Ihave dealt with the category
elsewhere(L.Karfkov, Ad Ablabium, Quod non sint tres dei, in Gregory
ofNyssa: The Minor Treatises on Trinitarian Theology and Apollinarism. Proceedings
ofthe 11thInternational Colloquium on Gregory ofNyssa, Tbingen, 17-20September2008 ed.V.H.Drecoll,M.Berghaus, Leiden,2011, p.161-162).
30 Or.28,3(SC, 250, p.104): , ,
, . See the whole passage Or. 28,3-4 (SC,250,
p.104-108).
31 Or.28,13(SC, 250, p.128). Gregory gives two versions ofasecond
course( ), improper and proper: that is, either the deification
ofcreated things, or understanding their beauty and order as apath to knowing
God.On the second course(the metaphor ofan alternative, more demanding
course, with the use ofoars, if there is no fair wind) see Plato, Phd.99c.
32 Or.28,13(SC, 250, p.134): ...
, , ,
, .

399

L. KARFKOV

he states that it is difficult to know and impossible to express the

Maker ofthe world (see Tim.28c): But Isay that it is impossible to express God, and yet more impossible to know Him.33
The revelation we receive is not therefore knowledge ofGod
in his essence. Inhis sermon on the Epiphany, Gregory says
that our spirit creates akind ofimage ofHim, but not an
image ofwhat He is like, rather ofwhat surrounds him (
, ); the only truly comprehensible thing is Gods incomprehensibility, his boundlessness ().34
On the question ofthe knowability ofGods inner relations,
Gregory is equally sceptical, at least as far as we understand from
his reply to his imaginary neo-Arian adversary: What then is
proceeding? You explain the ingeneracy ofthe Father and Iwill
give you aphysiological account ofthe Sons begetting and the
Spirits proceedingand let us go mad the pair ofus for prying
into Gods secrets.35
The proceeding ofthe Spirit, as revealed in the economy
ofsalvation and the theological order, is not therefore the
mysterious intradivine procession itself but the form ofit that
is accessible to ahuman being. Inits true meaning, therefore,
theology does not relate to atemporal truths themselves but to
their historical revelation.
Furthermore, when Gregory speaks about the shakings ofthe
earth in the history ofsalvation through the making ofthe Old
and New Covenants (and another shaking ofthe earth meaning
the end ofhistory), here neither is it about the historical revelation ofatemporally valid contents but rather about afundamental change in the human situation with its historicity. Thus it is
not the truth about God which is being revealedthe way he
Himself is, outside oftimebut the truth about his relationship
33
Or. 28,4(SC, 250, p.108): , ,
. On the ungraspability ofthe godhead by human
thought, see also Or.28,11(SC, 250, p.122).
34 Or.38,7(SC, 358, p.116): , .
35 Or.31,8(SC, 250, p.290).
, , ,
[Eng.trans.by
L.Wickham and F.Williams, Faith, p.283].

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THE FIFTH THEOLOGICAL ORATION OFGREGORY NAZIANZEN

to mankind, which changes, not only reveals, the human situation (just as Kierkegaards God in time creates anew situation
oftruth, which Socrates, in his time, could not have known
in any way at all).36
According to this third possibility for understanding historicity which Ibelieve to be the best match for Gregorys ideas
revelation is historical in the sense that it relates to the historical
situation ofmankind and is conditioned also by its knowledge.
So it is not just atemporal truthor atemporal truth revealing
itself gradually to people over timebut aprocess in which
we co-act, rather than one we create ourselves. Inthe story
ofChrist, the Christian God gives himself into human hands
(or into history) in the sense that also man creates this story,
but without being able, by himself, to guarantee (or completely
destroy) its meaning. Thehistoricity ofrevelation is not then
about an atemporal truth revealing itself in time, but arelation ofGod, who is above time, to mankind in its history.
This is why this truth has an atemporal basis, without being
atemporal, and why it is also historical, but without being identical to history.

Bibliography
1.Ancient authors
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orationes, 27-31ed.P.Gallay (SC, 250),
Paris,1978.
Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orationes, 38-41ed.C.Moreschini
(SC, 358), Paris,1990.
Plato, Phaedo ed.J.Burnet (Platonis opera,II), Oxford,1900
(reprint1967).
Plato, Timaeus ed.J.Burnet (Platonis opera,IV), Oxford, 1902
(reprint1968).
36 God in time is, according to Kierkegaard, ateacher who only in time
creates the conditions for knowledge ofthe truth(S.Kierkegaard, Philosophische
Brocken(Werke,V), Reinbek bei Hamburg,1964, p.101).It is therefore neither
historical fact nor eternal fact, but absolute fact(ibid., p.90-91), that is,
aparadox in which the eternal becomes historical and the historical becomes
eternal(ibid., p.57): God becomes historical(ibid., p.80) due to his concern
for the historical(ibid., p.99).

401

L. KARFKOV

2.Literature
C.A. Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus on the Trinity and the Knowledge
ofGod: In Your Light We Shall See Light, Oxford,2008.
W.Benjamin, ber den Begriff der Geschichte, in Gesammelte Schriften,
I/2 ed.R.Tiedemann,H.Schweppenhuser, Frankfurt a.M.,
1991.
E.Fleury, Hellnisme et christianisme: Saint Grgoire de Nazianze et son
temps, Paris,1930.
E.Husserl, Die Frage nach dem Ursprung der Geometrie als intentionalhistorisches Problem, in Id., Die Krisis der europischen Wissenschaften und die transzendentale Phnomenologie (Husserliana,VI),
Haag,1954, p.365-386.
H.Jonas, Der Gottesbegriff nach Auschwitz.Eine jdische Stimme, Frankfurt a.M.,1987.
H.Jonas, Zwischen Nichts und Ewigkeit.Drei Aufstze zur Lehre vom
Menschen, Gttingen,1963.
L.Karfkov, Ad Ablabium, Quod non sint tres dei, in Gregory
ofNyssa: The Minor Treatises on Trinitarian Theology and Apollinarism. Proceedings ofthe 11thInternational Colloquium on Gregory
ofNyssa, Tbingen, 17-20September2008 ed.V.H.Drecoll,
M.Berghaus, Leiden,2011, p.131-168.
S.Kierkegaard, Philosophische Brocken (Werke,V), Reinbek bei
Hamburg,1964.
W.Kinzig, Novitas Christiana.Die Idee des Fortschritts in der Alten
Kirche bis Eusebius, Gttingen,1994.
K.Lwith, Meaning in History: The Theological Implications ofthe
Philosophy ofHistory, Chicago,1949.
K.Lwith, Von Hegel zu Nietzsche (Smtliche Schriften,IV), Stuttgart,1988, p.1-490.
K.Lwith, Wahrheit und Geschichtlichkeit, in Smtliche Schriften,
9vols., Stuttgart,1983, II, p.460-472.
E.P. Meijering, God Being History: Studies in Patristic Philosophy,
Amsterdam,Oxford,1975.
F.W. Norris, Faith Gives Fullness to Reasoning: The Five Theological
Orations ofGregory Nazianzen, Leiden,1991.
F.W. Norris, Gregorys Opponents in Oration 31, in Arianism:
Historical and Theological Reassessments.Papers from the Ninth International Conference on Patristic Studies, 5-10September1983, Oxford
ed.R.C.Gregg, (Patristic Monograph Series,11), Cambridge, MA,
1985, p.321-326.

402

THE FIFTH THEOLOGICAL ORATION OFGREGORY NAZIANZEN

J.Patocka, Ketzerische Essays zur Philosophie der Geschichte, Frankfurta.M.,2007.

J.Plagnieux Saint Grgoire de Nazianze thologien, Paris,1952.
P.Ricur, Histoire et vrit, Paris,1955.
P.Ricur, Le Christianisme et le sens de lhistoire, in Id., Histoire
et vrit, p.80-102.
P.Ricur, LHistoire de la philosophie et lunit du vrai, in Id.,
Histoire et vrit, p.53-73.
R.Ricur, Objectivit et subjectivit en histoire, in Id., Histoire
et vrit, p.25-52.
F.Trisoglio, SanGregorio diNazianzo: Un contemporaneo vissuto sedici
secoli faed.R.L.Guidi,D.Petti, Cantalupa,2008.
H.E.W.Turner, The Pattern ofChristian Truth: AStudy in Relations
between Orthodoxy and Heresy in the Early Church, London,1954.
D.F.Winslow, The Dynamics ofSalvation: AStudy in Gregory of
Nazianzus, Cambridge, MA,1979.

Abstract
The revelation ofGod in the story ofChrist establishes apattern
ofrevelation that is both historical and contingent (that is, it could have
happened otherwise). Thehistorical and contingent but nonetheless
binding character ofthis revelation is echoed in the development
ofChristian doctrine. Inhis famous pneumatological oration (Or.31,
25-27), Gregory Nazianzen describes how Gods pedagogy involves
progressive revelation, which includes the historical nature ofthe
theological knowledge attained through the gradual recognition
ofthe deity ofthe Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. This type
ofhistoricity does not mean the increasing manifestation ofan
atemporal truth or ofaGod who is himself becoming history. Rather,
the progressive revelation applies both to Gods atemporal Trinity
and to human historical cognition and reception.It thus implies truth
which is at one and the same time atemporal and historical, since it
changes the historical situation ofhuman beings.

403

EIMHIN WALSH
Trinity College Dublin

FORMATION FROM THE FATHERS:

THE PLACE OFPATRISTICS
IN THE THEOLOGICAL EDUCATION
OFCLERGY

1.The nature and purpose oftheological education ofthe clergy

Until relatively recently the study oftheology in many universities was the preserve ofthose preparing for ministry within
the churches. Today it is more common to see vocational and
academic training courses running in parallel, with separate
core curricula and modes ofassessment.Third-level institutions
now tend to recognize the need for different patterns oftheological education for those studying theology, primarily within
the academy, and those studying within the seminary with the
intention ofserving as ministers within their various churches.
Those whose vocation is towards academic theology typically
undertake extensive training in the forensic investigation ofthe
culture, history, texts, and beliefs ofthe tradition they study,
while those with aministerial vocation study these aspects to aless
rigorous level, concentrating instead on the integration ofthe
theological disciplines with pastoral and formational studies.
Since their purpose will be to utilize theological insights within
pastoral situations, it seems appropriate that their primary attention is directed to the professional competencies, which their
ministry will demand ofthem.It is likewise appropriate that
the training ofacademic theologians adequately equip them for
the expectations ofthe academy. This division, which has lately
emerged within theological education, is not novel and, perhaps,
reflects trends in the Early Church. When one considers the portrayal ofteaching offices in the writings ofthe first and second
centuries it is possible to discern two separate roles; there were
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107528

405

E. WALSH

the didaskoli, such as the authors ofthe Epistle ofBarnabas and the
Letter to Diognetus, who operated in asimilar capacity to modern
professional theologians ofthe academy.1 These teachers were
entrusted with the instruction ofcatechumens and ofteaching
the faith to those outside ofit.Aseparate role was fulfilled by
the bishops who offered instruction to the community gathered
in worship for those within the faith. Thetwo teaching offices
represented two sides ofthe same coin, each addressing adifferent audience. Inrecognising that practitioners oftheological
research and practitioners ofChristian ministry each require
formation in the theological disciplines, albeit with different
educational needs, theological educators have, in asense, reappropriated abasic model ofthe teaching offices ofthe Early
Church. Thequestion that this paper shall explore, then, is to
what extent should patristic studies feature on the curricula
ofthose preparing for Christian ministry?
Before delving into this question it is pertinent to begin by
exploring the relative status ofpatristic studies in formational curricula. When one investigates this question it becomes apparent
quickly that in many denominations, there is adiscrepancy
between their theoretical emphasising ofthe importance of
patristics in their ecclesial pronouncements on theological education, and the practical outworking in their limited place in
the curriculum. Thefirst section ofthis paper, therefore, will
explore the theoretical place that patristic occupies in clerical
formation, while the second section will offer astatistical treatment that contextualizes the theory against practice.
In its various decrees on the training ofits clergy, the Roman
Catholic Church has consistently emphasized the importance ofathorough grounding in patristic studies for the formation ofits clergy. Canon252 ofthe Code ofCanon Law
establishes that sacred tradition is the lens through which
dogmatic theology ought to be studied.2 The historical development oftheology is thus endowed with anuminous quality

1J.Meyendorff, Theological Education in the Patristic and Byzantine

Eras, St.Vladimirs Theological Quarterly, 31(1987), p.200-201.
2Code ofCanon Law, 252 3, The Code ofCanon Law: Latin-English
Edition, Washington,D.C.,1983, p.87.

406

FORMATION FROM THE FATHERS

as the vehicle through which revelation is comprehended. Inan

effort to further accentuate the place ofpatristics within priestly
formation, the Congregation for Catholic Education, which
oversees theological formation for the Roman Catholic Church,
issued adecree in1989 entitled: Instruction on the Study ofthe
Fathers ofthe Church in the Formation ofPriests. Thedocument is
both an impassioned plea for further study ofthe Fathers and also
apragmatic suggestion for how this can be realized.It expresses
its distress at the emergence oftheological concepts that pay little attention to the Fathers witness and ecclesiastical tradition.3
It laments that in many seminaries, the study ofthe Fathers
is reduced to aminimum, and diagnoses the cause ofthis
pathology as atrend that seeks an overall rejection ofthe past.
The result is abody oftheologians who operate outside ofthe
continuity oftradition and who [...] think they are doing
theology but are really only doing history, sociology, etc.
The instruction asserts that since the Fathers are the superlative
example ofthe continuity ofchurch teaching, which Catholic
ministers will contribute to expressing, it is consequently foundational to formation: a closer approach to the Fathers can
therefore be considered the most effective means ofdiscovering
the vital strength oftheological formation.4
In an effort to incorporate the instruction into their guidelines for formation, the USAConference ofCatholic Bishops
has underlined the importance ofpatristics in the curriculum.
For the bishops, the Fathers natural and instinctual integration
ofspirituality with theology establishes them as alogical foundation for acurriculum that aims to be both historical-critical
in approach, yet spiritually edifying its outcome.Accordingly,
they stated:
Patristic studies constitute an essential part oftheological
studies.Theology should draw from the works ofthe
Fathers ofthe Church that have lasting value within the

3Congregation for Catholic Education, Instruction on the Study

ofthe Fathers ofthe Church in the Formation ofPriests, Origins, 19:34(1990),
p.552.
4 Instruction on the Study ofthe Fathers ofthe Church in the Formation
ofPriests, p.551.

407

E. WALSH

living tradition ofthe Church. Thecore should include

patrology (an overview ofthe life and writings ofthe Fathers
ofthe Church) and patristics (an overview ofthe theological
thought ofthe Fathers ofthe Church).5

Such privileging ofthe Fathers is not unique to Roman Catholicism. In2003 the Anglican Communion established an office for
Theological Education in the Anglican Communion (T.E.A.C.).
Theoffice has concentrated on developing resources to assist
in theological education and formation across the Communion.
One ofthe resources developed by the office has emphasized
the need to train ministers ofevery order in the Anglican Way,
which is rooted in the integration ofscripture, reason and
tradition as the primary sources for theological reflection.
Theengagement with history is foundational to the Anglican
method oftheology; it mediates the voice ofthe living God
in the Holy Scriptures and so Scripture must be read with
a grateful and critical sense ofthe past.6 What emerges from
the Anglican and Roman Catholic conversations on theological
education is the necessity ofintegrating the study ofChristian
history and doctrine with human experience, which in asense,
endows tradition with atrans-temporal mystical quality.
The emphasis on the integration ofacademic with professional competencies is paramount in the accreditation standards
ofAssociation ofTheological Schools in the United States and
Canada (A.T.S.).This network of270 seminaries from across
the spectrum ofthe Christian traditions has outlined four key
competencies that underpin the Master ofDivinity (M.Div.)
professional degree, which represents the typical training route
for ministerial theology in North America. Thefirst competency
is religious heritage, encompassing study in Scripture, the doctrine and history ofthe particular faith community and general
studies in Christian history and heritage. Thesecond competency is cultural studies and covers topics in contemporary sociocultural issues as well as global and cross-cultural issues relevant
to understanding communities offaith. Thethird competency
5United States Conference ofCatholic Bishops, Program ofPriestly
Formation5thedition, Washington, D.C.,2006, 200-201, p.70.
6 The Anglican Way: Signposts on aCommon Journey, Singapore,2007, 1.

408

FORMATION FROM THE FATHERS

is personal and spiritual formation, including the cultivation of

skills necessary for operating in aministry capacity. Thefourth
concerns ministry and leadership.7 Although the curricular
priorities concern the practical and pastoral competencies, two
ofthe ten named core subject areas articulated by the A.T.S.are
concerned with history and Christian tradition. Theoverarching
objective ofthe M.Div., however, is to enable the graduate to
naturally integrate each ofthese competencies in their ministerial
practice.8
It follows then, that across the Christian denominations there
is an emphasis on the need for the minister to integrate theory
and practice in order to balance the content ofthe faith tradition
with the context ofbelief. Ineach ofthe traditions explored here,
there is, an appreciation ofthe importance ofhistory, and in
some cases especially patristics, as an essential component ofthe
formational curriculum. Yet it must be questioned whether
the methods ofteaching patristics in seminaries are genuinely
contributing to an appreciation ofthe relevance ofthe Fathers
for Christian ministry. Reflecting on many years ofstudy and
teaching in several seminaries and universities, George Bebis has
commented that patristic courses are typically the most difficult,
unpopular, uncreative [...and] not very inspiring.9 The method
ofteaching tends to focus on sterile details, memorizing names
and dates, rather than considering the practical application ofthe
Fathers mindsets to issues ofChristian discipleship. What, then,
is the state ofpatristics within the seminary?

2.The Professionalization ofthe Clergy

and the Relegation ofPatristics
Clergy are coming under increasing pressure to conform to the
standards expected ofother professionals working in cognate
occupations. Inmany countries and denominations the clergy
are expected to adhere to codes ofconduct relating to data
Association ofTheological Schools Handbook ofAccreditation, Section 8, p.6.
Association ofTheological Schools Handbook ofAccreditation, Section 8, p.8.
9 G.Bebis, Teaching Patristics on the Parish Level, Greek Orthodox Theological Review, 48(2003), p.233-234.
7
8

409

E. WALSH

protection, confidentiality, and employment legislation, while

models ofbest practice derived from management science have
contributed to the emergence ofaprofessionalized clergy.
According to Michael Kane, codes ofconduct introduced in
the United States have been based on similar codes in operation
for mental health professionals, therefore the clergy are operating to approximate standards as mental health professionals.10
This professionalizing trend is reflected in the evolution ofthe
curricula ofministerial formation programmes, and has had
adetrimental effect on the place ofpatristics in the syllabi.
Theevolution ofthe formational curriculum at Trinity College
Dublin is acase study that illustrates this trend.
At its foundation in1592, one ofTrinity Colleges principal
functions was the training ofclergy within the Anglican tradition in an effort to spread the English Reformation to Ireland.
Thetraining ofclergy was regularized in 1833 when the Divinity
Testimonium qualification was re-constituted as the standard
ofministerial formation.11 At that time ministerial formation was
regarded as one ofthe universitys professional schools alongside medicine, engineering or law.12 Students enrolled in ageneral
course ofinstruction in the liberal arts lasting two years, and
thereafter commenced two years ofadditional specialised training
in theology for which they would earn the professional qualification. Inthe first year ofthe Testimonium the emphasis was on
providing athorough grounding in the theological disciplines.
Lecture courses were offered on the development ofheresies and
orthodoxy, while more in-depth courses focused on Augustine
and other key patristic theologians.13 Additional instruction
was offered in biblical studies and doctrine, but over the two
years students devoted broadly one third oftheir studies each

M.N. Kane, Codes ofConduct for Catholic Clergy in the United

States: the Professionalization ofthe Priesthood, Mental Health, Religion and
Culture, 9(2006), p.371.
11 J.V. Luce, The Church ofIreland and Trinity College Dublin, 15921992, Search: aChurch ofIreland Journal, 15(1992), p.12.J.Bartlett, From
divinity to theology in four centuries, in Trinity College Dublin &the Idea of
aUniversity ed.C.H.Holland, Dublin,1991, p.226.
12 Trinity College Dublin Calendar 1880, Dublin, 1880, p.31.
13 Trinity College Dublin Calendar 1880, p.133.
10

410

FORMATION FROM THE FATHERS

to biblical studies, theological studies and history, reflecting the

Anglican triad ofScripture, reason, and tradition.It is notable
that although the Testimonium was aprofessional qualification,
no tuition was offered in professional studies.Instead the integration ofacademic with the experiential was expected to be learned
on-the-job during acuracy.As regards the historical studies syllabus, the extant book lists and lecture tables indicate the emphasis
was bifocal, concentrating on patristic and reformation history.14
This pattern continued without significant change, other than to
the prescribed textbooks, until the1930s.Around this time it is
possible to discern an increased interest in church history as the
means for teaching doctrine.15 Asubstantial change to the curriculum is obvious from the1950s when apreliminary year was
introduced to give afoundation, not in history, but in biblical
studies, biblical languages, philosophy, and psychology prior to
entering into the Testimonium.16 The introduction ofpsychology to the curriculum constitutes the first hint ofthe emergence
ofprofessional studies during the training for ministry.One third
ofthe curriculum was devoted to these professional studies,
which had the effect ofreducing the space available to teach
the biblical, theological, and historical strands.By the1970s the
teaching oftheology at Trinity had been radically transformed.17
By1986 in response to the emerging gulf between academic
and pastoral theology, aseparate undergraduate honours Bachelor ofArts degree facilitated the former, while the new ordinary
Bachelor ofTheology degree addressed the needs ofthe latter.18
Although historical studies remained acrucial aspect ofthe speculative degree, biblical studies became the overarching concern
ofthe formational degree.Biblical studies occupied 55% ofthe
curriculum, the remainder being split equally between professional, historical and theological studies. Thesame general divisions continued until the most recent modification ofthe cur14 R.B. McDowell, D.A.Webb, TrinityCollege Dublin, 1592-1952: An
Academic History, Cambridge,1982, p.163-164.
15
Trinity College Dublin Calendar1931, Dublin,1931, p.222.
16 Trinity College Dublin Calendar1950, Dublin,1950, p.280.
17Luce, The Church ofIreland and Trinity College, p.14. See also Trinity
College Dublin Calendar1970, Dublin,1970, p.192.
18Bartlett, From divinity to theology, p.233.

411

E. WALSH

riculum in2009.19 The recently revised curriculum emphasizes

the professional aspect oftraining. It is offered at Masters level
akin to the North American M.Div.degree. Within this revised
curriculum there is no compulsory instruction in Christian
history, instead some two thirds are devoted to professional
studies, while the remaining one third is equally distributed
between theological studies and biblical studies. When one considers how the curriculum has evolved over time it is apparent
that the balanced attention to theology, biblical studies, and
history that existed from the 1830s until the1930s, has been
offset in the recent developments that have allowed professional
studies to supplant historical studies to the detriment ofinstruction in patristics.
Although the Trinity College example is asingle snapshot,
acomparative study oftwenty-four theological colleges and
seminaries from across the British Isles and the USAreveals some
common trends in the level ofattention devoted to Christian
history in general, and patristic studies in particular. Thecurricula that have been analysed for this micro-study are taken
from Roman Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian,
Baptist, and Orthodox seminaries. Thetable below illustrates
the relative weight ofprofessional, biblical, theological, and
historical studies in the core curricula:
43.7%
21.3%
21.7%
13.3%

Professional Studies
Biblical Studies
Theological Studies
Historical Studies
Fig. 1.Distribution ofCore Curriculum

Although biblical and theological studies receive equal attention,

historical studies are relegated to substantially lower position.
This differs, ofcourse, between institutions and between
denominations. Thetable below illustrates the relative emphases
in each denomination:

Trinity College Dublin Calendar1990, Dublin, 1990, p.K 14.

19

412

FORMATION FROM THE FATHERS

Professional
Studies

Biblical
Studies

Theological
Studies

Historical
Studies

38.5%
52.6%
35.4%
41.7%
39.5%
51.1%

18.7%
21.8%
27.0%
24.6%
20.4%
17.1%

32.2%
16.0%
25.2%
16.9%
30.8%
13.4%

10.6%
9.6%
12.4%
16.8%
9.3%
18.3%

Roman Catholic
Anglican
Methodist
Presbyterian
Baptist
Orthodox

Fig. 2.Distribution ofCore Curriculum by Denomination

It is clear that in all cases professional studies are given the highest
priority and never dropping below 35% ofthe curriculum.
Biblical, historical, and theological studies vary substantially
between the various denominations which tend to emphasize
according to their respective ecclesial traditions. TheOrthodox
seminaries are the only seminaries that devote greater attention to
historical studies (18.3%) than to biblical (17.2%) or theological
studies (13.4%); in all other denominations historical studies
are equal to or less than the attention offered to other strands.
Although historical studies generally occupy less ofthe curriculum,
it is encouraging to see that patristic studies tend to be wellrepresented in this element ofthe curriculum:
Roman Catholic
Anglican
Methodist
Presbyterian
Baptist
Orthodox

30.0%
20.0%
64.3%
29.2%
32.1%
52.2%

Fig. 3.Patristic Studies as apercentage ofthe Historical Studies Curriculum

It remains the case, however, that patristics is generally aminor

aspect ofmost curricula, in spite ofthe high praise given to the
discipline in many official church documents about theological
education. This reflects abroader disinterest in historical studies
as it relates to ministerial formation. Theinformation presented
here lends further weight to Bebiss concern that the value of
patristics in theological education has been missed and that it
exists more as box to be ticked than as being ofgenuine
413

E. WALSH

relevance for the professional clergyperson.It can be reasonably

suggested, therefore, that as the curricula for ministerial formation have become more professionalized, the level ofattention afforded to historical studies in general, and consequently
patristic studies has declined.

3.Patristics and the Integrative Curriculum

At the start ofthis paper it was argued that the content ofboth
academic and ministerial theological courses is rightly determined by the end-objective ofthe training. Thequestion that
remains, therefore, is whether, in light ofthe professionalization
ofclerical formation, it is reasonable to expect patristic studies
to have more than aminor place in the seminary? The remainder ofthis paper will be devoted to advancing an argument for
seminaries to give greater attention to the Fathers.
It has been noted that the common objective in the theological
education ofclergy is the formation ofreflective practitioners
through developing the capacity to integrate the various competencies ofministry, namely professional, theological and personal. Judith Thompson describes this objective ofengaging
theology with thinking, praying, living, recording, and sharing.20
It asks ministerial students to perform the feats ofintellectual and
practical integration, which is no easy task.21 In an effort to assess
whether the curricula were achieving their purpose, JaneLeach
carried out astudy ofthe ministerial formation programmes
ofthe University ofCambridges Theological Federation,
which includes eleven seminaries from five denominations.
Leachs study evaluated the models ofassessment oflearning.
Assessment in the federation is primarily through the compilation
ofapastoral portfolio and viva voce examination, through which
the candidate is afforded the opportunity to demonstrate their
integration ofacademic, pastoral and personal formation.22
20 J.Thompson, S.Pattison, R.Thompson, SCM Study guide to Theological
Reflection, London,2008, p.126.
21 E.L. Graham, H.Walton, F.Ward, Theological Reflection: Sources,
London,2007, p.5.
22
J.Leach, The End ofTheological Education: An Analysis ofthe Contribution ofPortfolio Learning to Formation in Ministry within aUniversity
Context, Journal ofAdult Theological Education, 7.2(2010), p.199.

414

FORMATION FROM THE FATHERS

In her study ofthese assessments Leach noted that theology is

generally understood by students methodologically, that is, as
astep to be worked through in the resolution ofaparticular
pastoral question. Theconception oftheology as method,
rather than content, is manifested in students general failure
to engage with the literature oftheology, and to locate their
reflections within that framework.Leach concedes that this
is more than likely caused by the teachers preference for teaching
theological reflection as aprocess rather than as content. It follows,
therefore, that students were not exhibiting the desired integration of disciplines and competencies which the curriculum
had anticipated.Reflecting on these types ofdeficiencies John
Paver has noted that curricula tend to emphasize systematic
theology as the vehicle for integration, which is corroborated by
the study undertaken for this paper where systematics received
the highest attention amongst the theological disciplines. Paver
stresses that there is aneed to engender ahealthy respect for
each ofthe theological disciplines.23 Three initial conclusions
can be advanced at this point: first, theological education seeks
to integrate the biblical, theological, and historical resources of
Christian theology.Second, many curricula are failing to achieve
the intended degree ofintegration. Third, patristic studies occupies
on average 5.09% ofthe overall curriculum. Theremaining
question, therefore, is could astronger footing in patristics help
to advance desired goal ofintegration?
While it is impossible to synthesize the entire theology ofthe
Fathers, at least two central doctrines that continue to inform
pastoral practice are discernable in the corpus oftheir writings.
Thetheocentric nature ofman described by Irenaeus, Gregory
ofNyssa, Gregory Palamas, and Athanasius ofAlexandria contributed to the emergence ofacreation theology that recognizes
the place ofhumanity in the economy ofsalvation.24 This acts
acorrective to individualism and contributes to building awareness ofChristian community.Alongside this fundamental doctrine is the emergence ofTrinitarianism, adoctrine which essen J.E. Paver, Theological Reflection and Education for Ministry: the Search for
Integration in Theology, Hampshire,2006, p.145.
24
Meyendorff, Theological Education in the Patristic and Byzantine Eras,
p.205.
23

415

E. WALSH

tially relational.25 Together they contribute to atheology and

anthropology which is rooted in relationally: life in God is an
interpersonal relationship.26 Theology in the Fathers is lived: itis
thought, prayed, recorded, and shared.Theology is essentially
acommunion ofthe individual, the institutional, and the ineffable.
Although the fathers have aspeculative or philosophical element,
they are rooted in spirituality, that is, in constant dialogue with
the speculative. With the emergence ofmedieval scholasticism
and its crowning in Enlightenment rationalism, practical theology
has lost an element ofits mystical combination ofhead and heart
together, and become an act ofeither head before heart, or head
after heart. While certain patristic schools perhaps contributed
to this model, others challenged it. Certainly, the scholastic
monopolisation oftheology runs contrary to the patristic synthesis ofhead and heart. Themodel ofcommunion-ism that
shows how knowledge ofGod does not consist in knowing
about God conceptually, but in areal communion with God,
constitutes achallenge to scholastic rigidity. Themethod of
theological reflection inherent in the Fathers thus embodies
precisely the kind ofreflective practitioners that theological
educators are seeking to form.
Asecond patristic contribution to ministerial formation is in
the lessons they offer for the complexities ofthe contemporary
pastoral situation.Astriking element ofpatristic theology is
the constant recourse to Scripture.Many ofthe first works of
Christian theology were born out ofthe exegetical endeavours
ofthe Fathers, who sought to interpret Scriptures message for
apost-biblical age. Inthe pursuit ofthis, the Fathers recognized
the need to engage with non-theological schools. Much of
patristic thought wrestles with balancing the distinctiveness of
Christianity with the trends ofcontemporary culture. Surely
this challenge is one ofthe greatest facing the churches ofthe
twenty-first century. Inresponding to these challenges, the Fathers

25 P.S.Fiddes, Participating in God: aPastoral Doctrine ofthe Trinity, London,

2000.
26Meyendorff, Theological Education in the Patristic and Byzantine Eras,
p.210.

416

FORMATION FROM THE FATHERS

blended spirituality and rationality, which gave rise to an apologetic flavour in their writings.Together their defences and
apologies tell the story ofconflict in ecclesiological, Christological, and Trinitarian matters.But behind the conflict lies
apastoral context that sought to respond to inquiries, offer
teaching, and give spiritual guidance in the midst ofuncertainty.
These tools ofScripture, culture, and apologetics are essential
for the modern ministers toolbox.
Athird contribution is how the awareness ofthe diversity
oftradition can advance the ecumenical project.As witnesses to
the development oftradition, the Fathers illustrate the gradual
and sequential evolution ofChristian theology as it engaged with
surrounding cultures and contexts.For example, they wrote in
Greek, Latin, and Syriac, responding to the cultures in which they
operated. Thestudy ofthe Fathers illustrates the simultaneous
operation ofdiverse spiritual, disciplinary, exegetical, and theological systems.27 The plurality ofthe Early Church in terms of
liturgy, language, and law illustrates that tradition is not
monolithic, and that amidst the diversity lies the unity ofacommon basic faith. Perhaps the study ofthe Fathers can contribute
to the ecumenical movements conversation on what is essential
and what counts as adiaphora? The Fathers witness to an evolving
tradition helps to locate ministers as links in that chain ofteaching, perhaps, empowering them to be open to innovation as they
seek to adapt the essential message for future contexts.
This paper began with an assessment ofthe place patristic
and historical studies holds in anumber ofdifferent Christian
denominations.Through astudy ofseminary curricula it was
observed that the privileged position theoretically afforded
historical and patristic studies is not reflected in the formational
syllabi. Thefinal section constituted an argument for the relevance
ofpatristic studies in the formation ofthe clergy. It was suggested
that patristics are particularly useful in understanding the development oftradition and in framing the challenges ofpastoral
ministry. It was argued that the Fathers composite approach
to theology is essentially pastoral, and consequently there is
27 Instruction on the Study ofthe Fathers ofthe Church in the Formation
ofPriests, p.544.

417

E. WALSH

anatural equivalence ofcontext between the Fathers and the

ministers-in-formation.Finally, it has been argued that theological education seeks to integrate personal, theological, and professional competencies, and that in many cases it is failing to achieve
the intended outcome.Since the Fathers naturally demonstrate
the integration envisaged by theological education it seems
reasonable to suggest that they should occupy more acentral
place in the formation ofclergy.

Bibliography
Secondary literature
The Anglican Way: Signposts on aCommon Journey, Singapore,2007.
Association ofTheological Schools Handbook ofAccreditation, Pennsylvania,2013.
J.Bartlett, From Divinity to Theology in four centuries, in Trinity
College Dublin &the Idea ofaUniversity ed.C.H.Holland,
Dublin,1991.
G.Bebis, Teaching Patristics on the Parish Level, Greek Orthodox
Theological Review, 48(2003), p.233-240.
Code ofCanon Law, 252 3, The Code ofCanon Law: Latin-English
Edition, Washington, D.C.,1983.
Congregation for Catholic Education, Instruction on the
Study ofthe Fathers ofthe Church in the Formation ofPriests,
Origins,19:34(1990), p.549-561.
P.S. Fiddes, Participating in God: aPastoral Doctrine ofthe Trinity,
London,2000.
E.L.Graham, H.Walton, F.Ward ed.Theological Reflection:
sources, London, 2007.
M.N. Kane, Codes ofConduct for Catholic Clergy in the United
States: The Professionalization ofthe Priesthood, Mental Health,
Religion and Culture, 9(2006), p.355-377.
J.Leach, The End ofTheological Education: An Analysis ofthe
Contribution ofPortfolio Learning to Formation in Ministry
within aUniversity Context, Journal ofAdult Theological Education,
7.2(2010), p.117-204.
J.V. Luce, The Church ofIreland and Trinity College Dublin,
1592-1992, Search: aChurch ofIreland Journal, 15(1992), p.9-17.

418

FORMATION FROM THE FATHERS

R.B. McDowell, D.A. Webb, TrinityCollege Dublin 1592-1952:

An Academic History, Cambridge,1982.
J.Meyendorff, Theological Education in the Patristic and Byzantine
Eras, St.Vladimirs Theological Quarterly, 31(1987), p.197-213.
J.E. Paver, Theological Reflection and Education for Ministry: The Search
for Integration in Theology, Hampshire,2006.
J.Thompson, S.Pattison, R.Thompson, SCM [=Student Christian
Movement] Study Guide to Theological Reflection, London,2008.
Trinity College Dublin Calendar 1880, Dublin, 1880.
Trinity College Dublin Calendar1931, Dublin,1931.
Trinity College Dublin Calendar1950, Dublin,1950.
Trinity College Dublin Calendar1970, Dublin,1970.
Trinity College Dublin Calendar1990, Dublin,1990.
United States Conference ofCatholic Bishops, Program of
Priestly Formation5thedition, Washington, D.C.,2006.

Abstract
This paper begins with an exploration ofthe place ofpatristic
studies in the theological education ofclergy in several Christian
denominations.It then offers asummary ofastudy ofseminary
curricula that attempted to ascertain the relative status ofpatristic
and historical studies vis--vis other theological disciplines. Noting
that patristic studies occupy arelatively small amount ofthe core
curriculum an argument is advanced for the relevance ofpatristics
for pastoral theology. Thepaper argues that the study ofthe Fathers
is particularly relevant to the objectives oftheological education,
namely the formation ofreflective practitioners that capably integrate
personal, theological and professional competencies.

419

REUVEN KIPERWASSER AND SERGE RUZER

The Open University of Israel The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

SYRIAC CHRISTIANS
AND BABYLONIAN JEWRY:
NARRATIVES
AND IDENTITY SHAPING
IN A MULTI-RELIGIOUS SETTING*

The research of last few decades has elaborated on the possibility of actual or indirect links between Babylonian Jewry of
the Talmudic period and contemporaneous Syriac Christianity,
with the geographical and cultural affinity, that is, the shared
Aramaic (Syriac) language, strongly suggesting the probability
of such links.1 For example, the possibility of the influence of
Jewish exegetical trends on Syriac Old Testament exegesis has
been repeatedly discussed.2 In the Sasanian Empire, Jews and
(Syriac- speaking) Christians also shared the status ofareligious
minority, which makes the comparative analysis of their iden-

*This research was supported by The Israel Science Foundation (grant

No.1344/12).
1
For discussion of the existing appraisals of these links, from actual influence all the way to the Zeitgeist, see A.Becker, The Comparative Study
of Scholasticism in Late Antique Mesopotamia: Rabbis and East Syrians,
AJS Review, 34.1 (2010), p.91-113.
2
See, for example, T.Kronholm, Motifs from Genesis 1-11 in the Genuine
Hymns of Ephrem the Syrian with Particular Reference to the Influence of Jewish Exegetical Tradition, Lund, 1978; S.Brock, Jewish Traditions in Syriac Sources,
Journal of Jewish Studies, 30(1979), p.212-232; G.Stemberger, Contacts
between Christian and Jewish Exegesis in the Roman Empire, in Hebrew Bible /
Old Testament: The History of Its Interpretation, vol.I/1ed.M.Sb, Gttingen,
1996, p.583-585; N.Koltun-Fromm, Aphrahat and the Rabbis on Noahs
Righteousness in Light of Jewish-Christian Polemic, in The Book of Genesis in
Jewish and Oriental Christian Interpretationsed.J.Frishman, L.Van Rompay,
Louvain, 1997, p.57-72; S.Ruzer, A.Kofsky, Syriac Idiosyncrasies: Theology and
Hermeneutics in Early Syriac Literature, Leiden, 2010, p.30-31, 43-48, 50, 56-59,
97-107; E.Narinskaya, Ephrem,aJewish Sage: AComparison of the Exegetical
Writings of St.Ephrem the Syrian and Jewish Traditions, Turnhout, 2010.
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107529

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tity-shaping strategies particularly promising.3 We will discuss

here some test cases important forabetter appraisal of the strategies and literary patterns characteristic of patristic and rabbinic
discourseadiscussion that will highlight the reciprocal relationship between Syriac patristic and Jewish studies. We will also
try to chart some new avenues of investigation, namely, arguing
that suchacomparative analysis can lead to the unearthing of
literary topoi of broader circulationoriginally neither Jewish
nor Christianperused by both Christian and Jewish traditions
deriving from the region in question.4
Our study relates to two examples of the comparative reading
of rabbinic and Christian narratives, which on the Christian side
both come from the Life of Isosabran, penned in Syriac by the
Catholicos IsoyahbIII in the early seventh century (620C.E.).
This isacomposition of which the Syriac text has somehow not
received the scholarly attention we believe it deserves.5 Though
ostensibly referring to events that took placeafew decades earlier, the treatise may also have been reacting to the new realities
of the Muslim conquest and the demise of Zoroastrian rule.6 Its
major point of reference, however, remains proto-Muslim, as
Isosabrans Vita focuses on its protagonists conversion to Christianity from Zoroastrianism, with him becoming an outstanding
ascetic who would later master Christian Scripture, thus acquiring an invincible armor of the Holy Scriptures spiritual iron
that would enable him to prevail in the agon of martyrdom.7

3 See R.Kiperwasser, S.Ruzer, Zoroastrian Proselytes in Rabbinic and

Syriac Christian Narratives: Orality-Related Markers of Cultural Identity,
History of Religions, 51.3 (2012), p.497-218.
4
The research presented here is part of an ongoing project: Boundaries
and Paradigms of Interaction: Constructing Christian and Jewish GroupIdentity in Late Antique Syria-Mesopotamia, conducted under the auspices
of the Israeli Science Foundation, of which Aryeh Kofsky is alsoaprincipal
investigator.
5
M.J.-B. Chabot, Histoire de Jsus-Sabran, crite par Jsus-Yab dAdiabne, Archives des missions scientifiques et littraires, 7 (1897), p.503-584; preface
and French abstract, p.485-502.
6 As suggested by G.Herman (personal communication).
7 Fol.195b, Chabot, p.524.

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SYRIAC CHRISTIANS AND BABYLONIAN JEWRY

1. Travel hazards
The first narrative unit to be discussed occurs in the Vita following Isosabrans departure from his native city on the way to his
solitary retreat in the wilderness:
One day, when I was staying under that rock, I overheard
something that sounded likeaconversation among many
men who were saying to one another: Lets make this rock
fall on him and destroy him.And they cried all together
withastrong voice like manual workers do: Now, all of
you together!8 And lo,acrack of the rock breaking down
was heard and it was slightly displaced and was already falling
upon me. But in the end all their scheme [thanks to Gods
grace] came to nothing.9

The episode is flanked by descriptions ofaseries of demonic

appearances harassing Isosabran during his sojourn in the wilderness. The context, thus, indicates that what our protagonist overhears in his half-sleep while resting in the shade of the menacing
rock isaconversation of evil demons.One of them casually suggests pushing the rock onto the head of Isosabran; the rock starts
moving, but in the final account the plot to hurt the holy man,
who is destined foragreat future, comes to nothing.10
In the tractate Taanit 21a of Babylonian Talmud, the narrator puts two pious rabbinic travelers from the third century
inasimilar situation ofaclose escape from imminent danger:11
Ilfa and R.Yohanan were in extreme need. They said:
Let us rise, go and busy ourselves with commerce (
)and let us fulfill in ourselves (the verse): There shall
One notes the use of what seems to be an idiomatic expression borrowed
from an oral Aramaic-speaking culture (ha shwat ha), to which our pedestrian
translation hardly does justice.
9 Fol.197a-b, Chabot, p.528-529.
10No concrete explanation is provided, however, except for the general
reference to Gods grace.
11 The story was analysed by scholars in the following works: Y.Fraenkel,
Studies in the Spiritual World of the Aggadic Narrative, Tel Aviv, 1981, p.89-91
(inHebrew); D.Levine, Holy Men and Rabbis in Talmudic Antiquity, in
Saints and Role Models in Judaism and Christianity (Jewish and Christian Perspectives, 7) ed.M.Poorthius, J.Schwartz, Leiden, 2004, p.45-57; C.Licht, Ten
Legends of the Sages: TheImage of the Sage in Rabbinic Literature, HobokenN.J.,
1991, p. 181-206.
8

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R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER

be no needy among you (Deut.15,4). Then they went

and sat down under the ruins ofacertain unsound wall
() . While they were eating bread R.Yohanan
overhead one angel saying to another: Come, let us cast
it down upon them and kill them, for they are abandoning
eternal life and busying themselves with the temporal life.
The other said tohim: Leave them be! One of them has
agreat future before him.

The story goes on with what may, in fact, be an independent

narrative unit:
R.Yohanan said to Ilfa, Did the master hear anything?
He said to him: No. He said [to himself]: This means
that I am the one withagreat future, I will return and fulfil of
myself the verse, For there will never cease to be needy ones
in your land (Deut.15,11). By the time Ilfa came back,
R.Yohanan was leading the Academy. When Ilfa came, they
said to him, Had you sat and studied, would you not be
leading? Ilfa went and suspended himself on the sail ofaship.
He said, If anyone asks meaquestion regarding the baraita of
the school of R.Hiyya and the school of R.Oshaya and I do
not explain it to him on the basis of our Mishna, I will throw
myself from the sail of the ship and drown in the river...12

The famous R.Yohanan b.Napaha and his friend Ilfaboth,

like Isosabran, at the very beginning of their religious vocation
but on the verge of preferringabusiness careerare described as
having an afternoon nap in the shade of ruins. One of them overhearsaconversation of two mysterious creatures,13 one of whom
suggests killing both would-be rabbis by pushing onto them
the shaky wall of the ruins.His interlocutor, however, cautions
against the plot, supporting his reservations by the knowledge
that one of the two Torah students is destined for great fame.
In addition to the obvious overlap, our stories also contain
meaningful differences. Thus unlike Isosabran, who is conspired
against by evil demons on his way to the glorious agon of religious
12The English translation is based upon J.L.Rubenstein, Stories of the
Babylonian Talmud, Baltimore, 2010, p.41-42, with the textual version based
on MS Oxford 366.
13Some existing versions specify that these are angels-in-Gods-service
() .

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SYRIAC CHRISTIANS AND BABYLONIAN JEWRY

perfection, the rabbinic protagonists are trying to escape their scholarly destiny and are correspondingly met with the intervention of
angels.Instead of the rock of Isosabrans story, the rabbinic narrative features an unsound wallatypical element of Babylonian
storytelling and an outstanding marker ofahalakhic issue pertaining to city dwellers.14 Literary dependence between the rabbinic
and Syriac traditions under discussion seems unlikely; one should
reasonably see them as developing the source-narrative independently, expressing their different cultural identities. Thus, whereas
journey is an important factor in shaping the identity ofaChristian
ascetic, in rabbinic narrative it is perceived asadistraction from
the ideal of incessant Torah study in the frame ofabeth-hamidrash.
As no explicit polemical markers can be discerned here, we are
inclined to believe that the evidence points rather to the two versions dependence on an underlying common topos.
If we look for an earlier version of the story in the Palestinian
Talmud, we will findaprototype to its second part only in the
form ofadoublet attested in two Talmudic tractates:
y.Ketubbot 6:7 [31 a]

y.Qiddushin 1:1 [58 d]

R.Yose said: That section

resolved Hilfas question. He said:
Place me on the bank of river.
If I cannot derive the baraitot of
R.Hiyya the Great from our
Mishnah. throw me into the
river! What did he say? Let the
trustee do that with which he
was charged (m.Ket.6:7).

Hilfai said: Place me on the

bank ofariver. If I cannot derive
the baraita of R.Hiyya the Great
from our Mishna, throw me into
the river.
They said to him: Behold, Rabbi
Hiyya taught: Asela is four dinars.
He said to them: So too we
have learnt in the Mishna [...]
(m.Baba Metzia 4:5).
They said to him: Behold,
R.Hiyya taught [...]
He said to them: So too we have
learnt in the Mishna.

14See Rubenstein, Stories of the Babylonian Talmud, p.44 and 54. The wall
hazard and the miraculous intervention of the angel appear also in aparallel
fromaChristian travel story attributed to John Moschus (late sixth early seventh century). See E.Mioni, Il Pratum Spirituale di Giovanni Mosco: gli episodi
inediti del Cod.Marciano greco 11.21, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 17(1951),
p.61-94, tr.- J.Wortley, The Spiritual Meadow by John Moschos: Introduction,
Translation and Notes, Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1992, p.220. We are grateful to
Hillel Newman for referring us to the parallel in The Spiritual Meadow.

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R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER

This Palestinian prototype of the story from the Babylonian

Talmud is very short and puzzling, but it was probably important
enough for the editors of Palestinian Talmud to record it twice
as an exemplary case ofachallenge toascholar. Hilfai offers
to demonstrate his proficiency in Oral Torah by equating laws
found in the baraitottannaitic traditions recorded outside of the
Mishnahof R.Hiyyas collection with the equivalent teachings
in the Mishna itself.So confident is he of his knowledge that
he agrees to be thrown into the river if he fails the challenge.
He successfully answers five queries pertaining to money issues,
achieving exactly what he has promisedacorrespondence
betweenaMishna andacorresponding baraita. This story was
transmitted to Babylonia, where the editors of the tractate
Taanith borrowed its second part,15 appending it toanewly
composed narrative about travel hazards.
Remaining faithful to the nature of the scholarly challenge
to Hilfai (here named Ilfa), the Babylonian editors reworked the
story to accord with their life context.In the original version
the hero offers to be thrown into the rivernot to jump
fromaships mast. Taking into account the nature of rivers in
Palestine, it is doubtful whether the Palestinian narrator meant
to put his protagonist in mortal danger; the narrator probably
only wanted to express the humiliation the hero would undergo
if tossed into the water asaconsequence of his failure to stand
up to the challenge. In the Babylonian Talmuds context, the
river is viewed as deep and wide, with ships sailing on it, and
correspondingly the protagonist offers in case of failure to jump
into it and get drowned.This change could be explained by the
general tendency of the Babylonian narrator to embellish the
narrative with additional drama, and by his understanding of the
phonetically changed name of the protagonist asapunIlfa
meaning boat in Babylonian Aramaic. What appears in the
passage from b.Taanith 21a, discussed above is, in fact, alater
and significantly transformed version of the story, where Ilfas
halakhic challenge is secondary to an earlier miraculous travel
hazard event. It seems that the Babylonian Jewish storytellers
15See Rubenstein, Stories of the Babylonian Talmud, p.48-53. Cfr. inter alia
b.Ket.69b, where it appeared in an almost intact form.

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SYRIAC CHRISTIANS AND BABYLONIAN JEWRY

constructed their version of the narrative by creating and adding

to the halakhic challenge episodewhich had reached them
from their Palestinian predecessors via b.Ketubbotthe account
of R.Yohanan and Ilfa leaving the Academy. By so doing, they
filled in the narrative gap, explaining why Ilfa took the challenge
upon himself.16
What provoked Ilfas bizarre act? That he simply wished to
show off his intellectual prowess is apparently notasatisfactory
explanation, especially after transformation of the consequences of
failure, from being thrown into the river to jumping fromamast
and drowning. The storytellers provideanarrative motivation for
Ilfas action, constructingaplot from elements that seem to have
been of major importance in their Babylonian Jewish culture.
The following such typical elements of Babylonian Talmudic
storytelling have recently been singled out from our narrative
by Jeffry Rubenstein: The sort of action taken when being
in extreme need; atypical divine punishment by means of an
unsound wall; apropitious foretell that changes the course
of the heros life; acollision between the eternal life of Torah
study and the temporal life of business, etc.17 We suggest that the
existence of an independent Syriac Christian parallel enables one
to complement Rubensteins analysis, associating the above list
of individual motifs with adeveloped narrative topos of broader
circulationnamely, belonging rather originally toabroader
cultural tradition than specifically to either aJewish or aChristian
minority milieu.
In the hypothetical legendary narrative containing that topos,
the protagonist might have been presented at the very beginning
of his testing life-journey as being exposed forafleeting moment
to the intervention of angelic/demonic powers andahint of his
future triumphwithamenacing wall asacharacteristic marker.
In our view, then, this case both demonstrates how the shared
motifs are modified in different ways in our two religiously motivated narratives and exemplifies the relevance ofacomparative
analysis of Syriac patristic and Babylonian rabbinic sources for

See, Rubenstein, Stories of the Babylonian Talmud, p.48-53.

Ibid., p.53.

16
17

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R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER

unearthing elements of their broader common late antique cultural backdrop.

2.ConvertingaZoroastrian
The second narrative unit selected for our discussion relates to an
earlier phase in the protagonists spiritual journey. Still, Isosabran
is portrayed here as and already accomplished ascetic, whose
command of the Christian tradition is nevertheless drastically
limited to merelyaknowledge by heart of the Lords Prayer,
which he recites incessantly.18 It is at this stage that Isosabran
decides to hurry down from the solitude of the mountains to
the theater of the world ( ) in order to study
the Holy Scripture, which should serve him as an invincible
armor[...] spiritual iron, the one that would not only be catching the arrows (coming) from those who adhere to false worship
but would also cause delight to the eyes of contemplation with
divine knowledge.19 According to our protagonists understanding, the knowledge of Scripture will both increase the sublime
delight he has already experienced in his mystical exercises and,
most important, will enable him to turn withaChristian mission
to his former Zoroastrian co-religionists.
Isosabran approachesapriest who had earlier brought him to
embrace Christianity and who, out of love for the ascetic, now
gives him asateacher his own young son.The very start of the
study process, however, generatesaconflict between the youth,
well versed in Scripture, and his grown-up pupil.
Isosabran asks: What would be right foraperson to study
first from the Covenant ( ?) And the youth replied

), then
that one should first of all learn the letters (
their (proper) vocalization () . After that one should
learn psalms ( ) and little by little he would read

) , and after he has been inall the scriptures (

structed in the Scriptures, he should approach their interpretation () . But the blessed man
18 We discussed this story in great detail in our earlier study: Kiperwasser,
Ruzer, Zoroastrian Proselytes in Rabbinic and Syriac Christian Narratives.
19 Fol.195b, Chabot, p.524.

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SYRIAC CHRISTIANS AND BABYLONIAN JEWRY

said to the youth: Inthe meantime, until I finish trying to

learn the letters teach me (orally) ten psalms. He said that
because he had been used to grasp orally ()
retna da-mgushutha ( , the mumbling of the
magi), as the teaching of Zoroaster is not written down

in intelligible characters (
). And he tried
to convince the youth that he would rather grasp things
from hearing them ( ) . And trying to take hold
of asaying he was laboring vigorously moving his neck
( ) back and forward in the manner of the magi

) . The youth, however, did not let him

(
do that, saying: You should not act as the magi do, but
rather stay quiet and let only your mouth speak. This way,
you are going to grasp many things inashort time. The two
of them came and told the priest about (all) that. And the
priest convinced him to learn the letters first, as it is from
them that the reading of all the Scriptures will become possible. He became convinced, accepted that and inafew days
learned the letters and went over about ten psalms and three
or four of the minor prayerful responses. He also learned
how to arrange all the evening and morning services and
frequently fulfilled his prayers with great fervor.20

Whereas the instructor intends to begin with the learning of

the letters of the (presumably Syriac) alphabet, the newcomer
representative ofaPersian cultural background is keen on
gaining knowledge of the scriptures by means of oral instruction and memorization. Isosabran therefore asked his instructor
to recite ten psalms to him and then immediately repeated them
out loud while shaking his head back and forththe custom he
had inherited from his Zoroastrian milieu. He was duly reprimanded not to behave in this way, what the narrator defines as
retna da-mgushuta (the bubbling of the magi), but to learn Scripture asaChristian should, by relying on written texts and forgoing wild bodily movements. In The Story of Isosabran, this peculiar boundary-marking motif is adduced to other expressions of
general aversion toward the Persian oral method of learning.
It deserves notice that the same derogatory term (bubbling of the
magi), referring to an emphasis on oral instruction and memori Fol.196a, Chabot, p.525.

20

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R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER

zation of the text without an effort to comprehend its content, is

applied in rabbinic literature in the context of internal polemic,
though withaclear awareness of its initial Zoroastrian setting, as
the mark ofalack of proper education.21
This tale invites us to turn to narratives about Zoroastrians
joining another involved minority, the Jews.The story in question is found in Kohelet Rabbah,22amidrash of Palestinian provenance that, however, adopted an otherwise non-attested Babylonian tradition concerning two Jewish Babylonian sages, Rav23
and Samuel,24 and one Iranian would-be convert.
Kohelet Rabbah 7, 8:25
Betterapatient spirit thanahaughty spirit.
A Persian ( ) came to Rav.
And told him: Teach me the Torah.
He told him: Say (on this) aleph.
He told him: Who says that this is aleph? Others would say it is not!
Say (on that) beth.
He told him: Who says that this is beth? Rav rebuked him and drove
him out in anger.
He went to Samuel
And told him: Teach me the Torah.
He told him: Say (on this) aleph.
21See b.Sotah 22a; J.Greenfield, Ratin Magosha, in Joshua Finkel Festschrift ed.S.B.Hoenig, L.D.Stitskin, New York, 1974, p.69; E.-S.Rosenthal, For the Talmudic DictionaryTalmudica Iranica, in Irano-Judaica:
Studies Relating to Jewish Contacts with Persian Culture Throughout the Ages, vol.1
ed.S.Shaked, A.Netzer, Jerusalem, 1982, p.71-72.
22
On this midrash, see, for example, M.Hirshman, Midrash Qohelet
Rabbah: Chapters 1-4, Ph.D.dissertation, Jewish Theological Seminary, 1983
(in Hebrew); R.Kiperwasser, Midrashim on Kohelet: Studies in their Redaction and Formation, Ph.D. dissertation, Bar Ilan University, 2005, p.43-72,
243-274 (in Hebrew); R.Kiperwasser, Towards the Redaction History of
Kohelet Rabbah, Journal of Jewish Studies 61 (2010), p.257-277.
23See for Abba Aricha, commonly known as Rav of the first amoraic
generation, H.Albeck, Introduction to the Talmud Bavli and Yerushalmi, Tel Aviv,
19892, p.170 (in Hebrew).
24See ibid., p.172.
25 For the list of the Kohelet Rabbah manuscripts that have been taken into
account, see Kiperwasser, Midrashim on Kohelet, Appendix: The Synopsis of
Kohelet Rabbah, p.63.

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SYRIAC CHRISTIANS AND BABYLONIAN JEWRY

He told him: Who says that this is aleph? He told him: Say (on that)
beth.
He told him: Who says this is beth?
He took hold of his ear and the man exclaimed: Oh my ear!
Oh my ear!
Samuel asked him: Who said this is your ear?
He answered: Everyone knows this is my ear.
He told him: In the same way, everyone knows that this is aleph
and that is beth. The Persian was immediately silenced and
accepted that.
Hence, betterapatient spirit thanahaughty spirit (Eccle.7,8).
Better is the forbearance that Samuel displayed with the Persian than the impatience that Rav showed towards him, for
otherwise the Persian might have returned to his heathenism
([ ) ...]

By calling the protagonist Persian the narrator seems to mark

him asapotential convert from Zoroastrianism, since both
Iranians and Jews seem to have perceived adherence to their
religion as tantamount to fidelity to their ethnicity.26 But why is
the Persian having doubts about the letters, and why do the sages
react in so violentafashion? Moreover, what causes the Persian
in the end to accept the second sages teaching? The Persian asks
to be taught Torah, which, even if the halakhic implications are
not spelled out, seems to be synonymous witharequest for conversion.27 In accordance with the prototypical pattern, attested
elsewhere in rabbinic sources (b.Shab.31a; Avot de R.Nathan
A15, B29), the prospective convert first approaches the pedantic teacher and only afterwards, having been rebuked, comes to
the empathic one.From the sages point of view it is crystal
clear that the process of Torah study must begin withastudy
of the letters, which points toareading-skills based education.

26 See P.Gignouxs remarks comparing Jewish and Zoroastrian notions of

identity in his Man and Cosmos in Ancient Iran (Series Orientale Roma, 91), Rome,
2001, p.95; Y.Elman, The Other in the Mirror: Iranians and Jews View One
Another: Questions of Identity, Conversion and Exogamy in the Fifth-Century
Iranian Empire: Part 2, The Bulletin of the Asia Institute, 20(2010), p.30.
27 See M.Finkelstein, Conversion:Halakhah and Practice - tr.from Hebrew
E.Levin, Ramat Gan,2006, p.195-198.

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R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER

An early witness to this educational method is found in

The Infancy Gospel of Thomas (ca125 C.E.), where an attempt
by Joseph at young Jesus systematic education begins with
teaching him letters, which tellingly puts Jesus and his instructor onacollision course.28 This motif is attested in Syriac
sources also, for example, in the Syriac recension of the same
Infancy Gospel,29 as well as in the surviving Syriac version of the
Wisdom of Ahiqar.30 It stands to reason that Syriac elementary
education did, in fact, start with teaching the letters.31
In Kohelet Rabbah, the attempt to teach the Persian the Hebrew
letter aleph encounters opposition from the potential convert.
He asksaquestion that might actually have had something to do
with his cultural background: His doubts concerning the lack
of certitude with regard to the meaning and/or pronunciation
of the letters might have reflectedasituation characteristic of
his native culture.32 Or alternatively, as one coming fromaculture withastrong emphasis on orality, he might have been
28
The Infancy Gospel of Thomas (IGT) 6, 14. For discussion of the surviving manuscripts, see W.Schneelmelcher, New Testament Apocrypha, vol.1,
London, 1991, p.439-443. Deserving of notice is the proximity between
the later rabbinic Who says that this is aleph? ( ) and What is
aleph ( ) appearing in the Syriac version of IGT 14.Cfr. the Syriac
version of The Legend (Wisdom) of Ahiqar ed.F.C.Conybeare, R.Harris,
A.S. Lewis, The Story of Ahikar: From the Aramaic, Syriac, Arabic, Armenian,
Ethiopic, Old Turkish, Greek and Slavonic Versions, Cambridge, 1913.p.36.
29
See The History of the Blessed Virgin Mary and The History of the Likeness of
Christ Which the Jews of Tiberias Made to Mock At, 2 vols. ed.E.A.W.Budge,
London, 1899, II, p.72-73.
30 A new consensus arising in recent decades sees Aramaic as the original
language of the Ahiqar story.See J.M.Lindenberger, Ahiqar (Seventh to
Sixth Century B.C.): A New Translation and Introduction, in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol.2 ed.J.H.Charlesworth, New York, 1985, p.481.
The wolf episode, relevant here, is however absent from the surviving fragments
of the Aramaic text from Elephantine.
31 See N.V. Pigulevskaya, The Culture of the Syrians in the Middle Ages,
Moscow, 1979, p.38-41 (in Russian).
32As is known, the Middle Persian language used the Aramaic characters, some of which for certain historical reasons acquiredanumber of various
readings. However, the exact historical background of this phonetic uncertainty remains disputed.See, for example, P.Huyse, Late Sasanian Society
between Orality and Literacy, in The Sasanian Era ed.V.S.Curtis, S.Stewart
(The Idea of Iran Series,3) London, 2008, p.144-149. Therefore suggestions
regarding the possible phonetic background of the Persians doubts remain only
hypothetical.

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inclined to focus on the study of word units rather than letters:

While the words are crucial for the transmission ofacultures
religious content, the letters are mainly of interest to scribes, who
need to properly write contracts.That until the Islamic period
Iranians retained strong reservations about putting things into
writing is duly attested in their literary sources.33
Whatever the case, the intention of the Persian in the story
seems clear: If everything you know about your religion is
gleaned fromawritten text, how can you be sure that your
understanding is right and not conditioned by wrong ways of
reciting the Scripture. His inquiry thus aims to clarifyacrucial
issue: Is the sacral tradition of the Jews based onatrustworthy
oral tradition, or do they have to rely only on an unreliable written text? The rabbis response is tailored to alleviate the Persians
doubts: Jewish oral traditioneveryone knows that this is aleph
and that is bethis as trustworthy as his own basic immediate
certitude that the ear in acute pain is his ear.
In principle, the possibility cannot be completely excluded
of some literary interdependence of the rabbinic and Syriac
traditions depicting conversion of Persians into the true faith
Judaism and Christianity, respectively. However, the evidence at hand seems to point rather to parallel and independent
boundary-drawing strategies employed by the two minority
groups to define their identity, by contrast, vis--visadominant culture commonly perceived as founded on orality.34
In this context, the study of Scripture stands out asashared
marker of their self-definition. However, along with the similarities in portraying the Persian Other, corroborated by
other available sources, meaningful nuances in appraising the
emphasis on oral tradition may be discerned. Whereas both
33 Thus one learns from Denkard V 24.13 (9th century): The legitimacy of
[the] oral tradition is thus in many respects greater than that of writing. And it
is logical, for many other reasons as well, to consider the living and oral Word
as more essential than the written one.The citation is according to Huyse,
Late Sasanian Society, p.143. See C.Cereti, La Letteratura Pahlavi: Introduzione
ai testi con riferimenti alla storia degli studi e alla tradizione manoscritta, Milan, 2001,
p.41-78.
34 Forapossibility of additional internal direction of the polemic, see Kiperwasser, Ruzer, Zoroastrian Proselytes in Rabbinic and Syriac Christian Narratives, p.217, n.82.

433

R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER

Jews and Christians are inclined to present the exclusively oral

Zoroastrian culture asalower one, the Jews are less extreme
about this, allowing, even in an explicitly polemical context,
foragreater measure of interconnection between the written
and oral paths of learning, in accordance with their notion
of the two Torahs complementing each other. This internal
tension present in the Jewish version of the education-based
initiation narrative may be provisionally contextualized within
broader cultural trends, namely,along period of oral composition and transmission of the Babylonian Talmud taking place
against the background ofapervasive orality characteristic of
Babylonia, as contrasted with the greater prevalence of written transmission in the Greco-Roman cultural realm.35 It is
of interest that in both cases the study of Scripture functions
asamarker of the irreversibility of the religious transformation. The Syriac story also emphasizes the polemical function
ofaScripture-centered education, which is supposed to provide ammunition in disputations with Zoroastrians. This motif
is conspicuously absent from the rabbinic narrative,afact that
may indicate the difference in modes of missionary outreach
among Jews, as opposed to Christians.
A number of recent studies have highlighted the emphasis on
oral tradition as an important identity marker in the late antique
Jewish polemic against Christianity.36 Our investigation shows
that inadissimilar context, with Zoroastrians and not Christians
as the Other, the strategy of identity marking employed by the
Jewish side was different. Although not completely abandoning

35As suggested in Y.Elman, Orality and the Redaction of Babylonian

Talmud, Oral Tradition, 14.1 (1999), p.52-99. See also Idem, Middle Persian
Culture and Babylonian Sages: Accommodation and Resistance in the Shaping
of Rabbinic Legal Tradition, in The Cambridge Companion to the Talmud and
Rabbinic Literatureed.C.E.Fonrobert, M.S.Jaffee, Cambridge, 2007, p.176180; R.Brody, The Geonim of Babylonia and Shaping of Medieval Jewish Culture,
New Haven, 1998, p.156-161; J.L.Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian
Talmud, Baltimore - London, 2003, p.62-63.
36 See, for example, G.G.Stroumsa, The Scriptural Movement of Late
Antiquity and Christian Monasticism, Journal of Early Christian Studies, 16.1
(2008), p.61-64; I.Yuval, The Orality of Jewish Oral Law: From Pedagogy
to Ideology, in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam in the Course of History: Exchange
and Conflicts ed.L.Gall, D.Willoweit, Mnchen, 2011, p.237-260.

434

SYRIAC CHRISTIANS AND BABYLONIAN JEWRY

orality, elsewhere posited as the true mystery of God,37 it stressed

instead the prime importance of the ability to read the written tradition, an ability based on letter-centered literacy, as the
distinguishing feature vis--vis what was being perceived as characteristic of the Persian culture.38 When interacting with Persian
culture, Jewish self-perception focuses on the written nature of
its religious heritage, as opposed to when it faces Christianity
and embraces the self-image of an orality-oriented tradition.
The rabbinic narrative under discussion thus, highlights the
relative nature of the stances taken in polemical contexts, even
when they pertain to suchacore issue as the centrality of the
Oral Torah. The Syriac initiation narrative, presenting an unabashedly anti-oral stance, provides here an instructive backdrop
to the mixed strategy employed in the rabbinic variant.
As forapossible literary link between the two traditions, it
may go back to an underlying common topos representing the
broader, and religiously neutral, cultural background shared by
Jews and Christians. This topos might have had its origin in the
story ofawonder-child refusing to follow the ordinary course
of elementary study;39 but in our narratives it already functions
in the context of religious rites de passage. The Persian newcomer
is portrayed in both Jewish and Christian narratives as one who
initially rejects the suggested course of education based on the
knowledge of written letters.In both cases, the initiation of
the outsider is achieved viaaprivate study session rather than
throughaschool-based course of education.

Tanchuma-Buber Vayera 6 and Tanchuma Vayera 5.

See M.Hirshmans remark that this insistence on reading is all the more
remarkable if we are to recall that Talmudic culture is self consciously oral
(The Stabilization of Rabbinic Culture, 100C.E.-350 C.E. Texts on Education
and Their Late Antique Context, OxfordNewYork, 2009, p.103).
39 See the appearance of the motif in the Infancy Gospel of Thomas and the
Wisdom of Ahiqar, related to above.Foramore detailed discussion of the existing textual evidence, see R.Kiperwasser, S.Ruzer, ToConvertaPersian
and Teach Him the Holy Scriptures: aZoroastrianProselyte in Rabbinic
and SyriacChristian Narratives in Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians: Religious
Dynamics inaSasanian Contexted.G.Herman, Piscataway, NJ, 2014,
p.120-127.
37
38

435

R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER

3.Conclusion
We have presented two cases, exemplifying the reciprocal potential ofacomparative study of Syriac Christian and Babylonian
rabbinic sources, and we have consciously chosen traditions that
do not show signs of direct dependence or contact. In the first
case, the comparative analysis of the sources representing our
two minority groups both highlighted their different religious
agendas and allowed for restoring otherwise unattested patterns
of their broader pagan Mesopotamian cultural backdrop with
which they converse.This restoration track may be seen as
analogous to the attempts, mutatis mutandis, to restore elements
of first-century common Judaism on the basis of patterns shared
by two minority sectarian groups represented by the Dead Sea
Scrolls and earliest Christian writings.
The second case may also possibly indicateashared religiously neutral topos ofawonder-child primary education; its
main input, however, is that it exemplifies parallel and seemingly
independent attempts at defining self-identity by our two minority groups in response to the same Zoroastrian cultural challenge.
The comparison definitely helps to better appreciate the peculiarities of each of the responses; moreover, this case somehow
offers an even more significant insight into the Jewish aspect of
the conundrum for which the Christian narrative provides an
illuminating backdrop.This may be seen asacomplementing,
and for now less trodden reversal, of the more usual paths of
study of rabbinic sources asabackdrop for patristic ones.

Bibliography
Primary Sources
The History of the Blessed Virgin Mary and The History of the Likeness of Christ Which the Jews of Tiberias Made to Mock At, 2vols.
ed. E.A.W. Budge, London, 1899.
Jesus-Yab of Adiabene, Story of Jesus-Sabraned. M.J.-B. Chabot,
Histoire de Jsus-Sabran, crite par Jsus-Yab dAdiabne,
Archives des missions scientifiques et littraires, 7(1897), p.502-584.
John Moschus, The Spiritual Meadowed.E.Mioni, Il Pratum
Spirituale di Giovanni Mosco: g1i episodi inediti del Cod.Mar-

436

SYRIAC CHRISTIANS AND BABYLONIAN JEWRY

ciano greco 11.21, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 17(1951),

p.61-94; tr.J.Wortley, The Spiritual Meadow by John Moschos:
Introduction, Translation and Notes, Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1992.
The Infancy Gospel of Thomas, Greek versioned.C.von Tischendorf, Evangelia apocrypha, Leipzig, 1876.
The Infancy Gospel of Thomas, Syriac versioned.W.Baars, J.Heldermann, Neue Materielen zum Text und zur Interpretation des
Kindheitsevangeliums des Pseudo-Thomas, Oriens Christianus,
77(1993), p.191-226; 78 (1994), p.1-32.
The Legend of Ahiqared.F.C.Conybeare, R.Harris, A.S.Lewis,
The Story of Ahikar: From the Aramaic, Syriac, Arabic, Armenian,
Ethiopic, Old Turkish, Greek and Slavonic Versions, Cambridge,
1913.
Palestinian TalmudTalmud Yerushalmi.According to ms.Or.4720
of the Leiden University Library with Restorations and corrections,
The Academy of the Hebrew Language, Jerusalem, 2001.
Treatise Taanit, Babylonian Talmuded. H.malter, The Treatise
Taanit of the Babylonian Talmud, NewYork, 1930, repr.Jerusalem, 1973.
Tanchuma-Bubered.S.Buber, Midrasch Tanhuma, 2 vols.Wilna,
1885; repr.Jerusalem, 1964.

Secondary literature
H.Albeck,Introduction to the Talmud Bavli and Yerushalmi, TelAviv,
19892 (in Hebrew).
A. Becker, The Comparative Study of Scholasticism in Late
Antique Mesopotamia: Rabbis and East Syrians, AJS Review,
34.1 (2010), p.91-113.
S. Brock,Jewish Traditions in Syriac Sources, Journal of Jewish
Studies, 30(1979), p.212-232.
R. Brody, The Geonim of Babylonia and Shaping of Medieval Jewish
Culture, NewHaven, 1998.
C.Cereti, La Letteratura Pahlavi: Introduzione ai testi con riferimenti alla
storia degli studi e alla tradizione manoscritta, Milan, 2001.
Y.Elman, The Other in the Mirror: Iranians and Jews View One
Another: Questions of Identity, Conversion and Exogamy in the
Fifth-Century Iranian Empire: Part2, The Bulletin of the Asia
Institute, 20(2010), p.25-46.
Y.Elman, Middle Persian Culture and Babylonian Sages: Accommodation and Resistance in the Shaping of Rabbinic Legal Tra-

437

R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER

dition, in The Cambridge Companion to the Talmud and Rabbinic

Literatureed.C.E.Fonrobert, M.S.Jaffee, Cambridge, 2007,
p.165-197.
Y. Elman, Orality and the Redaction of Babylonian Talmud,
Oral Tradition, 14.1 (1999), p.52-99.
M.Finkelstein,Conversion:Halakhah and Practice, tr.from Hebrew
by E.Levin, Ramat Gan,2006.
Y. Fraenkel, Studies in the Spiritual World of the Aggadic Narrative,
TelAviv, 1981 (inHebrew).
P. Gignoux, Man and Cosmos in Ancient Iran (Series Orientale
Roma,91), Rome, 2001.
J. Greenfield,Ratin Magosha, in Joshua Finkel Festschrift
ed.S.B.Hoenig, L.D.Stitskin, NewYork, 1974, p.63-69.
M. Hirshman, The Stabilization of Rabbinic Culture, 100C.E.
350C.E. Texts on Education and Their Late Antique Context,
Oxford NewYork, 2009.
M.Hirshman, Midrash Qohelet Rabbah: Chapters 1-4, Ph.D. dissertation, Jewish Theological Seminary, 1983 (inHebrew).
P. Huyse,Late Sasanian Society between Orality and Literacy,
in The Sasanian Era (The Idea of Iran,3)ed.V.S.Curtis,
S.Stewart, London, 2008, p.140-155.
R.Kiperwasser, Towards the Redaction History of Kohelet Rabbah,
Journal of Jewish Studies, 61(2010), p.257-277.
R.Kiperwasser, Midrashim on Kohelet: Studies in their Redaction and Formation, Ph.D. dissertation, Bar Ilan University,
2005 (inHebrew).
R. Kiperwasser,S.Ruzer,ToConvertaPersianand Teach
Him the Holy Scriptures: aZoroastrianProselyte in Rabbinic
and SyriacChristian Narratives, in Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians: Religious Dynamics inaSasanian Contexted.G.Herman,
Piscataway, NJ, 2014, p.91-127.
R. Kiperwasser,S.Ruzer,Zoroastrian Proselytes in Rabbinic
and Syriac Christian Narratives: Orality-Related Markers of
Cultural Identity, History of Religions, 51.3(2012), p.197-218.
N. Koltun-Fromm,Aphrahat and the Rabbis on Noahs Righteousness in Light of Jewish-Christian Polemic, in The Book of
Genesis in Jewish and Oriental Christian Interpretations ed.J.Frishman, L.Van Rompay, Louvain, 1997, p.57-72.
T. Kronholm, Motifs from Genesis 1-11 in the Genuine Hymns of
Ephrem the Syrian with Particular Reference to the Influence of Jewish
Exegetical Tradition, Lund, 1978.

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D.Levine, Holy Men and Rabbis in Talmudic Antiquity, in Saints

and Role Models in Judaism and Christianity (Jewish and Christian
Perspectives) ed.M.Poorthius, J.Schwartz, Leiden, 2004, p.4557.
C.Licht, Ten Legends of the Sages: TheImage of the Sage in Rabbinic
Literature, Hoboken N.J., 1991.
J.M. Lindenberger,Ahiqar (Seventh to Sixth Century B.C.): ANew
Translation and Introduction, in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,
vol.2 ed.J.H.Charlesworth, NewYork, 1985, p.479-507.
E.Narinskaya,Ephrem,aJewish Sage: AComparison of the Exegetical
Writings of St.Ephrem the Syrian and Jewish Traditions, Turnhout,
2010.
N.V. Pigulevskaya, The Culture of the Syrians in the Middle Ages,
Moscow, 1979 (in Russian).
E.S.Rosenthal,For the Talmudic DictionaryTalmudica Iranica,
in Irano-Judaica: Studies Relating to Jewish Contacts with Persian
Culture Throughout the Ages, vol.1ed.S.Shaked, A.Netzer,
Jerusalem, 1982, p.38-134 (inHebrew).
J.L. Rubenstein, Stories of the Babylonian Talmud, Baltimore, 2010.
J.L. Rubenstein,The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud, Baltimore
London, 2003.
S.Ruzer,A.Kofsky,Syriac Idiosyncrasies: Theology and Hermeneutics
in Early Syriac Literature, Leiden, 2010.
G.Stemberger,Exegetical Contacts between Christians and Jews in
the Roman Empire, in Hebrew Bible/Old Testament: The History
of Its Interpretation, vol.I/1: Antiquity ed.M.Sb, Gttingen,
1996, p.569-586.
G.G. Stroumsa, The Scriptural Movement of Late Antiquity and
Christian Monasticism, Journal of Early Christian Studies, 16.1 (2008),
p.61-76.
I. Yuval, The Orality of Jewish Oral Law: From Pedagogy to
Ideology, in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam in the Course of
History: Exchange and Conflictsed.L.Gall, D.Willoweit,
Mnchen, 2011, p.237-260.

Abstract
Recent research has drawn attention to the possibility of actual or
indirect links between Babylonian Jewry of the Talmudic period
and contemporaneous Syriac Christianity, with the geographical and
cultural affinitye.g., the shared Aramaic (Syriac) languagestrongly

439

R. KIPERWASSER - S. RUZER

suggesting the probability of such links. Moreover, in the Sasanian

Empire, the two entities also shared the status ofareligious minority,
which makes analysis of their identity-shaping strategies particularly
promising. This paper highlights reciprocal relationship between
Syriac patristic and Jewish studies, suggesting some previously
understudied avenues of investigation. First, it focuses not on Syriac
biblical exegesis or religious lore, where rabbinic influence is usually
suspected, but rather on selected narrative patterns. Second, the
customary scholarly interest in rabbinic sources as possibly relevant
for clarifying elements of Syriac tradition is complemented here by
an alternative direction: using Syriac narrative parallels for clarifying
the historical and cultural setting of their rabbinical counterparts.
And, finally, the comparative analysis of the sources representing our
two minority groups not only underscores their different religious
agendas but also allows for restoring otherwise unattested patterns
of their broader culturalnamely the pagan, Mesopotamian/
Babylonianbackdrop with which they converse.

440

PATRISTICS, LITERATURE,
AND HISTORIES OFTHE BOOK

MARK VESSEY
Vancouver

LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE:

ANDR MANDOUZE, PETER BROWN
AND THE AVOCATIONS OFPATRISTICS
AS APHILOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Ask your fathers and they will show you, your elders and they
will tell you (Deut.32,7).With this line from asong ofMoses,
acertain Vincentius, pen-name Peregrinus, writing from an
island on the Gallo-Roman riviera, launched the first methodological essay in patristics avant la lettre, awork later known
as the Commonitorium and nowadays remembered chiefly for its
authors beguilingly uncontroversial definition oforthodoxy
as that which has been believed everywhere, at all times, by
all persons.1 Composing his treatise under the double impact
ofthe complete works ofAugustine (d.430) and the acts ofthe
first Council ofEphesus (431), in amilieu in which the routines
ofmonastic conference or collatio were being skilfully blended
with those ofwritten discourse, Vincent was among the earliest
thinkers to project aplenary text ofthe Christian Fathers,
understanding the latter to be approved teachers providentially
spread throughout the Church in time and space (in ecclesia
dei divinitus per tempora et loca dispensatos), whose teachings
had been, or would be, transmitted in writing to persons living
in other places and times.2
1
Vinc. Lirin., Comm.1,1 ed.R.Demeulenaire, CCSL 64, p.147:
Dicente scriptura et monente: Interroga patres tuos et dicent tibi, seniores et
adnuntianbunt tibi [...]; 2,5, p.149: In ipsa item catholica ecclesia magnopere
curandum est, ut id teneamus quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus
creditum est.
2 Vinc.Lirin., Comm.38,10(CCSL 64, p.188); H.J.Sieben, Die Konzilsidee der Alten Kirche, Paderborn,1970, p.149-170 (Der Konzilsbegriff des
Vincenz vonLerin).

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107530

443

M. VESSEY

Vincent drafted his Commonitorium on the island ofLerinum

(Lrins) in 434.Meanwhile, on the other side ofthe Mediterranean, in Hippo Regius, the man who had lately come to play
Tiro to Augustines Cicero, Possidius ofCalama, was wrapping
up his biography ofthe most prolific ofLatin-writing Fathers
with afew well-chosen tropes oforality, insisting for example
that Augustine had always been more than just an antitype ofthe
evangelists scribe instructed unto the kingdom ofheaven,
which bringeth forth out ofhis treasure things new and old
(Matt.13, 52, KJV).3 It did no harm that the same biblical verse
had already been used by Augustine himselfto capture the
figural, polysemic quality ofdivine scriptureat the beginning
ofone ofhis most writerly, least oratorical works, the De Genesi
ad litteram or Literal Commentary on Genesis.4
Passages and paradoxes like these may now be seen as marking acritical threshold for Western or Latin-Roman consciousness ofthe textuality ofthe far-flung Christian community as
acognitive, social and political phenomenon. Critical threshold
marking is an activity to which historians even ofthe latest
fashion are still prone, and anniversaries confirm our weakness for it. Here the half-centenary ofan international scholarly
organization provides an opportunity to mark such athreshold
in the recent history ofscholarship on the Fathers as scriptores
ecclesiastici, writers ofthe church, as Jerome called them in the
title ofhis influential catalogue oftheir company, otherwise
known as the Deviris illustribus.5 Though styled plenary in the
conference program, this paper will encompass no great tracts
oftime, space, thought or bibliography.Its coordinates will
be fleeting and provincial.It means to open, without circumscribing, the space for adiscussion that will then find its own
way between other papers to follow, under the rubric of Patristics, Literature, and Histories ofthe Book, according to the
interestsin the first instance ofthose whom the providence
3
Possidius, Vita Augustini, 31,10, in Vita di Cipriano, Vita di Ambrogio, Vita
di Agostino ed.A.A.R.Bastiaensen, Roma,Milano, 1975, p.240.
4 Aug., Gen.ad litt., I,1 ed.J.Zycha, (CSEL 28/1, p.3).
5 Hier., Epist.112,3(to Augustine) ed.I.Hilberg,(CSEL 55, p.370);
M. Vessey, Augustine among the Writers ofthe Church, in ACompanion
to Augustine ed.M.Vessey, Malden, MA, 2012, p.240-254.

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LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

ofour hosts has gathered from around the world for acollatio
or conference on the Fathers in (of all places) Jerusalem.

Patristics at the limits

Acollective instinct for the plenary seems to have been afeatureif not anote ofpatristic studies since the time of
Vincent ofLrins, or whenever we date the beginning of
such activities.We might begin by asking our own fathers.
My father in patristics, whether he knew it or not, was that
great and genial scholar ofAugustine, Andr Mandouze, in
whose seminar at the Sorbonne as an auditeur libre, more than
thirty years ago, Iwas introduced to adiscipline until then
unknown and unnamed to me. Andr Mandouze was apeerless impresario ofthe Fathers. Some ofyou will have relished,
if only on video, his presentation ofAugustines Confessions in
Strasbourg Cathedral during lanne de lAlgrie en France
of2003, co-starring Grard Dpardieu.6 Rarely has an actor
ofDpardieus gifts been so completely upstaged by an elderly
scholar. Mandouze was abrilliant publicist for the causes that
he espoused, as well as an impressively conscientious academic.7
Four and ahalf decades earlier, in1959, he had delivered aplenary report to the Third International Conference on Patristic
Studies in Oxford. Its title was Mesure et dmesure de la Patristique (The Proportions and Disproportion ofPatristics or
The Extent and Excesses ofPatristics).8 In those days, as AdolfMartin Ritter has reminded us, French was still the international language ofpatristic studies.9 Written to be read, the text
ofMandouzes report was published unaltered.Even in print
it is an unmistakably Mandouzian oration: sinuous, allusive,
G.Dpardieu, A.Mandouze, Approches et lectures de saint Augustin [videocassette], Paris,2004; G.Dpardieu, A.Mandouze, Lire Saint Augustin,
Paris,2004. Thelive performance was also given in Paris and Bordeaux.
7 For ascholars autobiography like no other, see A.Mandouze, Mmoires
doutre-sicle, I:Dune Rsistance lautre, s.l.,1998; II:(1962-1981) gauche
toute, bon Dieu!, Paris,2003.
8A.Mandouze, Mesure et dmesure de la Patristique, in Studia Patristica,
3=TU, 78 ed.F.L.Cross, Berlin,1961, p.3-19.
9 See his contribution to this volume, p.195-207.
6

445

M. VESSEY

provocative, baroquisant. It occupies aplace ofhonour at the

front ofthe published proceedings, under the Latin heading
Introductio, asection-title used there for the only time (sofar) in
the exponentially expanding series ofStudia Patristica.Yet already,
as we shall see, that touch ofeditorial decorum risked upsetting
the brinkmanshipthe calculated mesure en dmesure of Mandouzes plenary discourse.
His lecture began comfortably enough:
Since our collective enterprise belongs to atradition that
ultimately goes back to the Fathers themselves, it seems to
me fitting, in order to situate more precisely the succession
in which we stand (le relais que nous prenons), to begin with
the conclusion reached by Father de Ghellinck at the close
ofhis survey ofthe Progress and main directions in patristic
studies over the past fifteen centuries.10

That survey ofde Ghellinks being then ofrecent date, this sentence by itself already effortlessly reunited the present company
in Oxford with fifth-century collatores ofthe Fathers like Vincent
ofLrins. Thequotation that followed now fills apage, ending
with de Ghellincks last words in1947:
What is beyond doubt [he had written] is that the continuation ofthis research, and a fortiori ofthe progress of these
studies, is only possible at the price ofindefatigable labour
and ofatechnical mastery, the necessity ofwhich makes itself
ever more keenly felt with the expansion of the field to be
cultivated and the multiplicity of new disciplines of knowledge called upon to exploit it with sober competence.11

Steady, well-coordinated professional expertise was the prerequisite for any patristic science that would not sooner or later
overflow its own measure, asalready in1947this science
promised and threatened to do.It was almost as if, speaking
ofthe immediate post-War crise de croissance in patristic studies,

Mandouze, Mesure, p.3.

J.De Ghellinck, Patristique et MoyenAge: tudes dhistoire littraire et
doctrinale, II:Introduction et complments ltude de la patristique, Brussels, Paris,
1947 [repr.1961], p.180.
10
11

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LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

de Ghellinck had foreseen the need for the Oxford patristic

conferencesour Oxford conferences, as Mandouze collegially called them on that early autumn day in1959.12
Indefatigable labour, technical mastery, sober competence,
following in atradition as old as the Fathers themselves... Another
plenary speaker in Jerusalem, reading apaper to be revised for
this volume, might with perfect justice begin by placing this
weeks collective enterprise and its sponsoring Association
squarely and ecumenically in the tradition evoked by Mandouze
in1959 after de Ghellinck in1947. That was not my purpose in
beginning where Ihave.Nor can Iadd anything to the accounts
that other speakers have given ofthe genesis and early history
ofthe Association, by reading (as one might) between the lines
ofMandouzes Oxford plenary for early hints ofan initiative that
would come to fruition in Paris six years later.Instead, Iwant
to press this text ofMandouzes alittle harder in adirection
that it already takes from the start, with its founding reference
to awork ofle Pre de Ghellinck, in order to suggest that that
reference should now be interpreted as asign ofif not in fact
the signal for ahistoric break in the relais or succession oftexts
descending from the Fathers towards ourselves.

Patrology, history ofancient Christian literature

The work ofde Ghellincks in question had been subscribed
by its author from Louvain on the feast ofSt.John Damascene
in1946 and published the next year as the second volume in the
series ofhis collected studies, entitled Patristique et Moyen Age:
12 Mandouze, Mesure, p.4: nos confrences dOxford. Cfr. Mandouze, Mmoires, I,p.36: Je ne me doutais pas, ce moment-l [in1934],
que mes dlices, ce serait, partir de1959, de me rendre, sauf exception, tous
les quatre ans en Angleterre, non plus Wimbledon, mais Oxford pour
participer ce que jappelle irrvrencieusement la foire aux Pres(de lglise).
Jaurai sans aucun doute en reparler. Alater reference(p.238) to participation in le march aux Pres(de lglise, bien sr) shows that Mandouze in
fact already attended the second Oxford conference in1955, and that he did so
in the company ofH.-I.Marrou, whose paper that year, Civitas Dei, civitas
terrena. Num tertium quid?(Studia Patristica,2, p.342-350) announced anew
understanding ofAugustines sense ofthe saeculum as le temps de lhistoire.
See also below, n.36.

447

M. VESSEY

tudes dhistoire littraire et doctrinale.13 At least four volumes were

planned, but the difficulties ofthe time, and the authors death
in1950, restricted the actual series to three. Thefirst contained
researches on the origins ofthe Apostles Creed. Thesecond,
to which Mandouze would refer in Oxford, was separately titled
Introduction et complments ltude de la patristique and presented
part ofalarger body ofmaterial that de Ghellinck had been
assembling and revising in view ofaunified Introduction that
could serve as asupplement to standard handbooks ofpatristics
or patrology. Inthe meantime, as he explained in apreface,
the chapters in the present volume dealt mainly with histoire
littraire, offering asummary tableau ofthe general transmission
ofpatristic works, their immediate mode ofdiffusion, [and] the use
made ofthem either soon after their appearance or in later ages.
He expressed ahope that veterans as well as novices in the study
oftheology would benefit from seeing the gradual, centurieslong process ofChristian education documented in this way
through the history ofthe books that had nourished the thought
ofgenerations before their own.14
This, then, was to be literary history as history ofthe books
ofthe Fathers as ancillary discipline to theology.De Ghellincks
outline ofthat history is atour de force comparable to Wilamowitzs
Geschichte der Philologie, and better documented.15 It has not been
superseded as ageneral treatment ofthe subject.
This second, literary-historical volume ofde Ghellincks
Patristique et Moyen Age took the form ofadiptych.Its latter
section gathered the evidence for the diffusion and transmission
ofpatristic writings in the early centuries and drew up abalance
sheet ofwhat had been lost and preserved, ending encouragingly
with the discovery ofthe Toura papyri (in1941).But it
was the first section ofthe book, containing asurvey ofthe
Progress and main directions (tendances) in patristic studies over
See n.11 above.
De Ghellinck, Patristique et Moyen Age, II, p.viii.
15 Cfr. U.Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, History ofClassical Scholarship
tr.A.Harrised.with an intro.and notes by H.Lloyd-Jones, London,
1982; first published in1921 as Geschichte der Philologie.On Wilamowitzs sense
ofthe scope and obligations ofphilology, see the editors introductory remarks,
esp.p.vii-xvii.
13
14

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LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

[theprevious] fifteen centuries, thatin its closing sentence,

already quotedwould provide Mandouze with his stately
yet destabilizing opening gambit in Oxford.That section, too,
is almost exclusively literary or book-historical in content.
The story that it told was one ofthe progressive recovery and
critical editing oftexts, ofthe refinement ofphilological methods
from the Renaissance onwards, and ofthe gradual absorption
ofthe textual objects ofpatristic study into the non-theological,
philological sciences ofantiquity as those had developed since the
early nineteenth century. (Wilamowitz is aconstant referencepoint.) The final chapter addressed the latest consequence
of these new directions in scholarship, under aheading that,
while equivocal, stopped aquestion-mark short ofbeing
explicitly interrogative: Patrology or history ofancient Christian
literature.
Patrologie ou histoire de la littrature chrtienne antique (?). After
reviewing the debates in recent decades between Protestant,
Catholic, and confessionally unaligned proponents ofnew-style
literary histories that would include patristic texts within their
purview and so potentially displace patrology as aphilological
discipline, de Ghellinck came to aconclusion in which nothing
was concluded:
Despite all theoften meritoriousattempts reviewed in the
foregoing pages, we are not yet close to possessing adefinitive
[literary] history, so diverse are the materials to be considered,
so elusive or complex the literary character ofmany
ofthe writers, and so poorly understood [...] the relations
between them and the ambient literature [of the time],
or their mutual influences on each other.16

The ideal ofa(new) literary history that would take due

account ofthe Fathers ofthe Church, if ever it was to be
realized, still waited on further research.That is where de
Ghellinck ended in1947, with the rallying cry that Mandouze
would repeat with adifference in1959.

DeGhellinck, Patristique et Moyen Age, II, p.180.

16

449

M. VESSEY

...or something else?

All this happened along time ago. Thefact that Iwish to register today, in the interests offinally slipping these ancient disciplinary moorings, is that Mandouzes introductory summons
to his fellow scholars in Oxford in1959 took for its point
ofdeparture the point ofnon-arrival ofan already decades-long
experiment in recasting patristics as aspecies or sub-class of
literary history.It was an experiment that, as would by then
have been clearly apparent, had more or less exhausted itself by
the end ofthe Second World War.17 There would not be any
literary-historical alternative topatristics.There has not been
been. Instead, there has been (ever more) patristics...and the
recurrent prospect or promise of...something else.
There is something else about Mandouzes Oxford plenary
that is still worth underlining at this late stage, obvious though
it may be.His call to order that day was self-consciously that
ofaclassically trained Latin philologist with apost in aFrench
secular university (Strasbourg at the time, Algiers before that,
Paris later in his career), for whom the actual or potential aporiai
ofprofessedly literary approaches to the Church Fathers held
acharm that they could not have had for Fr.de Ghellinck, despite
the latters formidable qualifications as aLatinist and medieval
literary historian.
In the end, as from the beginning, de Ghellincks Introduction et complments ltude de la patristique were strictly that:
elements ofapropaideutic that, even when complete, must still
have yielded before the plenitude ofthe theological science
to which it was meant to lead the way. Thebalanced terms
ofhis higher-order title, tudes dhistoire littraire et doctrinale,
named not only acomplementarity but also asupersession:
17B. Altaner, Der Stand der patrologischen Wissenschaft und das
Problem einer neuen altchristlichen Literaturgeschichte, in Miscellanea Giovanni
Mercati, I=Studi eTesti, 121, Citt del Vaticano,1946, p.483-520, marks
the nec plus ultra. See further H.C.Brennecke, Patristik oder altchristliche
Literaturwissenschaft? Eine historische Leitwissenschaft der protestantischen
Theologie in Deutschlands am Beginn der20.Jahrhunderts, ZAC/JAC,
15(2011), p.7-46; M.Vessey, Literature, Patristics, Early Christian Writing,
in The Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian Studies ed.S.A.Harvey, D.G.Hunter,
Oxford,2008, p.42-65, in partic.p.49-55.

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LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

literary history, whether as aprojected history ofauthors,

styles and genres or an actual history ofbooks, was still
apreludefor the time being, and in de Ghellincks book
to the history ofdoctrine. Thethird volume ofPatristique et
Moyen Age, as originally advertised on the flyleaf ofthe second,
was to have opened with aprogram ofdogmatic readings in the
fathers and been followed by another ofspiritual readings.18
Granted, Andr Mandouze in Oxford in1959 did not appear
to diverge by so much as ahairs breadth from the theological
tradition ofpatristics. On the contrary, he made delighted play
with all its tropes. Having begun his lecture in the footsteps
ofde Ghellinck, he concluded it in the same style, repeating
aquotation already made by the latter from Bossuets Dfense
de la tradition et des saints Pres, in order once more to link
the present company ofpatristicians across the centuries to the
Fathers themselvesthose who, in the words ofthe bishop
ofMeaux, had received the original spirit ofthe Christian
religion from its very source.19 Yet, for all that, and even
though his text would serve in due course as apreface to the
by-then canonical divisions ofStudia Patristica (sc.Editiones,
Critica, Philologica, etc.), Mandouzes lecture is ex professo not
an introduction to any discipline ofpatristic studies then or ever
existing. While one cannot easily put afinger on it, there is
an element ofdmesure in his own observance ofthe rules
ofplenary patristic discourse, awitting excess offidelity to the
tradition, that we may have to call rhetorical if we do not call
18 In the event, the third volume(Brussels and Paris, 1948) was subtitled
Une dition patristique clbre and had for its subject the Maurist edition ofthe
works ofAugustine.
19 Mandouze, Mesure, p.19:
Cest ici quil faut en fin de compte aller
jusquau bout de lhistoire, de lhistoire que nous ne pouvons quitter un instant, qui
nous relie aux Pres et qui relie les Pres entre eux, nous faisant remonter
ce que Bossuet appelait cette pure substance de la religion...de cet esprit
primitif que les Pres ont reu de plus prs et avec plus dabondance de la source
mme(my italics).For the citation ofBossuet, Mandouze acknowledges
De Ghellinck, Patristique et Moyen Age, III: Une dition patristique clbre, p.105
(see previous note). Theclose interrelation ofMandouzes general reflections on mesure et dmesure in patristics and his special concern with scholarship
on Augustine is already apparent from this train ofcitation.For the circumstances in which he prepared his text for Oxford in1959, see his Mmoires, I,
p.309-311.

451

M. VESSEY

it literary. As Professor ofLatin at the Sorbonne in later years,

Mandouze was alegend among students for his ability to turn
texts ofclassical French authors into any one ofseveral classical
Latin idioms. He could have rewritten Bossuet in the style
ofCicero or Augustine, standing on one leg. Bossuet, in any case,
was not his only confrre in Oxford that day. As Jean Cocteau,
on being elected to the Acadmie Franaise in1955, had
answered the question What is poetry? with La posie, cest
autre chose (Poetry is something else), Mandouze offered up
his own anti-disciplinary definition ofpatristics: La patristique,
cest autre chose (Patristics issomething else).20
Even then, none ofthe Oxford delegates that year could have
been absolutely sure that he or she had heard this speaker assert
in so many words that patristics was not the discipline that they
were all already practising, in supramillennial continuity with
the Fathers. Mandouzes definition by deferral was perfectly
traditional in its deference to the original spirit ofthe Christian religion. Its patrologocentrismto borrow aterm soon to be
made current by Jacques Derridawas still ofan audibly classical
tenor. Inany case, whatever it was that Mandouze was heard to
have said that day, it did nothing to trouble the apostolico-patristic succession from that Oxford conference to the next, in1963,
when plenary speakers, catching the mood ofthe Second Vatican
Council, would open and close proceedings with serene
reflections on Tradition and Authority in the Early Church
(J.N.Bakhuizen van den Brink) and Les Pres de lEglise et
lUnit des Chrtiens (Jean Danilou).

Augustines for our time

We have arrived at the backward horizon ofthis years
(ante-dated) patristic half-centenary.1963: adate too early for
20 Mandouze, Mesure, p.19.Variants ofCocteaus mot were also applied by Mandouze to other things he held dear: e.g., Mmoires, I, p.43 (Lcole
Normale Suprieure, rue dUlm), p.60(marriage); cfr. A.Mandouze, Augustin
prfacier dAugustin, in Saint Augustin.Confessionstr.L.de Mondadon,
Paris,1982, p.11-25, in partic.p.17, 22(the Confessions).Cocteaus speech
can be read at http://www.academie-francaise.fr/discours-de-reception-dejean-cocteau.

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LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

the living memories ofmany here but one that already saw our
scholarly fathers and mothers hard at work.Some ofthem
were among the zealous young whom Peter Brown speaks ofas
being everywhere at that years Oxford patristic conference.21
Brown was there himself, though you would not know it
from perusing the Augustiniana ofthe published proceedings.
His paper on Augustines attitude to religious coercion appeared
the next year in the Journal ofRoman Studies, alongside an article by Alan Cameron on The Roman Friends ofAmmianus
and another by Ramsay MacMullen on Social Mobility and
the Theodosian Code.22 That should strike us in retrospect as
adisciplinary alibi ofthe same order as Mandouzes rhetorical
othering ofpatristics alustrum earlier.
Mandouze, we have noted, was aclassical (Latin) philologist,
one whose personal avocation for late Roman social and religious
history was consecratedas he himself poignantly relates in the
first volume ofhis Mmoiresby the experience ofliving in
the land ofAugustine. Brown, his younger by ageneration and
ahistorian by training, was already in1963 ahighly innovative
historian ofthe religions and societies ofthe later Roman Empire,
unawed by classical (or any other) philology but appreciative
ofthe intermittently useful labours ofphilologists. In1967,
Faber and Faber published his Augustine ofHippo, alife as lively
as any ever written so long after its subjects death and awork
raised on so airy ascaffolding offootnotes as almost to bely the
solidity ofits authors erudition.23 Mandouzes Saint Augustin.
Laventure de la raison et de la grce appeared the next year from
Etudes Augustiniennes: 800 densely printed, large-format pages,
many ofthem trailing only the slenderest thread ofnarrative
across acarpet mosaic ofsecondary reference.24 The contrast,

P.Brown, Introducing Robert Markus, Augustinian Studies, 32(2001),

p.181-187, in partic.p.182.
22P.Brown, St.Augustines Attitude to Religious Coercion, Journal
ofRoman Studies, 54(1964), p.107-116; repr.in his Religion and Society
in the Age ofSaint Augustine, London,1972, p.260-278.
23P.Brown, Augustine ofHippo: ABiography, London,1967; new edition
with an epilogue, Berkeley, LosAngeles, 2000.
24A.Mandouze, Saint Augustin.Laventure de la raison et de la grce, Paris,
1968.
21

453

M. VESSEY

which few scholars ofAugustine can have missed but fewer seem
to have marked, conceals apowerful complicity ofpurpose even
as it reveals adeep-seated difference in approach. With good
reason, Browns scholarly oeuvre as awhole has lately been an
object ofintense methodological reflection on the part ofhis
fellow historians, who have been encouraged in this by his own
occasional retractationes ofparts ofit.Mandouze, whose complementary thesis, defended alongside his Saint Augustin in1968,
was aRectratatio retractationum sancti Augustini, and whose mentor
and friend Henri-Irne Marrou inaugurated the genre ofthe
modern scholarly (Augustinian) Retractatio with his1949 postscript to the reimpression ofhis Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture
antique(1938), was an instructively reflexive scholar from early in
his publishing career. He also wrote two extraordinary volumes
ofmemoirs before his death in2006.25
Reading or rereading Brown and Mandouze on Augustine
and late antiquity,26 in the light ofeach other, almost fifty
years after their Augustine-books appeared, may help us define
the present scholarly epoch with respect to long traditions
ofthe Fathers as scriptores.27 What, in particular, can Mandouzes
Augustine tell us about our times in the history ofthe books
ofthe Fathers?

25
See n.7 above.Mandouze first met Marrou on the day ofthe latters
oral defence ofhis thesis on Augustine: Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.38;
Mmoires, I, p.43. His own Retractatio retractationum S.Augustini remains unpublished; Mmoires, II,p.81-82.
26Mandouzes adoption oflantiquit tardive as aperiod-concept postdates his1968 thesis on Augustine, where the latter still appears as un enfant
de cette fin de sicle qui, en un certain sens, est aussi la fin dun monde et
lannonce de cet ge nouveau quon appelle le Moyen Age(p.50). Athreshold
for the new usage among French scholars is marked by H.-I.Marrou,
La civilisation de lantiquit tardive, in Tardo Antico e Alto Medioevo. La forma
critica nel passagio dellantichit al medioevo(Roma, 4-7 aprile1967), Accademia
Nazionale dei Lincei, Quaderno, no.105, Rome,1968, p.384-394; repr.in
H.-I.Marrou, Christiana Tempora. Mlanges dhistoire, darchologie, dpigraphie
et de patristique, Rome,1978, p.67-77.
27For fuller discussion ofBrowns early work, in this connection, see
M. Vessey, The Demise ofthe Christian Writer and the Remaking of
LateAntiquity. From H.-I.Marrous Saint Augustine(1938) to Peter Browns
Holy Man(1983), JECS, 6(1998), p.377-411.

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LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

Other times: Augustines Confessions as aliterary text

Andr Mandouze once told aclassmate ofmine, Augustin, cest
comme le mariage: cest pour la vie.28 The life ofAugustine
that he meant to render would be at once alifes work (his own,
among other works ofan eventful life) and the life ofaliterary
and historical figure wrested back by huge effort from the forces
oftradition(s) that threatened otherwise to overwhelm it.
Mandouze prepared his readers to expect that he would take hold
ofthe accumulated bibliography on Augustine and wring its
neck.29 In less menacing terms, his aim was to make acritical
traversal ofAugustinian scholarship and mythography, on the way
back to Augustines own text(s) and context(s).
It was an operation that he had demonstrated in miniature
but already on agrand scale in apaper given at the international congress held in Paris in1954 to commemorate the sixteenth centenary ofAugustines birth. Thepaper was devoted to
The Possibilities and Limits ofthe Method ofTextual Parallels,
as that method had been applied to the scene ofthe ecstasy
ofOstia described in Book9 ofthe Confessions, by Pierre Courcelle, Paul Henry, and others interested in tracing Augustines
sources. By pushing the latest, most technically ambitious
philologico-philosophical exegesis ofAugustine to its limits,
then alittle further, Mandouze meant to restore (as he put it)
the literary originality ofAugustines text. For only by respecting the letter ofthat text in its linear, temporal sequence
could areader begin to measurewith Augustine the mystic,
according to Mandouzethe gap between human philology
and the ineffable philology ofthe biblical God...30
Augustin, cest autre chose.If anyone was qualified to speak of
Mesure et dmesure de la Patristique by the end ofthe1950s,
28
Ashort memoir ofhis was more tentatively entitled: A.Mandouze,
Cohabiter avec Augustin?, in Saint Augustin ed.P.Ranson, [Lausanne,Paris],
1988, p.11-21.
29 Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.30. See also p.28, n.1.
30A.Mandouze, Lextase dOstie.Possibilits et limites de la mthode
des parallles textuels, in Augustinus Magister.Congrs international augustinien
(Paris, 21-24septembre1954), 3vols., Paris,1954-1955, I, p.67-84, in partic.
p.83-84. Theessence ofthe analysis would be subsumed in Ch.12 ofthe
authors Saint Augustin(Rencontres avec Dieu).

455

M. VESSEY

it was the philological scholar ofAugustine that Mandouze had

set himself to be.Before it could be anything else, patristics
or patrology was bound to be akind ofphilology: Editiones,
Critica, Philologica (to cite the rubrics ofStudia Patristica).
Thehazard ofany philology, for the philologist Mandouze
considering the case ofAugustine, was that it had the power
to multiply collateral texts in ways that were likely to distract
the eye from the literary economy ofthe ultimately singular text
ofprimary reference, and hence risked nullifying the morethan-literary effects that such atextprecisely in virtue ofits
imputed literarinessmight be supposed to work in the reader.
Mandouzes practical solution to the problem was to appeal
from those many texts through those many texts to that singular
text and its (not always textually substantiated) context.31 Is that
not what philology, at least in one ofits modern kinds, has always
done? Perhaps. But Mandouzes sense ofthe specifically literary
claims ofatext such as Augustines Confessions was rare for the
time within the company ofAugustinian and patristic scholars.
Aglance back at early volumes ofStudia Patristica confirms
as much.
His treatment ofthe Ostia scene for the1954 congress was
certainly sui generis in the miscellany ofpapers collected in the
first section ofAugustinus Magister under the rubric ofHistoire
littraire (to be followed by Philologie et critique, Sources,
and then by the far more numerous philosophical and theological
contributions).Introducing the whole, the editor had noted
how even the critical and historical pieces engaged directly
with questions oftheory (i.e.theology) and ofdoctrine.32

31 Cfr. H.-I.Marrou(with the collaboration ofA.-M.LaBonnardire),

StAugustin et laugustinisme, Paris,1955, p.180: la tche que nous est fixe
devient ds lors facile dfinir(tienne Gilson en1930, Maurice Ndoncelle
ou Andr Mandouze en1954 lont bien vu): en appeler sans cesse de laugustinisme, de tous les augustinismes, saint Augustin. Marrou cites an interview
with Mandouze in LActualit religieuse dans le monde, November 1,1954,
on the appearance ofthe first two volumes ofAugustinus Magister. Echoing
the title ofJoseph Malgues1933 novel about amodern French Catholics
crisis offaith, the piece was headed: Le vritable Augustin ou le matre est l.
For the moment inMandouzes lifewhich was also that ofthe outbreak
ofhostilities in Algeriasee his Mmoires, I, p.226-227.
32F.Cayr, Prface, in Augustinus Magister, I, p.vii.

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LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

Like all such tropes ofeditorial plenitude, this one opened itself
to its own questions.Mandouzes sense ofthe literary quality
ofAugustines Confessions may indeed have been theoretically
inseparable for him from Augustines sense ofGodand, more
particularly, from Augustines sense ofGod speaking in him.
That did not, however, make his essay acontribution to the history
ofdoctrine.How could it have been? Abstracting Augustine
from the latter-day historyor histories ofdoctrine, releasing
him from the competing Augustinianisms ofaftertimes, replacing
him and his texts in their own place and time, so that they could
be known and read again in the present, with as much as possible
oftheir original dmesure still intact... that was the scholarly wager
ofMandouzes personal aventure de la raison et de la grce and the
rationale for the formidable mise en page ofthe work published
under that sub-title by Etudes Augustiniennes.33
The speaker who summoned Cocteau to his aid in Oxford
did indeed bring adistinctly mid-twentieth-century literary
sensibility to bear on the writings ofAugustine. While no text
ofRoland Barthes or Grard Genette could have found its
way into the bibliography ofthe theses that he defended in the
summer of1968 in aSorbonne under siege from anti-government protesters, Mandouzes remarks on the Confessions at the
beginning ofhis Saint Augustin would already have primed his
reader for awork ofstructuralist literary theory such as Philippe
Lejeunes Le Pacte autobiographique.34 Bibliographical presuppositions and methodological postulates was the impeccably
precautionary sub-title for the introduction to this aventure
augustinienne, and in no time its author was shoulder-to-shoulder
again with de Ghellinck, not only for that scholars view ofthe
laicisation ofpatristic studies but also for his account ofthe
Maurist edition ofthe works ofAugustine, in the eventual third
33 The first side heading in Saint Augustin(p.12) is Mesure et dmesure
des tudes augustiniennes.Three pages later the author observes that pure
patristicsin the sense ofascience that would be entirely disinterestedmust
be as elusive as pure poetry.
34P.Lejeune, Le Pacte autobiographique, Paris,1975.Lejeune finds no
autobiography before Rousseau, though his bibliography includes E.Vance,
Le moi comme language.Saint Augustin et lautobiographie, Potique, 14(1973),
p.163-177. Mandouze proposes his own pacte autobiographique in Mmoires,I, p.7-14 (Entre de jeu).

457

M. VESSEY

volume ofPatristique et Moyen Age.35 For all that, there is no

mistaking the distance already travelled by Mandouze apart
from de Ghellinck.Both men were indefatigable students of
the history ofthe books ofthe Fathers.Only one ofthem set
the end ofthat studyfor the time beingas ashared literary
experience. To re-apply the terms in which the orator introduced Bossuet at the end ofhis1959 plenary: this was the way
that Mandouze had found, as ascholar ofLatin literary texts
by vocation, to go jusquau bout de lhistoire, to the very limit
ofhistory, ahistory that we cannot leave behind for amoment.36
Rhetorically satisfying as it might be to end again at that
point, it would be unfair to the memory ofAndr Mandouze
and not only because his own, extraordinary literary historical
jusquauboutisme seems always to have brought him back to a
traditional assurance ofcontinuity with the Fathers. There is
also the risk ofstaking too much on latter-day imputations of
literariness.37 Mandouzes literary sensibility, moreover, had at
times adistinctly documentary cast.38

Other places: the Donatist files

Rejecting out ofhand, for the work ofasingle author at so late
adate, the task ofproviding an adequate summa ofwhat could
be known about Augustine, Mandouze proposed instead the
model ofamap:

Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.15, n.2-3.

Above, n.19. Mandouze was responsive from an early stage to Marrous
reflections on Augustine and the Christian sense oftime and history, which find
their fullest expression in H.-I.Marrou, Thologie de lhistoire, Paris, 1968.
37 See further M.Vessey, Literature, Literary Histories, Latin LateAntiquity,
in Sptantike Konzeptionen vonLiteratur.Notions ofthe Literary in LateAntiquity
ed.J.R.Stenger, Heidelberg, forthcoming, p.19-31.
38 Anotable feature ofhis Mmoires is the steady reference to documents
ofhis own past, chiefly ofhis own composition.Each volume is equipped
at the end with achronological list oftextual milestones(jalons textuels) for
the period in question. As he explains it(I, p.10), his sense ofthe limitations
ofhis Mmoires was confirmed by the two outstanding experiences ofhis
scholarly career, namely the elusive trace ofalife in his study ofAugustine and
the intransigent exactitude offacts in the compilation ofthe Prosopogographie de
lAfrique chrtienne(303-533).
35
36

458

LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

Ibelieve [...] the moment has come to try to put together

several kinds ofitineraries to facilitate access to Augustine.
This means providing equipment for orientation: instruments,
maps and ultimately areal atlas for use by the enthusiast
(lamateur eventuel) in preparing for the long, difficult and
wonderful journey ahead.This book does not pretend
to be such an Augustinian Atlas, but it would like to contribute to it.39

His book would be aguide, picking its way through carefully

selected and presented textual topoi on the way to what was to be
seen in the endwhich, in the event, was Augustines mystical
vision ofGod, the goal set by Mandouze for his doctoral research
more than aquarter ofacentury earlier.
Extending the topographical figure ofthought, he went
on to give an account ofthe books method, consistent with
his1954 paper on The Possibilities and Limits ofthe Method
ofTextual Parallels:
We refer here to places (lieux) because the documents used
are texts, but what these texts in fact express are moments
in apersons life and developing thought. Thelimitations
ofour linear existence oblige us to use literary expedients
if we want to convey acharacters spiritual complexity
(la densit spirituelle dun personnage). Theauthor ofthe
Confessions knew this well enough and did not wait for the
cinema or the modern novel before employing flashbacks
in order to reveal, by disconcerting his readers in this way,
the uncertainties and riches oflived experience (la dure
vcue).40

Readers ofPeter Browns Augustine ofHippo were by this

time relishing their history in the future tense, as Augustines
cinematic flashbacks became Browns flashforwards.Mandouzes
readers would take adifferent and in some ways more arduous
route. Extrapolating from Augustines hints, Mandouze constructed the narrative ofhis Saint Augustin as asuccession
ofthree superimposed or interlocking stages ofconfession.
Each ofthe three main parts ofhis book contains four chapters.
Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.31.
Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.32.

39
40

459

M. VESSEY

Only the two middle chapters ofthe middle part (Confessio

fidei) ofthis text-bound topography have toponyms in their
titles: Metamorphosis ofRome (Chapter6), Africa ofthe
Lost Sheep (Chapter7).For all its disclaimers, Mandouzes
guide was also already an atlas, with the meridian ofits
meticulously projected planar Augustine running between
Rome and Africa.41 Meanwhile, independently but under
the impress ofsome ofthe same prior scholarshipnotably
in the matter ofDonatism Brown was completing the series
ofstudies that appeared in1972 as Religion and Society in the
Age ofSaint Augustine. Thesecond and third sections ofhis book
are likewise headed Rome and Africa.42
In Browns view as in Mandouzes, the articulation ofthose
two more-than-toponyms in respect ofAugustine and the
wider world ofthe late Roman Empire raised critical questions
ofhistorical perspective.They were literally questions about
what could be seen, then and now.More precisely, they were
questions about the kinds ofhistorical seeing that written materials,
duly transmitted, made possible and impossible.What came first
to the view ofthe parties arguing one side or another ofthe
case ofDonatus, in Augustines time as in the late twentieth
century, was acollection or dossier ofmore or less authentic,
more or less datable documents.
For Mandouze, who, in1961, as aprominent actor in recent
events, had published his own collection ofdocuments entitled
La Rvolution algrienne par les textes, the option ofassimilating
the Donatist cause to anti-colonialist movements in the contemporary Maghreb was at once obvious and obviously mistaken,
another instance (however potentially anti-Augustinian) ofthe
unhistorical Augustinianizing against which he had set his face.
Theword colonialism appears on only one page ofhis book,
41 The design is made explicit at the beginning ofCh.7: Eussions-nous
russi sur ce point [viz.in satisfying critics ofAugustines attitude to Rome]
que nous ne serions pas plus avan: au centre de lunivers augustinien et lassigant
pourtant de toute part, lAfrique pose derechef un problme, non point simplement analogue, mais bien autrement difficile(p.332, my italics).
42P.Brown, Religion and Society in the Age ofSaint Augustine, London,
1972. Thearticles and reviews in Part 2(Rome) and Part 3(Africa) originally
appeared between1961 and1970. References to them below are to the1972
volume.

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LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

entre guillemets at the end ofaparagraph. Thenext paragraph

begins: Asfor the dossier itself, all the documents (pices) have
been scrupulously inventoried by Paul Monceaux in his Histoire
littraire de lAfrique chrtienne.43 In aparallel passage, noting how
the Roman Empire had been put on trial by recent books on
Donatism, Brown would contrast the picture ofan Africa ofthe
inland plateau, made newly visible by modern archaeology,
with the more familiar one ofan Africa of[Christian Latin]
literature, dominated by Carthage and by the Roman cities
ofthe Mediterranean seaboard, home ofAugustine.44
Mandouzes focus in Saint Augustin remained firmly on the
latter scene.As he saw it, recent epigraphic finds had supplemented without substantially altering the picture presented half
acentury earlier by Monceauxs dossier:
This tableau allows us to glimpse, first ofall, an Augustine
who is not closed off by his own genius or shut up in his
august personage but intimately part ofahistory and amilieu.
Here he is in real life (en situation), inseparable from alocal
setting oflong date.45

It is here, exactly at the mid-point ofMandouzes book that

readers ofhis Saint Augustin were (and are) most likely to find
common ground with adepts ofBrowns Augustine ofHippo.
Thecritical questions ofhistorical perspective or optique with
which Mandouze was grappling in those pages, having lived
for years in Augustines Africa and spent hundreds ofhours
visiting and guiding students round its Roman and early
Christian sites, were the ones that also engaged Brown in the
studies that went to make up the Africa section ofReligion and
Society in the Age ofSaint Augustine and helped pave the way
43
Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.338, citing(n.3) L.Duchesne, Le dossier
du Donatisme, Mlanges de lcole franaise de Rome, 10(1890), p.589-650,
as the inspiration for the inventory in(vols.4-7 of) P.Monceaux, Histoire
littraire de lAfrique chrtienne, 7vols., Paris,1901-1923.
44 Brown, Religion and Society, p.239(my italics). Inanother ofthe early
articles in the Africa section ofthe collection he observes that the ecclesiastical life ofthis province is exceptionally well-documented and has been the
subject ofexcellent monographs, citing Monceauxs Histoire littraire as basic
(p.303, n.2).
45 Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.338.

461

M. VESSEY

for Anglophone students to afresh and vivid consciousness ofthe

worlds oflate antiquity.How did Augustine fit into the wider
cultural landscape oflate Roman Africa, as it was then newly
coming to be seen? What might be the consequences ofthat
resighting for longer histories ofChristianity and ofWestern
civilization?46
It is true that we experience some difficulty in fixing an
image ofAfrica in the time ofAugustine, Mandouze conceded:
Africa does not let itself be easily photographed.47 The difficulty ofreconciling different modern accounts ofChristianity
and local culture in late Roman Africa (the title-phrase ofone
ofBrowns articles) arose in large part from the nature ofthe
documentation. Thedossier transmitted to aftertimes was itself
adocument ofcontested transmission:
The figures in this African tableau were first and foremost
actors in adrama [...].Each ofthe two groupsthe
Catholic like the Donatistconsidered that the others
were the traitors, traditores. To have handed over or given
up sacred books or liturgical objects to the police officers
ofpagan Rome [...], was that not tantamount to consenting
once more to hand over, give up, betray Christ? [...]
The subtle ambiguity ofaLatin word served, moreover, to
symbolize the tragic ambiguity ofthis situation. As traditio
was already the ecclesiological concept par excellence,
privileged guarantee ofthe universal Church, traditio was at
46Note esp.Religion and Society, p.246: It may perhaps be shown that
Donatismfor all its local powerwas part ofawider revolution, provoked
by the rise ofChristianity, in the Latin world; and that the history ofthis
African schism is relevant not only to the rise ofIslam in the south, but to the
development ofmedieval Latin Catholicism in the north.
47 Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.339.See too the remarkable passage in
A.Mandouze, Encore le Donatisme, LAntiquit Classique, 29(1960), p.61-107,
concluding atrenchant review ofJ.P.Brisson, Autonomisme et Christianisme
dans lAfrique romaine de Septime-Svre linvasion vandale, Paris, 1958: Jecrois
devoir ajouter en terminant que je mesure le privilge singulier de ceux qui
il est donn de voir lAfrique. Chronologie, thologie, conomie, realia de
toute sorte eussent en effet trouv comme par enchantement leur vraie place,
si la grce de cette terre africaine, la vertu de ses sites et la grandeur de ses
ruines, romaines et chrtiennes, avaient pu, par le miracle dune rencontre
bouleversante, dune contemplation inlassable et dune fidelit devenue instinctive, confrer lauteur de cette belle thse [sc.Brisson, who wasblind] toutes les
vertus mystrieuses de lantique vocable mrit par quelques-uns des plus grands
Romains: celui dAfricanus(p.107).

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LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

the same time, in fourth-century Africa, the word denoting

the scandal ofaschism that rendered the guilty party unfit
to lay claim to gospel faith and apostolic continuity.48

How could Mandouzes meditations on Augustines dealings

with the Donatists not have formed an essential background to
his reprise at Oxford in1959 ofde Ghellincks plenary discourse
ofthe history ofChristian books? At the bottom ofthe Donatist
crisis, on his reading ofthe sources, lay the failure ofboth sides
to recognize the reality oftheir situation. Intheir polemics over
tradition, they had lost sight ofthe historyand ofageography
tooquils ne pouvaient quitter un instant.
Needless to say, it was Augustines failure, betraying itself
in apolemical dmesure proportional (!) to his apostolic zeal,
that was heaviest with consequence.49 An error ofperspective
runs the headline for the page on which Mandouze sought
to put his finger on the flaw. Committed as Augustine was to
acertain exegesis ofthe history and eschatology ofthe Scriptures an exegesis specified by Brown in1963/64 as embodying
the Prophetic viewpoint50 he had been constrained to overlook the strictly political, economic and social problem represented by the separatist communion ofthe Donatists.51 Preoccupied as he was by the vision ofan eternal city, he had
neglected the temporal dimensions ofthe problem in hand.
If ever there was aserious error committed by Augustine, that
was where it lay and it was first ofall an error ofperspective.52
Andr Mandouze never professed to be an historian except by
avocation. There is no useful comparison to be made between
his account ofAugustines error ofperspective in dealing
with the Donatists and the wide-angled views ofthe Christian
diffusion ofLatin Roman culture in North Africa and ofthe
synergy ofecclesial and imperial structures ofauthority within

Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.339, 340-341.

Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.334.
50 Brown, Religion and Society, p.266-267(in the article subsuming his
Oxford paper of1963).
51 Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.374, n.5, citing an earlier study ofhis own.
52 Mandouze, Saint Augustin, p.374.
48
49

463

M. VESSEY

which Brown would locate the same issues.53 And yet for all
that, there is astriking affinityindeed, asymmetryin the
two mens respective senses ofthe perceptual limits imposed
by apre-constituted dossier ofthe histoire littraire de lAfrique
chrtienne.
One need expect very little from [...] the ecclesiastical sources
ofthe Latin Empire [...] in terms ofintellectual content, Brown
cheerfully affirmed in the article encompassing his1963 Oxford
paper, as apreliminary to re-reading some ofthose sources in
search ofAugustines attitude to religious coercion. Attitude to,
not doctrine of.... For, he suggested,
we may make some progress in understanding Augustines
ideas if we treat them as an attitudethat is, as placed
alittle lower than the angels ofpure Augustinian theology,
and alittle higher than the beasts ofthe social and political
necessities ofthe North African provinces.54

There in anutshell was the almost infinite space that the same
author would open for fellow students oflate Roman history
in Augustine ofHippo: ABiography.It was also the space-time
of Saint Augustin.Laventure de la raison et de la grce, even if
the author ofthat work took asomewhat steeper flight-path
through it.

Patristics, literary history Num tertium quid?

It is now possible to coordinate the contrasting but complementary mesures en dmesure oftwo ofthe founders ofwhat passes
as current for (or instead of) patristics in the early twenty-first
century: on the one hand, an Oxford-trained historian who
always begins again with the documents, however poetic his
own readings ofthem may appear to some;55 on the other,
aclassically-trained Latinist and littraire who also proved to be,

In the essays in Part 3(Africa) ofReligion and Society, in the first instance.
Brown, Religion and Society, p.261.
55 E.g.A.Murray, Peter Brown and the Shadow ofConstantine, Journal
ofRoman Studies, 73(1983), p.191-203, in partic.p.202.
53
54

464

LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

time and again, an exemplary documentaliste.56 The matter

ofDonatism, in which issues oftradition and authority above
all, ofthe authority oftexts and/or documents of(the) tradition
come to the fore as nowhere else in early Western ecclesiastical
history, was all but preordained for their rendez-vous.
As aconference (collatio) atCarthage in411 announced
the final defeat ofthe Donatists, adjudged by the imperial
commissioner Marcellinus not to have carried their case on the
basis ofdocuments produced and recited before him in the Baths
ofGargilius, so conferences at Oxford in1959 and1963 can
now be seen as marking acritical step towards the dismantling
ofaplenary and traditional literary history ofChristianity. That
threshold may appear more sharply in retrospect if we take one
more sighting, this time on awork ofscholarship still in progress
acentury ago.It has already loomed large in this account.
For Vincent ofLrins, writing barely ageneration after the
event and nearly hypnotized by the written legacy ofAugustine,
the suppression ofDonatism was the anchor (quod ubique!)
for atext-, document- or (let us say) scriptum-assured master
narrative ofthe providential unfolding oforthodoxy per tempora
et loca.57 For Peter Brown, reckoning up new resources for
the study ofAugustine four decades after he began reading his
way through the Complete Works [...] in the wide pages ofthe
monks ofSaint-Maur, the most precious single addition to that
stock was the Prosopographie de lAfrique chrtienne, completed
in1982 under the editorship ofAndr Mandouze, areferencework minutely observant ofthe times and places ofindividual
Christians living in those Roman or once-Roman provinces,
but without entries for Augustine and several other major figures
from the Histoire littraire de lAfrique chrtienne.58 For Mandouze

56
Mandouzes own term in Mmoires, I, p.341, used with reference to his
La Rvolution Algrienne par les textes.
57Vinc.Lirin., Comm.4,2(CC SL 64, p.150).
58 Brown, Augustine ofHippo, rev.edn., p.483: Here we have nothing less
than the collective biography ofAfrican Christianity in the age ofAugustine.
Ihad barely dared to dream ofsuch awork in1961. Prosopographie chrtienne du
Bas-Empire, I: Prosopographie de lAfrique chrtienne(303-533) ed.A.Mandouze,
Paris,1982; for the relation ofthe prosopography to Monceauxs Histoire
littraire, see the editors remarks on p.15.

465

M. VESSEY

himself, aconference-session on the Africanity ofAugustine

held in Algiers in2001 would present an opportunity to correct
an error ofperspective compounded by Monceauxs readiness
to create aliterary oeuvre for the schismatic Donatus, even in
the absence ofany extant text attributable to him.59 Is there
aperspective available to us now, in which these data would
come into asingle focus?
De Ghellinck listed Monceauxs Histoire littraire de lAfrique
chrtienne among the major landmarks ofthe previous halfcenturys progress in patristic studies.60 It was the sole example
as it will always be the modern prototype ofaregional, not
to say proto-national, history ofancient Christian literature,
albeit incomplete. No fewer than four ofits seven volumes were
sourced from or otherwise devoted to (historical) documents
and (literary) texts relating to the Donatist controversy. Thelast
was dedicated to Saint Augustine and Donatism.61 The sixth
had laid out the Donatist Literature in the Time ofAugustine.
Thefifth covered earlier Donatist writers, hitting its stride with
Donatus himself: With Donatus the Great, the literature properly
so-called ofDonatism begins.62 The fourth constituted the core
ofthe dossier (Documents on the History ofthe Schism) and
had opened with amanifesto:
Christian Africa ofthe fourth and early fifth centuries produced acurious polemical literature that is all its own: the
Donatist and anti-Donatist literature.This vast domain,
in which the genius ofthe Africans gave itself free rein,
has been almost completely ignored by modern criticism.
Historians ofLatin letters have doubtless seen it only as material for theology or documents for history [...] Nonetheless

59
A.Mandouze, Augustin et Donat, in Saint Augustin.Africanit et universalit, Actes du colloque international Alger-Annaba, 1-7avril2001(Paradosis: tudes
de littrature et de thologie anciennes, 45.1-2) ed.P.-Y.Fux, J.-M.Roessli,
O.Wermelinger, 2vols., Fribourg,2003, I, p.125-139, addressing une erreur
de perspective concernant la transformation dune impossibilit purement
contingent de coexistence en un antagonisme fondamentalement irrmissible
(p.125).
60 De Ghellinck, Patristique et Moyen Age, II, p.45.
61 Monceaux, Histoire littraire, VII, p.3.
62 Monceaux, Histoire littraire, V, p.99(my italics).

466

LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

[...], it has seemed right to us to accord aplace here, indeed

alarge place, to this polemical literature, which will be seen
to lack neither originality nor interest.63

These lines ofMonceauxs should now be read in conjunction

with his preface to the work as awhole, in which he situated the
task ofhis literary history with respect to other scholarly vocations.In sum, he recorded,
while profiting from previous studies and rendering full
justice to each, we came to arealization that, from our
point ofview, the subject-matter was new in almost all
its aspects. Having consulted historians, theologians and
philologists, we find ourselves confronting original texts
and documents (en face des textes et documents originaux).
Our aim has been simply to understand, to explicate, and
to appreciate these documents and these texts. Hence our
inquiry has automatically assumed adouble form: it begins
with philological critique, to end in literary critique.64

More than acentury on, it would be easy to miss the element

offunambulism in this preface.Aclassical philologist who had
come ofan age in anew era ofliterary criticism and ethnocentric literary history, with astudy ofthe classical pagan
literature ofAfrica (entitled Les Africains) already to his credit,
Monceaux was staking out the ground for, as he put it, une vritable histoire de la littrature chrtienne dAfrique, one that would take
full account ofthe works ofwriters such as Tertullian, Cyprian
and Augustine, without being acontribution to theology or any
other ecclesiastical science.
As it turned out, the main methodological challenge ofthis
new-style literary history did not lie at any intersection of
literature with theology but instead along the line dividing
(and not dividing) texts from documents in the case of abody
ofwritings characterized by Monceauxto distinguish it from
the past-oriented literature ofpagan African authorsas allof
action, always preoccupied with the present or the future, and

Monceaux, Histoire littraire, IV, p.3.

Monceaux, Histoire littraire, I, p.vi.

63
64

467

M. VESSEY

for which fine language (le bien dire) was now nothing other
than aform ofaction.65 As he further explained in his preface:
Historical documents occupy afairly large place in our work.
Our thought in expanding its framework in this way was not
only to render service to archaeologists and other scholars
who often have to cite these items without always being
able to ascertain their value beforehand.Indeed, we initially
meant to confine ourselves to literary works in the strict sense.
However, we quickly realized that one cannot, without misrepresenting it, arbitrarily isolate aliterature ofaction, since
in this case the insertion ofcontemporary documents is necessary
for an understanding ofliterary works, and the most literary
ofthose works are at the same time documents ofhistory. Anonymous treatises, letters, transcripts ofproceedings, conciliar
acts, inscriptions, martyr actswe have omitted nothing,
since all ofthis serves to illuminate the literature (puisque de
tout cela sclaire la littrature).66

There is more than alittle irony in Monceauxs special pleading for apresent-minded, forward-looking literature ofaction,
when so much ofthat reputed literature, at least from the midfourth century onwards, takes the form ofadogged contestation ofdisputed pasts.If the strictly literary texts ofthis African
Christian corpus were indissociable from their contemporary
(datable, placeable) documents, was that not because it waslike
other ancient Christian literatures, even if pre-eminently so
among themalso aliterature oftradition?
There is no need for us to resolve that dilemma at this date.
There may be some value, however, in recognizing how skilfully it was managed by Monceaux at the time. As de Ghellinck
would show in1947, the romantic-historicist classical philology
ofthe late nineteenth and early twentieth century (as represented
supremely by Wilamowitz) created formidable problems for
students ofancient Christian writings, not least because ofthe
freight ofdocumentsthat is, oftexts not manifestly literary
according to aesthetic criteriathat were transmitted as part
of patristic tradition. Thenon-appearance ofthe third volume
Monceaux, Histoire littraire, I, p.i-ii.
Monceaux, Histoire littraire, I, p.iii(my italics).

65
66

468

LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

ofAdolf vonHarnacks history ofpre-Nicene Christian literature, which was to have traced the internal development ofthe
literature whose extant documents were inventoried and
dated in the first two, was only the most graphic symptom
ofageneral difficulty.67 Since Monceauxs Histoire littraire de
lAfrique chrtienne also remained incomplete, arrested at the point
at which it would have had to absorb the oeuvre ofAugustine
from beyond his direct dealings with the Donatists, it is impossible to say what model it might ultimately have provided for
an extended literary history ofChristian writings that could
no longer be mistaken for apropaideutic to theology. By stopping where he did, in the immediate aftermath ofthe heavily
documented events at Carthage in June411, Monceaux left
later historians and literary scholars with an invitingly open
literary dossier.
Alittle over fifty years ago, by separate routes, Andr Mandouze and Peter Brown came back to that juncture at the end
ofMonceauxs unfinished narrative ofthe literature ofearly
Christian Africa, near the beginning ofVincents projected
plenary discourse ofthe Fathers aplace and time close to
the practical limits ofboth patristics and literary history as they
have been known. Guided by the lights ofthese two modern
scholars among others, we have our own chance to intervene in
the same zone. Theoutstanding challenge can perhaps be put as
follows: Is there alanguage, existing this side ofpure poetry and
the ineffable philology ofGod, in which patristic philologists
could now at last speak without equivocation about texts/documents that, from the moment oftheir genesis in late antiquity,
have also been documents/texts?
Could we invent it, that might still be something else again.

Bibliography
1.Primary Sources
Augustinus, De Genesi ad litteramed.J.Zycha, CSEL 28.
Hieronymus, Epistulae ed.I.Hilberg, CSEL 54-56.
See De Ghellinck, Patristique et Moyen Age, II, p.149-172.

67

469

M. VESSEY

Vincentius Lirinensis, Commonitorium ed.R.Demeulenaere,

CCSL64, p.145-195.
Vita di Cipriano, Vita di Ambrogio, Vita di Agostino ed.A.A.R.
Bastiaensen, Roma,Milano,1975.

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B.Altaner, Der Stand der patrologischen Wissenschaft und das
Problem einer neuen altchristlichen Literaturgeschichte, in Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati, I=Studi eTesti, 121, Citt del Vaticano,
1946, p.483-520.
Augustinus Magister.Congrs international augustinien (Paris, 21-24septembre1954), 3vols., Paris,1954-1955.
H.C.Brennecke, Patristik oder altchristliche Literaturwissenschaft? Eine historische Leitwissenschaft der protestantischen
Theologie in Deutschlands am Beginn der20.Jahrhunderts,
ZAC/JAC, 15(2011), p.7-46.
P.Brown, Augustine ofHippo: ABiography, London,1967; new edition with an epilogue, Berkeley, Los Angeles,2000.
P.Brown, Introducing Robert Markus, Augustinian Studies, 32(2001),
p.181-187.
P.Brown, Religion and Society in the Age ofSaint Augustine, London,1972.
P.Brown, St.Augustines Attitude to Religious Coercion, Journal
ofRoman Studies, 54(1964), p.107-116; repr.in his Religion and
Society in the Age ofSaint Augustine, p.260-278.
J.De Ghellinck, Patristique et MoyenAge: tudes dhistoire littraire
et doctrinale, II: Introduction et complments ltude de la patristique; III: Une dition patristique clbre, Brussels, Paris,1947-1948
[repr.1961].
G.Dpardieu, A.Mandouze, Approches et lectures de saint Augustin
[videocassette], Paris,2004.
G.Dpardieu, A.Mandouze, Lire Saint Augustin, Paris,2004.
P. Lejeune, Le Pacte autobiographique, Paris,1975.
A.Mandouze, Augustin et Donat, in Saint Augustin.Africanit et
universalit, Actes du colloque international Alger-Annaba, 1-7 avril2001
(Paradosis: tudes de littrature et de thologie anciennes, 45.1-2)
ed.P.-Y.Fux, J.-M.Roessli, O.Wermelinger, 2vols., Fribourg,
2003, I, p.125-139.
A.Mandouze, Cohabiter avec Augustin?, in Saint Augustin
ed.P.Ranson, [Lausanne,Paris], 1988, p.11-21.

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LA PATRISTIQUE, CEST AUTRE CHOSE

A.Mandouze, Augustin prfacier dAugustin, in Saint Augustin.

Confessions tr.L.deMondadon, Paris,1982, p.11-25.
A.Mandouze, Encore le Donatisme, LAntiquit Classique, 29(1960),
p.61-107.
A.Mandouze, Lextase dOstie.Possibilits et limites de la mthode des parallles textuels, in Augustinus Magister, 3vols., Paris,
1954, I, p.67-84.
A.Mandouze, Mmoires doutre-sicle, I: Dune Rsistance lautre,
s.l.,1998; II: (1962-1981) gauche toute, bon Dieu!, Paris,2003.
A.Mandouze, Mesure et dmesure de la Patristique, in Studia
Patristica, 3=TU, 78 ed.F.L.Cross, Berlin,1961, p.3-19.
A.Mandouze, Saint Augustin.Laventure de la raison et de la grce,
Paris,1968.
H.-I.Marrou, La civilisation de lantiquit tardive, in Tardo Antico
eAlto Medioevo.La forma critica nel passagio dellantichit al medioevo
(Roma, 4-7aprile1967), Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Quaderno no.105, Rome, 1968, p.384-394; repr.in H.-I.Marrou,
Christiana Tempora.Mlanges dhistoire, darchologie, dpigraphie et
de patristique, Rome,1978, p.67-77.
H.-I.Marrou, (with the collaboration ofA.-M.La Bonnardire),
StAugustin etlaugustinisme, Paris, 1955.
H.-I.Marrou, Thologie delhistoire, Paris, 1968.
P.Monceaux, Histoire littraire delAfrique chrtienne, 7vols., Paris,
1901-1923.
A.Murray, Peter Brown and the Shadow ofConstantine, Journal
ofRoman Studies, 73(1983), p.191-203.
Prosopographie chrtienne du Bas-Empire, I: Prosopographie de lAfrique
chrtienne (303-533) ed.A.Mandouze, Paris, 1982.
H.J.Sieben, Die Konzilsidee der Alten Kirche, Paderborn,1970.
E.Vance, Le moi comme language.Saint Augustin et lautobiographie, Potique, 14(1973), p.163-177.
M.Vessey, Augustine among the Writers ofthe Church, in ACompanion to Augustine ed.M.Vessey, Malden, MA, Oxford,2012,
p.240-254.
M.Vessey, The Demise ofthe Christian Writer and the Remaking
ofLateAntiquity. From H.-I.Marrous Saint Augustine(1938)
to Peter Browns Holy Man(1983), JECS, 6(1998), p.377-411.
M.Vessey, Literature, Literary Histories, Latin LateAntiquity,
in Sptantike Konzeptionen vonLiteratur.Notions ofthe Literary
in LateAntiquity ed.J.R.Stenger, Heidelberg, forthcoming,
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471

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M.Vessey, Literature, Patristics, Early Christian Writing, in The

Oxford Handbook ofEarly Christian Studies ed.S.A.Harvey,
D.G.Hunter, Oxford,2008, p.42-65.
U.Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, History ofClassical Scholarship
tr.A.Harris and ed.with an intro. and notes by H.Lloyd-Jones,
London,1982.

Abstract
Patristics, being defined by writings attributable to Church Fathers,
has in recent times been pursued as aphilological science. Philology,
however, is adivided house and its divisions are writ large in patristic
and para-patristic scholarship. Whereas philology always deals with
written texts in the broad sense ofthat word, some ofthose texts
prove in practice more literary (hence, even, more textual), others
more documentary. Seventy years ago, the most lucid methodological reflection on patristics as adiscipline left its fate suspended
between literary and theological vocations. While that dilemma is
long past, the ambivalence ofpatristics between literary/textual
and historical/documentary regimes ofphilology continues to be felt.
Theworks oftwo exemplary scholars who intervened in the Oxford
patristic conferences of1959 and1963 offer insights into the methodological problem and, between them, avantage-point from which we
might yet respond to it.

472

DOMINIQUE CT
Universit dOttawa

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES
ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

Introduction
Oscar Cullmann considrait les Pseudo-Clmentines comme tant
le premier roman d la plume dun auteur chrtien1.Voil
un nonc qui pose au moins trois problmes: celui des PseudoClmentines, dont lorigine et la formation restent encore, aprs
plus de 150 ans de recherche, difficiles expliquer, celui du genre
romanesque dans lAntiquit, qui fait toujours lobjet de dbats
et celui du caractre chrtien des Pseudo-Clmentines, qui est loin
de faire lunanimit2.
Le problme de la formation des Pseudo-Clmentines3 et celui
de leur caractre chrtien ou judo-chrtien ne seront pas directement abords dans cet expos4.Nous nous en tiendrons ici
au problme du genre romanesque ou plus prcisment au problme que pose le choix du genre romanesque par les auteurs
des Pseudo-Clmentines.Depuis E.Rohde5, en effet, la question
1O.Cullmann, Le problme littraire et historique du roman pseudo-clmentin,
Paris,1930, p.vii.
2Cfr. T.Whitmarsh, Narrative and Identity in the Ancient Greek Novel:
Returning Romance, Oxford,2011.
3 Voir ce sujet le livre rcent de B.Pouderon, La gense du roman pseudoclmentin. tudes littraires et historiques, Paris,Louvain,2012.
4
Sur la question du judo-christianisme des Pseudo-Clmentines, on consultera A.Yoshiko Reed, Jewish Christianity after the Parting ofthe Ways.
Approaches to Historiography and Self-Definition in the Pseudo-Clementines,
in The Ways that Never Parted: Jews and Christians in LateAntiquity and the Early
Middle Ages ed.A.H.Becker, A.Yoshiko Reed, Tbingen,2003, p.189-231.
5E.Rohde, Der griechische Roman und seine Vorlafer, Leipzig,1914(3e d.),
p.476.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107531

473

D. CT

de lappartenance des Homlies et des Reconnaissances pseudoclmentines au genre du roman grec at souleve plusieurs
reprises, notamment, ces dernires annes, par M.Vielberg6 et
I.Czachesz7, alors que la question du choix dun tel genre, celui
du roman, na pas t aussi souvent tudie.Cest pour combler
en partie cette lacune que nous proposons, dans le cadre de cette
communication, dexpliquer la stratgie littraire des PseudoClmentines. La possibilit mme de lexercice peut justement
sembler faire problme en raison de la nature pseudpigraphique
de luvre. Il est vrai que nous ne connaissons pas les auteurs
des Homlies et des Reconnaissances.Ce que nous connaissons, en
revanche, cest leur dcision dutiliser la forme du roman pour
donner vie des traditions apostoliques et des rcits apocryphes
qui taient en circulation aux iiieet ivesicles.Pour notre part,
nous avons choisi dexpliquer cette dcision en utilisant une
approche nouvelle dans le domaine des tudes pseudo-clmentines, mettant contribution la sociologie et plus particulirement la notion de champ littraire, telle que dfinie par
Pierre Bourdieu8. Nous avons pris pour modle, mutatis mutandis, ltude mene rcemment par Isabella Sandwell sur Jean
Chrysostome et Libanios, tude dans laquelle la notion dhabitus,
galement emprunte Pierre Bourdieu, fournissait lauteur
son cadre danalyse9.
Il sagira donc de montrer, dans un premier temps, comment
deux textes rdigs dans la Syrie du ivesicle, les Constitutions
apostoliques et les Pseudo-Clmentines, ont accord au mme noyau
narratif un traitement diffrent, dans un deuxime temps, comment sest traduit le choix pseudo-clmentin de la forme romanesque et, dans un troisime temps, comment peut sexpliquer
le choix pseudo-clmentin la lumire de la notion de champ
littraire.
M.Vielberg, Klemens in den pseudoklementinischen Rekognitionen.Studien
zur literarischen Form des sptantiken Romans, Berlin,2000.
7I.Czachesz, The Clement Romance: Is It aNovel?, in The PseudoClementines ed.J.Bremmer (Studies onEarly Christian Apocrypha,10), Louvain,
2010, p.24-35.
8P.Bourdieu, Les rgles de lart.Gense et structure du champ littraire, Paris,
1992.
9I.Sandwell, Religious Identity in LateAntiquity.Greeks, Jews and Christians
in Antioch, Oxford,2007.
6

474

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

1.Traditions apostoliques et rcits apocryphes aux iiieet ivesicles:

les Constitutions apostoliques et les Pseudo-Clmentines
Les Constitutions apostoliques et les Pseudo-Clmentines ont un certain nombre dlments en commun.Les deux textes se caractrisent, en effet, par une rdaction finale qui peut tre date du
milieu du ivesicle et par lintgration de couches rdactionnelles
plus anciennes remontant au iiiesicle. Les Constitutions apostoliques ont ainsi absorb la Didascalie des Aptres,10 dune part, et
les Homlies et les Reconnaissances, dautre part, ont intgr ce que
lon appelle gnralement lcrit fondamental11. Les deux textes
proviennent galement de milieux chrtiens ou judo-chrtiens
tablis en Syrie12. Ils ont galement fait usage dun mme thme
narratif labor partir de traditions entourant les figures apostoliques de Jacques, le frre du Seigneur, de Pierre et de Clment,
considr dans certains milieux comme le successeur de Pierre
Rome13. Bien entendu, les deux textes se rattachent des
ensembles littraires bien distincts.Les Constitutions apostoliques
Voir les explications de M.Metzger, Introduction, in Les constitutions
apostoliques. Tome I, Livres I et IIed.M.Metzger(SC, 320), Paris,1985, p.14-24.
Sur la Didascalie des Aptres et les autres documents qui composent les Constitutions apostoliques, cfr. J.G.Mueller, The Ancient Church Order Literature:
Genre or Tradition?, Journal ofEarly Christian Literature, 15(2007), p.338-340.
propos des rapports entre la Didascalie des Aptres et le judasme, voir C.Fonrobert, The Didascalia Apostolorum: AMishnah for the Disciples ofJesus,
Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, 9(2001), p.483-509.
11 Voir L.Cirillo, Introduction, in Les Reconnaissances du pseudo-Clment.
Roman chrtien des premiers siclestr.A.Schneider(Apocryphes, 10), Turnhout,
1999, p.14-23.
12Sur les milieux judo-chrtiens en Syrie, voir P.W.van derHorst,
Jews and Christians in Antioch at the end ofthe fourth Century, in Christian-Jewish Relations through the Centuries ed.S.E.Porter, B.W.R.Pearson,
Sheffield,2000, p.228-238, et M.Murray, Christian Identity in the Apostolic
Constitutions: Some Observations, in Identity and Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean. Jews, Christians and Others. Essays in Honour ofStephen G.Wilson
ed.Z.A.Crook, P.A.Harland, Sheffield,2007, p.179-194.
13Sur Pierre, voir F.Lapham, Peter: the Myth, the Man and the Writings:
AStudy ofEarly Petrine Text and Tradition, London, NewYork,2003. Sur
Jacques, voir R.Bauckham, James and the Jerusalem Community, in Jewish
Believers in Jesus ed.O.Skarsaune, R.Hvalvik, Peabody, MA, p.55-95;
L. Cirillo, Jacques de Jrusalem daprs le roman du Pseudo-Clment, in
La figure du prtre dans les grandes traditions religieuses.Actes du colloque en hommage
M.labb Julien Ries ed.A.Motte, P.Marchetti, Namur,2005, p.177-188;
J. Painter, Just James: The Brother ofJesus in History and Tradition, Columbus
(South Carolina),1997.
10

475

D. CT

et la Didascalie des aptres appartiennent la littrature canonico-liturgique ou institutionnelle14.Les Pseudo-Clmentines, qui

dsignent ici le corpus form des Homlies, des Reconnaissances et
des documents liminaires comme la Lettre de Clment Jacques,
font partie dun corpus plus vaste de textes apocryphes consacrs
la figure de Clment de Rome que lon appelle littrature clmentine ou pseudo-clmentine15.
Rappelons tout dabord que les deux versions des PseudoClmentines, les Homlies et les Reconnaissances, mettent en scne
les mmes personnages principaux: lAptre Pierre, envoy en
mission par Jacques, le frre du Seigneur, contre Simon le Mage,
et Clment, jeune noble romain, membre de la famille impriale
et form la grecque, qui part la recherche de la vrit et de sa
famille, quil croit perdue la suite dune srie de malheurs, et
qui trouvera, grce sa rencontre avec Pierre, la fois la vrit,
en se convertissant la doctrine du Vrai Prophte, et sa famille,
dont les membres se retrouvent tous, la fin, dans lentourage de
lAptre. Une srie de personnages secondaires comme Barnab,
qui introduit Clment lAptre Pierre, Aquila et Nictas, frres
de Clment, Mattidie et Faustinianus (Faustus dans les Homlies),
parents de Clment, et Zache inter alios, complte le tableau16.
Or, la plupart de ces personnages, principaux et secondaires, se
retrouvent dans un court passage des Constitutions apostoliques:
Simon, me rencontra, moi, Pierre, dabord Csare de
Sratn, o Corneille, le croyant, en vint par mon intermdiaire du paganisme la foi au Seigneur Jsus.Simon
tenta de perturber lannonce de la Parole de Dieu.Jtais
alors accompagn des saints fils Zache, jadis publicain, et
Barnab, Nictas et Aquila, les frres de Clment, lvque
et le compatriote des Romains, qui fut lui-mme disciple
14
Au sujet du genre littraire auquel appartiennent les Constitutions apostoliques, voir A.Faivre, La documentation canonico-liturgique, in La documentation patristique.Bilan et prospective ed.J.-C.Fredouille, R.-M.Roberge,
Qubec,Paris,1995, p.3-41. Cfr. Mueller, The Ancient Church Order Literature, p.344-349, pour une critique deFaivre et Metzger ce sujet.
15Cfr. Cirillo, Introduction, p.14-17.
16 Jacques ne joue quun rle trs effac dans le rcit des Homlies(XI, 35),
alors que dans les Reconnaissances, au Livre Iprincipalement, et dans les documents liminaires, Lettre de Clment Jacques et Lettre de Pierre Jacques,
il occupe une place importante. Cfr. Painter, Just James, p.187-188.

476

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

de Paul, notre collgue aptre et notre collaborateur dans

lvanglisation. Devant eux pour la troisime fois je discutais avec Simon des questions concernant le Prophte
et la monarchie divine. Par la puissance du Seigneur je le
confondis, le contraignis au silence et le forai ainsi fuir
en Italie.17

Si lon accepte, comme M.Metzger, que lanne 380 correspond

la date de rdaction des Constitutions apostoliques18 et si lon
considre, comme L.Cirillo, que les deux versions des PseudoClmentines seraient antrieures cette date19, il est alors fort
plausible de supposer que ce passage rvle une certaine connaissance des crits pseudo-clmentins. Entout cas, la prsence dans
ce passage de lappellation Csare de Stratn, du groupe
form de Zache, Barnab, Nictas et Aquila, de la simple mention des frres de Clment (Nictas et Aquila) et de la discussion de Pierre avec Simon sur les questions du Prophte et de
la monarchie divine, semble tayer cette hypothse. Les auteurs
(compilateurs / rdacteurs) des Constitutions apostoliques auraient
eu ainsi accs lune des formes du roman pseudo-clmentin,
peut-tre lcrit fondamental, sil faut en croire Georg Strecker20.
Quelque soit le stade rdactionnel avec lequel ils ont t en
contact, ils ont clairement eu recours, tout comme les auteurs

Const.apost., VI, 9, 1.Traduction de M.Metzger (voir supra, note10).

,
,
, ,
,
,

,
.
18 Metzger, Introduction(SC, 320), p.59.
19 Cirillo, Introduction, p.22.
20G.Strecker, Das Judenchristentum in den Pseudoklementinen(TU, 70),
Berlin,1981, p.266: Auch dem Verfasser der Apostolischen Konstitutionen
hat die Grundschrift vorgelegen. On peut aussi envisager, entre les Constitutions apostoliques et les Pseudo-Clmentines, un rapport de type intertextuel.
Cest ce que nous avons fait dans un ouvrage paru en2001 pour tudier lvolution littraire du motif de lopposition entre Pierre et Simon. Voir D.Ct,
Le thme de lopposition entre Pierre et Simon dans les Pseudo-Clmentines(Collection
des tudes AugustiniennesSrie Antiquit, 167), Paris,2001, p.273.
17

477

D. CT

des Pseudo-Clmentines, la fiction ou, pour reprendre les termes

de M.Metzger, la pseudpigraphie apostolique21.
Suivant cette fiction, les Constitutions apostoliques auraient t
promulgues par le collge apostolique runi, loccasion de
lassemble de Jrusalem (Act.15) avec Paul, Jacques de Jrusalem et Clment, considr ici comme le secrtaire des aptres
et charg de diffuser des traditions apostoliques complmentaires
des ptres22. Metzger tient prciser que le style pseudpigraphique des Constitutions apostoliques se distingue de celui des vangiles et actes apocryphes et des Pseudo-Clmentines en ce quil na
pas pour but de satisfaire la curiosit hagiographique (vangiles
et actes apocryphes) ou de se substituer la littrature paenne,
pour le dlassement des chrtiens cultivs (Pseudo-Clmentines),
mais plutt affermir lautorit des rglements transmis23.

2.Le choix pseudo-clmentin de la forme romanesque

Les auteurs des Constitutions apostoliques et les auteurs des PseudoClmentines ont donc utilis un matriau narratif commun qui
comprend deux lments majeurs: la lutte de Pierre contre
Simon et la conversion de Clment et de sa famille la doctrine du Prophte.Alors que les auteurs des Constitutions apostoliques ont intgr le matriau en question un ensemble bien
dfini par les rgles du genre canonico-liturgique, les auteurs
des Pseudo-Clmentines lont combin une forme littraire que
lon appelle le roman grec.
Bien quelle soit couramment employe pour dsigner les
Homlies et les Reconnaissances, lexpression roman pseudoclmentin demeure problmatique. Elle apparat notamment
dans le titre dun ouvrage rcent de B.Pouderon, La gense du
roman pseudo-clmentin, et nous avons vu que depuis E.Rohde
les Pseudo-Clmentines ont t rgulirement classes parmi les

21
M. Metzger, Introduction, in Les Constitutions apostoliques tr.
M.Metzger, Paris,1992, p.12.
22 Ibid. videmment, comme le note Metzger, les aptres sont censs
sexprimer eux-mmes, collectivement ou individuellement.
23 Ibid., p.13.

478

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

romans grecs24. En fait, si lexpression fait problme, cest que,

premirement, le genre du roman, stricto sensu, nest pas bien
dfini dans lAntiquit et que, deuximement, les Homlies et
les Reconnaissances ont emprunt au roman certains de ses lments sans pour autant en assumer toutes les caractristiques.
Il reste nanmoins que la plupart des spcialistes sentendent pour
reconnatre que les Homlies et les Reconnaissances ont fait usage
de motifs qui relvent du roman grec25. Meinolf Vielberg, par
exemple, aidentifi, dans les Reconnaissances, outre le thme de
la reconnaissance lui-mme qui donne son titre louvrage26,
un certain nombre de motifs romanesques, comme celui de
lamour (ledsir du frre de Faustinianus pour Mattidie qui est
la cause du dpart de Mattidie et de son naufrage)27 ou celui
du naufrage et des pirates (Mattidie fait naufrage et ses fils sont
enlevs et vendus par des pirates)28 ou encore le motif de lle
(cest sur lle dArados, comme dans le roman de Chariton,
Voir supra note5.
S.Montiglio, Love and Providence: Recognition in the Ancient Novel, Oxford,
2012, p.210-211; S.Tilg, Chariton ofAphrodisias and the Invention ofthe Greek
Love Novel, Oxford,2010, p.64; Czachesz, The Clement Romance, p.26;
Vielberg, Klemens in den pseudoklementinischen Rekognitionen, p.112; W.Robins,
Romance and Renunciation at the Turn ofthe Fifth Century, Journal ofEarly
Christian Studies, 8(2000), p.539; M.J.Edwards, The Clementina: AChristian
Response to the Pagan Novel, Classical Quarterly, 42(1992), p.459; T.Hgg,
The Novel in Antiquity, Berkeley,1983, p.162-164.
26
Sur le thme de la reconnaissance dans les Reconnaissances pseudoclmentines, voir P.Boulhol, La conversion de lanagnorismos profane dans
le roman pseudo-clmentin, in Nouvelles intrigues pseudo-clmentines: Actes du
deuxime colloque international sur la littrature apocryphe chrtienne, Lausanne
Genve, 30 aot2 septembre2006 ed.F.Amsler, A.Frey, C.Touati(Publications
de lInstitut romand des sciences bibliques, 6), Lausanne,2008, p.151-175; K.Cooper,
Matthidias Wish: Division, Reunion, and the Early Christian Family in the
Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions, in Narrativity in Biblical and Related Texts
ed.G.J.Brooke, J.-D.Kaestli(Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium, 149), Leuven,2000, p.243-264.Cfr. Montiglio, Love and Providence,
p.211: Among the features this narrative shares with the novels are recognition
scenes. In fact, the author has selected the anagnorismos motif and given it more
prominence than it has in the pagan novels: it figures in the title and unfolds
as asuccession ofepisodes reuniting the family members step by step, whereas
other novelistic stock scenes do not appear.In addition to the sheer motif,
the Recognitions shares with the Greek novels amajor ideological assumption
underlying it: that recognition is areward for goodness.
27 Vielberg, Klemens in den pseudoklementinischen Rekognitionen, p.112.
28 Ibid.
24
25

479

D. CT

quont lieu la rencontre de Pierre et de Mattidie et la reconnaissance de Mattidie et Clment)29.Pierre Geoltrain, pour sa
part, observe quen gnral, aussi bien dans les Homlies que
dans les Reconnaissances, on retrouve les ressorts du roman grec
suivants: sparation initiale, voyages aventureux, naufrages,
magie, merveilleux, mtamorphoses, quiproquos, interventions
divines, retrouvailles30.
Il existe toutefois une diffrence notable entre la forme romanesque des Pseudo-Clmentines et le roman grec et cest le rle
quy joue ros. Comme la not Sophie Lalanne, les 5romans
grecs conservs dans leur intgralit, Callirho de Chariton,
les phsiaques de Xnophon dphse, Daphnis et Chlo de
Longus, Leucipp et Clitophon dAchille Tatius et les thiopiques
dHliodore, suivent un schma narratif unique31: des jeunes
gens tombent amoureux, se voient spars, prouvs (naufrage,
pirates etc.) et se trouvent finalement runis nouveau32.
Lamour constitue clairement le moteur de lintrigue. Dans les
Pseudo-Clmentines, cest une toute autre histoire. Il yabien,
dans les Homlies, un loge dros, qui sinscrit dans un loge de
ladultre33, mais le thme de lamour ne possde pas, dans les
29 Ibid., p.112-113. Sur lle dArados, voir M.-A.Calvet-Sebasti, Une
le romanesque: Arados, in Lieux, dcors et paysages de lancien roman, des origines
Byzance. Actes du Colloque de Tours, 24-26octobre2002 ed.B.Pouderon,
Lyon,2005, p.87-99.
30P.Geoltrain, Introduction(Roman pseudo-clmentin), in crits apocryphes chrtiens II(Bibliothque de la Pliade) ed.P.Geoltrain, J.-D.Kaestli,
Paris,2005, p.1176.
31
S.Lalanne, Une ducation grecque.Rites de passage et construction des genres
dans le roman grec ancien(Textes lappuiSrie histoire classique), Paris, 2006,
p.12. Cfr. R.F.Hock, The Rhetoric ofRomance, in Handbook ofClassical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic period 330 bcad400 ed.S.E.Porter, Boston,
Leiden,2001, p.445-446.
32 Sur limportance de la dimension rotique dans le roman, voir Lalanne,
Une ducation grecque, p.47 et R.Brethes, De lidalisme au ralisme.Une tude du
comique dans le roman grec(CARDO, 6tudes et Textes pour lIdentit Culturelle
de lAntiquit Tardive), Salerno,2007, p.69.
33 En effet, le thme de lamour se retrouve aussi dans les Homlies(Livre 5)
sous la forme dun loge du dieu ros qui fait partie dun loge de ladultre,
attribu au grammairien Apion.Voir, ce sujet, W.Adler, Apions Encomium ofAdultery: AJewish Satire ofGreek Paideia in the Pseudo-Clementine
Homilies, Hebrew Union College Annual, 64(1993), p.15-49 et D.Ct, La figure
dros dans les Homlies pseudo-clmentines, in CopticaGnosticaManichaica,
Mlanges en lhonneur de Wolf-Peter Funk ed.P.-H.Poirier, L.Painchaud

480

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

deux versions des Pseudo-Clmentines dailleurs, la mme capacit

de structurer le rcit.
En fait, dans les Pseudo-Clmentines, la dimension rotique du
roman grec se voit essentiellement remplace par la dimension
familiale: cest une famille et non un couple damoureux qui subit
la sparation, lpreuve et la runion. Le procd romanesque
des reconnaissances ne concerne dailleurs, du moins directement, que les personnages qui composent la famille de Clment.
Selon William Robins, ce changement de paradigme, qui aurait
donn naissance ce quil appelle the family romance, sexpliquerait par la monte de lasctisme chrtien et son impact
sur laristocratie romaine du ivesicle34. Il met lhypothse que
lHistoria Apollonii Regis Tyri aurait servi de modle aussi bien
aux hagiographes latins, au tournant des iveet vesicles, quaux
auteurs des Reconnaissances35.
Lhypothse de Robins, si elle savrait, permettrait de mieux
comprendre les raisons pour lesquelles les auteurs pseudo-clmentins ont modifi les thmes emprunts au roman. Elle laisserait
toutefois dans lombre les raisons pour lesquelles ils ont adopt
ces thmes au dpart.De toute manire, tant donne la double
nature des Pseudo-Clmentines, il faut dabord tenter de dterminer de quels auteurs pseudo-clmentins il sagit et tenter, par le
fait mme, de dterminer quelle tape de leur formation lintgration des lments romanesques aurait eu lieu.
Il serait sans doute utile de rappeler ici, la suite de B.Pouderon, la thorie classique sur la formation du texte pseudoclmentin36.Ce que nous appelons les Pseudo-Clmentines se
prsente sous la forme de deux ouvrages trs proches lun de
lautre : les Homlies, rdiges en grec et les Reconnaissances
qui nous sont parvenues dans une traduction latine de Rufin

(Collection Bibliothque copte de Nag HammadiSection tudes, 7), Qubec,Louvain,

2005, p.135-165.
34 Robins, Romance and Renunciation, p.532.
35 Ibid., p.554.
36Voir Pouderon, La gense du roman pseudo-clmentin, p.xvii-xviii. Cfr. F.S.
Jones, Clement ofRome and the Pseudo-Clementines: History and/or Fiction,
in Studi su Clemente Romano: atti degli Incontri di Roma, 29 marzo e 22novembre2001 ed.P.Luisier(Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 268), Rome, 2003,
p.141.

481

D. CT

dAquile37. Leur proximit est telle (structure et thmatique),

note B.Pouderon, que lon asuppos une base commune,
dsigne en allemand par le terme Grundschrift (crit fondamental, Basic Writing)38. La datation des trois documents fait lobjet
de vifs dbats, mais on sentend gnralement sur les dates
suivantes: la traduction des Reconnaissances par Rufin circa400;
lardaction des Reconnaissances avant 379; la rdaction des
Homlies avant 325; la rdaction du Grundschrift, entre 222
et 32539.
Il sagit maintenant de situer, dans ce schma trois composantes: Grundschrift, Homlies et Reconnaissances, le point dinsertion du cadre romanesque.Compte tenu que llment de
proximit le plus visible entre les Homlies et les Reconnaissances
est une trame narrative commune, on peut supposer que le cadre
romanesque, i.e.le motif des reconnaissances (sparation, naufrage et retrouvailles) remonterait au Grundschrift. Cest en tout
cas la position de Strecker40. partir dun premier ensemble
Concernant cette traduction, voir Y.-M.Duval, Le texte latin des
Reconnaissances clmentines.Rufin, les interpolations et les raisons de sa traduction, in Nouvelles intrigues pseudo-clmentines ed.F.Amsler, A.Frey, C.Touati,
p.79-92.
38Voir Jones, Clement ofRome, p.142-145, pour une description du
contenu de lcrit fondamental.
39
En tout cas, la traduction latine des Reconnaissances par Rufin date davant
406, anne de la mort de lvque Gaudentius de Brescia, ddicataire de la
prface de Rufin la traduction des Reconnaissances, et un manuscrit syriaque
de411 atteste lexistence des Homlies et des Reconnaissances au dbut du vesicle
desse. Suivant la prsentation de Cirillo, Introduction, p.22-23, les Reconnaissances auraient t rdiges avant 379 (tmoignage de Basile de Csare,
PG,31 col.213A-217B et mort de Basile en 379), les Homlies, avant 325
(tmoignage dEusbe de Csare, qui mentionne des dialogues de Pierre et
dApion in h.e., III,38,5, et rdaction de h.e. avant 325) et le Grundschrift,
entre 222 (mort de Bardesane dont le Dialogue sur le destin est cit en Reconnaissances, IX19-29) et 232 (si les citations dOrigne dans la Philocalie sont
de lui) ou 325 (Eus., h.e., III, 38,5) si les citations sont des interpolations.
Cfr.Pouderon, La gense du roman pseudo-clmentin, p.339-340(Schma no 1:
La gense de lintrigue), qui dfend lauthenticit des citations dOrigne et
nhsite pas dater le Grundschrift de la fin du iie, dbut du iiiesicle. Il reprend
dailleurs le titre Prgrinations de Pierre(Periodoi Petrou) utilis par Origne et
propose un schma de la gense du roman hautement hypothtique quoique
trs cohrent.
40 Strecker, Das Judenchristentum, p.75-78.Cfr. la remarque de Geoltrain,
Introduction, p.1182: le cadre romanesque, de la dispersion initiale aux
retrouvailles finales, en est llment le plus visible(de la trame narrative com37

482

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

littraire, les Homlies et les Reconnaissances auraient ensuite organis la matire de faon diffrente41. On peut donc penser que les
auteurs du Grundschrift ont fait le choix des procds romanesques
et que les auteurs des Homlies et des Reconnaissances ont assum
ce choix en yapportant des modifications de part et dautre.
Comment alors sexplique le choix de la forme romanesque
par les auteurs des Pseudo-Clmentines? Pourquoi cette forme
littraire et non pas une autre? Pourquoi le roman au lieu de
lhistoire, du discours ou encore du trait? Sil fallait user de fiction pour complter les vangiles et les Actes canoniques42,
pourquoi ne pas avoir emprunt la voie de la littrature institutionnelle, comme les auteurs des Constitutions apostoliques43?
Pourquoi, dailleurs, avoir fait le choix du roman, un genre
sans genre? Sils avaient fait le choix du discours ou de la posie,
comme Grgoire de Nazianze44, ils auraient eu leur disposition
mune), mais la question de son appartenance lcrit de base est loin dtre
admise.
41 Par exemple, lpisode des discussions entre Apion et Clment Tyr sur
les dieux de la mythologie et linterprtation allgorique des mythes (Homlies
IV-VI) na aucun parallle direct dans les Reconnaissances, mais les thmes qui
ysont abords(mythologie et allgorie) se retrouvent partiellement en ReconnaissancesX, 15-41, dans un contexte diffrent(Laodice) avec des personnages
diffrents: Clment et ses frres dun ct, Faustinianus, leur pre(et non
Apion), de lautre. Cfr. Geoltrain, Introduction, p.1183.
42
Comme le font les auteurs des vangiles et des actes dits apocryphes. Pour
une dfinition des textes apocryphes chrtiens et propos de leur relation avec
le Nouveau Testament, cfr. Junod, Apocryphes du Nouveau Testament:
une appellation errone et une collection artificielle.Discussion de la nouvelle
dfinition propose par W.Schneemelcher, Apocrypha, 3(1992), p.26-27:
Textes anonymes ou pseudpigraphes dorigine chrtienne qui entretiennent
un rapport avec les livres du Nouveau Testament et aussi de lAncien Testament,
parce quils sont consacrs des vnements raconts ou voqus dans ces livres
ou parce quils sont consacrs des vnements qui se situent dans le prolongement dvnements raconts ou voqus dans ces livres, parce quils sont centrs
sur des personnages apparaissant dans ces livres, parce que leur genre littraire
sapparente ceux dcrits bibliques.Sur la frontire entre canonique et apocryphe, cfr. J.-C.Picard, Le continent apocryphe: Essai sur les littratures apocryphes
juive et chrtienne(Instrumenta Patristica, 36), Turnhout,1999, p.9.
43 Sur la pseudpigraphie apostolique pratique par les auteurs des Constitutions apostoliques, voir Metzger, in Les constitutions apostoliques(SC, 320),
p.34-46.
44Au sujet de Grgoire de Nazianze et de ses rapports avec la culture
grecque, voir louvrage de S.Elm, Sons ofHellenism, Fathers ofthe Church. Emperor
Julian, Gregory ofNazianzus, and the Vision ofRome, Berkeley,Los Angeles, 2012.
La thse principale de lauteur consiste dire que luvre entire de Grgoire

483

D. CT

des rgles prcises dfinissant le genre, rgles quils auraient pu

semployer respecter pour dmontrer leur capacit rivaliser
avec les Grecs. Or, ils ont plutt fait le choix dadapter le genre
mal-aim du roman45, pour lequel, note Romain Brethes,
onne trouve nulle rfrence...dans quelque trait ou manuel
que ce soit46. videmment, les auteurs anonymes du Grundschrift,
des Homlies et des Reconnaissances ne se sont pas expliqus
sur le sujet. dfaut, cependant, de pouvoir dterminer lintentio auctoris ou auctorum des Pseudo-Clmentines, il nous reste
tout de mme luvre en soi, le texte, qui peut rvler, par
sa cohrence contextuelle et par la situation des systmes de
signification auxquels il se rfre, une intentio47. En dautres
termes, le fait que les Pseudo-Clmentines utilisent de manire
cohrente des lments dun genre littraire, qui se situe dans le
contexte des Pseudo-Clmentines et que nous appelons le roman,
en se rfrant des notions qui appartiennent des systmes
de signification, que nous appelons judasme, christianisme,

de Nazianze devrait tre interprte comme une raction linterdiction faite

aux chrtiens par lempereur Julien denseigner la rhtorique(voir notamment
la page 151).
45 Sur lintention des auteurs pseudo-clmentins et plus particulirement des
auteurs des Homlies rivaliser avec les Grecs et leur culture en utilisant la forme
romanesque, cfr. A.Yoshiko Reed, Heresiology and the(Jewish) Christian
Novel: Narrativized Polemics in the Pseudo-Clementien Homilies, in Heresy and
Identity in LateAntiquity ed.E.Iricinschi, H.Zelletin, Tbingen,2008, p.298:
Interestingly, it is particularly in the Homilies that we find fully exploited the
polemical power latent in the adoption ofapagan literary form: for, as we
have seen, the appropriation ofthe genre ofthe novel here serves an extended
polemic against Hellenism as heresy....
46 Brethes, De lidalisme au ralisme, p.68: On peut avoir le sentiment dans
lAntiquit tardive que le roman est un genre mal aim. Quoiquil soit apparu
probablement entre le iersicle av.et le iersicle ap.J.-C., on ne trouve nulle
rfrence son existence dans quelque trait ou manuel que ce soit. Ilpoursuit(p.68-69): cependant, si la tragdie, la comdie ou lpope rpondent
des critres rellement dtermins, force est de constater quil nexiste aucune
trace dune thorie du roman antique. Cfr.Lalanne, Une ducation grecque,
p.46; Pouderon, La gense du roman pseudo-clmentin, p.xxii-xxiii. Selon
M.Bakhtine, le roman ne serait pas un genre, tout au plus un anti-genre ou
un genre en devenir qui naurait pas de canon. Voir M.Bakhtine, Esthtique et
thorie du roman(tr.du russe par Daria Olivier), Paris,1978, p.439-473.
47U.Eco, Les limites de linterprtation(tr.de litalien par M.Bouzaher),
Paris,1992, p.29. Sur la distinction entre intentio auctoris, intentio operis et intentio
lectoris, voir Ibid., p.29-32.

484

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

hellnisme, ce fait en lui-mme devrait nous permettre de comprendre le choix de la forme romanesque.Cest ici quintervient
Bourdieu et son champ littraire.

3.La notion de champ littraire et la prise de position

des Pseudo-Clmentines
Lorsque les auteurs du Grundschrift, des Homlies et des Reconnaissances dcident dcrire lhistoire de Pierre, Simon et Clment, en
les insrant dans une structure narrative de type romanesque, ils
entrent sans le savoir dans ce que le sociologue Pierre Bourdieu
aappel le champ littraire. Pour bien saisir en quoi la notion
de champ littraire peut nous aider comprendre les PseudoClmentines, il faut tout dabord et trs brivement en donner
une dfinition et la situer dans la thorie bourdieusienne de
lespace social.
Selon la thorie de Pierre Bourdieu, la notion de champ littraire doit se comprendre la lumire du concept plus gnral de
champ48. Le champ est ainsi dfini comme un milieu, un espace
social rgi par des lois et des codes, ou encore, daprs Bernard
Lahire, comme un microcosme relativement autonome au sein
du macrocosme que reprsente lespace social global49.Chaque
champ possde des rgles du jeu et des enjeux spcifiques et
constitue un espace diffrenci et hirarchis de positions,
un espace de domination et de conflits entre les diffrents agents
et/ou institutions qui cherchent sapproprier le capital spcifique du champ50.Dans les termes de Bourdieu lui-mme,
le champ est un:
rseau de relations objectives (de domination ou de subordination, de complmentarit ou dantagonisme, etc. entre
des positions... Chaque position est objectivement dfinie
48
Sur la notion de champ chez Pierre Bourdieu, cfr. C.Lemieux, Le crpuscule des champs.Limites dun concept ou disparition dune ralit historique?, dans Bourdieu, thoricien de la pratique ed.M.de Fornel, A.Ogien
(Raisons pratiques.pistmologie, sociologie, thorie sociale,21), Paris,2011, p.75-100.
49B.Lahire, Le champ et le jeu: la spcificit de lunivers littraire en
question, in Bourdieu et la littratureed.J.-P.Martin, Nantes,2010, p.145.
50 Ibid.

485

D. CT

par sa relation objective aux autres positions, ou, en dautres

termes, par le systme des proprits pertinentes, cest--dire
efficientes, qui permettent de la situer par rapport toutes
les autres dans la structure de la distribution globale des proprits.51

Applique la culture (art, littrature, science etc.) ou, pour

parler comme Bourdieu, la production culturelle, la notion
de champ dsigne alors le champ artistique, le champ littraireetc.52 Lechamp littraire peut donc se dfinir comme
un rseau de relations objectives entre des positions, par
exemple, celle qui correspond un genre comme le roman ou
une sous-catgorie telle que le romain mondain, ou, dun
autre point de vue, celle qui repre une revue, un salon ou
un cnacle comme lieux de ralliement dun groupe de producteurs53. Bourdieu ajoute qu lintrieur dun champ, aux
positions correspondent des prises de positions: Auxdiffrentes positions (qui, dans un univers aussi peu institutionnalis
que le champ littraire ou artistique, ne se laissent apprhender
qu travers les proprits de leurs occupants) correspondent
des prises de position homologues, uvres littraires ou artistiques videmment, mais aussi actes et discours politiques,
manifestes ou polmiques, etc.54. Ilfaut noter galement que
le champ littraire sinscrit toujours, comme les autres champs,
dans le champ du pouvoir, celui qui se prsente comme le
champ des champs, lorigine de la hirarchie entre les autres
champs55, celui que Bourdieu dfinit comme lespace des
rapports de force entre des agents ou des institutions ayant en
commun de possder le capital ncessaire pour occuper des

Bourdieu, Les rgles de lart, p.378.

Ibid., p.351-352.
53 Ibid., p.378.
54 Ibid., p.379. Plus loin(p.383), Bourdieu prcise: la science de luvre
dart adonc pour objet propre la relation entre deux structures, la structure des
relations objectives entre les positions dans le champ de production(et entre les
producteurs qui les occupent) et la structure des relations objectives entre les
prises de position dans lespace des uvres.
55A.Jourdain, S.Naulin, La thorie de Pierre Bourdieu et ses usages sociologiques (Collection128, Srie Sociologies contemporaines), Paris,2011, p.109.
51
52

486

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

positions dominantes dans les diffrents champs (conomique

ou culturel notamment)56.
Revenons maintenant au cas des Pseudo-Clmentines et au
choix de la forme romanesque.Pour qu la fin du ivesicle deux
versions des reconnaissances de Clment se rendent jusqu
Rufin dAquile, il aura fallu quun certain nombre de personnes
occupent des positions dans le champ littraire des iiie-ivesicles
en Syrie et ailleurs dans lEmpire: des auteurs, des diteurs, des
rdacteurs, des secrtaires, des copistes, des traducteurs et des
distributeurs. tant donnes les conditions de la production
littraire dans la socit grco-romaine de lAntiquit tardive
(il ny apas de relle autonomie du champ littraire comme ce
sera le cas dans la socit franaise partir du xixesicle)57, on
doit ici comprendre le champ littraire comme faisant partie
du champ plus gnral de la culture.Ces auteurs, diteurs etc.
entrent en relation (domination, subordination, antagonisme)
avec des personnes qui occupent des positions mieux dfinies sur
le plan institutionnel dans le champ de la production culturelle,
comme les sophistes, les rhteurs, les philosophes etc. Cest ainsi
que les auteurs, rdacteurs, diteurs des Pseudo-Clmentines, en
produisant un texte, en tant producteurs culturels, se situent
de facto dans le champ littraire et yoccupent une position.
Or, lorsquils choisissent la forme du roman, ils se trouvent non
seulement occuper une position, mais aussi prendre position. Ilschoisissent un genre nouveau et qui ne porte pas de
nom, un genre qui nexiste pas dans les traits de potique et qui
56 Bourdieu, Les rgles de lart, p.353. lintrieur du champ du pouvoir,
le champ littraire occupe lui-mme une position domine: Du fait de la
hirarchie qui stablit dans les rapports entre les diffrentes espces de capital et
entre leurs dtenteurs, les champs de production culturelle occupent une position domine, temporellement, au sein du champ du pouvoir.Pour si affranchis quils puissent tre des contraintes et des demandes externes, ils sont traverss par la ncessit des champs englobants, celle du profit, conomique ou
politique. Le champ littraire, dans ses rapports avec le champ du pouvoir,
se trouve donc, chaque moment, en lutte entre deux principes de hirarchisation, lhtronome, favorable ceux qui dominent le champ conomiquement et politiquement(par exemple lart bourgeois), et le principe autonome
(par exemple lArt pour lart)....
57Sur la notion dautonomie littraire, voir G.Sapiro, Lautonomie de
la littrature en question, in Bourdieu et la littratureed.J.-P.Martin, Nantes,
2010, p.45-61.

487

D. CT

est exclu, par exemple, des lectures considres comme moralement acceptables par Julien, philosophe, empereur et adversaire
du christianisme: Ilnous convient de ne lire que des histoires
tires de faits rels. cartons les fictions rapportes sous forme
dhistoire chez les anciens, affaires damour ( )
et absolument tout ce qui yressemble58. En choisissant la forme
du roman, mais en lexpurgeant de sa dimension rotique pour
la remplacer par une dimension familiale, les auteurs, diteurs
des Pseudo-Clmentines prennent l encore position. Ilsinnovent
par rapport un genre qui peut lui-mme passer pour novateur.
Ilsinnovent en restant dans ce que Bourdieu appelle lespace
des possibles59. Enchoisissant la forme du roman, ils prennent
position galement vis--vis de ceux qui choisissent la rhtorique, lhistoire, le trait, le dialogue ou mme la posie, bien
que lon trouve dans les Pseudo-Clmentines des discours, des dialogues et des lettres, le genre romanesque nayant pas de canon.
Enchoisissant la forme du roman, ils prennent de mme position
vis--vis des autorits juives et chrtiennes parce que le genre
romanesque, n dans la foule de la Seconde Sophistique est
le vhicule dune certaine affirmation hellnique60, le vhicule
de la paideia que plusieurs auteurs chrtiens, dont les auteurs
mmes des Pseudo-Clmentines, cherchent neutraliser. Prendre
position dans le champ littraire, cest encore, et finalement,
prendre position dans le champ du pouvoir. Sur le fond, les
Pseudo-Clmentines affirment clairement, au milieu du ivesicle,
que Rome est subordonne Jrusalem (Pierre, Clment, Jacques),
que Paul est lennemi de la vrit, que Mose et Jsus dispensent
galement le salut61, que les critures contiennent des passages
errons etc.

58
Jul., ep.89(301 b) ed.J.Bidez(Collection des Universits de France),
Paris, 1924: ,

,
. Cfr. Brethes, De lidalisme au ralisme, p.69.
59 Bourdieu, Les rgles de lart, p.384-387.
60S.Swain, Hellenism and Empire: Language, Classicism, and Power in the
Greek World, ad 50-250, Oxford,1996, p.101-131.
61Cfr. Yoshiko Reed,
Jewish Christianity after the Parting ofthe
Ways, p.213-224.

488

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

Conclusion
Les Pseudo-Clmentines revendiquent une marginalit de forme
et de fond. Autrement dit, le choix de la forme romanesque
est cohrent avec le choix des ides souvent juges htrodoxes mises de lavant dans les Homlies et les Reconnaissances,
surtout dans les Homlies. Ce nest pas seulement une affaire
desthtisme littraire. Cest dabord et avant tout une prise de
position. Larception des Pseudo-Clmentines, sous une forme
ou une autre, est ce sujet loquente. Au livre IIIde lHistoire
ecclsiastique, Eusbe de Csare parle dcrits longs et verbeux...qui ne conservent pas le caractre pur de lorthodoxie
apostolique62 et piphane, dans son Panarion, associe les Periodoi Petrou (le Grundschrift?) aux enseignements des bionites,
accusant ces hrtiques de les avoir corrompus, de sen tre
approprier et davoir menti au sujet de Pierre et de ses bains
quotidiens63.
Le cas de Rufin et de sa rception des Pseudo-Clmentines
est intressant. Lui-mme Origniste et brouill avec Jrme
sur ce point, donc dans une relation difficile avec une certaine orthodoxie (comme les Pseudo-Clmentines)64, il traduit et
transmet les reconnaissances de Clment dans le but ddifier

62
Eus., h.e., III, 38, 5 ed.G.Bardy(SC, 31), Paris,1952: Dautres
crits, verbeux et longs, ont t tout rcemment prsents comme tant de lui
[Clment]: ils renferment des dialogues de Pierre et dApion, dont il nexiste
absolument aucun souvenir chez les anciens et qui dailleurs ne conservent
pas le caractre pur de lorthodoxie apostolique=
,

, .
Pour une comparaison entre lHistoire ecclsiastique dEusbe et les Homlies, voir
A.Reed, Jewish Christianity as Counter-history? The Apostolic Past in Eusebius Ecclesiastical History and the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies, in Antiquity in
Antiquity: Jewish and Christian Pasts in the Greco-Roman Worlded.G.Gardner,
K.L.Osterloh(Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism, 123), Tbingen,2008,
p.173-216.
63 Epiph., haer., XXX, 15 ed.K.Holl(GCS, 25), Leipzig,1915. Sur le
lien entre les bionites dpiphane et les Pseudo-Clmentines, voir Pouderon,
La gense du roman pseudo-clmentin, p.161-185 et S.C.Mimouni, Le judo-christianisme ancien.Essais historiques, Paris,1998, p.277-286.
64 Cfr. C.M.Chin, Rufinus ofAquileia and Alexandrian Afterlives: Translation as Origenism, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, 18(2010), p.617-647.

489

D. CT

lvque Gaudentius et ses concitoyens, comme il sen explique

dans la Prface la traduction latine des Reconnaissances:
bien quavec beaucoup de retard, nous nous acquittons de la
tche que jadis la vierge Silvia de vnrable mmoire nous
avait impose, savoir de restituer Clment notre langue,
tche que toi par la suite, usant de ton droit dhritier, tu
exigeais de nous, et le butin, non ngligeable je crois, que
nous avons soustrait aux bibliothques des Grecs, nous
lapportons aux ntres, pour leur utilit et leur profit, si bien
que, incapables de les nourrir de nos propres aliments, nous
leur en offrons dtrangers.65

Toutefois, il se montre bien conscient du caractre peu orthodoxe ou problmatique de certains passages sur le Dieu non
engendr et le Dieu engendr, ainsi que sur quelques autres
sujets, passages, avoue-t-il, qui ont dpass son entendement,
et quil prfre rserver dautres66. Autrement dit, Rufin se
montre ouvert un crit problmatique, mais ressent le besoin
de le rendre acceptable pour lestablishment en ne traduisant pas
les passages difficiles. Par ces corrections, Rufin modifie la prise
de position initiale des Pseudo-Clmentines au sein du champ du
pouvoir. En occupant la position de traducteur, Rufin fait passer
du grec au latin les trsors cachs de la sagesse (occultos sapientiae
thesauros). Il restitue au monde romain et la langue latine le Clment dont les Grecs staient empars. Usant des termes butin
(praeda) et dpouilles de la Grce (Graeciae spolia)67, il pr65
Ps.Clem., rec., prol., 2 ed.G.Strecker(GCS, 51)1965: nos...opus quod
olim venerandae memoriae virgo Silvia iniunxerat, ut Clementem nostrae linguae redderemus, et tu deinceps iure hereditario deposcebas, liceaas post moras, tamen aliquando restituimus, praedamque, ut opinor, non parvam, Graecorum bibliothecis direptam, nostrorum
usibus et utilitatibus convectamus, ut quos propriis non possumus, peregrinis nutriamus
alimoniis. Traduction dA.Schneider(voir supra note11).
66 Ibid., 10-11: sunt autem et quaedam in utroque corpore de ingenito deo genitoque disserta et de aliis nonnullis, quae, ut nihil amplus dicam, excesserunt intellegentiam
nostram.haec ergo ego, tamquam quae supra vires meas essent, aliis reservare malui quam
minus plena proferre.
67 Ibid., 5: et nescio quam gratus me civium vultus accipiat, magna sibi Graeciae
spolia deferentem et occultos sapientiae thesauros nostrae linguae clave reserantem=
Etje ne sais pas avec quelle expression de reconnaissance me reoivent mes
concitoyens, moi qui leur apporte de riches dpouilles de la Grce et qui leur
ouvre les trsors cachs de la sagesse grce la cl de notre langue. Traduction
dA.Schneider.

490

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

sente sa traduction des Reconnaissances comme une opration de

reconqute: Accueille donc, mon trs cher, notre Clment qui
revient toi, accueille-le dsormais en tant que Romain(...).
Cesont donc des produits trangers que nous transportons,
grand peine, dans notre patrie68.
En soulignant lorigine grecque et le caractre exotique des
Reconnaissances, Rufin modifie nouveau la prise de position initiale des Pseudo-Clmentines. De produit marginal dans le champ
culturel et littraire dorigine, les Pseudo-Clmentines deviennent
dans le champ littraire o volue Rufin un produit normal et
acceptable, parce que devenu Romain, et un produit apprciable
et estimable, parce qutranger. Or, les produits trangers, rappelle Rufin, non seulement, paraissent dordinaire plus doux,
mais parfois aussi plus profitables69. En terminant cette brve
tude, il faut bien reconnatre que le problme des PseudoClmentines et du choix de la forme romanesque nest pas compltement rsolu. Dans le cadre dune tude venir, il faudra
sans doute se demander si ce problme ne serait pas li, au fond,
celui que pose Rufin dAquile et son choix de traduire le
roman de Clment.

Bibliographie
1.Littrature premire
Const.apost.=Les Constitutions apostoliques ed.M.Metzger
(SC, 320), Paris,1985.
Eus., h.e.=Eusbe de Csare, Histoire ecclsiastique. Livres I-IV
ed.G.Bardy (SC, 31), Paris,1952.
68 Ibid., 4-5:Suscipe igitur, mi anime, redeuntem ad te Clementem nostrum, suscipe iam Romanum...peregrinas ergo merces multo in patriam sudore transvehimus.
69 Ibid., 3: Nam et solent suaviora videri peregrina, interdum vero et utiliora.
Denique peregrimun est paene omne quod medelam corporibus confert, quod morbis occurrit, quod venena depellit=Car, les produits trangers, non seulement, paraissent
dordinaire plus doux, mais parfois aussi plus profitables.En un mot, est tranger presque tout ce qui apporte la gurison aux corps, tout ce qui soppose
aux maladies, tout ce qui expulse les poisons.Rufin donne ensuite lexemple
de la larme de balsame, en provenance de Jude, de la chevelure de dictamne, de la Crte, des fleurs daromates, de lArabie et du nard dpices,
de lInde.

491

D. CT

Epiph., haer.=Epiphanius, Ancoratus.Panarion (haer.1-33) ed.K.Holl

(GCS, 25), Leipzig,1915.
Jul., ep.89=Lempereur Julien, uvres compltes.Tome I.2e partie.
Lettres et fragments ed.J.Bidez (Collection des Universits de France),
Paris,1924.
Ps.Clem.Rom., rec.=Die pseudoklementinen. II. Rekognitionen in
Rufins bersetzung ed.B.Rehm (GCS, 51), Berlin,1965.

2.Littrature secondaire
W. Adler, Apions Encomium ofAdultery: AJewish Satire of
Greek Paideia in the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies, Hebrew Union
College Annual, 64(1993), p.15-49.
M. Bakhtine, Esthtique et thorie du roman (tr.du russe par Daria
Olivier), Paris,1978.
R. Bauckham, James and the Jerusalem Community, in Jewish
Believers in Jesus, ed.O.Skarsaune, R.Hvalvik, Peabody, MA,
p.55-95.
P.Boulhol, La conversion de lanagnorismos profane dans le roman
pseudo-clmentin, in Nouvelles intrigues pseudo-clmentines. Actes
du deuxime colloque international sur la littrature apocryphe chrtienne,
LausanneGenve, 30aot2septembre 2006 ed.F.Amsler,
A.Frey, C.Touati (Publications de lInstitut romand des sciences
bibliques, 6), Lausanne,2008, p.151-175.
P.Bourdieu, Les rgles de lart.Gense et structure du champ littraire,
Paris,1992.
R. Brethes, De lidalisme au ralisme.Une tude du comique dans le
roman grec (CARDO, 6tudes et Textes pour lIdentit Culturelle
de lAntiquit Tardive), Salerno,2007.
M.-A. Calvet-Sebasti, Une le romanesque: Arados, in Lieux,
dcors et paysages de lancien roman, des origines Byzance.Actes
du Colloque de Tours, 24-26 octobre2002 ed.B.Pouderon,
Lyon,2005, p.87-99.
M. Chin, Rufinus ofAquileia and Alexandrian Afterlives: Translation as Origenism, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, 18(2010),
p.617-647.
L.Cirillo, Introduction, in Les Reconnaissances du pseudo-Clment.
Roman chrtien des premiers siclestr.A.Schneider (Apocryphes, 10),
Turnhout,1999, p.13-65.
L. Cirillo, Jacques de Jrusalem daprs le roman du PseudoClment, in La figure du prtre dans les grandes traditions religieuses.

492

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

Actes du colloque en hommage M.labb Julien Ries ed.A.Motte,

P.Marchetti, Namur,2005, p.177-188.
K. Cooper, Matthidias Wish: Division, Reunion, and the Early
Christian Family in the Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions, in
Narrativity in Biblical and Related Texts ed.G.J.Brooke,
J.-D.Kaestli (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium,
149), Leuven,2000, p.243-264.
D. Ct, La figure dros dans les Homlies pseudo-clmentines, in
Coptica Gnostica Manichaica, Mlanges en lhonneur de Wolf-Peter
Funk ed.P.-H.Poirier, L.Painchaud (Collection Bibliothque
copte de Nag HammadiSection tudes,7), Qubec, Louvain, 2005,
p.135-165.
D.Ct, Le thme de lopposition entre Pierre et Simon dans les PseudoClmentines (Collection des tudes AugustiniennesSrie Antiquit,
167), Paris,2001.
O.Cullmann, Le problme littraire et historique du roman pseudo-clmentin, Paris,1930.
I.Czachesz, The Clement Romance: Is it aNovel?, in The PseudoClementines ed.J.Bremmer (Studies on Early Christian Apocrypha,
10), Louvain,2010, p.24-35.
Y.-M.Duval, Le texte latin des Reconnaissances clmentines. Rufin,
les interpolations et les raisons de sa traduction, in Nouvelles intrigues pseudo-clmentines. Actes du deuxime colloque international sur la
littrature apocryphe chrtienne, LausanneGenve, 30aot 2septembre2006 ed.F.Amsler, A.Frey, C.Touati (Publications de
lInstitut romand des sciences bibliques, 6), Lausanne,2008, p.79-92.
U.Eco, Les limites de linterprtation (tr.de litalien par M.Bouzaher),
Paris,1992.
M.J.Edwards, The Clementina: AChristian Response to the Pagan
Novel, Classical Quarterly, 42(1992), p.459-474.
S.Elm, Sons ofHellenism, Fathers ofthe Church.Emperor Julian, Gregory
ofNazianzus, and the Vision ofRome, Berkeley,Los Angeles,2012.
A.Faivre, La documentation canonico-liturgique, in La documentation patristique. Bilan et prospective ed.J.-C.Fredouille, R.-M.
Roberge, Qubec,Paris,1995, p.3-41.
C. Fonrobert, The Didascalia Apostolorum: AMishnah for the
Disciples ofJesus, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, 9(2001),
p.483-509.
P. Geoltrain, Introduction (Roman pseudo-clmentin), in crits
apocryphes chrtiens II(Bibliothque de la Pliade) ed.P.Geoltrain,
J.-D.Kaestli, Paris,2005, p.1175-1187.

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T.Hgg, The Novel in Antiquity, Berkeley,Los Angeles, 1983.

R.F. Hock, The Rhetoric ofRomance, in Handbook ofClassical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic period 330 B.C. A.D.400
ed.S.E. Porter, Boston,Leiden,2001, p.445-465.
F.S. Jones, Clement ofRome and the Pseudo-Clementines: History
and/or Fiction, in Studi su Clemente Romano: atti degli Incontri di
Roma, 29marzo e22novembre2001 ed.P.Luisier (Orientalia
Christiana Analecta, 268), Rome, 2003, p.139-161.
A.Jourdain,S.Naulin, La thorie de Pierre Bourdieu et ses usages sociologiques (Collection 128, Srie Sociologies contemporaines), Paris, 2011.
Junod, Apocryphes du Nouveau Testament: une appellation
errone et une collection artificielle.Discussion de la nouvelle
dfinition propose par W.Schneemelcher, Apocrypha, 3(1992),
p.17-46.
B.Lahire, Le champ et le jeu: la spcificit de lunivers littraire en
question, in Bourdieu et la littratureed.J.-P.Martin, Nantes,
2010, p.143-154.
S. Lalanne, Une ducation grecque.Rites de passage et construction des
genres dans le roman grec ancien (Textes lappuiSrie histoire classique), Paris,2006.
F.Lapham, Peter: the Myth, the Man and the Writings: AStudy ofEarly
Petrine Text and Tradition, London,NewYork, 2003.
C. Lemieux, Le crpuscule des champs.Limites dun concept ou
disparition dune ralit historique?, in Bourdieu, thoricien de la
pratique ed.M.de Fornel, A.Ogien (Raisons pratiques. pistmologie, sociologie, thorie sociale, 21), Paris,2011, p.75-100.
M.Metzger, Introduction, in Les constitutions apostoliques. Tome I,
Livres Iet IIed.M.Metzger (SC, 320), Paris,1985, p.13-94.
M. Metzger, Introduction, in Les Constitutions apostoliques
tr.M.Metzger, Paris,1992, p.7-27.
S.C.Mimouni, Le judo-christianisme ancien.Essais historiques, Paris, 1998.
S. Montiglio, Love and Providence: Recognition in the Ancient Novel,
Oxford,2012.
J.G.Mueller, The Ancient Church Order Literature: Genre or Tradition?, Journal ofEarly Christian Literature, 15(2007), p.337-380.
M.Murray, Christian Identity in the Apostolic Constitutions: Some
Observations, in Identity and Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean.
Jews, Christians and Others.Essays in Honour ofStephen G.Wilson
ed.Z.A.Crook, P.A.Harland, Sheffield,2007, p.179-194.
J. Painter, Just James: The Brother ofJesus in History and Tradition,
Columbus (South Carolina), 1997.

494

LES PSEUDO-CLMENTINES ET LE CHOIX DU ROMAN GREC

J.-C.Picard, Le continent apocryphe: Essai sur les littratures apocryphes

juive et chrtienne (Instrumenta Patristica, 36), Turnhout,1999.
B.Pouderon, La gense du roman pseudo-clmentin.tudes littraires et
historiques, Paris,Louvain, 2012.
W.Robins, Romance and Renunciation at the Turn ofthe Fifth
Century, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, 8(2000), p.531-557.
E. Rohde, Der griechische Roman und seine Vorlafer, Leipzig,1914
(3edition).
I. Sandwell, Religious Identity in LateAntiquity.Greeks, Jews and
Christians in Antioch, Oxford, 2007.
G.Sapiro, Lautonomie de la littrature en question, in Bourdieu et
la littratureed.J.-P.Martin, Nantes, 2010, p.45-61.
G.Strecker, Das Judenchristentum in den Pseudoklementinen (TU,70),
Berlin,1981.
S.Swain, Hellenism and Empire.Language, Classicism, and Power in the
Greek World, ad 50-250, Oxford, 1996.
S.Tilg, Chariton ofAphrodisias and the Invention ofthe Greek Love Novel,
Oxford,2010.
P.W. van derHorst, Jews and Christians in Antioch at the end
ofthe fourth Century, in Christian-Jewish Relations through the
Centuries ed.S.E.Porter, B.W.R.Pearson, Sheffield, 2000,
p.228-238.
M.Vielberg, Klemens in den pseudoklementinischen Rekognitionen. Studien
zur literarischen Form des sptantiken Romans, Berlin, 2000.
T. Whitmarsh, Narrative and Identity in the Ancient Greek Novel:
Returning Romance, Oxford,2011.
A. Yoshiko Reed, Heresiology and the (Jewish) Christian Novel.
Narrativized Polemics in the Pseudo-Clementien Homilies, in
Heresy and Identity in LateAntiquity ed.E.Iricinschi, H.Zelletin,
Tbingen, 2008, p.273-298.
A. Yoshiko Reed, Jewish Christianity after the Parting ofthe
Ways. Approaches to Historiography and Self-Definition in
the Pseudo-Clementines, in The Ways that Never Parted: Jews and
Christians in LateAntiquity and the Early Middle Ages ed.A.H.
Becker, A.Yoshiko Reed, Tbingen,2003, p.189-231.
A.Yoshiko Reed, Jewish Christianity as Counter-history? The
Apostolic Past in Eusebius Ecclesiastical History and the PseudoClementine Homilies, in Antiquity in Antiquity.Jewish and Christian
Pasts in the Greco-Roman World ed.G.Gardner, K.L.Osterloh
(Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism, 123), Tbingen, 2008,
p.173-216.

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Abstracts
Cette tude apour objet la question des rapports entre les PseudoClmentines et le roman grec considre sous langle de la stratgie
littraire. Au lieu de chercher savoir en quoi les Pseudo-Clmentines ont t influences par la forme du roman grec, il sagit plutt
de dterminer pourquoi les Pseudo-Clmentines ont choisi dutiliser
la forme du roman grec. Lanalyse compare du traitement accord
au mme noyau narratif par les Constitutions apostoliques et les PseudoClmentines permet tout dabord de constater loriginalit de la stratgie pseudo-clmentine dans le contexte culturel des IIIe et ivesicles.
Lanalyse compare de lutilisation des motifs de la reconnaissance
et de lamour par le roman pseudo-clmentin et par le roman grec
met galement en relief loriginalit des auteurs pseudo-clmentins
dans leur emploi de la forme romanesque. Le recours la notion de
champ littraire, telle que dfinie par Pierre Bourdieu, dans son
ouvrage Les rgles de lart. Gense et structure du champ littraire, donne
lieu finalement une explication de la stratgie littraire des PseudoClmentines en termes sociologiques.
This paper considers the relationship between the Pseudo-Clementines and the Greek novel from the point ofview ofliterary strategy.
Instead ofresponding to the question ofhow the Pseudo-Clementines
were influenced by the Greek novel, it is rather why the Pseudo-Clementines have decided to use the Greek novel that is here investigated.
Comparative analysis ofthe Apostolic Constitutions and the PseudoClementines in their treatment ofthe same narrative allows to assess at
the start how original is the pseudo-clementine strategy in the cultural
context ofthe IIIrd and IVth centuries.Comparative analysis ofthe
pseudo-clementine romance and the Greek novel in their use ofthe
love and recognition motives also highlights the originality ofthe
pseudo-clementine writers in the way they used the novel form.
Finally, resorting to the concept ofchamp littraire, as defined by Pierre
Bourdieu in his work Les rgles de lart.Gense et structure du champ
littraire, leads to an explanation ofthe Pseudo-Clementines literary
strategy in terms ofsociology.

496

TINA DOLIDZE
Iv.Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University

PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED
IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL
AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY1

The prominent Byzantinologist Sergei Averintsev spoke about

the force field ofthe enormous inter-ethnic synthesis of
Eastern and Western elements in the vast cultural landscape
ofthe eastern Christian world.2 Its territorial dimensions, seen in
across-like shape, embraced lands from the Bosphorus down to
Mesopotamia and from the South Caucasus down to theNile.
Georgians, living at the South Caucasian edge ofthat spiritually
and intellectually integrated world, were extremely zealous in
finding paths to become part ofit.Beginning in the fifth century,
Georgian monks established their monasteries and carried out
intense literary activity first in Palestine (including Jerusalem),3
Egypt, and Syria, and later, from the ninth century, in the
Byzantine West (Asia Minor, Constantinople, Athos, Cyprus,
1 It is apleasure to acknowledge my gratitude to the Center for Mediterranean Studies at the Central European University in Budapest, where during my
stay in the framework ofthe International Higher Education Support Program
project on the Caucasus Ideveloped aversion ofthis overview. Ialso wish to
express sincere gratitude to my Georgian colleagues T.Aptsiauri, A.Kharanauli
and E.Kochlamazashvili for their kind help during its preparation.
2 [From the Shores ofBosphorus to the
Shores ofEuphrates]tr.S.S.Averintsev, Moscow,1987, p.8.
3 In the fifth century Peter the Iberian(411-491), prince ofIberia(Kartli) by
origin and later the bishop ofMaium(near Gaza), built churches and founded
Georgian monasteries in Palestine(the Judean desert near Bethlehem, Jerusalem,
Gaza). If Evagrius ofPontus was really ofGeorgian origin as asserted by Greek
and Coptic sources, one can assume that in the Egyptian context individual
initiatives must have existed earlier (K.Kekelidze, AFourth-Century Georgian
from Abroad. AThinker and aPublic Figure [in Georgian], in Id., Studies in the
History ofGeorgian Literature,VI, Tbilisi,1960, p.5-17).

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107532

497

T. DOLIDZE

and Bulgaria), along with monastic centres founded in their

native land from the middle ofthe sixth century onward. Georgian ecclesiastical literature developed and was shaped within this
vast cultural network.4 When speaking about the intensity ofits
development, one has to focus on Old Georgian literature, that
is, the long epoch from the fifth though the eighteenth century.
Inthis chronological framework Georgian ecclesiastical literature
is organized into the four following periods.
Period one, from the fifth century until the 980s, is the time
ofthe building ofan integrated Georgian state and cultural identity, which was significantly shaped by the multilingual monastic
environment ofthe Near East.Period twoalso called the classical agedeveloped from the980s until the first half ofthe thirteenth century. This is the epoch when the Georgian state and its
culture flourished, and the national spirit manifested itself in its
attachment to Greek culture.5 In period three, from the second
half ofthe thirteenth century until the end ofthe sixteenth
century, Georgian spiritual literature experienced adecline,
obviously due to strong political oscillations. Period four, from
the start ofthe seventeenth century through the eighteenth century, was marked by acultural revival that included arevival
ofecclesiastical literature.
In order to review the content ofthe literature created by
Georgian churchmen in monastic centres inside and outside
oftheir land within the above geographical and chronological context, Ishall have to restrict myself to several significant
instances and figures ofthat literature, which Idiscuss according
to the genres ofecclesiastical literature.

4 L.Menabde, Seats ofAncient Georgian Literature Abroad, 2vols., Tbilisi,1962,

1980(in Georgian); Ancient Christianity in the Caucasus ed.T.Mgaloblishvili
(Iberica Caucasica,1), Richmond,1998; T.Meskhi, Sinai and Georgia.New Pages
ofthe Centuries-Old History, Tbilisi,2013(in Georgian); for the history of Georgian monastic life in European research: Georgian Literature in European Scholarship ed. E.Khintibidze, Amsterdam, 2001.
5 The decisive turn to Greek literary sources begins with the establishment
ofthe Georgian Iveron monastery on Mt.Athos(established in980-983), and
primarily with the founder ofits literary circle, Euthymius the Athonite, whose
major project was aimed at amplifying Georgian ecclesiastic literature with
translations done exclusively from Greek.

498

PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

1.The Bible and apocrypha

The most ancient Georgian witnesses to the Old Testament are
preserved in fifth- to seventh-century palimpsest fragments and
in ninth- to tenth-century lectionaries and biblical codices.6
The surviving translations reveal that some books ofthe Old
Testament were rendered several times and from different text
traditions: from Hexaplaric and Lucianic recensions, as well as
from traditions fragmentarily attested in several Greek sources
and in the Vetus Latina. Inanumber ofinstances Georgian translations are the oldest written witnesses for certain textual traditions.It is not yet clear whether the Georgian Bible underwent
arevision according to the Greek text before the tenth century.
Inthe eleventh century only the Psalter among the books ofthe
Old Testament was revised at the Iveron monastery on Athos.
Thenext stage ofrevision is connected with the Catena collections (11th-12thc.) which aim to harmonize the text ofthe Bible
with its commentaries.
As for the New Testament, the earliest translations preserved
in the fifth- to seventh-century palimpsests and the ninth-century manuscripts represent texts ofPalestinian and Antiochene
traditions. Of the several phases oftext revision the last phase
done by George the Athonite (d.1065) shows atendency
towards formal approximation to Greek.It is regarded as the
Vulgata and has been widely used until now in the Georgian
Orthodox Church. Inthe seventeenth and eighteenth centuries two new editions ofthe complete Bible were compiled:
the Mtskheta Bible (17th-18thc.), which has been revised according to the Latin and Armenian editions, and the Bakari (Moscow)
Bible (1743), which supposedly has been revised according to
the Slavonic text.

6This section on the Bible draws on the contribution ofA.Kharanauli

in T.Dolidze,A.Kharanauli, The Bible in Georgian Christianity,
in The Encyclopaedia ofthe Bible and Its Reception, X, Berlin,(in press); see
further E.Gabidzashvili, Translated Works ofAncient Georgian Literature. Bibliography,IV: Bibliology, Exegetical, Apocryphal, Tbilisi,2009, p.160-217 (in Georgian); N.Melikishvili, Bibliology, in N.Melikishvili, M.Maisuradze,
Essays from the History ofOld Georgian Spiritual Literature,I, Tbilisi, 2012, p.4-261
(in Georgian).

499

T. DOLIDZE

Apocryphal books are included already in the fifth- to seventhcentury palimpsest fragments (e.g.Protoevangelium Jacobi, Acta
Andreae et Matthiae, an unidentified text with aconventional
title Acts ofthe Apostles). Theearliest available Georgian versions ofthe Old Testament apocrypha are: Assumptio Mosis, Vita
Adam, Historia Melchizedek, Caverna thesauri (an exegetic compendium ofthe Old and New Testament). Georgian literature is
especially rich in New Testament apocrypha about the birth, life,
and dormition ofthe Mother ofGod; Christs childhood and
various episodes ofhis life; holy reliquiaries ofthe crucifixion
(cross, nails, robe ofJesus); apocryphal gospels (Evangelium Nicodemi, Protoevangelium Jacobi); apocryphal acts ofapostles, apocalypses, and epistles; apocryphal lives ofsaints; etc. Themain part
ofthis literature has been rendered in the fifth to ninth centuries
from Greek, Armenian, or Syriac.Some ofthe Georgian versions merit research because they preserve an early redaction
ofatext or are the only remaining witness to atext.7

2.Liturgy and hymnography

The earliest surviving Typicon in Georgian is the eighth-century translation ofthe seventh-century Jerusalem Canon, which
attests that Georgians used the Typicon ofChrists tomb in their
liturgical practice. Since this translation includes biblical readings for the whole year, it is also called the Jerusalem Lectionary.
Hymnographic (so-called Iadgari) collections and the Euchologion have also survived from the Jerusalem tradition. Until the
tenth century the Georgian church used the liturgy ofthe apostle
James, and presumably also that ofthe apostle Peter. It was no
earlier than the tenth century that the Constantinopolitan calendar and Typikon replaced the Jerusalem calendar and Typikon at
the initiative ofthe Iveron Monastery on Athos. Two Athonite
fathers, Euthymius (d.1028), initiator ofthe literary and translation activity at the monastery, and his successor George, strongly
facilitated the development ofthe Constantinopolitan tradition.

7 E.Gabidzashvili, Translated Works, IV: Bibliology, Exegetical, Apocryphal,

p.365-480.

500

PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

Euthymius translated ashort redaction ofthe Constantinopolitan

Synaxarion and introduced some parts ofthe Euchologion and
several hymnographical texts.More significant in this respect
are Georges achievements in working vigorously to translate
the vast Greek liturgical collections ofhis time, thus completely
renewing the Old Georgian liturgical books.He translated the
Great Synaxarion (a complete Typikon ofHagia Sophia, containing liturgical instructions for the whole year), Horologion,
Hieratikon, Liturgiarion (liturgies by Basil and John Chrysostom),
Great Euchologion and all the hymnographic collections such
as Parakliton, Triodion, Pentekostarion and twelve volumes
ofMenaion. Inorder to compile the most complete Menaion,
George collected hymnographic material from numerous Greek
Menaion manuscripts kept in monastic centres ofthe Black
Mountain, Athos, and Constantinople. Inthe subsequent centuries his liturgical collections have undergone certain changes,
but they remained in use along with new collections until
the nineteenth century. Inthe first half ofthe twelfth century
Arsen ofIqalto (d.1125) introduced St.Sabass Typikon. Thereafter the Great Synaxarion and St.Sabass Typikon were used in
parallel.8
The first (4th-6thc.) hymnographic collections were Tropologia,
which are no longer available, though their existence is confirmed in later Iadgari. Theoldest Iadgari presents the complete
repertoire ofliturgical poetry.Later on, in the ninth to tenth
centuries, anew type ofIadgari, the so-called Great Iadgari, was
compiled. Therenaissance ofGeorgian vernacular hymnography ofthe first period dates to the turn ofthe tenth century.
John Minchkhi, John Mtbevari, and Michael Modrekili stand
out as the most productive hymnographers. TheGreat Iadgari
by Michael Modrekili was enriched on the one hand with new
translations from Greek and, on the other, with new hymns composed by Georgian hymnographers.His collection with attached
neumes (quite different from Greek ones) contains Akolouthias
8 Aportion ofliturgical texts lost in Greek is preserved in Georgian translations. For Georgian liturgical texts and their research history: E.Gabidzashvili,
Translated Works ofAncient Georgian Literature.Bibliography,V: Liturgy, Hymnography, Tbilisi,2011, p.12-239(in Georgian).

501

T. DOLIDZE

of the annual feasts, the Parakliton, Triodion, Pentekostarion,

and Hirmologion. Along with liturgical poetry, non-liturgical
Byzantine poetry was translated as well (Gregory ofNazianzus, Christopher ofMytilene, etc.).Impressive samples ofvernacular liturgical and non-liturgical hymnography survive from
the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries and the eighteenth
century.

3.Hagiography
The Old Georgian ecclesiastic literature was very prolific in
hagiographic writings. Theearly translations, until the end ofthe
tenth century, were rendered from initial versions (so-called
keimena, i.e., the first plain narratives).Georgians started to
render the collection ofSymeon Metaphrastes within his lifetime. Inthe eleventh and twelfth centuries metaphrastic literature was almost completely translated into Georgian, covering
the whole twelve-month cycle.Valuable information about
the life ofSymeon Metaphrastes, the character ofhis literary
activity, and the content ofhis collection is given in the writings
ofthe Georgian ecclesiastics Ephrem Mtsire (d.1103)9 and Theophilus Hieromonachos (11th-12thc.), the representative ofthe
Athonite school, who rendered many metaphrastic hagiographic
works from Greek.According to Georgian manuscript tradition,
Symeons work was continued by the Byzantine philosopher and
writer John Xiphilinos, whose Menologion, evidently not preserved in Greek, is almost fully extant in Georgian.10 Along with
9 Ephrem Mtsire was the leading person ofthe Black Mountain Georgian
literary and educational centre(near Antioch) in the second half ofthe eleventh
century.He was an excellent theologian, philologist, and scholar, the initiator ofthe so-called hellenophile trend, which in addition to sharing the ideas
ofscholarly orientated contemporary Byzantine erudition, endeavored to introduce capabilities of expression found in Greek into Georgian language.Ephrem
Mtsire and Antiochene Georgian translators created the system ofestablishing
critical texts and elaborated methodological principles for humanistic erudition.
10 K.Kekelidze, [Symeon
Metaphrastes According to Georgian Sources], in Id., Studies in the History of
Georgian Literature,V, Tbilisi,1957, p.212-226; K.Kekelidze, ,
[John Xiphilinos, Successor ofSymeon
Metaphrastes], ibid., p.227-247.

502

PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

metaphrastical collections, other kinds ofhagiographic or semihagiographic collections were also compiled, such as martyrologia,
paterika, materika, enkomia, and synaxaria.Most Georgian translations were made from Greek, but some early ones were rendered from Syriac, Armenian, and Arabic.11 Several keimenic
and metaphrastic hagiographic works preserved in Old Georgian
translations have not survived in Greek or even in other languages; anumber ofthem are extant in other languages, but not
in the same redaction as in Georgian.
Apart from translations ofhagiographic writings, Georgians
produced their indigenous hagiographic literature.It covers
aperiod from the fifth to the eighteenth century.12 In addition,
it should be noted that Euthymius the Athonite, who was avery
prolific translator ofGreek hagiographical works into Georgian, in
his turn contributed to the history ofGreek language hagiography.
According to Greek, Latin, and Georgian sources, he rendered
from Georgian into Greek the well-known medieval novel
ascribed to John ofDamascus, Vita Barlaam et Joasaph (in Georgian, The Wisdom ofBalahvar) which soon after Euthymiuss time
appeared in Latin (in 1048) and thereafter in many other European languages. Moreover, his biographer, George the Athonite,
refers to another narrative, called Abukura, which Euthymius also
must have rendered from Georgian into Greek.Both spiritual
stories were apparently translated from Arabic into Georgian at
the turn ofthe tenth century.13
11
E.Gabidzashvili, Hagiographic Works Translated into Georgian, Tbilisi,
2004 (in Georgian); T.Pataridze, Christian Literature Translated from Arabic into Georgian: AReview, Annual ofMedieval Studies at CEU,19(2013),
p.47-65; T.Pataridze,
? [Are there Translations from Syriac into Georgian?], in Miscellanea
Orientalia.Ruhr-Universitt Bochum.Seminar fr Orientalistik und Islamwissenschaft
ed.N.Seleznev, U.Aranov, Moscow,2014, p.185-206.
12 For Georgian manuscripts and respective bibliography: E.Gabidzashvili,
Hagiographic Works.For the corpus ofGeorgian hagiographic writings: Monuments ofOld Georgian Hagiographic Literature ed.I.Abuladze, M.Shanidze, et al.,
6vols., Tbilisi,1964-1980(in Georgian).
13See the discussion on the identification ofthis text in Georgian Literature in European Scholarship, p.16-19; M.Nanobashvili, The Development
ofLiterary Contacts between the Georgians and the Arabic Speaking Christians
in Palestine from the 8thto the 10thCentury, Aram,15(2003), p.269-274;
T.Pataridze, Christian Literature, p.60-62.

503

T. DOLIDZE

4.Ascetic literature
The earliest samples ofascetic literature reveal how closely
the Georgian ascetic ideal was linked with Near Eastern
monastic life. Inthe first period oftheir literature Georgians
were acquainted with the works ofAnthony the Great (seven
epistles, sayings, teachings), Evagrius ofPontus (seven orations
and one epistle), Ephrem the Syrian (more than forty ofhis
works were rendered before the tenth century), John Moschus
(Pratum Spirituale, translated in the ninth century from Arabic
or Greek), John Sinaites (Scala Paradisi, later translated several
times), Pseudo-Macarius (two epistles), Abba Amona (sixteen
orations), Mark the Hermit (ascetic writings), Dorotheus the
Egyptian (some Teachings for monks; Euthymius later translated
more Teachings), Nilus ofSinai (also retranslated later by Euthymius, as well as in the twelfth century), and others. Georgian
translations include authors and works that have not been yet
identified, such as Monk Abrahams Teachings and one oration
to monks, Pimens Teachings, Monk Martyrs On Remorse and
Humility, Sahak the Monks Teachings on Virtue (Euthymiuss
translation), and Simon ofMesopotamias Teaching on Death
(Euthymiuss translation).
Especially prolific in rendering ascetic literature were the
prominent ecclesiastic figures ofthe classical period.Apart from
translations noted above, Euthymius translated and retranslated John Sinaites Scala Paradisi, Ephrem the Syrians writings,
Pseudo-Macariuss Spiritual Teachings, forty-two Teachings by
Isaac the Syrian, Teachings ascribed to St.Zosimus ofPalestine,
and more. It is symptomatic that along with Egyptian, Palestinian,
and Syrian fathers, Euthymius rendered such authors as Basil the
Great (Ethics), Gregory ofNazianzus (Spiritual Teachings, acompilation ofhis homilies) Gregory ofNyssa (De virginitate, De vita
Macrinae, De vita Mosis), Asterius ofAmasea (In principium jejuniorum, which Euthymius took to be Nyssas work), Maximus the
Confessor (three collections ofTeachings and ascetic excerpts
from different works), Gregory the Great (Dialogues), and John
Cassian (De octo principalibus vitiis from the Institutiones) from Greek.
He compiled an ascetic collection according to the Book of Holy
Men, and himself was the author ofone original work written in
Greek, How to Live in the Kelliotic or Anchoretic Way.George the
504

PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

Athonite, the next superior ofthe Iveron, translated Theodore

ofStoudioss ascetic-mystic collection to be read in Lent, and
Gregory ofNyssas De professione Christiana and De perfectione.
His student Theophilus Hieromonachos translated selections
from the Book ofHoly Men and John Chrysostoms Asceticon.
Inthe field ofmystics and ascetics aproductive translator was the
eleventh-century ecclesiastic and scholar Ephrem Mtsire, who
rendered Basils Asceticon (except the Ethics, already translated
by Euthymius), Ephrem the Syrians teachings in two volumes
(Ephrem the First and Ephrem the Second, containing fifty works),
the Lausaicon by Palladius, the Historia Philothea ofTheodoret
ofCyrrhus, Diadochus ofPhotices Hundred Chapters, two writings by Cassian, and more.
Immensely popular in Georgia was John Climacus. The
popularity ofhis work is evident from the large number of
manuscripts and the three surviving translations.Along with the
earliest anonymous translation and that by Euthymius mentioned
above, there is athirteenth-century translation by Peter of Gelati.
Inaddition, two iambic poems were composed after Euthymiuss
translation. Theearlier, ascribed to John Petritsi (circa 10501125),14 is composed according to the first part ofEuthymiuss
translation, while the other one, written by Catholicos AntonI
(18thc.) is based on the second part ofEuthymiuss rendition.
Finally, it should be noted that the Georgian manuscript
tradition has also preserved more than ten types ofascetic and
apophthegmic collections.15

5.Homiletics
The number ofhomiletic writings translated into Georgian greatly
exceeds the heritage ofother literary genres. Thefirst samples
14 John Petritsi is the founder ofthe intellectual stream ofthe Gelati Academy
(established in the first half ofthe twelfth century).It was aspecial branch
of hellenophile scholarship, distinguished by its authentic rigorous linguistic
insights, which went even further in the adoption ofGreek linguistic norms
and the formation ofaspecial philosophical and metaphysical language targeted
at the highly intellectual reader.
15 E.Gabidzashvili,Translated Works ofAncient Georgian Literature.Bibliography,II: Ascetics and Mystics, Tbilisi, 2006(in Georgian).

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T. DOLIDZE

are to be found in palimpsests ofthe fifth to seventh centuries.

Several hundreds ofhomiletic treatises, rendered predominantly from Greek, have been incorporated into vernacular homiletic collections ofvarious types. Theearliest among
them is thePolycephalon (8th-10thc.). Theup to ten surviving
polycephala have different contents.They represent homilies
arranged on acalendrical principle to celebrate various ecclesiastical feasts with several homilies dedicated to each feast. Compilation ofanew type ofhomiletic collectionin Georgian
manuscript tradition called metaphrasesbegins in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries. Inthese homiletic collections each feast
or commemorative day ofasaint is presented only by one
homily; metaphrases frequently differ from polycephala also by
their repertoire. Themost popular patristic homiletic authors in
Old Georgian literature are John Chrysostom, Ephrem the Syrian,
Basil the Great, Gregory ofNazianzus, Gregory ofNyssa, and
John ofDamascus. Apart from these church fathers, translations
were made ofsermons by Gregory Thaumaturgus, Athanasius
and Cyril ofAlexandria, Cyril ofJerusalem, Meletius ofAntioch,
Epiphanius ofCyprus, Methodius ofOlympos, Amphilochius
ofIkonion, Severianus ofGabala, Hesychius ofJerusalem, Antipater ofBostra, Andrew ofCrete, Sophronius ofJerusalem,
Maximus the Confessor, Anastasius ofSinai, Germanus ofConstantinople, Theodore ofStudios, and others. Inaddition, it
should be mentioned that translations done in this literary genre
preserved the names ofauthors and writings which have yet to
be identified.
Original sermons are rather scarce in medieval Georgian
literature.16 The most eidetic figure ofthat time is John, Bishop
ofBolnisi, who according to scholars should be identified with
aGeorgian cleric active in the seventh or tenth century. Original
sermons in Georgia started to flourish rather late, from the
seventeenth century.17
16 This was presumably caused by Georgian clerics adherence to the nineteenth canon ofthe Sixth Ecumenical Council, which obliged them to lead
their congregation not through their own teaching, but through the teachings
ofholy fathers.
17 M.Maisuradze, Homiletics, in N.Melikishvili,M.Maisuradze,
Essays,I, p.262-598; E.Gabidzashvili, Hagiographic Works; E.Gabidzashvili,

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PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

6.Exegetical works
Translation ofexegetical works started in the early Middle
Ages.18 From the very beginning issues ofcreation must have
been ofspecial interest. Theearliest translated exegetical texts
are Severian ofGabalas In Genesim and the Physiologos (both
mid-5thc.); thereafter, no earlier than the eighth century, Basils
In Hexaemeron and Gregory ofNyssas De hominis opificio were
rendered, apparently from Arabic. Theearliest preserved translations ofcommentaries on the Psalms are those ofTheodoret
ofCyrrhus (rendered from Armenian) and Athanasius ofAlexandria (Epistula ad Marcellinum). Thecommentary on the Canticum canticorum by Hippolytus ofRome must have been the
first interpretation ofthat book rendered into Georgian before
the tenth century.This text is also interesting for being afully
preserved version ofHippolytuss work.To the early translations
belong as well Hippolytuss De benedictione Mosis, The Benediction
ofJacob, OnDavid and Goliath (fully available only in Georgian),
and Deantichristo, as well as Epiphanius ofCypruss De XIIgemmis (translated from Armenian) and De mensuribus et ponderibus
(excerpts; translated from Syriac or Greek). Indue time the
earliest translations done from Greek, Armenian, Syriac, and
Arabic were included in the collections compiled at the turn
ofthe ninth to tenth century.Particularly noteworthy is the
early-tenth-century Shatberdi Collection, compiled in the southwest Georgian monastery ofthe same name, which illustrates
the character ofmonastic erudition at that time.
However, the greatest part ofpatristic exegesis was rendered
from Greek between the second half ofthe tenth century and
the thirteenth century. Inthis regard, the contribution ofthe
Iveron monastery is especially significant: Andrew ofCaesareas
In Apocalypsim belongs to Euthymiuss earliest translations. Later
he initiated the systematic rendering ofByzantine interpretations
ofthe Gospels with his translations ofJohn Chrysostoms Homiliae
Translated Works ofAncient Georgian Literature. Bibliography,III: Homiletics, Tbilisi,
2009.
18 T.Dolidze,A.Kharanauli, The Bible in Georgian Christianity.
For further information on manuscript tradition and research: Gabidzashvili,
Translated Works,IV: Bibliology, Exegetical, Apocryphal, p.219-362.

507

T. DOLIDZE

in Matthaeum and Homiliae in Joannem.As well, he rendered

Gregory ofNyssas De oratione dominica and De vita Mosis, and
Maximus the Confessors well-known biblical commentaries,
the Questiones ad Thalassium and the Ambigua ad Joannem
(a part ofthe Ambiguorum Liber).George the Athonite rendered
anew Basils In Hexaemeron and Gregory ofNyssas De hominis
opificio from Greek.George obviously had aspecial affection for
Gregory ofNyssa as athinker.He also translated Nyssas Apologia
in Hexaemeron, In Canticum canticorum,19 and Orationes de beatitudinibus. Theophilus Hieromonachos rendered John Chrysostoms
Homiliae in Genesim.
Shortly afterwards Ephrem Mtsire and the theologians ofthe
hellenophile Gelati Academy made aconsiderable contribution
to the appropriation ofthe achievements ofGreek exegetics:
Gregory Thaumaturguss Metaphrasis in Ecclesiasten Salomonis
and Gregory ofNazianzuss Significatio in Ezechielem (spurious)
were rendered into Georgian by Ephrem.To the juncture ofthe
twelfth and thirteenth centuries goes the Gelati translation of
In Canticum canticorum by an anonymous translator; the Greek
source ofthis text has not yet been identified. Inthe same time
the representative(s) ofthe Gelati school rendered Maximus
the Confessors Expositio orationis Dominicae and (for the second
time, after Euthymius) his Questiones ad Thalassium and Ambiguorum Liber. Thetranslation ofacommentary on Ecclesiastes
by Olympiodorus ofAlexandria and Mitrophanes of Smyrna
is attributed to anotable Gelati Academy theologian and
philosopher John Chimchimeli (12th-13th c.). Inaddition, he
translated the extensive commentaries In Marcum and In Lucam
by Theophylactus ofBulgaria; the rendition ofTheophylactuss
In Joannem was made by another (anonymous) member ofthe
Gelati school.
The eleventh and twelfth centuries are marked by the introduction ofcollections ofselected commentaries on biblical books.
This type ofsystematic work was initiated by Euthymius the
Athonite.He compiled (or rendered from an unknown source)
aflorilegium ofMaximus the Confessors exegetical works
TheWords ofGospels Selected from St.Maximus Writings, and trans Recently published: Gr.Nyss., In Cant.

19

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PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

lated select commentaries on Pauls epistles (Ad Romanos and

Iad Corinthios) from acatena collection based on John Chrysostoms and other fathers interpretations. Later on, Ephrem Mtsire
accomplished the complete translation ofthis collection. Moreover, Ephrem translated aPsalter catena, relying mainly on the
commentaries ofAthanasius and Cyril ofAlexandria, but also
ofBasil the Great, Hesychius ofJerusalem, Asterius ofAmasea,
John Chrysostom, Theodoret ofCyrrhus, and others. Ephrems
Psalter catena, in turn, provided the basis for atwelfth-century
anonymous author, the follower ofhis approach, to compile
a Select Commentaries on Psalms. Thevast text of the twelfthcentury Gelati Catena Bible comprises numerous marginal commentaries. This collection was apparently compiled to cover the
exegesis ofall biblical books.Nowadays, however, only complete
commentaries remain from Leuiticus to Ruth. Inthe eighteenth
century, Catholicos AntonyI(d.1788) compiled an original
extensive commentary to the Fiftieth Pslam, containing various
patristic and later sources. Inthe eyes ofAntonys opponents,
that work revealed his strong adherence to the Latin church.

7.Dogmatic and polemical works

The earliest collections certainly include dogmatic and polemic
works.20 One quite frequently comes across works de fide or
homilies containing dogmatic and polemic discourses against
Arianism, Nestorianism, and Monophysitism.Translation of
polemic works against Monophysites and Nestorians were
evidently linked with the early period ofhot debate with Armenians (6th-9thc.), serving as supporting materials in that controversy. An indigenous historical and polemic work On the Split
ofGeorgia and Armenia introduces the bitter strife between the
Georgian and Armenian churches at the turn ofthe seventh century.21 Nevertheless, at the outset ofthe classical period (the turn
20 Bibliography for the whole section: E.Gabidzashvili, Translated Works
ofAncient Georgian Literature.Bibliography,VI: Canonical, Dogmatic, and Polemical,
Tbilisi, 2012, p.151-330.
21 Arsen Saphareli, On the Split ofGeorgia and Armenia ed.Z.Alexidze,
Tbilisi,1980(in Georgian).

509

T. DOLIDZE

ofthe 11thc.) there was an obvious lack ofdogmatic literature in

the Georgian church.
Euthymius the Athonite began to fill this gap, focussing mainly
on four Greek theologians: Gregory ofNazianzus, Gregory of
Nyssa, Maximus the Confessor, and John ofDamascus. Along
with Gregory ofNazianzuss liturgical homilies, he rendered
anumber ofhis aporetical (non-liturgical) orations (Or.2, Or.3,
Or.20, Or.29, Or.30, Or.31, Or.37), excluding the theological
orations Adversus Eunomianos (Or.27), previously translated
from Armenian, and De Theologia (Or.28), which was already
translated from the Greek by his contemporary David Tbeli.
From Gregory ofNyssas work he selected three dogmatic
writings: Oratio catechetica magna, De anima et resurrectione, and
the homily De deitate Filii et Spiritus Sancti.From Maximus the
Confessors dogmatic legacy Euthymius chose his most significant
anti-monothelite treatise Disputatio cum Pyrrho (retranslated by
aGelati school theologian in the twelfth century).As far as
John ofDamascuss dogmatic work is concerned, Euthymius
accomplished the compilation oftwo florilegia.Some ofthe
treatises he amalgamated in the compendium Leader, entitled
after Anastasius ofSinais Viae dux.It includes excerpts mainly
from the Expositio fidei, but also from Sacra parallela, De haeresibus,
Epistula de hymno trisagio, De sancta trinitate (dubious), De natura
composite sive contra acephalos, and some other sources. Theother
florilegium was compiled from John ofDamascuss antimonophysite and anti-monothelite treatises, incorporated under
acommon title On Two Natures and One Hypostasis. To Euthymiuss dogmatic translations belongs Michael Synkelloss creed
as well, in two versions, for the creed ofPseudo-Maximus,
which Euthymius inserted in his rendition ofMaximuss Vita by
Theodosius ofGangra, is aslightly revised version ofSynkelloss
creed.
The translation method ofEuthymius was itself compilative.
While translating, he employed various intra- and intertextualizing strategies, changing the diction ofthe Greek original, simplifying its discourse, or adding explanatory passages even from
other sources.This selective method oftranslation was based on
Euthymiuss hermeneutic approach to the text as aliving and
life-giving word, its primary mission being the rearing ofthe
spiritually immature reader.Particularly when rendering philo510

PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

sophically-minded patristic authors, Euthymius virtually echoed

contemporary Macedonian intellectualism and gave Georgian
readers an opportunity, at least to acertain extent, to become
acquainted with the spirituality and literary taste ofhis contemporary Greek intellectual environment.
With the name ofGeorge the Athonite are associated some
creedal symbols.He translated the version ofNiceaconstantinopolitanum to which Photiuss definition22 and the historical
overview On the Holy Councils are attached, and the Symbolum
Quicunque, particularly the version that introduces the pneumatological formula with filioque. Thefact that George translated this version ofthe treatise is evidence that in the time
ofsevere tension between the Byzantine and Roman churches
under Michael Cerularius, he belonged to the opposite party of
Metropolitan clergymen.23 The Symbol ofGregory Thaumaturgus, apart ofGeorges translation ofVita Gregorii Thaumaturgi
by Gregory ofNyssa, circulated as an independent text through
many manuscripts.Further, George considered it appropriate to acquaint Georgian readers with the De virginitate ascribed
to Athanasius, the De theologia ofJohn ofDamascus (dubious),
and Ignatiuss twelve epistles (seven authentic and five dubious).
It was Theophilus Hieromonachos who first rendered the short
version ofEpiphanius ofCypruss Panarion and the Confession
ofthe True and Immaculate Christian Faith, being another revised
version ofSynkelloss creed (in Georgian manuscripts ascribed
to Theodoret ofCyrrhus).From the eleventh to twelfth and
later centuries survived anonymous translations ofthe Nicene
and Niceno-Constantinopolitan creeds, The Definition ofChalcedon, Definitions ofthe Holy Councils, and anumber ofother
similar texts in various versions.24

22
According to K.Kekelidze, it resembles the fifth chapter ofPhotiuss
epistle to Pope NicholasI; cfr. K.Kekelidze, History ofGeorgian Literature,I:
Old Literature, Tbilisi,1960, p.225 (inGeorgian).
23 It is also revealed by his answer to Constantine(X) Doukas question about
the difference between communion in Orthodox and Catholic churches; see
the Life ofSt.George the Athonite in Monuments ofOld Georgian Hagiographic
Literature, II, Tbilisi,1967, p. 179-180.
24 For editions ofcreeds, see E.Kochlamazashvili, The Symbol ofthe
Faith in Old Georgian Translation, Studies in Christian Archaeology, 3(2010),
p.11-45(in Georgian; abstract in English, p.798).

511

T. DOLIDZE

Within the domains ofphilosophical theology and dogmatics,

Ephrem Mtsire gave special attention to such monumental works
as the Corpus Dionysiacum and John ofDamascuss Pege gnoseos,
except De haeresibus.He also translated up to forty writings by
Gregory ofNazianzus, among them the aporetical orations.
Of perhaps greatest importance in the history ofGeorgian
dogmatics is the translation activity ofArsen ofIqalto, who was
aprofessor ofthe Gelati Academy and influenced by Petritsi.
He compiled the largest Georgian dogmatic anthology, the
Dogmaticon, which comprises more than seventy translated
works.25 In due time it was expanded with new texts mostly
ofpolemic character. To this day there is no evidence ofasimilar Greek collection. Arsens Dogmaticon consists ofworks by well
known and anonymous writers, including Anastasius ofSinais
Viae dux; John ofDamascuss Pege gnoseos (except De haeresibus, as with Ephrems translation), his De duabus in Christo
voluntatibus, two treatises against Nestorius and one against
Jacobites. Thegreat polemist Theodore Abu-Qurrah is represented with about thirty-five dogmatic-polemical treatises against
Jacobites, Severians, Armenians, Jews, Muslims, and Saracens.
Apart ofthese texts has not been specified so far.One can find
here Nicetas Stethatoss De anima (fifteen orations), De paradiso
(Or.3), Dedicatoriae epistulae (eight known epistles in Greek and
the ninth unknown), and five orations against the Armenians.26
The collection includes some ofCyril ofAlexandrias works
against Nestorius and fragments from his work De incarnatione
Unigeniti.Of course, the Tomus of Leo the Great was translated
in the first period ofthe Georgian-Armenian controversy, but
what we have today is Arsens translation.This collection also
includes awell known Greek dogmatic florilegium, Doctrina
patrum, Michael Pselloss De Primogenito, the Epistula canonica by

25 Arsen received higher education in Constantinople and later on became

apolymath with wide-ranging interests in theology, philosophy, philology,
quadrivium disciplines, as well as canon law.Another voluminous collection he translated was the Great Nomocanon, preceded by the Small Nomocanon
by Euthymius and other translated and vernacular canon law documents.
See E.Gabidzashvili, Translated Works, VI: Canonical, Dogmatic, and Polemical,
p.12-148.
26 Recently edited: Nik.Steth., Opera.

512

PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

Petrus ofAntioch, apolemic treatise against Origen (To Them

Who Say That Human Souls Are Prior to the Body), Eustratius
ofNicaeas On the Split ofChurches, one ofthe first treatises that
entered Arsens Dogmaticon in the late Middle Ages, and many
other dogmatic and polemic works.
In the person ofJohn Petritsi, acentral figure in medieval
Georgian philosophy, and his successors at the Gelati Academy,
one can see the final turn to the outer philosophy, which
became extensively treated first in Macedonian and thereafter
in Doukanian and Komnenian Byzantium.It was the Gelati
Academy, with its ambition ofbeing another Athens and
asecond Jerusalem that amalgamated Christian wisdom with
Greek philosophy as indispensible part ofits curriculum.
The number ofsurviving texts shows that the education
provided there was closely linked to contemporary paradigms
ofByzantine high school erudition: Procluss Elementatio theologica with acomprehensive commentary by John Petritsi,27
as well as Ammoniuss In Aristotelis Categorias and In Porphyrii
Isagogen, rendered by his successor.This part ofthe late Hellenic
philosophical school heritage must have been taught in parallel
to anumber ofcourses aimed to build aprofound Christian
erudition. Thetextual basis for it could have been selected
from the following Gelati translations: Nemesius ofEmesas
De natura hominis, rendered by Petritsi; commentaries on so-called
Christian physics as seen in Ecclesiastes and Christian epoptics as
seen in Canticum canticorum; the comprehensive Gelati catena
collection; Maximus the Confessors exegetical, dogmatic, and
polemical writings; some ofthe treatises from Arsens Dogmaticon: hagiographical (e.g.John Xiphilinoss metaphrastic collection), historiographical (George Hamartoloss Chronicon; Flavius
Josephuss Antiquitates Iudaici), canonical (Nomocanon and respective texts), as well as astronomical works.
The final stage ofthe cultural ascent at the turn ofthe twelfth
century was marked by the composition ofShota Rustavelis
secular poem The Knight in the Panthers Skin.This long poem,
regarded as the pinnacle ofthe entire Georgian literary output,
27 According to literary sources, Petritsi translated the Categoriae and De Interpretatione (no longer extant).

513

T. DOLIDZE

is based on aprofound knowledge ofpatristic theology and

philosophy.However, it is primarily the development ofthe
central idea oflove that aligns the author with the foremost
Christian thinkers ofthe pre-Renaissance period.
Georgian ecclesiastical literature at the turn ofthe New
Epoch (17th-18thc.) followed the paradigm ofthe humanistic and
scholarly orientation associated with Gelati.This time it was new
cultural entitiesmainly Russian theology, but also elements
ofEuropean theology and philosophythat were combined
with the Byzantine-Armenian-Georgian synthesis.
The first scholar to give close attention to European spirituality was the Georgian encyclopaedist ofthe seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, Sulkhan-Saba Orbeliani.Pursuing mainly
political interests at the end ofthe seventeenth century, he converted to Catholicism.His first step toward Western tradition
was arevised edition ofthe Georgian Bible according to the
Latin and Armenian Bibles.Later on, Orbeliani defended the
filioque and the primacy ofPope in the second edition ofhis
comprehensive catechesis, Entrance into Paradise. Acounter
trend to this pro-Latin orientation strived to preserve the traditional position ofGeorgian orthodoxy.It too was productive in
creating theological and dogmatic literature. In1729 Catholicos
Besarion composed an immense anti-Latin work, Anvil. Timote
Gabashvili (first half ofthe 18thc.) composed another dogmatic
and historical investigation ofthe seven Ecumenical Councils,
entitled Iron Claws.Both Besarion and Timote show extensive
knowledge ofthe history ofdogmatics as they discuss in detail
issues ofOrthodox and Catholic confessions.Timote Gabashvili
is also the author ofavoluminous dogmatic and polemic
collection, which included an anti-Muslim treatise written by
Gabashvili himself.
The ecclesiatic writing ofthe second half ofthe eighteenth
century is called the age ofCatholicos AnthonyI.Along with
traditional Greek and Armenian literary documents, he worked
with Russian and Latin sources.This approach underlies his
work Collection ofthe Precious Thoughts, which demonstrates his
profound erudition in Greek philosophy and patristic theology.
Here, along with the Greek authors, he cites representatives
ofLatin patristics.
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PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

Afew more words about polemics.Old Georgian literature includes treatises against pagans, Jews, Catholics, Muslims,
and various Christian heresies, such as Arianism, Origenism,28
Nestorianism, various monophysite trends (against Armenians,
Jacobites and Severians),29 monothelitism, iconoclasm (represented by John ofDamascuss orations), Paulicianism (represented by just one treatise ofEuthymius Zigabenos), and one
treatise against Augustines theory ofpredestination.30 Especially
rich in this genre are the polemics against Muslims, Armenians,
and, in the eighteenth century, Catholics.31

8.Conclusion
In the quest for insights into Byzantine-Georgian patristic culture,
one has to operate within the paradigmatic contexts ofinterculturality and identity, tradition and innovation, as well as the
cultural dynamics oftransmission, appropriation, and transformation.Language, as the most significant cultural phenomenon,
played akey role in these processes. Theeighth-to-ninth-century
reformation ofliterary language under the auspices ofGeorgian
community at St.Sabass Laura, aresult ofmultilingual literary
interactions, marks anew stage in the development ofGeorgian
cultural identity. Several statements by those who implemented
major national projects in the eleventh and twelfth centuries
illustrate the goals they pursued.There was amove from the
ability ofadding to and taking out from the original (according
to Ephrem Mtsires assessment ofEuthymiuss selective method
28
Apart from the anonymous polemical treatise To Them Who Say That
Human Souls are Prior to Body, which entered the Dogmaticon, two polemical
collections contain The Story of aMiserable Philosopher Origen(in fact an excerpt
from George Hamartolos Chronicon) and The Answer ofthe Blessed Theodore AbuQurrah to Origen(both evidently translated at the juncture ofthe11th and12thc.).
29 The earliest sample is arelatively large fragment ofthe anti-monophysite
collection, apparently rendered in the fifth to sixth century; it contains excerpts
from pre-chalcedonic Greek and Latin(Pope CelestineI, Ambrose, Augustine)
fathers.
30 On the Creation and That There is No Determination by God ofGood and Bad
in Man.This extensive pseudoepigraphic work(attributed to John Chrysostom)
is included in the early tenth-century Sinai collection.
31 E.Gabidzashvili, Translated Works,VI: Canonical, Dogmatic, and Polemical,
p.151-330.

515

T. DOLIDZE

oftranslation), through George the Athonites belief that the

appropriation ofliterary spirituality should cover the full range
ofthe Greek original, towards the working principle ofEphrem
Msire (not according to the beauty ofGeorgian, but in comparison with the Greek), to the final phase ofthis vector, Petritsis
aim I wanted to shape the (Georgian) language according to the
(Greek) language. Thelatter remained the cultural dream
ofCatholicos Antony I, who in the difficult times ofthe
eighteenth century strived to revive Georgian theological and
philosophical language to the heights ofPetritsis intellectual
enterprise. Inthe nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
Georgian ecclesiastical literature experienced the impact ofRussian orthodoxy, but that cannot be characterized as afruitful
period ofits history.
In closing this paper, Ishould note that the scholarly study
ofold Georgian versions ofGreek patristic literature started at
the turn ofthe nineteenth century and continued on alarge scale
in philological and historical research in the communist era, both
inside and outside ofGeorgia.32 The fall ofthe atheistic state
at the end ofthe twentieth century offered new perspectives,
specifically for the conceptual study ofGreek and Georgian
patristics.33 However, in spite ofthe extensive research already
carried out, innumerable philological and historical issues, as
well as theological and philosophical issues, still require detailed
examination. Thefocus must shift from the study ofisolated
moments in the literary history ofGeorgian patristics to the
systematic study ofintercultural aspects, in order to situate
Georgias literary production in the overall context ofEastern
Christianity.
32For the history ofresearch: Georgian Literature in European Scholarship,
with abibliography ofresearch in European languages; T.Dolidze, AReflection ofAlexandrian Tradition in the Old Georgian Literature and the Modern
Georgian Research,Adamantius.Notiziario del Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su
Origene e la tradizione alessandrina, 7(2001), p.154-172; T.Dolidze, Foundation ofKartvelianByzantine Studies in Georgia, Annual ofMedieval Studies
at CEU,18(2012), p. 126-136; T.Dolidze, Overview ofthe Georgian Research
into Byzantine and Medieval Georgian Patristic Theology, Phasis. Greek and
Roman Studies, 15-16(2012-2013), p.397-426.
33E.g., the studies by Lela Alexidze, Tamar Aptsiauri, Edisher Chelidze,
Tina Dolidze, Levan Gigineishvili, Tengiz Iremadze, Eka Kiria, Ekvtime
Kochlamazashvili, Magda Mchedlidze, Damana Melikishili, Nino Sakvarelidze,
Guram Tevzadze, and others.

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PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

Bibliography
1.Primary sources
Arsen Saphareli, On the Split ofGeorgia and Armenia ed.Z.Alexidze,
Tbilisi, 1980 (in Georgian).
Gr.Nyss., In Cant.=St.Gregory ofNyssa, The Commentary on the Song
ofSongs (Canticum canticorum) ed.G.Kiknadze, N.Melikishvili,
Tbilisi, 2013(in Georgian).
Monuments ofOld Georgian Hagiographic Literature ed.I.Abuladze,
M.Shanidze, et al., 6vols., Tbilisi, 1964-1980 (inGeorgian).
Nik.Steth., Opera=Dogmaticon II: Niketas Stethatos, Five Polemic
Speeches, Epistles, On the Soul, On Paradise ed.M.Raphava,
M.Kasradze, Tbilisi, 2013 (in Georgian).
[From the Shores ofBosphorus
to the Shores ofEuphrates]tr.S.S.Averintsev, Moscow, 1987.
E.Kochlamazashvili, The Symbol ofthe Faith in Old Georgian
Translation, Studies in Christian Archaeology,3(2010), p.11-45
(in Georgian; abstract in English, p.798).

2.Secondary literature
Ancient Christianity in the Caucasus (Iberica-Caucasica,1) ed.T.Mgaloblishvili, Richmond, 1998.
T.Dolidze, Overview ofthe Georgian Research into Byzantine and
Medieval Georgian Patristic Theology, Phasis.Greek and Roman
Studies,15-16(2012-2013), p.397-426.
T.Dolidze, Foundation ofKartvelianByzantine Studies in Georgia, Annual ofMedieval Studies at CEU, 18(2012), p.126-136.
T.Dolidze, AReflection ofAlexandrian Tradition in the Old
Georgian Literature and the Modern Georgian Research,Adamantius.Notiziario del Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene ela
tradizione alessandrina, 7(2001), p.154-172.
T.Dolidze,A.Kharanauli The Bible in Georgian Christianity,
The Encyclopaedia ofthe Bible and Its Reception, X, Berlin, 2015,
col.83-89.
E.Gabidzashvili, Translated Works ofAncient Georgian Literature.
Bibliography, II:Ascetics and Mystics; III:Homiletics; IV:Bibliology,
Exegetical, Apocryphal; V:Liturgy, Hymnography; VI:Canonical,
Dogmatic, and Polemical, Tbilisi,2006-2012 (in Georgian).
E.Gabidzashvili, Hagiographic Works Translated into Georgian, Tbilisi,
2004 (in Georgian).

517

T. DOLIDZE

Georgian Literature in European Scholarship ed.E.Khintibidze,

Amsterdam,2001.
K.Kekelidze, AFourth-Century Georgian from Abroad.AThinker
and aPublic Figure (in Georgian), in Id., Studies in the History
ofGeorgian Literature,VI, Tbilisi,1960.
K.Kekelidze, History ofGeorgian Literature,I: Old Literature, Tbilisi,
1960 (in Georgian).
K.Kekelidze, ,
[John Xiphilinos, Successor ofSymeon Metaphrastes], in Id.,
Studies in the History ofGeorgian Literature,V, Tbilisi, 1957, p.227247.
K. Kekelidze,
[Symeon Metaphrastes According to Georgian Sources], in Id.,
Studies in the History ofGeorgian Literature, V,Tbilisi,1957, p.212226.
N.Melikishvili, M.Maisuradze, Essays from the History ofOld
Georgian Spiritual Literature,I, Tbilisi,2012, (in Georgian).
L.Menabde, Seats ofAncient Georgian Literature Abroad, 2vols., Tbilisi,
1962, 1980 (in Georgian).
T.Meskhi, Sinai and Georgia.New Pages ofthe Centuries-Old History,
Tbilisi,2013 (in Georgian).
M.Nanobashvili, The Development ofLiterary Contacts between
the Georgians and the Arabic Speaking Christians in Palestine
from the 8th to the 10th Century, Aram,15(2003), p.269-274.
T.Pataridze,
? [Are there Translations from Syriac into Georgian?],
in Miscellanea Orientalia.Ruhr-Universitt Bochum.Seminar fr
Orientalistik und Islamwissenschaft ed.N.Seleznev, U.Aranov,
Moscow,2014, p.185-206.
T.Pataridze, Christian Literature Translated from Arabic into Georgian: AReview,Annual ofMedieval Studies at CEU, 19(2013),
p.47-65.

Abstract
One can loosely say that Georgian ecclesiastical literature is ascion
ofeastern patristics. Thehistory ofits reception goes back to the
early Byzantine period.Since that time the grand eastern Christian
miracle became an inherent part ofGeorgian cultural identity and,
particularly, its literature. Two literary ways ofadoptiontranslation
and incorporation ofByzantine Christian thought in indigenous
literaturewere applied together. As far as the attitude towards Latin

518

PATRISTICSAS REFLECTED IN GEORGIAN SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

Christianity is concerned, it was ambivalent, varying according to

cultural challenges. Thepresent paper does not claim to provide
acomplete exposition ofthe subject.It only aims to show, by calling
attention to the most illustrative evidence, how the Old Georgian
literary processes resonated with Byzantine ecclesiastical literature.
It concludes by offering ashort account on the scholarly study
ofthe Greek patristic legacy in Georgia.

519

YONATAN MOSS
Hebrew University, Jerusalem

THE RISE AND FUNCTION

OFTHE HOLY TEXT
IN LATEANTIQUITY:
SEVERUS OFANTIOCH,
THE BABYLONIAN TALMUD,
AND BEYOND
When the Chalcedonian-minded commander Justin ascended
the imperial throne in July of518, it did take not long before
his radical break with the essentially anti-Chalcedonian policies
ofhis predecessor, Anastasius, began to be felt.1 By late September ofthat year Justin had ordered that the tongue ofSeverus,
patriarch ofAntioch, the outspoken articulator ofthe anti-Chalcedonian cause, bewellsevered.2 The patriarch got word,
and, as is well known, saved his tongue by fleeing to Egypt.3
Although he spent the remaining twenty years ofhis life in hiding, Severus was able, through an elaborate correspondence network and aseries ofexpositions ofpatristic theology, to maintain his position as the leading voice ofthe anti-Chalcedonian
camp.4 The subsequent traditions ofthe main anti-Chalcedonian
See A.A. Vasiliev, Justin the First: An Introduction to the Epoch ofJustinian
the Great, Cambridge, MA, 1950, p.136-148; V.Menze, Justinian and the
Making ofthe Syrian Orthodox Church, Oxford,2008, p.18-30 for nuanced
histories ofthis process.
2There is some discrepancy on this matter between the reports ofthe
late ancient sources.It is Evagrius, Historia Ecclesiastica 4.4., who says that
Severus tongue was to be cut off; Liberatus, Breviarium causae Nestorianum et
Eutychianorum19(ACO, 2.5, p. 134) reports that Severus was merely summoned
to Constantinople.Nevertheless, as Gibbon, Decline and Fall ofthe Roman Empire,
3vols., NewYork, 1930, II,p.853, n.128(Chapter 46.2), wittily remarks,
after citing these competing accounts: The prudent patriarch did not stay to
examine the difference.
3See Liberatus, ibid., for the basic outline ofevents.Appendix 1 ofmy
PhD dissertation(see n.6 below) deals with the exact dates ofSeverus departure
from Antioch and arrival in Egypt.
4For ahelpful introduction to Severus and his works, see P.Allen,
C.T.R. Hayward, Severus ofAntioch, London,NewYork,2004. For an in1

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107533

521

Y. MOSS

churches, namely the Syrian and the Coptic Orthodox communities, revere Severus in two main capacities: as afounding
father and as a saint. This second aspect, Severus traditional
image as saint, will be this papers actual point ofdeparture, but
Iwant to preface with afew words about the first aspect.
Modern scholarship has, by and large, eagerly accepted Severus
capacity as the chief-church-father, the institutional pioneer,
ofthe anti-Chalcedonian churches.5 Irecently compared this
image ofSeverus to the ideological profile that emerges from
his own writings.6 Idiscovered that contrary to his subsequent
reputation, Severus was in fact very much opposed to the creation ofan institutional rival to the imperial church. Throughout
his many years ofexile he advocated remaining within the given
depth study ofSeverus years as patriarch, see F.Alpi, La route royale: Svre
dAntioche, 2vols.(Bibliothque archologique et historique, 188), Beirut,2009.
Alpi, Route royale, vol.2 is also helpful for its comprehensive overview ofthe
sources by and about Severus, in the various linguistic traditions ofthe ancient
church.
5
The expression chief-church father(Hauptkirchenvater) is used by
W.De Vries, Sakramententheologie bei den syrischen Monophysiten,(OCA, 125),
Rome,1940, p.19. For an introduction to the reception ofSeverus in the Greek,
Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, Arabic and Ethiopic traditions, see L.VanRompay,
Severus, Patriarch ofAntioch(512-538), in the Greek, Syriac, and Coptic
Traditions, Journal ofthe Canadian Society for Syriac Studies, 8(2008), p.3-22.
See also Alpi, Route royale(vol.2, p. 19-39) for detailed information on the
Greek, Latin, Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic and Coptic, sources pertaining to Severus.
Regarding Severus image as institutional pioneer ofthe anti-Chalcedonian
churches, see R.Darling, The Patriarchate ofSeverus ofAntioch, 512-518,
unpublished doctoral dissertation, Chicago,1982, p.109. See the full development ofDarlings argument in ibid., p.126-155; W.H.C. Frend, Severus
ofAntioch and the Origins ofthe Monophysite Hierarchy, in The Heritage ofthe Early Church: Essays in Honor ofGeorges Vasilievich Florovsky on the
Occasion ofhis Eightieth Birthday ed.D.Neiman, M.Schatkin(OCA,195),
Rome,1973, p.261-275.Other, more recent expressions ofthis view, can be
found in R.Roux, Notes sur la fonction piscopale selon Svre dAntioche,
in Eukosmia: Studi miscellanei per il 75 di Vincenzo Poggi S.J.ed.V.Ruggieri,
L.Pieralli, Soveria Mannelli,2003, p.427-441, in partic.p.440-441; Menze,
Justinian, p.12-14; 177-178;191-192. For earlier scholarship along these lines,
see J.Lebon, Le monophysisme svrien: tude historique, littraire et thologique sur
la rsistance monophysite au Concile de Chalcdoine jusqu la constitution de lEglise
Jacobite, Louvain,1909, p.501; 526; W.A.Wigram, The Separation ofthe Monophysites, London,1920, p.63-64; A.Van Roey, Les dbuts de lEglise jacobite, in Das Konzil vonChalkedon: Geschichte und Gegenwart ed.A.Grillmeier,
H.Bacht, 3vols., Wrzburg,1951-1953, II, p.339-360, in partic.p.339.
6Yonatan Moss, In Corruption: Severus ofAntioch on the Body ofChrist,
unpublished doctoral dissertation, NewHaven,2013.

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THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

ecclesial structures.Rather than breaking away from the Chalcedonian controlled imperial church, Severus hoped to bring the
Roman administration and population over to anti-Chalcedonian theology.7
The purpose ofthe present paper is to apply the methodology
Iused with regard to Severus image as founding father to his
image as saint. Iwish to compare posteritys version ofSeverus
saintliness with the picture that emerges from his writings taken
on their own terms.Naturally, my business is not to challenge
the patriarchs holiness per se.What Iwish to do is to examine
to what degree the later traditions conception ofSeverus as saint
correlates with Severus own attitude to the holy man type and
to the charismatic authority that type embodies. Inorder to do
this Iwill begin by analyzing one Severus miracle story recounted
in the medieval tradition. Iwill then proceed to analyze Severus
own attitude to charisma. Iwill propose that contrary to rival
trends in his day, Severus sought to distance religious authority
from the charismatic powers ofthe individual. Iwill argue that
in lieu ofcharisma, which Severus was ideologically opposed
to, and in lieu ofecclesiastical power, which Severus had lost
access to in his exile, the former patriarch stressed anew locus
ofauthority: the intellectual authority ofthe mediators ofthe
patristic textual tradition.8 This preference for holy texts over and
against holy men is paralleled in two other cultures ofSeverus
time: in the east Syrian and in the rabbinic academies oflearning that flourished in fifth and sixth century Mesopotamia. Iwill
conclude the paper with some preliminary thoughts about the

7 Severus rhetoric in addressing both the anti-Chalcedonian leaning Anastasius and the pro-Chalcedonian Justinian was markedly pro-imperial; his
decisions on various issues ofecclesial regulation, like the relaxation ofcanons
regarding the ordination ofpriests, the consecration ofbishops, and the reception ofheretics, also reflect astrongly ecumenicist, pro-imperial stance. For the
full argument, see Moss, In Corruption, p.107-172.
8
Iwill be employing charisma in the sense ofauthority anchored in
direct, unmediated access to the miraculous and the divine.Severus model
ofepiscopal authority, inasmuch as it was rooted in the expertise, and therefore
control, ofabody ofknowledge, could also be called charismatic in adifferent
sense ofthe word. For one application ofthis latter sense ofcharisma to Severus,
see K.M. Hay, Severus ofAntioch: An Inheritor ofPalestinian Monasticism,
ARAM, 15(2003), p.159-171, in partic.p.167.

523

Y. MOSS

meaning ofthese parallels for what Peter Brown has called, on

various occasions, the religious revolution oflate antiquity.9
As indicated at the outset, Iwill begin this story at the end,
namely with the source that is chronologically latest: aspecimen
ofthe later, medieval conception ofSeverus.Medieval Arabic
sources in the Coptic Orthodox tradition, relate the following
account about Severus. Iquote according to the liturgical manual ofthe Coptic Orthodox Church, known in scholarship as the
Copto-Arabic Synaxarion. The entry for the second day ofthe
Coptic month ofBabeh (29 September) reads as follows:10
One day, once he (i.e.Severus) had come to the desert
ofScete, he entered the church under the guise ( )
ofaforeign ( )monk.Once the priest had raised the
host ( )and had gone around incensing ()
the congregation, and after the reading ofthe chapters
( ) and the Gospels, the priest lifted up the cover
and looked for the host on the plate ( ), but it was
hidden from him. Thepriest wept and turned to the congregation, saying: My brethren, Ido not know whether this
has happened on account ofmy sin or on account ofyours,
for Icannot find the host in its place, as it is hidden from me.
The congregation wept and at that moment an angel ofthe
Lord appeared, saying to him: This is neither on account
ofyour sin, nor on account ofthe congregations sin. Rather
it is because you have ventured to raise the host in the
P.Brown, Society and the Holy in LateAntiquity, Berkeley,Los Angeles,1982, p.5.The seeds ofthis idea are contained already in P.Brown,
The Rise and Function ofthe Holy Man in LateAntiquity, Journal ofRoman
Studies, 61(1971), p.80-101, in partic.p.99-101.
10 J.Forget ed.Synaxarium Alexandrinum(CSCO, 67), Beirut, Paris,
1905, vol.1, p.48-49.Cfr. Forgets Latin translation, Synaxarium Alexandrinum
(CSCO, 78), Rome,1921, p.53-54.Cfr. R.Bassets edition and French translation ofthe same text(which he calls the synaxaire arabe Jacobite) in PO1,
Paris,1907, p.313-314. Basset and Forget based their editions on different
manuscripts but our text shows no significant differences.For an introduction to
the complex textual history ofthe Copto-Arabic Synaxarion, see M.N. Swanson,
The Copto-Arabic Synaxarion, in Christian-Muslim Relations: ABibliographical
History 5(1350-1500), Leiden,2013, p.92-100.Amore significantly different
version ofthis story can be found in PO 2, Paris,1907, p.399-400, taken from
Sachau 43, aGarshuni manuscript copied in 1823, at 54b-55b. For adescription ofthis manuscript see E.Sachau, Verzeichniss der syrischen Handschriften der
kniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, 2vols., Berlin, 1899, I, p.745-753 (item 245 in
the catalogue).Our anecdote is discussed at ibid, p.748.
9

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THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

presence ofthe patriarch. The priest replied: Where is he,

then, my Lord? The angel pointed with his finger to Severus
in acorner ofthe church; and the saint was recognized by
this favor. Thepriest approached Severus and once they had
brought him to the altar with great honor, Severus bade
the priest to complete the Mass.Having mounted the altar,
the priest found the host in its place.

Readers ofPeter Browns famed essay on the holy man in late

antiquity will recognize in this story many ofthe elements that
Brown has identified as characteristic ofthe holy man in the
eastern Roman society ofthe fifth and sixth centuries.11 It should
be added that it does not matter for this purpose whether these
elements should be read as characteristic ofthe holy man in
real social contexts, as Brown had initially believed, or more as
aspects ofthe contemporary literary construction ofthe holy man,
as Brown partially conceded in light ofsubsequent critiques.12
Severus appears in this text as atotal stranger (to use Browns
phrase) who alone can mediate between God and man.13 Neither
the established ritual ofthe eucharistic liturgy, nor the recognized hierarchical position ofthe officiating priest can bring
the divine to earth.It is only the exiled saint, appearing from
nowhere under the guise ofasimple foreign monk (to use the
texts phrase), who can do this.Aided by manifest angelic intervention Severus in this story possesses what Brown called the
utterly objective, inalienable power that was lacking in other
traditional, more institutionalized loci of spiritual power.14
Brown, Rise and Function [reprinted with some additions in Idem,
Society and the Holy in LateAntiquity Berkeley,LosAngeles,1982, p.103-152].
12 P.Brown, The Saint as Exemplar in LateAntiquity, Representations,
1(1983), p.1-25; Idem, The Rise and Function ofthe Holy Man in Late
Antiquity, 1971-1997, JECS, 6(1998), p.353-376; Idem, Authority and the Sacred:
Aspects ofthe Christianization ofthe Roman World, Cambridge,1999, p.55-78.
See further on this issue J.Howard-Johnston, Introduction, in The Cult ofSaints
in LateAntiquity and the Middle Ages: Essays on the Contribution ofPeter Brown
ed.J.Howard-Johnston, P.A.Howard, Oxford,1999, p.1-27, in partic.p.6-8;
15-20; A.Cameron, On Defining the Holy Man, in Cult ofSaints ed.HowardJohnston, Howard, p.27-43; P.Rousseau, Ascetics as Mediators and as Teachers,
in Cult ofSaints ed.Howard-Johnston, Howard, p.45-59; J.Howe, Revisiting
the Holy Man, Catholic Historical Review, 86(2000), p.640-644.
13 Brown, Rise and Function, p.91-92.
14
Brown,Rise and Function, p.96-97.
11

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Y. MOSS

According to Peter Brown, this conception ofthe holy

man played akey role in what he dubs the religious revolution
oflate antiquity.15 The Copto-Arabic Synaxarions characterization ofSeverus and indeed other depictions ofhim stretching
from the sixth century down through the Middle Ages, comply with this conception.16 In the present paper Iwant to signal
what Ibelieve to be adifferent aspect ofthe religious revolution
oflate antiquityone which stands in acertain tension with
the holy man.It is Severus himself who provides the key to my
claim.
Despite the image ofSeverus as holy man that emerges
from the Copto-Arabic Synaxarion and other hagiographical
presentations ofthe patriarch, Severus own texts tell avery
different story. Inwhat follows Iwill call on three passages
from Severus corpus that demonstrate his endorsement ofan
alternative to the holy man model. Iwill then situate Severus
position within abroader historical context that reveals adifferent side of the religious revolution oflate antiquity.
The central point ofthe medieval miracle story that we just
read was that the eucharistic liturgy could not proceed without Severus. Thehost literally disappears until Severus allows it
to reappear. As legendary as this tale is, it actually corresponds
but in an oppositional way to akernel ofhistorical truth.
15 Brown, Rise and Function, p.99-101; Idem, Society and the Holy, p.5.
On Brown and other historians designation oflate antiquity as aperiod of
religious revolution see G.G.Stroumsa, The End ofSacrifice: Religious Transformations in LateAntiquitytr.S.Emanuel, Chicago,2009, p.4-5.
16See also the discussion ofthis anecdote and its relation to the image
ofSeverus in the Coptic Orthodox liturgical tradition in Y.N.Youssef, AContribution to the Coptic Biography ofSeverus ofAntioch, in Coptic Studies on
the Threshold of aNew Millennium: Proceedings ofthe Seventh International Congress
ofCoptic Studies, Leiden, 27 August - 2 September2000 ed.M.Immerzeel,
J.Van derVliet, 2vols (OLA, 133), Leuven, Paris,Dudley, MA,2004, I,
p.407-422, in partic.p.417-419.After presenting the evidence, Y.N.Youssef
notes in conclusion(ibid., p.419): The aim ofthe story is to present Severus
ofAntioch to the people as awonder-performer. For aevidence ofasimilar perception current already in the mid-sixth century, see, for example,
the description ofthe miraculous qualities ofSeverus corpse related in the
Life ofSeverus attributed to John ofBeth Aphthonia(PO 2), Paris,1907, p.260,
recently translated into English in S.Brock and B.Fitzgerald, Two Early Lives
ofSeveros, Patriarch ofAntioch(Translated Texts for Historians, 59), Liverpool,2013,
p.138. See my treatment ofthis episode in Moss, In Corruption, p.328-329.

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THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

During Severus lifetime there were people who were unwilling

to receive communion from anyone but him.Four ofhis letters,
written both during and after his patriarchate, were addressed
to individuals who wished to establish with Severus asystem
that can be called mail-order communion.For these people
communion at the hands ofanyone but the patriarch was
unthinkable. They wanted him to consecrate the elements and
send them to them by mail.Severus, however, was strongly
opposed to this idea. He believed that as long as the officiating
priest was oforthodox faith, his identity, behavior and reputation made no difference in the quality ofthe Eucharist.Severus
explains:17
It is agreat and unpardonable sin that, when the faith
ofthe orthodox priests is one, aperson should take the
holy and venerable communion ( ) from this one,
and not take it from that.For it is Christ himself and his
mysterious words which are pronounced over the bread and
the cup ofblessing that complete ( ) the rational and
bloodless sacrifice, not the priest ( ) who stands before
the altar.18

Thus, while the medieval legend portrays Severus as embodying

the late antique image ofthe holy man as one who competes
with the established clerical hierarchy, Severus himself judged
attempts to elevate his, on anyone elses, liturgical prowess above
other priests agrave sin. Indenouncing this practice Severus was
in fact opposing acommonly accepted role ofthe late ancient
holy man. Sources contemporary with and slightly later than
Severus document the custom ofinfluential lay people receiving
communion only from the hands ofknown holy men.19
17 Severus ofAntioch, Select Letters 3.4 ed.E.W.Brooks, The Sixth
Book ofthe Select Letters ofSeverus ofAntioch in the Syriac Version ofAthanasius
ofNisibis, London,Oxford, 1902-1903, p.278(text), 245(tr.)].Severus
position on this issue is similar to Augustine ofHippos.See J.Patout Burns,
The Eucharist as the Foundation ofChurch Unity in North African Theology,
Augustinian Studies, 32(2000), p.1-23.
18 Cfr. ICor.3, 6: Iplanted, Apollos watered, but God gave the growth.
19See Browns description ofthis practice in Brown, Authority and the
Sacred, 72-73, citing from the early sixth century Plerophoriae by John Rufus and
the late sixth century Pratum Spirituale by John Moschus.

527

Y. MOSS

We have, thus, witnessed one realm in which there is amarked

discrepancy between the medieval, classic holy man image
ofSeverus and his own positions.But Severus discomfort with
the classic late antique holy man cut deeper. His concerns were
not limited to threats to the vested ecclesial hierarchy. Severus
skepticism towards charismatic power was aimed at himself just
as much as at anyone else. Inthe following letter, written from
his exile, Severus describes the actions ofacertain Anatolius,
arival ofhis within the anti-Chalcedonian community who
advocated aseparation between the Syrian exiles and the local
Egyptian Church.Anatolius had invoked charismatic authority
to bolster his position.He made menacing predictions against
his opponents in the form ofprophecies. Inone situation his
prophecy actually appeared to come true.Severus relates:
Acertain gentle man who had received such athreat from
him [i.e.from Anatolius], after communicating the knowledge to the holy church and accepting its help in considering
what was best to do, by Gods permission was smitten with
bright tumors on the side... He coming up to me (for he
was one ofthose who know our affairs), persuaded ()
me20 to touch the afflicted part: and I, beginning to weep,
applied to it the chrism ofthe holy cross, and its venerated
sign; and Isent this man away expecting that he would die
[
] . And on the next day the Lord
ofhosts made the swelling caused by the tumors to disappear, and he did not keep his bed for one single hour...
But if Ihave become afool by relating this, Anatolius
the false prophet compelled me.21

This is astriking passage.Severus, whom posterity regarded as

amiracle worker, offers acandid account ofacure performed
by his own hand.What Ifind so striking about his account is
its skeptical tone. Theman needs to persuade Severus to apply
the cure ofthe chrism, and even after having done so Severus
admits that he expected him to die. Incontrast to his later image,

20 Admittedly, this can also be translated as begged me(as indeed Brooks,

Select Letters, renders it).
21 Severus ofAntioch, Select Letters 5.11 ed.Brooks, p.374(text),
p.331-332(tr.).

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THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

Severus appears to have had little confidence in the efficacy

ofthe chrism as aphysical cure.Embarrassed and surprised by
the apparent success ofhis healing, Severus blames Anatolius
for forcing him to tell the tale.22
Severus is skeptical ofcharisma as ameans for the determination oftheological truth.What then, in Severus mind, was
the proper alternative to this model? In his theological debate
with Julian ofHalicarnassus, another fellow anti-Chalcedonian
bishop, Severus articulates his view that truth is not to be determined by dreams, miracles and other charismatic testimonies,
but by the correct interpretation ofthe Scriptures and the writings ofthe church fathers. Inthe course oftheir debate, which
occupied Severus on and off throughout most ofhis twenty years
in exile, Severus repeatedly berates his opponent for his faulty
interpretation ofthe patristic canon.23
In one work written at the peak ofthe controversy, he
accuses Julian ofturning to dreams for support after despairing
ofattempts to prove his point from scriptural and patristic
texts. Inone passage within this work, which will be discussed
presently, Severus sets up aclear contrast between these two
modes ofauthority.What is interesting about his depiction
ofthe charismatic mode is that he does not deny its reality.
He does not deny that the dreams have adivine origin. He merely
claims that they are not the decisive factor in the determination
oftheological truth.
In order to understand this passage aword must be said about
the debate between Severus and Julian.Finding themselves in
exile these two erstwhile anti-Chalcedonian allies had developed an acrimonious controversy about the nature ofthe body
ofChrist. Julian argued that the holy body must have been essentially immune from suffering and corruption.Faced with the fact
22
Nevertheless, it must also be borne in mind that, Severus, as he goes on to
explicitly state, models his rhetoric here on ICor.12, 11, where Paul(according
to Severus understanding) is compelled by false apostles to relate his visions.
23 For theological aspects ofthis debate, see R.Draguet, Julien dHalicarnasse
et sa controverse avec Svre dAntioche sur lincorruptibilit du corps du Christ, Louvain,
1924; A.Grillmeier, T.Hainthaler, Christ in Christian Tradition tr.P.Allen,
J.Cawte, London,Louisville,1995, vol.2, p.79-111; Moss, In Corruption, p.52106. For textual-cultural aspects ofthe debate, especially Severus and Julians
respective uses ofthe patristic past, see Moss, In Corruption, p.237-311.

529

Y. MOSS

that the Gospels are full ofdescriptions ofJesus passions and

pains, Julian explained that it was only by aspecial, voluntary
act that Jesus accepted sufferings upon his body.Severus, on the
other hand, countered that the body ofChrist had to have been
corruptible by essence.Otherwise, his sufferings would be no
more than an illusion.For this reason, Severus accused Julian
ofendorsing the view, deemed heretical by theologians ofearlier
generations, that Jesus body, in its full earthly experience, was
aphantasm. With this theological context in mind we may turn
to the passage in question.Severus writes to Julian:
News has reached mealthough Iam located far awaythat
having despaired ofyour feeble attempts to prove [your
position] from the divinely inspired Scriptures and the
select men who are initiators into its mysteries, you sought
refuge in deluding, dreamy visions (

).
You hired an Ephesian, asimpleton ( ) by the name
ofMenander, to go around and take pains to confirm your
evil opinion, and to lead the simple folks astray with the
narration ofhis dream ( ) . How, then, would Inot
thank, with ten-thousand tongues, God who alone is wise,
who allowed for this error ( ) to be appropriately
( ) refuted by the very same elements that wrought
the error to begin with. For it was truly fitting that dreams

) should provide support for your
and visions (
dreamy, phantastical heresy () .
Theresult is that those who hold these, unfortunate phantastical, opinions have as their support nothing more than
aphantasm (!) 24

Severus does not deny the divine origin ofthe dreams that supported Julians position.On the contrary, he affirms it. But
what Severus does do in this passage is challenge the relevance
ofsuch revelations to the determination oftheological truth.
For Severus, it is demonstrations based on scriptural and patristic texts that must be used to prove theological statements; not
dreams, however divine.25 This is the stuff that Severus own
24
Severus ofAntioch, Contra Additiones Iuliani, Chapter 37 ed.R.Hespel,
Svre dAntioche: La polmique antijulianiste, 3vols., in 4(CSCO, 244-245; 295296; 301-302; 318-319), Louvain,1964-1971, II.1, p.139(text), 116-117(tr.).
25See Brown, Authority and the Sacred, p.73, for an intuition ofthis point
with regard to Severus.

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THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

treatises are made of: elaborate, dialectical expositions ofthe

patristic canon.26
Severus position finds an interesting parallel in the Babylonian
Talmud (the Bavli), the foundational text ofrabbinic Judaism,
which many present-day scholars think was redacted around the
time ofSeverus.27 The date ofthe Bavlis redaction is crucial
here because contemporary historians are increasingly realizing
that much ofthe material contained within the Bavli is the
product ofthe texts redactors rather than the people described
and quoted within it. Inother words, the Bavlis debates and
stories concerning the famous first-to-third century Palestinian
rabbis or even the third-to-fifth century Babylonian rabbis, are
more connected to the ideologies and concerns ofits unnamed
sixth century Babylonian redactors than to the rabbis ofthe firstto-the-fifth century.28
Historians have dedicated much work to the reconstruction ofthe worldview ofthese anonymous Talmudic redactors,
especially in the realm ofnarrative accounts.29 One passage that
scholars repeatedly return to, so much so that it is has been called
the most discussed [narrative] in Talmudic and general Jewish
scholarship,30 offers an interesting parallel to Severus view ofthe
relationship between charisma and textual argumentation, or, as
26 Before leaving Severus, it should be noted that my basic argument was
preceded by J.-E.Steppa, John Rufus and the World Vision ofAnti-Chalcedonian
Culture, (2ndedition), Piscataway, NewJersey,2005, p.118; 128. Atibid., p.118,
Steppa writes: In fact, we know that Severus ofAntioch regarded visions
and prophecies as arguments in theological and canonical arguments with great
suspicion. But, as far as Ican tell, Steppa cites no evidence for this statement.
Perhaps he had in mind the texts discussed in this article.
27 R.Kalmin, The Formation and Character ofthe Babylonian Talmud,
in The Cambridge History ofJudaism: Vol.4: The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period
ed.S.T.Katz, Cambridge,2008, p.840-876, in partic.p.840-843.
28Scholarship participating in this trend builds on the pioneering work
ofDavid Weiss Halivni and Shamma Friedman done in the1970s and1980s.
It is by now extensive. Alandmark contribution in the realm ofnarrative(aggada)
is J.L.Rubenstein ed.Creation and Composition: The Contribution ofthe Bavli
Redactors(Stammaim) to the Aggada, Tbingen,2005.
29
See J.L. Rubenstein, Stories ofthe Babylonian Talmud, Baltimore,2010;
M.Vidas, Tradition and the Formation ofthe Talmud, Princeton,2014.
30 C.Fonrobert, When the Rabbi Weeps: On Reading Gender in Talmudic
Aggada, Nashim: AJournal ofJewish Womens Studies and Gender Issues, 4(2001),
p.56-83, in partic.p.56.

531

Y. MOSS

Daniel Boyarin has put it in another context, between divination and dialectic.31 In the story in question, the Bavli recounts
aheated disagreement concerning the laws ofpurity that two late
first-century rabbis, Rabbi Eliezer and Rabbi Joshua, had within
the academy:32
On that day, Rabbi Eliezer used every imaginable argument ( ) ,33 but they [i.e.the members
ofthe academy] did not accept them from him.He said to
them: Ifthe law is as Isay, let the carob tree prove it.
The carob tree uprooted itself from its place one hundred
cubitsand some say four cubits.34 They said to him:
Onedoes not bring proof from the carob tree. The carob
tree returned to its place.He said to them: Ifthe law is
as Isay, let the aqueduct prove it. The water began to
flow backwards. They said to him: One does not bring
proof from water. The water returned to its place. He said
to them: Ifitisas Isay, let the walls ofthe academy
( ) proveit. The walls ofthe academy inclined
to fall. R.Joshua rebuked them [i.e.the walls ofthe
academy]. He said to them: When sages defeat each other
in law, what is toyou? Itwas taught: They [i.e.the
walls ofthe academy] did not fall because ofthe honor
ofR.Joshua, and they did not stand because ofthe honor
ofR.Eliezer, and they are still inclining and standing.
He[i.e.R.Eliezer] said to them: Ifitis as Isay, let it
be proved from heaven ( ) . Avoice came
31 D.Boyarin, Dialectic and Divination in the Talmud, in The End ofDialogue in Antiquity ed.S.Goldhill, Cambridge,2008, p.217-241. Boyarin makes
the interesting observation that the Bavlis endless dialectic was tantamount to
another form ofdivination. Iam not sure Iagree with Boyarins analysis but
Ihave borrowed his terminology.
32 Babylonian Talmud, Bava Metzia 59a.English translation adapted from
J.L. Rubenstein, Talmudic Stories: Narrative Art, Composition, and Culture, Baltimore,London,1999, p.37.The text is based on the version found in MS
Munich Hebr.95. As noted, above, much has been written about this passage
and this is not the place to enter into adetailed discussion ofall its elements. For
asurvey ofsome ofthe relevant literature, see T.Novick, ALot ofLearning
is aDangerous Thing: On the Structure ofRabbinic Expertise in the Bavli,
HUCA, 78(2007), p.91-107, in partic.p.91, n.1.
33 For adiscussion ofvarious possible meanings ofthis phrase, see D.Steinmetz, Agada Unbound: Inter-Agadic Characterization ofSages in the Bavli and
Implications for Reading Agada, in Creation and Composition ed.J.L.Rubenstein, p.293-338, in partic.p.316.
34
Other manuscripts read four hundred cubits, astock expression ofTalmudic hyperbole.

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THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

from heaven and announced: What is it for you with

R.Eliezer, since the law is in accordance with him in
every place? Rabbi Joshua stood up on his feet and said:
It is not in heaven (Deut.30,12) ( ) . What is,
It is not in heaven? R.Jeremiah said: We do not listen
to aheavenly voice ( ) , since you already
gave it to us on Mount Sinai and it is written there Incline
after the majority (Ex.23,2). R.Nathan came upon Elijah.
He said to him: What was the Holy One, blessed be He,
doing at that time? He said to him: He laughed and
smiled and said, My children have defeated me, my children have defeated me.35

This story gives powerful expression to the prioritization oftextual argumentation above direct, charismatic communications.
All ofR.Eliezers wondrous signs are ofno avail to him. Themore
he tries to prove his case by direct appeals to the divine, the
more the text conspires to rebuff him.First his colleagues
flatly deny the relevance ofproof in the natural world; then,
when R.Eliezer elicits adirect communication from heaven,
his chief opponent, R.Joshua, tautologically cites textual evidence to prove that the only evidence that counts is textual evidence. Once the divine message had been delivered at Sinai,
the authority ofits interpretation belongs exclusively in human
hands. Finally, God himself personally deals the coup de grace to
the validity ofcharisma in interpretation, by explicitly endorsing
the position ofR.Eliezers opponents.
All this has been abundantly illustrated in earlier discussions
ofthis famous tale.As mentioned before, the tendency in recent
scholarship has been to view the story as acharacteristic expression ofthe scholastic, dialectic-centered culture ofthe Bavlis
redactors. Building on this approach Iwould like to make two
further observations, relevant to our issue ofthe source and
nature oftheological authority and evidence.36
35
Ihave only cited the middle part ofthis story.The lead-up and continuation are no less important to the story in its original context, which is primarily
about interpersonal relations.For this point, see Rubenstein, Talmudic Stories,
p.40-63. Nevertheless, for the question ofmiracles as asource ofproof and
authority, only the section cited here is relevant.
36 Given the volume ofscholarly treatments ofthis passage, it is likely that
these points have been made already and Ihave simply not encountered them.

533

Y. MOSS

The first observation is that R.Eliezer is not the only person who performs miracles in this text.His opponents, both the
anonymous members ofthe academy and R.Joshua himself, also
perform counter-miracles.Following the academys declaration
that no proof can be brought from the self-locomotive carob
tree, the tree returns to its original position. Thetrees movement in this second instance is no less amiraculous interruption ofthe regular patters ofnature than its first translocation.37
Similarly, the fact that the walls ofthe academy cease from falling once rebuked by R.Joshua is no less wondrous than their
initial decline at the behest ofR.Eliezer. Like Severus ofAntioch, R.Eliezers opponents do not deny the reality ofmiracles.
Like the patriarch, they are indeed able to perform miracles
themselves.But, also like Severus, although they are able to
engage in these charismatic activities, they consider them irrelevant to the determination ofGods law.
Clarification ofthis point allows us to better appreciate the
differences displayed in the parallel version ofthis story in the
Palestinian Talmud (the Yerushalmi).This brings me to my
second observation.If, as current scholarship has claimed, the
Bavlis version ofthe story reflects the particular concerns ofits
sixth-century redactors, then we would expect the story told by
the Yerushalmi, edited in late-fourth century Palestine, to reflect
very different concerns.38
Indeed, acomparative analysis ofthe two versions ofthis
story fulfils this expectation. Icite the passage, beginning with
R.Eliezers address to the carob tree:
O carob,ocarob, if the law is according to their words,
uproot yourself, but it did not uproot itself.If the law is
according to my words, uproot yourself, and it uprooted
itself. If the law is according to them, return, and it did
not return.If the law is according to my words, return,
and it returned. All this praise [asks the Yerushalmi] and the
37The second miracle, with the aqueduct is more complicated. Unlike
the tree and the walls, which are naturally stationary, waters natural state is in
motion. Thus, the fact that after the academys comment, the aqueduct goes
back to flowing in its original direction does not involve an additional miracle,
beyond the initial one performed by R.Joshua.
38 Ithank Reuven Kiperwasser for pushing me on this point.

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THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

law is not according to R.Eliezer? R.Hanania said, When

it was given it was given only such that incline after the
majority (Ex.23,2). But did not R.Eliezer know incline
after the majority (Ex.23,2) [asks the Yerushalmi]? He became angry only because they burned his purities [i.e.the
objects he ruled to be pure] in front ofhim... R.Jeremiah
said: Agreat burning occurred on that day. Every place
that R.Eliezer cast his eye was burned. Not only that, but
even one grain ofwheat, half ofit [that he looked upon] was
burned and half ofit [that he did not look upon] was not
burned. And the columns ofthe assembly house ( )
were trembling ( ) . R.Joshua said to them: If the
sages are fighting, what care is it ofyours? Aheavenly voice
went forth and said: The law accords with my son Eliezer.
R.Joshua said: It is not in heaven. (Deut.30,12).39

In the Yerushalmis story, the only miracles that occur are in

favor ofR.Eliezer.He initiates both the uprooting and the
return ofthe carob tree; the columns ofthe assembly house voluntarily tremble in his honor; and the heavenly voice comes
down to support him, even without his having to call upon it,
as he does in the Bavli.Thus, in the Yerushalmi, unlike the
Bavli, divinatory or charismatic ability is exclusively linked to
R.Eliezer. As we saw, the Bavli indicates that R.Joshua and his
colleagues shared this ability with R.Eliezer. Their difference
was solely aquestion ofprinciple: may this ability be used to
determine the law? The Yerushalmi, on the other hand, can be
taken to imply that R.Eliezers opponents lacked the ability to
perform the wonders that he did; had they possessed this ability,
perhaps they would have used it.
This reading is confirmed by the overall thrusts ofthe respective accounts. Whereas the Bavli story clearly comes down
on the side ofR.Joshua, culminating in the divine admission
ofdefeat, the Yerushalmi merely presents the two different positions, without offering aclear-cut narrative resolution in favor
ofone side or the other. Whereas the Bavli presents R.Joshuas
claim it is not in heaven as aresponse to R.Eliezers call on
Palestinian Talmud, Moed Katan, 3.1, cited according to Leiden Ms.Or.4720,
Jerusalem,2001, p.810. The translation follows Rubenstein, Talmudic Stories,
p.49.
39

535

Y. MOSS

heavenly support, the Yerushalmi presents it as aresponse to an

unsolicited heavenly declaration.This is ameaningful difference.
Inthe Yerushalmi R.Joshua is in direct conflict with the heavenly voice and there is no meta-narrative indication, as there is
in the Bavli, that heaven accepts self-recusal.
Istress this point because some scholars have actually read
the Yerushalmi as coming out against R.Eliezer and his charismatic position.40 Ibelieve this reading might be influenced by
the more famous Babylonian version.Taken on its own terms,
however, the Yerushalmi cannot be said to endorse R.Joshuas
position. If anything, the balance in the Yerushalmi actually
seems to lean in favor ofR.Eliezer.41 Thus, to recapitulate:
40 The most recent treatment ofthis story reads the relationship between
the Bavli and Yerushalmi accounts in diametrical opposition to my reading.
See I.Brand, Can Wondrous Signs Determine Law? AComparison ofTwo
Talmudic Traditions, REJ, 172(2013), p.1-22.Brand(p.12) argues that
the Yerushalmi tradition is not accepting ofmiracles. Brand applies to the
story ofR.Joshua and R.Eliezer aparticular historiographical mold which
views the Palestinian tradition as much less interested in charisma and magic
than the Babylonian tradition.According to this reading, the Yerushalmi
opposed the holy man model precisely because it was so warmly embraced
by contemporary Christians(see Brand, ibid, p.20-22). Yet, this approach has
been challenged, both as an overall historiographical model and as akey to
reading this particular story. On the overall challenge, see G.Bohak, Ancient
Jewish Magic: AHistory, Cambridge,2008, p.354(citing earlier literature):
The age-old claim that the Babylonian rabbis were more prone to magical
beliefs and activities than their Palestinian contemporaries seems to be quite
unwarranted...both the Palestinian rabbinic compilations and the Babylonian
Talmud preserve much evidence for the great interest in magic, and the practice
thereof, among the sages oflate-antique Palestine. For asimilar conclusion,
also diametrically opposed to Brands view, see J.Levinson, Enchanting
Rabbis: Contest Narratives between Rabbis and Magicians in LateAntiquity,
JQR, 100(2010), p.54-94, in partic.p.64(discussing aPalestinian source):
It is likely that the proximity between the Holy Man within and the magician
from without led the rabbinic narrators to adopt adouble tactic; on the one hand
they appropriated for themselves the power ofthe magician, and on the other
they proceeded to prove their superior prowess by the same means as the sectarian
sorcerers displayed their own. For areading ofthe Palestinian version ofthis
story, along the lines Ipropose, see D.Weiss Halivni, Peshat and Derash: Plain
and Applied Meaning in Rabbinic Exegesis, Oxford,1991, p.207, n.15(referenced
by Brand, Can Wondrous Signs, p.12, n.36): [A]ccording to the Palestinian
Talmud, God was more on the side ofR.Eliezer. The Palestinian Talmud does
not report that God said, My children have defeated me.
41 Whereas the Bavli cites R.Jeremiah in support ofR.Joshuas position
(We do not listen to aheavenly voice...), the Yerushalmi cites him in
favor ofR.Eliezer(Agreat burning occurred on that day; every place that
R.Eliezer cast his eye was burned.).

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THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

the two Talmudic versions ofour story reflect very different

attitudes to the role ofcharisma in the determination oflaw.
TheYerushalmi, redacted in late fourth century Palestine, at
atime and place where the Christian holy man was on the
rise, allows for the possibility that truth may be determined by
charismatic means. TheBavli, redacted some two centuries later,
when, as Iam arguing, an alternative mode ofauthority was
on the rise, shuts the door on the charismatic option. Once the
divine text has been revealed to humanity, the authority ofits
interpretation lies solely in human hands. Theological truth, for
the Bavli, as for Severus, is to be decided solely by the means
oftextual argumentation.
Following the work ofAdam Becker, rabbinics scholars have
noted interesting parallels between the scholastic settings and
ideological worldviews ofthis Babylonian Talmudic culture,
on the one hand, and oftheir East-Syrian Christian contemporaries, on the other hand.42 But no attention, as far as Iknow,
has been given to the parallels between these two cultures and
the contemporary culture represented by Severus ofAntioch,
later to be claimed by the West-Syrian Church.
It is true that Severus, especially once in exile, was more
ofalone-wolf; he did not operate in the same type ofcommunal academic environment as his rabbinic and East-Syrian
contemporaries.Nevertheless, his writings embody the same
combination oftextual traditionalism and dialectic rationalism
that students ofscholasticism as across-cultural category have
identified as typical ofthe scholastic mindset.43 It is precisely
42 A.H. Becker, Beyond the Spatial and Temporal Limes: Questioning
the Parting ofthe Ways Outside the Roman Empire, in The Ways that Never
Parted ed.A.H.Becker, A.Yoshiko Reed(Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism, 95), Tbingen,2003, p.373-392; A.H. Becker, The Comparative Study
ofScholasticism in Late Antique Mesopotamia: Rabbis and East Syrians,
AJS Review, 34(2010), p.91-113; D.Boyarin, Hellenism in Jewish Babylonia,
in The Cambridge Companion to the Talmud and Rabbinic Literature ed.C.E.
Fonrobert, M.S.Jaffee, Cambridge,2007, p.336-363; Levinson, Enchanting
Rabbis, p.90-91.
43See J.I. Cabezn ed.Scholasticism: Cross-Cultural and Comparative Perspectives, Albany, NewYork,1998, p.4-6(cited in Becker, The Comparative
Study, p.104). See also Y.Moss, Packed with Patristic Testimonies: Severus
ofAntioch and the Reinvention ofthe Church Fathers, in Between Personal
and Institutional Religion: Self, Doctrine, and Practice in Late Antique Eastern Chris-

537

Y. MOSS

this combination that we find in the cultures ofboth the Bavli

and the East-Syrian schools. Ibelieve more work would reveal
that also within the Byzantine sphere Severus approach was less
idiosyncratic and more representative than it might first appear.44
In any case, Ihope to have demonstrated by focusing on
the case ofSeverus, that in the early sixth century, at the same
time that Peter Browns holy man was on the rise, there was
also acompeting current, which adopted amore skeptical view
ofthis religious ideal. Inplace ofthe holy man, this approach
valorized the holy text as it is maintained holy by its privileged
exegetes. It may be speculated that Severus, the Babylonian rabbis, and the East-Syrian scholars all turned to this textually-based
mode ofauthority because oftheir lack ofaccess to political
forms ofpower. Their approach to the text embodied aform
ofwhat Andrew Jacobs has, in another context, called academic
imperialism.45 It was only the privileged exegete who had the
ability to maintain the perfection ofthe holy text by dialectically
resolving its contradictions.
Be this as it may, these three contemporary cultures played out
an aspect ofreligious life in late antiquity which stands in some
competition with the holy man.Brown concluded his essay on
the Christian holy man by pointing to Islam as the culmination
ofthe late antique religious revolution.Quoting apapyrus that
preserves, in Greek, the basmala, the Muslim confession offaith,
Brown famously wrote:
[T]he victory ofChristianity in Late Roman society was not
the victory ofthe One God over the many: it was the victory
tianity ed.B.Bitton-Ashkelony, L.Perrone, Turnhout, 2013, p.227-250, for
asimilar argument concerning similarities between Severus and the Bavli.
44Thus, for example, Leontius ofJerusalem, Severus younger contemporary and Chalcedonian adversary, offers aseries ofarguments against the
relevance ofmiracles to the determination oftheological truth.Like Severus
and the Bavli, he does not deny the reality ofthese miracles; instead, he argues,
also like them, that decisions in matters ofdogma must be made on the basis
oftexts and logical argumentation.See P.Gray ed.Leontius ofJerusalem: Against
the Monophysites: Testimonies ofthe Saints and Aporiae, Oxford,2006, p.156-159
(=PG, 86, col.1896B-1900A). Cfr. also Grays discussion ofthis issue in his
introduction, ibid, p.16; 22-23.
45 A.Jacobs, Remains ofthe Jews: The Holy Land and Christian Empire in
LateAntiquity, Stanford,2004, p.59-60, 71-72.My usage ofJacobs term here
follows the pattern established by Levinson, Enchanting Rabbis, p.70-71.

538

THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

ofmen over the institutions oftheir past... Thelast papyrus

in the religious section ofMitteis and Wilckens Grundzge
und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde sums up both the late antique revolution and its untold consequences:
, it runs,
. It is as we have been told: progrs et victoire du
monothisme, ainsi pourrait on la caractriser dun mot.46
But not quite. Not just the one God.One God and His
man, for the papyrus continues: .
It is this which the historian ofLateAntiquity must attempt
to understand.47

To this we may addin light ofthe argument put forth in this

paperthat yes, Muhammad was considered the apostle ofGod,
but there was hardly anything new in this.There were apostles
before him.What was new with this late antique apostle was the
fact that unlike his predecessors, he did not perform miracles to
confirm that his message was from God.
In several places the Quran reveals that contemporaries of
Muhammad critiqued him for not performing any signsayat.
They did this because they failed to grasp that Muhammads
signs were the units ofrevelation themselvesalso called ayat.48
Although previous prophets had demonstrated the veracity
oftheir messages through the performance ofsupernatural acts,
the prophet ofIslams proof was the message itself.49 The text
itself had now become the miracle.50 Nevertheless, within several
46Here Brown cites M.Simon, A.Benoit, Le judaisme et le christianisme
antique, Paris,1968, p.2.
47 Brown, Rise and Function, p.100-101.
48
See Quran 6, 37: And they say: Why has asign not been sent down
to him from his Lord.; similarly, 13.7; 21.5: But they say, [The revelation
is but] amixture offalse dreams; rather, he has invented it; rather, he is apoet.
So let him bring us asign( ) just as the previous [messengers] were
sent [with miracles]. On this point, see further A.J. Wensinck, Mudjiza,
EI, vol.7, p.295; D.Gril, Miracles, EQ, vol.3, p.392-398, in partic.392.
Ihave referred to ayat as units ofrevelation, rather than verses, since the
latter meaning was only asecondary semantic development.See A.T. Welch,
Kuran, EI vol.5, p.400-429, in partic.p.401.
49
See O.Pautz, Muhammeds Lehre vonder Offenbarung, Leipzig, 1898,
p.264-268; H.Stieglecker, Die Glaubenslehren des Islam, Paderborn, 1962,
p.371-372.
50For this purpose it does not make adifference whether the text in
question was oral or written.See on this point, M.Wallraff, Kodex und Kanon:
Das Buch in frhen Christentum, Berlin,2013, p.54-62.

539

Y. MOSS

generations Muslims came to venerate their own miracle-working holy men, following the late antique and medieval Christian
model.51 The Quranic image ofMuhammad as atransmitter
oftext with no further mandate to perform supernatural miracles
came to be updated in post-Quranic literature. On the basis
ofcertain hints in the Quran itself, subsequent tradition attributed awhole host ofmiracles to the seal ofthe prophets.52
Needless to say, the late antique model ofthe charismatic holy
man did not go away with the advent ofIslam or the dawn ofthe
Middle Ages. Indeed, the very story with which we began, clearly
demonstrates that it did not. TheSeverus ofAntioch ofmedieval
tradition had become afull-fledged wonder-worker. Thepoint
ofthis study has been to show that alongside the enduring model
ofthe holy man, the final centuries oflate antiquity brought with
them an alternative model. Theworks ofSeverus, the Bavli,
and the Quran offer us glimpses into this alternative. These
three sixth and seventh-century corpora demonstrate, each in its
own way, asubtle transformation ofthe imprimatur oftheological truthfrom human acts, divinely endowed, to divine texts,
humanly interpreted.

Abbreviations and Bibliography

1.Abbreviations
ACO Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, ed.E.Schwartz, Berlin and
Leipzig,1914-1940.
CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, Louvain,1903-
EI
Encyclopedia ofIslam, 2nded., Leiden,1960-2006.
EQ
Encyclopedia ofthe Quran, Leiden,2001-2006.
51See C. Robinson, Prophecy and Holy Men in Early Islam, in Cult
ofSaints ed.Howard-Johnston, Howard, p.241-262, in partic.p.258-259.
52 Pautz, Muhammeds Lehre, p.268-269; G.Von Blow, Hadthe ber
Wunder des Propheten Muhammad, insbesondere in der Traditionssammlung des
Buhar, unpublished doctoral thesis, Bonn,1964. See J.Van Ess, Theologie und
Gesellschaft im 2.und 3.Jahrhundert Hidschra: Eine Geschichte des religisen Denkens
im frhen Islam, 6vols., Berlin,1991-1997, IV, p.630-632, for asurvey ofthe
attempts ofmedieval theologians to square the Quranic non-miraculous picture
ofMuhammad with external traditions ofhim as awonderworker.

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THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual, Cincinnati,1924JECS Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, Baltimore,1993JQR Jewish Quarterly Review, Philadelphia,1909OCA Orientalia Christiana Analecta, Rome,1935OLA Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, Louvain,1975PG
Patrologia Graeca, ed.J.P.Migne, Paris, 1857-1886.
PO
Patrologia Orientalis, Paris,1903REJ
Revue des tudes juives, Paris, 1880-

2.Primary Sources
Evagrius Scholasticus, Historia Ecclesiastica ed.J.Bidez and
L.Parmentier, The Ecclesiastical History ofEvagrius with the Scholia,
London, 1898.
John of Beth Aphthonia, Life ofSeverus, Patriarch ofAntioch
ed.M.-A. Kugener (PO, 2), Paris,1907, p.203-264.
Leontius of Jerusalem, Testimonia Sanctorum ed.P.Gray, Leontius
ofJerusalem: Against the Monophysites: Testimonies ofthe Saints and
Aporiae, Oxford,2006, p.46-161.
Liberatus, Breviarium Causae Nestorianum et Eutychianorum
ed.E.Schwartz (ACO, 2.5), Berlin,Leipzig,1932, p.98-141.
Severus of Antioch, Select Letters in the Syriac Version ofAthanasius
ofNisibis ed.E.W.Brooks, London,Oxford,1902-1903.
Severus Of Antioch, Contra Additiones Iuliani ed.R.Hespel, Svre
dAntioche: La polmique antijulianiste (CSCO, 295-296), Louvain,
1968.
Synaxarium Alexandrinum ed.J.Forget (CSCO, 67), Beirut,
Paris,1905.
Talmud, Babylonian, Munich hebr.95, Jerusalem,1971.
Talmud, Palestinian, Leiden Or.4720, Jerusalem,2001.

3.Secondary Literature
P.Allen, C.T.R.Hayward, Severus ofAntioch, London, NewYork,
2004.
F.Alpi, La route royale: Svre dAntioche, 2vols.(Bibliothque archologique et historique, 188), Beirut,2009.
A.H.Becker, Beyond the Spatial and Temporal Limes: Questioning the Parting ofthe Ways Outside the Roman Empire, in

541

Y. MOSS

The Ways that Never Parted ed.A.H.Becker, A.Yoshiko Reed

(Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism, 95), Tbingen,2003, p.373392.
A.H.Becker, The Comparative Study ofScholasticism in Late
Antique Mesopotamia: Rabbis and East Syrians, AJS Review,
34(2010), p.91-113.
G.Bohak, Ancient Jewish Magic: AHistory, Cambridge,2008.
D.Boyarin, Hellenism in Jewish Babylonia, in The Cambridge Companion to the Talmud and Rabbinic Literature ed.C.E.Fonrobert,
M.S.Jaffee, Cambridge,2007, p.336-363.
D.Boyarin, Dialectic and Divination in the Talmud, in The End of
Dialogue in Antiquity ed.S.Goldhill, Cambridge,2008, p.217-241.
I. Brand, Can Wondrous Signs Determine Law? AComparison
ofTwo Talmudic Traditions, REJ, 172(2013), p.1-22.
S.Brock, B.Fitzgerald, Two Early Lives ofSeveros, Patriarch of
Antioch (Translated Texts for Historians, 59), Liverpool,2013.
P.Brown, The Rise and Function ofthe Holy Man in LateAntiquity, Journal ofRoman Studies, 61(1971), p.80-101.
P.Brown, Society and the Holy in LateAntiquity, Berkeley,Los Angeles, 1982.
P.Brown, The Saint as Exemplar in LateAntiquity, Representations,
1(1983), p.1-25.
P.Brown, The Rise and Function ofthe Holy Man in LateAntiquity,1971-1997, JECS, 6(1998), p.353-376.
P.Brown, Authority and the Sacred: Aspects ofthe Christianization ofthe
Roman World, Cambridge, 1999.
J.I.Cabezn, ed., Scholasticism: Cross-Cultural and Comparative Perspectives, Albany,1998.
A.Cameron, On Defining the Holy Man, in Cult ofSaints
ed.J.Howard-Johnston, P.A.Howard, p.27-43.
R.Darling, The Patriarchate ofSeverus ofAntioch, 512-518, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Chicago, 1982.
W.Devries, Sakramententheologie bei den syrischen Monophysiten (OCA, 125),
Rome,1940.
R.Draguet, Julien dHalicarnasse et sa controverse avec Svre dAntioche
sur lincorruptibilit du corps du Christ, Louvain, 1924.
C.Fonrobert, When the Rabbi Weeps: On Reading Gender in
Talmudic Aggada, Nashim: AJournal ofJewish Womens Studies and
Gender Issues, 4(2001), p.56-83.

542

THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

W.H.C.Frend, Severus ofAntioch and the Origins ofthe Monophysite Hierarchy, in The Heritage ofthe Early Church: Essays in
Honor ofGeorges Vasilievich Florovsky on the Occasion ofhis Eightieth Birthday ed.D.Neiman, M.Schatkin (OCA,195), Roma,
1973, p.261-275.
E.Gibbon, Decline and Fall ofthe Roman Empire, 3vols., NewYork,
1930.
D.Gril, Miracles, EQ, vol.3, p.392-398.
A.Grillmeier, T.Hainthaler, Christ in Christian Tradition
tr.P.Allen, J.Cawte, London,Louisville,Kentucky, 1995.
K.M.Hay, Severus ofAntioch: An Inheritor ofPalestinian Monasticism, ARAM, 15(2003), p.159-171.
J.Howard-Johnston, P.A.Howard ed. TheCult ofSaints in
LateAntiquity and the Middle Ages: Essays on the Contribution ofPeter
Brown, Oxford,1999.
J.Howe, Revisiting the Holy Man, Catholic Historical Review,
86(2000), p.640-644.
A.Jacobs, Remains ofthe Jews: The Holy Land and Christian Empire in
LateAntiquity, Stanford,2004.
R.Kalmin, The Formation and Character ofthe Babylonian Talmud, in The Cambridge History ofJudaism: vol.4: The Late RomanRabbinic Period ed.S.T.Katz, Cambridge,2008, p.840-876.
J.Lebon, Le monophysisme svrien: tude historique, littraire et thologique
sur la rsistance monophysite au Concile de Chalcdoine jusqu la constitution de lEglise Jacobite, Louvain,1909.
J.Levinson, Enchanting Rabbis: Contest Narratives between Rabbis
and Magicians in LateAntiquity, JQR, 100(2010), p.54-94.
V.Menze, Justinian and the Making ofthe Syrian Orthodox Church,
Oxford,2008.
Y.Moss, In Corruption: Severus ofAntioch on the Body ofChrist,
unpublished doctoral dissertation, NewHaven, 2103.
Y.Moss, Packed with Patristic Testimonies: Severus ofAntioch
and the Reinvention ofthe Church Fathers, in Between Personal
and Institutional Religion: Self, Doctrine, and Practice in Late Antique
Eastern Christianity ed.B.Bitton-Ashkelony, L.Perrone, Turnhout,2013, p.227-250.
T.Novick, ALot ofLearning is aDangerous Thing: On the Structure
ofRabbinic Expertise in the Bavli, HUCA, 78(2007), p.91-107.
J.Patout Burns, The Eucharist as the Foundation ofChurch
Unity in North African Theology, Augustinian Studies, 32(2000),
p.1-23.

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Y. MOSS

O.Pautz, Muhammeds Lehre vonder Offenbarung, Leipzig, 1898.

C.Robinson, Prophecy and Holy Men in Early Islam, in Cult
ofSaints ed.J.Howard-Johnston, P.A.Howard, p.241-262.
P.Rousseau, Ascetics as Mediators and as Teachers, in Cult of
Saints ed.J.Howard-Johnston, P.A.Howard, p.45-59.
R.Roux, Notes sur la fonction piscopale selon Svre dAntioche,
in Eukosmia: Studi miscellanei per il 75 di Vincenzo Poggi S.J.
ed.V.Ruggieri, L.Pieralli, Soveria Mannelli,2003, p.427-441.
J.L.Rubenstein, Stories ofthe Babylonian Talmud, Baltimore,2010.
J.L.Rubenstein, Talmudic Stories: Narrative Art, Composition, and
Culture, Baltimore, London,1999.
J.L.Rubenstein ed.Creation and Composition: The Contribution
ofthe Bavli Redactors (Stammaim) to the Aggada, Tbingen,2005.
E.Sachau, Verzeichniss der syrischen Handschriften der kniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, Berlin, 1899.
M.Simon, A.Benoit, Le judaisme et le christianisme antique, Paris,1968.
D.Steinmetz, Agada Unbound: Inter-Agadic Characterization of
Sages in the Bavli and Implications for Reading Agada, in Creation and Composition ed.J.L.Rubenstein, p.293-338.
J.-E.Steppa, John Rufus and the World Vision ofAnti-Chalcedonian Culture (2nd ed.), Piscataway, NewJersey, 2005.
H.Stieglecker, Die Glaubenslehren des Islam, Paderborn,1962.
G.G.Stroumsa, The End ofSacrifice: Religious Transformations in
LateAntiquitytr.S.Emanuel, Chicago, 2009.
M.N.Swanson, The Copto-Arabic Synaxarion, Christian-Muslim
Relations: ABibliographical History5 (1350-1500), Leiden,2013,
p.92-100.
J.Van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2.und 3.Jahrhundert Hidschra:
Eine Geschichte des religisen Denkens im frhen Islam, 6vols., Berlin,1991-1997.
A.Van Roey, Les dbuts de lglise jacobite, in Das Konzil von
Chalkedon: Geschichte und Gegenwart ed.A.Grillmeier, H.Bacht,
3vols., Wrzburg,1951-1953, II, p.339-360.
L.Van Rompay, Severus, Patriarch ofAntioch (512-538), in the
Greek, Syriac, and Coptic Traditions, Journal ofthe Canadian
Society for Syriac Studies, 8(2008), p.3-22.
A.A.Vasiliev, Justin the First: AnIntroduction to the Epoch ofJustinian
the Great, Cambridge, MA,1950.
M.Vidas, Tradition and the Formation ofthe Talmud, Princeton,2014.

544

THE RISE AND FUNCTION OFTHE HOLY TEXT IN LATEANTIQUITY

G.Von Blow, Hadthe ber Wunder des Propheten Muhammad, insbesondere in der Traditionssammlung des Buhar, unpublished doctoral
dissertation, Bonn,1964.
M.Wallraff, Kodex und Kanon: Das Buch in frhen Christentum, Berlin,2013.
D.Weiss Halivni, Peshat and Derash: Plain and Applied Meaning in
Rabbinic Exegesis, Oxford,1991.
A.T. Welch, Kuran, EI, vol.5, p.400-429.
A.J. Wensinck, Mudjiza, EI, Vol.7, P.295.
W.A. Wigram, The Separation ofthe Monophysites, London,1920.
Y.N. Youssef, AContribution to the Coptic Biography ofSeverus
ofAntioch, Coptic Studies on the Threshold ofaNew Millennium:
Proceedings ofthe Seventh International Congress ofCoptic Studies,
Leiden, 27August2September2000 ed.M.Immerzeel,
J.Van derVliet, 2vols., (OLA, 133), Leuven, Paris,Dudley, MA,
2004, I, p.407-422.

Abstract
Ever since Peter Browns famous essay on his rise and function,
the holy man ofthe fifth and sixth centuries has received volumes
ofscholarly attention.Less noticed, however, has been the parallel,
contemporary challenge to this concept, manifestations ofwhich we
witness in later antique culture.Evidence to this effect is examined
from the works ofSeverus ofAntioch.Severus contests the authority ofdreams, prophecies and miracles. Thechallenge to charismatic
authority goes hand in hand with aparallel phenomenon characteristic ofSeverus works: his valorization ofintellectual authority.
This intellectual authority lies, as it does in the Babylonian Talmud
(possibly redacted during Severus lifetime), in an expert knowledge
ofones revered textual tradition and in ones exegetical ability to
harmonize contradictions within this tradition. Thecomparative
example ofthe Babylonian Talmud, as well as evidence from the
Quran, conspire with the material from Severus to demonstrate that
alongside the late antique holy man, there was also acontemporary,
cross-cultural current that prioritized holy messages and intellectual
argumentation above holy people and miraculous deeds in the determination oftheological truth.

545

PATRISTICS AND ART

ROBIN M.JENSEN
Vanderbilt University

INTEGRATING MATERIAL
AND VISUAL EVIDENCE
INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES:
APPROACHES, BENEFITS,
AND POTENTIAL PROBLEMS

Introduction
The study ofphysical remains has enriched and expanded our
work as historians ofancient Christianity.Although to some this
turn toward visual and material evidence may seem like anew
development, many scholars have long recognized the limits
ofpurely text-based studies while acknowledging the benefits
ofincorporating the study ofmaterial data into their research.
The methods as well as discoveries ofarchaeologists, art historians,
and epigraphers (among others) have recently promptedor
even requiredus to reassess many ofour conclusions about the
character ofearly Christianity in certain regions or eras. Along
with amore comprehensive and culturally nuanced perspective
ofthe movement and its adherents, these discoveries also have
provided abasis for theorizing about the daily lives and religious
commitments ofcertain classes ofindividuals who produced no
surviving written documents.The massive number ofimportant
artifacts housed in the worlds major museums alone has made
it eminently clear that visual culture was an essential dimension
ofancient religious practice, whether Christian or non-Christian.
For example, liturgical historians have pursued amore grounded understanding ofcertain ritual practices through analyzing
and comparing extant examples oftypical facilities (e.g., basilicas,
graves, baptisteries, and shrines) with relevant documentary evidence. Access to these remains has prompted them to reconstruct
rites in space and to assess the possible connections (and disconnections) between often idealized verbal descriptions and actual
lived experiences.
10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107534

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R.M. JENSEN

Social historians, for their part, have found that the study
ofmaterial remains can undermine long-standing assumptions
and generalizations.The visual evidence has shown that the distinction between Christians and their non-Christian neighbors
was less unambiguous than was once believed; that Christians
were fully embedded in their culture and reproduced its signs
and symbols just as they spoke the local language.At the same
time, analysis ofartifacts also has revealed adiverse set ofrelated
subgroups or sects among Christian communities, and allowed
historians to attend more fully to regional characteristics, interlocking identities, or shifting dynamics through time.
As important as material evidence is to our work, its incorporation is not without pitfalls.The study ofmaterial evidence
is no more or less scientific or straightforward than the study
oftexts.Just as scholars have always produced various interpretations ofidentical literary documents, they have constructed
divergent analyses ofthe same material artifacts.Although these
divergent analyses sometimes arise from different levels ofexperience in working with non-textual materials, they also result
when researchers embark with particular goals or perspectives
that guide their conflicting construals ofthe evidence.
Generally, historians ofearly Christianity ask different types
ofquestions than art historians or archaeologists, and those questions guide their selection, sorting, and analysis ofthe available data.Most ofthe time this selection, sorting, and analysis is
aproductive and illuminating endeavor, but occasionally things
go awry, especially when historians who focus mainly on ideas
are insufficiently aware ofthe potentially contentious import
ofreligious or theological questions into fields that may regard
them with some suspicion.Although these kinds ofproblems
can arise with almost any kind ofhistorical research, art historians
or archaeologists are particularly sensitive to what they sometimes see as misuse or even abuse ofwhat they view as theirs.
They seek what one ofthis conferences speakers (Prof.Ritter)
described as the emancipation ofartifacts from theology.1

See essay in this volume, p.195-207.

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INTEGRATING MATERIAL AND VISUAL EVIDENCE INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

Jeffrey Hamburger sums up his sense ofthis problem and

expresses certain regret at its fallout.With regard to medieval art
history, Hamburger explains,
The interpretation of[medieval] art in terms oftheology
has fallen out offavor.The aversion to theology has many
causes: not the least are disbelief and disinterest, allied with
ageneral discrediting (and occasional abuse) ofthe iconographic method, which in turn entails ahealthy disinclination to explain images through texts.Instead, popular piety,
oral traditions, and the beliefs ofmarginal groups command
scholarly attention.2

Hamburgers cautionary assessment also points out the problem ofscholarly interpreters finding abalance that respects the
integrity ofboth types ofevidence, subjecting neither to the
other, but bringing them into dialogue with one another. When
the scale tips one way or the other, some important insights are
inevitably lost.So long as an artifact emerges from aculture that
includes religion (and, thus, theology), it would seem to bear
some level ofcongruence or relationship to the cultic, religious,
or belief systems ofthose who made it.The difficulty may lie
in the process ofinterpretation: how much can we assume that
an art object reflects on or illuminates some knowable historical
reality or actual religious activity versus asomewhat idealized
projection that might have very little correlation to either lived
practice or religious belief? As one prominent scholar has asserted,
Only very rarely does art function as adocumentary description
ofan actual event.3
The converse can be said oftexts, ofcourse.Only rarely
does atext explain or even fully correspond to awork ofart.
The textual evidence that scholars may call upon to reconstruct
religious belief or practice is often based on an idealized version ofhow things should be, and may reflect the specific circumstances or perspective ofonly asmall minority.Documents
from theological treatises to church orders are therefore ofqualified use for reconstructing what people actually did or believed.
2 J.Hamburger, St.John the Divine: The Deified Evangelist in Medieval Art
and Theology, Berkeley,2002, p.1.
3 J.Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, Oxford, 1993, p.27.

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R.M. JENSEN

Thus, experienced historians know that texts are oflimited

(while real) value for interpreting artworks and that artworks
themselves have to be considered in context and submitted to
historical scrutiny insofar as possible.We can only surmise how
ancient viewers saw an object or what they concluded about its
meaning or purpose.Thus, like modern text scholars, art historians employ avariety ofmethods or analytical approaches to
produce their interpretations.They should be open to any relevant evidenceincluding literaryto help them to see the possibilities offunction or message.But, like all scholars, they will
also inevitably be influenced by their particular cultural context,
training, and sympathies.
The following discussion will illustrate some ofthe ways that
scholars have incorporated the study ofvisual art into their writing ofthe history ofearly Christianity while also instantiating
some ofthese approaches, methods, and problems.It will demonstrate how different intellectual starting points, investigative
methods, or personal interests generate diverse evaluations ofthe
same early Christian iconographic motif.In some instances
authors primarily turned to texts (especially scripture) to identify
and then explain the image.At other times, they perceived the
image as depicting some ancient Christian ritual practice that
was either confirmed by literary data or appeared to supplement
or even contradict existing documentary sources.The different
conclusions are not, therefore, just the results ofdifferent individuals assessments ofthe evidence but reflect their different
scholarly approaches or particular research agendas.
What Ihope these different examples show is how complicated it is to incorporate visual evidence into historical research,
how important it is to be conscious ofones methodology, and
how easy it is to try to make the data serve some secondary
purpose rather than presenting new evidence in its own right.
Of course, this should not be news to most ofus, since these are
precisely the same issues that arise in text analysis.

1. The Case Study: Banquet Scenes in Early Christian Art

Early Christian scenes ofpersons seated around asigma-shaped
table, sharing ameal ofbread, wine, and fish appeared in the
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INTEGRATING MATERIAL AND VISUAL EVIDENCE INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

third and fourth centuries, both in Roman catacomb painting

and in sculpted reliefs on Christian sarcophagi (Fig.1). These
somewhat enigmatic images have been variously identified and
are still the subject ofsome controversy.Such images are common in Roman catacomb paintings and sarcophagus reliefs and
belong to both pagan and Christian funerary art. They typically
show seven people reclining around asemi-circular dining couch
(stibadium), sharing ameal ofbread, wine, and fish that was usually set out on small tripod tables in the foreground. Modern historians tend to assume that the image depicts some kind ofritual
meal but disagree on just what kind ofmeal or ritual is being
practiced. Most ofthese historians have paid attention primarily
to the Christian examples and so have attempted to understand it
within an early Christian context.
Earlier generations ofart historians tended to see most early
Christian iconography as depicting some biblical scene and sometimes identified the meal scene as adepiction ofthe Last Supper.4
This identification was difficult to sustain, particularly in light
ofthe fact that seven, not thirteen, persons were placed around
the table. The common inclusion offish with the bread and wine
added to the problem and prompted other scholars to view it still
as abiblical scene but as one depicting the picnic beside the Sea
ofTiberius or another ofthe feeding miracles.5 However, since
the number ofdiners still did not match, another group identified it as depicting the celestial banquet promised by Jesus at the
Last Supper, when his followers would come from all directions
to recline at the Lords table (Marc.14, 25; Luc.12, 29).6
Abandoning the search for an adequately matching biblical
narrative, other historians perceived the scene as showing an early
Christian ritual.One can find many standard handbooks ofearly
Christian art that simply identify this image as aeucharistic ban4
This may be based on the way that the Last Supper was depicted in
Byzantine and Medieval art, with the apostles and Jesus on one side ofthe table.
See A.Grabar, Christian Iconography: AStudy ofIts Origins, Princeton, 1968,
p.8-9, fig.7.
5 For example, G.Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence for Church Life
before Constantine, Macon, GA, 1985, p.65-5; or R.Milburn, Early Christian
Art and Architecture, Berkeley, 1988, p.34.
6For example, W.Lowrie, Art in the Early Church, NewYork, 1969,
p.51-53.

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R.M. JENSEN

quet or some kind ofcommunal repast, like the agape meal.7

Often their reasons are unstated, but one may surmise that these
identifications emerged out ofan assumption that early Christian
meals that were celebrated in house churches must have looked
something like this: people seated around aregular dining table
in adomestic triclinium.
For example, Walter Lowrie, author ofArt in the Early
Church(1965), thought that most ofthese meals alluded to the
celestial banquet but then went on to discuss aparticularly famous
example ofthe motif, found in the so-called Capella Graeca in
the Catacomb ofPriscilla (Fig.2), making acase that itunlike
the other examplesaccurately represented an early Christian
Eucharist:
The only picture which is in acertain degree realistic
[as adepiction ofthe Eucharist] is afresco in the Capella
Graeca where we see alittle group gathered in this very crypt
to celebrate the sacrament in memory oftheir dead, using
the tombstone as an altar.The number ofpersons present
is seven, as at the celestial banquet; but the veiled woman
in the midst suggests adifferent interpretation, and this is
borne out by the striking gesture ofthe man who is breaking the loaf for the breaking ofthe bread, fractio panis, was
so characteristic ofthe Eucharist that it was often denoted
by this name and so far as we know never used in any other
connection. The meaning is made perfectly clear (in spite
ofsome archaeologists who are inclined to be contentious by
the seven baskets which are ranged on either side.8

Lowrie never clarified why he judged that this particular image

was asingularly realistic eucharistic depiction.Presumably, he
surmised that similar banquet scenes depicted something else.
Nevertheless, his interpretation was enormously influential. Other
scholars even modified his description and began to describe this
Catacomb ofPriscilla scene as showing seven women (rather
than six women and one man) celebrating aEucharist.9
7
See J.Stevenson, The Catacombs: Rediscovered Monuments ofEarly Christianity, London,1978, p.94-95; and P.Du Bourguet, Early Christian Art,
NewYork,1971, p.50-51.
8
Lowrie, Art in the Early Church, p.53.
9 Stevenson, Catacombs, p.94.

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INTEGRATING MATERIAL AND VISUAL EVIDENCE INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

Once this particular painting was assumed to depict aeucharistic banquet and, further that the figure on the left is both
the presider and female, it became regularly cited as convincing archaeological evidence for women priests (or even bishops)
in the second and third centuries.Furthermore, according to
some historians, it demonstrated that women shared some kind
ofritual meal separately from men (a practice not described in
any surviving documents).10 For example, in her book Private
Women, Public Meals: Social Conflict in the Synoptic Tradition(1993)
Kathleen Corley asserts:
In this fresco, seven women are sharing aeucharistic celebration.Six women are reclining at the table, with arms outstretched over the eucharistic elements.The seventh woman
is sitting up, undoubtedly because she is meant to be pictured as breaking the eucharistic bread being distributed
to the others. There are no men in this scene, only women;
the group is not amixed one.11

An alternative interpretation sees the image not as aeucharistic

banquet but as aChristian agape meal.Adifferent sort ofcommunal meal, the agape meal wasat least theoreticallyless
hierarchal or unsupervised by ecclesial authorities.
This interpretation is particularly espoused by Graydon Snyder in his influential monograph, Ante Pacem.In the second edition ofthis work, Snyder explains the scene as both adepiction
ofthe multiplication ofthe loaves and fishes and as an agape meal,
albeit one that could also have been shared as part ofafuneral
celebration in the tomb.12 However, in an earlier essay on the
D.Irvin, The Ministry ofWomen in the Early Church, Duke Divinity
School Review, 45, 2(1980), p.81-84; and K.J.Torjesen, When Women Were
Priests: Womens Leadership in the Early Church and the Scandal oftheir Subordination in the Rise ofChristianity, San Francisco,1995, see esp.p.55, where the
caption under the image ofthe Priscilla meal scene reads Awoman breaks
bread at an early Christian Eucharist. More recently, N.Denzey, The Bone
Gatherers: The Lost Worlds ofEarly Christian Women, Boston,2008, p.91-108.
See the recent controversy about this image in recent news reports on the
internet: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-2510473/Vaticanunveils-frescoes-Catacombs-Priscilla-paintings-FEMALE-PRIESTS.html,
accessed 12/10/2013.
11
K.Corley, Private Women Public Meals: Social Conflict in the Synoptic Tradition, Peabody, MA, 1993, p.76.
12 Snyder, Ante Pacem, p.124-126.
10

555

R.M. JENSEN

character and meaning ofChristian art in the pre-Constantinian

era, Snyder specifically argues that the scene reflected aritual
practice from an early house church and thus could have featured
awoman as presider over the rite:
The menu and format ofthe feeding ofthe 5,000 occur in
early representations ofthe agape/Eucharist.The bread and
fish are always present.The cup has been added on aconsistent basis. Occasionally, the bread and cup are being distributed. The persons who blessed and distributed the bread
and cup were not necessarily priests, but morally the owner
ofthe house or apartment where the community met. If that
owner happened to be awoman, according to artistic representations, she supervised the distribution.13

Snyders assertion that the meals were, in some respect, familial

and non-clerical reflects his strong contention that early Christian
artworks generally (and these meal images particularly) reflect
the religion ofthe laity, common folk, or women over against
the public ceremonies held by bishops and priests and attended
by the elite and the educated members ofthe society. For Snyder and others, archaeological and art historical data give access
to the religion ofthe common folk that they see as overlooked
by text-oriented historians ofChristianity, particularly as it is
reflected in the standard canon ofpatristic literature. As acorrective, such scholars seek to offer more inclusive, sociologically
informed, and archaeologically grounded analyses ofboth public
and private religious beliefs and practices, especially attending to
issues ofclass, ethnicity, and gender.14
One should note that these scholars infer aspecifically Christian meaning for these banquet scenes, with some arguing that it
reflected specifically on the practices ofthe Churchs non-elites.
Some, like Snyder, also connect them to pre-Christian practices offunerary banquets, while yet believing that they should
13G.Snyder, Agape, Eucharist, and Sacrifice in Early Christian Art, in
Interpreting Christian Arted.H.Hornik, M.Parsons, p.60.
14See Snyder, Ante Pacem, rev.edition, Macon, GA, 2003, p.9-21 for
asummary. For aparallel proposed distinction between the elite and popular
Christianity and the value ofarchaeological data for understanding the latter
see R.MacMullen, The Second Church: Popular Christianity ad200-400,
Atlanta,2009, p.xi-xii.

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INTEGRATING MATERIAL AND VISUAL EVIDENCE INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

be understood as showing something that was characteristically

Christian.Few, however, see these scenes as exactly parallel to
similar scenes (seven or nine people around asemi-circular table
sharing bread and wine) that appear in non-Christian contexts as
well as in tombs ofeliteor at least reasonably wealthyRoman
polytheists.Occasionally, these scenes show only women, as on
amosaic ofwomen at afuneral banquet from Antioch (Fig.3).
Other well-known examples ofthese scenes can be found in the
hypogeum ofthe Aurelii in Rome and on the walls ofthe mausoleum ofClodius Hermes within the complex ofthe Catacomb
ofSan Sebastiano (Fig.4).
One ofthese meal scenes comes from the hypogeum
ofaRoman matron named Vibia (Fig.5).Vibia was buried,
along with her husband Vicentius, in afamily tomb decorated
with traditional iconography.In addition to depictions ofHercules rescuing Alcestis, Pluto carrying off Vibia (in the guise
ofProserpina), and Vicentius dining with the underworld judges,
the rear lunette displays afascinating image ofthe good angel
(angelus bonus) guiding Vibia through agate and into ameadow
where acelestial banquet is underway.Six men recline at astibadium in akind ofparadisiacal or garden setting; they are wearing wreaths and raise their glasses in atoast to Vibia. Apparently she has passed their examination, for the legend above the
mens heads indicates that she has been judged to be among the
good ones (bonorum iudicio iudicati).Fish and other foods (bread
or acake?) appear on the table and aservant brings in aplatter
with poultry.Two figures in the foreground appear to be playing
agame ofdice.
Such parallels in non-Christian art reveal that there was nothing uniquely Christian (nor specifically non-clerical or lower
class) about these banquet scenes.They most likely referred to
some generalized hopes for ahappy afterlife or perhaps alluded to
the traditional funerary meal shared by family members (with the
deceased) at tombs throughout the ancient world. Presumably
the owners ofthese tombs or sarcophagi were wealthy enough
to afford such monuments or artists to decorate them. Given
their appearance in both Christian and pagan contexts, the image
must have been open to avariety ofmeanings, depending on
the viewers own religious persuasion or social location. The art
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R.M. JENSEN

historian (and archaeologist) Katherine Dunbabin, believes that

no single identification suffices; that the banquet scene may have
been intentionally ambiguouseither afeast in heaven or in
the tomb, in the present or in the future, celestial or terrestrial,
funerary or otherwise.15
Given the pagan parallels to these Christian banquet scenes,
it seems reasonable to resist interpreting them as depicting some
uniquely Christian teaching, text, or ritual.At the same time, we
may acknowledge that such images could disclose precious evidence about Christian funerary practice among folks ofdifferent
social strata. We may conclude that early Christians maintained
certain traditional Roman funerary customs, even though they
promulgated different teachings about death and the afterlife and
viewed these scenes through those teachings. We might even
consider the possibility that they linked these customs with certain scriptural texts like the feeding miracles or even the eschatological banquet in paradise.
These divergent interpretations illustrate key but often contradictory approaches to material evidence.Each is grounded
in certain, perhaps optimistic, expectations regarding the possibilities ofmaterial evidence for elucidating details about early
Christian beliefs and practices.For the sake ofsimplicity, Ihave
grouped them into three slightly overlapping categories based on
their characteristic objectives. Certain problems tend to arise in
each ofthese categories, buton the positive sideeach also
has the potential to offer valuable contributions to early Christian
studies.
1.1. Physical/Material Evidence as Confirmatory
This approach tends to seek material evidence that confirms certain ideas, teachings, or practices as they are presented in documentary sources.Historians who regard texts to be generally
reliable witnesses are the most likely proponents ofthis method.
Likewise, when presented with an artifact, such scholars typically
search for relevant documents to explain its function or appear15K.
Dunbabin, The Roman Banquet.Images ofConviviality, Cambridge, 2003,
p.190. See also J.Dresken-Weiland, Bild, Grab, und Wort, Regensburg, 2010,
p.183-187.

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INTEGRATING MATERIAL AND VISUAL EVIDENCE INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

ance. This approach has long been associated with the venerable
Roman school ofChristian archaeology, characterized by the
writings ofthe nineteenth- and twentieth-century luminaries,
Giuseppe Marchi, Josef Wilpert, and Pasquale Testini, and continued in the writings ofAldo Nestori.
While this approach illuminates the connection between
iconography and scripture or dogmatic writings, the search for
texts too often bypasses analysis ofan object on its own terms
and in its own context.The approach often tends to categorize
images or objects too fixedly, seeing them as one kind ofthing
or as reflecting the beliefs ofasingle religious community. Often
such scholars seek material evidence as secondary or supporting
data, or simply as illustration.Other data deemed irrelevant or
unhelpful may be ignored or sidelined.Moreover, when texts
and artifacts diverge, the written document is preferred and the
artifact assumed to be atypical.The assumption that texts are less
ambiguous than visual images or physical objects dominates this
approach. Images are perceived as silent and thus malleable.
In his responses to essays evaluating his major work on Christian baptism, Everett Ferguson recently articulated this privileging oftexts over material evidence in straightforward prose:
Ijudge archaeological evidence to be confirmatory ofliterary
sources, and where it appears contradictory or ambiguous, Igive
priority to the written texts, which are both earlier and clearer.16
Of course, whether texts are in fact earlier is debatable. Agood
many early Christian artifacts may pre-date existing texts.
They may even have influenced them.Nevertheless, this approach
certainly grants texts alevel ofclarity and trustworthiness not
accorded to material remains.
1.2. Physical/Material Evidence as Contradictory
This approach may be the flipside ofthe former in that it allows
material evidence to challenge or disprove long-standing suppositions rather than validating them.In an instance when texts and
objects contradict or diverge from one another, this approach
normally grants independentor at least parallelauthority to
16E.
Ferguson, Response to Contributors, Journal ofEarly Christian Studies,
20.3(2012), p.472(in response to Robin M.Jensen).

559

R.M. JENSEN

the physical remains.Thus, it often breaks new ground, but it

also requires that its adherents convincingly elaborate atheory
about the essential character and historical value ofartifacts versus documents.
Among the most dramatic instances ofthis was the discovery in the1920s and1930s ofthe figural mosaic pavement in
the synagogue at Beth Alpha or the wall paintings in the Dura
Europos Synagogue, which challenged the standard belief that
Jews did not allow visual images in their places ofworship. Once
the astonishment dissipated, historians began to modify their
assumptions about apure, aniconic Judaism in the early rabbinical period. They also had to revise their picture ofancient synagogues as places devoid ofpictorial art.
More recently, scholars have challenged the presumed separation, distinct cultural expressions, ritual practices, andin generalthe social exclusivity ofChristians in antiquity.17 The study
ofmaterial evidence has been extremely useful to this end, as it
has given concrete witness that Christians never ceased to be
part oftheir broader socio-cultural environment, even if they
officially rejected aspects ofit.Like their language, their visual art
and architecture remained essentially Greco-Roman. They may
even have patronized the same workshops, while they adapted
iconographic symbols or motifs (e.g.the Good Shepherd) to fit
their own system ofbeliefs.
1.3. Physical/Material Evidence as Complementary
This approach sees the physical evidence as acrucial supplement
to text-oriented knowledgewhile allowing it to be an independent witness with validity distinct from existing documentary data. It also recognizes and stresses the value ofincluding
non-literary material in the study ofearly Christianity in order
to achieve abroader, richer, more accurate, and more inclusive
understanding ofits social, cultural, and religious context.
As noted above, some historians have even posited afundamental difference between the users (viewers) and produc17J.Elsner takes this position.For agood articulation ofhis argument see
J.Elsner, Archaeologies and Agendas: Reflections on Late Ancient Jewish Art
and Early Christian Art, The Journal ofRoman Studies, 93(2003), p.114-128.

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INTEGRATING MATERIAL AND VISUAL EVIDENCE INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

ers ofvisual or material objects and the producers oftextsor

between ordinary believers and religious officials. Finding and
researching non-textual artifacts is, in their view, apotential
means ofgaining insight into the daily lives and religious commitments ofthese folksperhaps the basis for reconstructing an
alternative, non-clerical church community.18 For example, in
her book Image as Insight, Margaret Miles argued, The recommendation that visual historical evidence be taken into account
in our attempt to understand the ideas and image ofpeople who
were not linguistically trainedthat is, specially privilegedhas
the ring ofan obvious truth or methodological necessity about
which no more need be said.19
Of course elite and literate individuals also produced and used
that visual historical evidence; they probably were more likely to
commission decorated tombs, books, and luxury personal objects
(gems, gold glasses, etc.).Thus, this theory presumes something
about the evidence that might not match its own reality.
Underlying this third approach is the belief that art does
something different from textsthat art simply reflects adifferent kind ofreality or different set ofpersons.Therefore, art
and text, while both valuable types ofevidence, are perceived as
not comparable or even easily coordinated.It is afundamental
misunderstanding ofthe nature ofthe data to equate images to
words, as if they were simply non-verbal forms ofspeech.
Graydon Snyder summed up his reticence to interpret iconography by reference to texts in this sense:
Iseldom [cite] parallel writings because Iassume, perhaps
overly much, that the sentiments ofthe religious actor usually
differ from those ofthe religious writer.Furthermore,
Iassume that we will normally find the sentiments ofthe
religious actor in the visual field.20

Snyders assertion raises another important issue for our consideration: who determined the content, context, or character
ofawork ofart or the design and decoration ofachurch or
As one may see in MacMullen, The Second Church.
M.Miles, Image as Insight: Visual Understanding in Western Christianity and
Secular Culture, Boston,1985, p.15.
20 Snyder, Agape, Eucharist, and Sacrifice, p.53.
18
19

561

R.M. JENSEN

atomb? Is it possible to assume that the writers oftheological

treatises or church authorities were utterly uninterested in the
visual representation oftheir sacred texts or teachings? In other
words, how much were religious writers unaware ofor unconcerned about the impact ofimages in liturgical or funerary settingsthe field ofthe religious actors? Are such categories helpful or is the determination ofthese supposedly separate groups
merely amisleading or false distinction?
Aslightly different concern critiques atoo-focused attention
to religious motivationsparticularly as delineated in theological
treatisesinstead ofconsidering formal dimensions ofvisual or
material remains that have only marginal relevance to theological or religious beliefs, letting objects or even buildings stand on
their own. This concern was raised by Mark Humphries who,
critiquing the tendency to overemphasize the theological symbolism ofreligious architecture, argued that examination ofthe
development ofchurch buildings can demonstrate the extent to
which the construction ofsuch edifices was driven by concerns
ofsocial status as much as piety.21
Despite Humphriess anxiety that historians ofChristianity
can be overly eager to find religious significance in our material
evidenceto infer special cultic meaning in some object when
there might be noneit is still indisputable that the use ofmaterial or visual evidence gives us information that we would never
get from documentary evidence alone.Moreover, it is ahuge
advantage to be theologically and liturgically knowledgeable
when assessing the potential ritual function or religious implication ofaparticular object, image, or structure.Without acertain
level offamiliarity with texts or religious practices, basic recognition oficonographic motifs or the purpose ofmany objects or
edifices would be nearly impossible.
For example, many Byzantine-era pilgrimage churches were
constructed with enormous baptisteries (e.g., the baptisteries at
Qalat Siman or Bir Ftouha outside Tunis).Nothing in the documentary evidence easily explains the apparent practice ofbaptism

21M.Humphries, Material Evidence(1): Archeology, in The Oxford

Handbook ofEarly Christian Studies ed.S.Ashbrook Harvey, David Hunter,
Oxford,2008, p.97.

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INTEGRATING MATERIAL AND VISUAL EVIDENCE INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

in non-cathedral contexts, presumably ofadults arriving from

some distance to such ashrine.One guess is that they facilitated
some ablution ritual that may have had apurificatory value, but
there is no literary source to back that idea up, nor is there likely
to be any.22
Guessing makes many ofus anxiousit is risky to simply
imagine what aparticular material object was, much less its function. We really like to have those reliable documents to back up
our interpretations.Lacking such proof texts, artifacts are viewed
as possibly anomalous, unreliable, and even inscrutable.In the
end we should still subject our studies ofphysical remains to the
corrective and balancing potential oftextual evidence.
This may be obvious if we consider how future archaeologists
may assess common artifacts from our present world.Consider
the possible discovery, two thousand years from now, ofalarge
metal box with three colored lenses (red, yellow, green).
Will there be any surviving text to explain this marvel? Will our
drivers education manuals written on pulpy paperor even
worse, now in ephemeral electronic formstill survive to help
future historians figure out the ceremonial function ofatraffic
light?
Thus, it is problematic, lacking any corroborating evidence,
to assign some kind ofreligious significance to an artifact. Lacking labels, captions, or easily correlated documentary evidence,
objects must be explained entirely on their own terms and so
may be completely misunderstood.Maybe the artifact is simply
atraffic-controlling device and not an oracle.
Nevertheless, correlating artifacts and texts is tricky for all
the reasons Idiscussed above.Moreover, artifacts have at least
one notable advantage over texts.Whereas awritten document
has been copied and transmitted through time and space in different versions, translations, or editions, artifacts are one-of-akind andeven if damaged and no longer in situare original.
We can date them fairly precisely by studying their provenance,
fabric, style, and similarities to other objects like them.

22 See R.Jensen, Baptismal Practices at North African Martyrs Shrines, in

Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism in Early Judaism, Graeco-Roman Religion, and Early
Christianity ed.David Hellholm et al., Berlin,2011, p.1673-1695.

563

R.M. JENSEN

Conclusion
It probably is impossible to overestimate the value ofarchaeological discoveries for our understanding ofearly Christianity in
its many contexts and complexitiesnot to mention the simple
pleasure that fascinating and often beautiful objects add to our
work. However, no less than texts, the very nature ofart enables
various interpretations, which means that its incorporation into
our research is just as vulnerable to missteps: the tendency to read
into or manipulate the evidence to back up our hypotheses, or
to propose conclusions before considering all the available data.
The difficulty ofknowing how ancient viewers would have
regarded these objects and even realizing that only atiny portion
ofthe data has survived (without being sure that it is truly representative) adds to our caution.We also have to contend with the
wariness that at least some ofour colleagues in other fields will
feel about our work as historians ofreligion.Yet taking some
chances and then correcting mistakes is how we move forward.
We will welcome the gains from using different approaches or
methods, the challenges and corrections ofour colleagues, and
the opportunities to learn from scholars in other disciplines.
In the long run, we will all be advantaged by bringing as many
kinds ofdata as are available together and working collaboratively and constructively to advance our understanding ofearly
Christian culture.

Bibliography
K.Corley, Private Women Public Meals: Social Conflict in the Synoptic
Tradition, Peabody, MA, 1993.
N.Denzey, The Bone Gatherers: The Lost Worlds ofEarly Christian
Women, Boston, 2008.
J.Dresken-Weiland, Bild, Grab, und Wort, Regensburg, 2010.
P.Du Bourguet, Early Christian Art, NewYork, 1971.
K.Dunbabin, The Roman Banquet.Images ofConviviality, Cambridge,
2003.
J.Elsner, Archaeologies and Agendas: Reflections on Late Ancient
Jewish Art and Early Christian Art, The Journal ofRoman Studies,
93(2003), p.114-128.
J.Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, Oxford, 1993.

564

INTEGRATING MATERIAL AND VISUAL EVIDENCE INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

E. Ferguson, Response to Contributors, Journal ofEarly Christian

Studies,20.3(2012), p.467-484.
A.Grabar, Christian Iconography: AStudy ofIts Origins, Princeton,
1968.
J.Hamburger, St.John the Divine: The Deified Evangelist in Medieval
Art and Theology, Berkeley,2002.
M.Humphries, Material Evidence (1): Archaeology, in The Oxford
Handbook ofEarly Christian Studies ed.S.Ashbrook Harvey,
David Hunter, Oxford,2008, p.87-103.
D.Irvin, The Ministry ofWomen in the Early Church, Duke Divinity
School Review, 45.2(1980), p.76-86.
R. Jensen, Baptismal Practices at North African Martyrs Shrines,
in Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism in Early Judaism, Graeco-Roman
Religion, and Early Christianity ed.David Hellholm et al., Berlin,
2011, p.1673-95.
W.Lowrie, Art in the Early Church, NewYork,1969.
R.MacMullen, The Second Church: Popular Christianity ad200-400,
Atlanta,2009.
R.Milburn, Early Christian Art and Architecture, Berkeley, 1988.
M.Miles, Image as Insight: Visual Understanding in Western Christianity
and Secular Culture, Boston, 1985.
G.Snyder, Agape, Eucharist, and Sacrifice in Early Christian Art,
in Interpreting Christian Arted.H.Hornik, M.Parsons, p.53-64.
G.Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence for Church Life before
Constantine, Macon, GA, 1985.
J.Stevenson, The Catacombs: Rediscovered Monuments ofEarly Christianity, London, 1978.
K.J. Torjesen, When Women Were Priests: Womens Leadership in
the Early Church and the Scandal oftheir Subordination in the Rise of
Christianity, San Francisco, 1995.
http: //www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-2510473/Vaticanunveils-frescoes-Catacombs-Priscilla-paintings-FEMALEPRIESTS.html, accessed 12/10/13.

Abstract
Historians ofancient Christianity are now, more than ever, incorporating the study ofmaterial evidence into their research. Artifacts
that once were primarily the subjects for analysis by archaeologists
and art historians have become central to the work ofscholars

565

R.M. JENSEN

who may have been trained primarily as text-scholars. Thus the need
to expand beyond literary evidence offers challenge and promise
as well as opportunities for new insights and perspectives. Nevertheless, certain problems also arise, many ofthem parallel to the issues
that characterize the work ofliterary studies. This essay offers abrief
overview ofthe situation and summarizes some ofthe common
approaches and operating assumptions ofprimarily text historians
when incorporating the study ofobjects into their work.

566

INTEGRATING MATERIAL AND VISUAL EVIDENCE INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

Fig. 1.
Banquet scene, Catacomb of Callixtus, Rome.
The International Catacomb Society: Photo by Estelle Brettman.

Fig. 2.
Banquet scene, Catacomb of Priscilla, Rome.
The International Catacomb Society: Photo by Estelle Brettman.

567

R.M. JENSEN

Fig. 3.
Mosaic depicting a memorial meal, 2-4th century CE, from Antioch,
now in the Worcester (MA) Art Museum.
Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

Fig. 4.
Banquet scenes from the Catacomb of San Sebastiano, on the exterior
of the Mausoleum of Marcus Clodius Hermes.
The International Catacomb Society: Photo by Estelle Brettman.

568

INTEGRATING MATERIAL AND VISUAL EVIDENCE INTO EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

Fig. 5.
Lunette painting from the Hypogeum of Vibia, Rome.
The International Catacomb Society: Photo by Estelle Brettman.

569

ANNE KARAHAN
Stockholm and Istanbul

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE

META-IMAGES MOLDING BELIEF
IN THE DIVINE FROM WRITTEN
TO PAINTED THEOLOGY

Based on how the Cappadocian fathers discuss Christology

and Trinitarian theology, and John Damascene argues in favor
ofholy images, this article explores patristicism and the significance ofByzantine meta-images to verify didactically not only
Gods humanity, but also Gods divinity.It will focus on how
the specifics ofByzantine aesthetics face up to Orthodox axioms
and how meta-images, paradoxical non-images, or non-categorizations ofthe divine, are prerequisite to epitomize Orthodox
faith.

God and the Causality ofHuman and Divine

The youngest ofthe three Cappadocian fathers, Gregory ofNyssa,
emphasizes how the power () ofthe Theotokos virginity
is like abond () that assures affinity () between
humankind and God.1 Her virginity brings forever together
God and humankind.Christ was indeed truly human, Gregory
underlines, even if not so in every respect but asaman
because ofthe mystery ofthe virginity.2 He stresses that Jesus
Christ was not subject to the laws ofhuman nature in everything.
The human side ofChrist is named by the particular name Jesus
1
De virg.2, 3, 1-10(SC, 119, p.268-271).Theotokos, God-bearing,
who is mother ofGod, title ofVirgin Mary.
2 Apoll.21 (GNO, III-1, 160, 3).Cfr. A.Karahan, The Impact ofCappadocian Theology on Byzantine Aesthetics.Gregory Nazianzen on the Unity and
Singularity of Christ, in The Ecumenical Legacy of the Cappadociansed.N.Dumitrascu, London, forthcoming.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107535

571

A. KARAHAN

received through the revelation () made by Gabriel

to the Virgin, while his divine nature is not expressed by aname,
but the two became one through their co-mingling ().3
In Jesus Christ the two natures ofdivine and human exist in
one reality. John Damascene, active during the first phase ofthe
Byzantine Iconoclast controversy,4 underlines,
The Word became flesh immutably, remaining what it was,
so also the flesh became the Word without losing what it
was, being rather made equal to the Word hypostatically.
Therefore Iam emboldened to depict the invisible God,
not as invisible, but as he became visible for our sake, by
participation in flesh and blood.Ido not depict the invisible
divinity, but Idepict God made visible in the flesh.5

God is both within and beyond visibility and comprehensibility.

Of crucial interest for Byzantine aesthetics and its dogmatic
agenda, but also the theological impact oflight, brilliance, tripartite windows, and the cross-halo, is amode ofthought found
with the eldest ofthe Cappadocian fathers, Basil ofCaesarea.
When discussing Trinitarian theology, he uses the
concept, of the same substance. Basil introduces the distinction
ofone substance () in three Persona (). He argues
that is the only acceptable formula.6
To him, denotes the existence, or essence, or substantial
entity ofGod, while signifies the existence in apar-

Apoll.21 (GNO, III-1, 161, 13).

See also, A.Karahan, Byzantine Iconoclasm: Ideology and Quest for
Power, in Iconoclasm from Antiquity to Modernityed.K.Kolrud, M.Prusac,
Surrey, England, 2014, p.75-94.
5 Imag. 3, 6 ed.B.Kotter, p.77-78:
, , ,
, ,
.
, .
, [Eng.translation
A.Louth, Three Treatises on the Divine Images, Crestwood, NewYork,2003,
p.86]. Cfr. also Imag.1,4.
6 The formula implies that Gods one substance is fully and equally possessed
by each Persona, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, see Bas., Hom.24, 4(PG, 31,
605B).
3
4

572

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE META-IMAGES

ticular mode, the manner ofbeing ofeach Persona.7 He explains

the term as relationalthe divine is the Fathers
, shared with the Son by begetting him and with the Spirit
through procession.8 Basil proclaims that faith confesses distinction in and community in ; relates to
the individuality ofeach, whereas relates to the principle
ofcommunity.9 Basil identifies co-inherence ofthe ,
one within the other and accentuates the properties ofthe three
, Fatherhood, Sonship, and Sanctification.10 Philip
Rousseau has sagaciously emphasized,
It was the quality ofbeing related that claimed priority,
and problems connected with the mode ofgeneration were
ofless significanceindeed, they were, in the end, beyond
understanding and should not even be discussed.11

My hypothesis is that the Orthodox Christian truisms ofGod

being triune and one, as well as neither exclusively divinely
incomprehensible, nor entirely humanly comprehensible, constitute the theoretical and methodological code ofByzantine
aesthetics.12 AByzantine holy image verifies the image ofGod
( ), but also Gods triune One-essence. Since, either
in writing or in painting, to disregard either Gods humanity
or divinity would deviate from established Orthodox faith.
It would be anathema.The Logos, the inexplicable Word
ofGod, and the Word incarnated in the second person ofthe
Trinity, identifies one God. Jesus Christ is not just ablur offlesh
who strips bare atemporal reality exposed to corruption.
In support ofmy statement, Irefer to John Damascene, who
writes, Ivenerate together with the King and God the purple robe ofhis body, not as agarment [...] but as called to be
J.Quasten, Patrology, 4vols., Westminster, MD,1994, III, p.228.
Ep.52 ed.R.J.Deferrari, p.328-337.
9
Ep.38, 5 ed.R.J.Deferrari, p.200-203.
10
L.D. Davis, The First Seven Ecumenical Councils(325-787).Their History
and Theology, Collegeville, MN,1990, p.114.
11 Eun.2,20-22(SC, 305, p.80-93).Discussed in P.Rousseau, Basil of
Caesarea, Berkeley,1994, p.107.
12Cfr. A.Karahan, The Image ofGod in Byzantine Cappadocia and
the Issue ofSupreme Transcendence, Studia Patristica, 59(2013), p.97-111.
7
8

573

A. KARAHAN

and to have become unchangeably equal to God, and the source

ofanointing.13
Orthodoxy acknowledges the potential ofevery believer to
experience theosis, that is to partake in the divine nature and unite
with God, to share in the life and the nature ofthe divine already
in this life. Belief in theosis concerns salvation14 and bodily resurrection that ideologically depends on interaction ofhuman and
divine that is Cross Death and Grace. The specifics ofByzantine
aesthetics, its meta-images, verify this axiom ofGods twofold
identification. In this sense, aByzantine holy image promotes
verifications of right belief (). What we behold is the
prerequisite oflex orandi lex est credendi, worship must use the
same terms as the profession offaith.
Christopher Beeley has well remarked that the unity of
Christ is the central tenet ofGregory Nazianzens Christology.15
God and humanity, however, remain distinct kinds ofreality
( ); the visible and the invisible are not the same
thing. Yet, when the Son took on human existence they became
one thing (), and the incarnate Son continues to be asingle
subject ofexistence (), as he was before.16 The Cappadocian
father from Nazianzos concludes his Christological statement
by saying,
What he (Christ) was he set aside; what he was not he assumed.
Not that he became two things, but he deigned to be made
one thing out oftwo ( ,
). For both are God, that which assumed
and that which was assumed, the two natures meeting in one
thing ( ). But not two sons: let us
not give afalse account ofthe blending ( ).17
Imag.1, 4 [Eng.trans.Louth, Treatises, p.22].
IIPetr.1, 4.
15 C.A. Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus on the Trinity and the Knowledge
ofGod, Oxford,2008, p.128.Cfr. Gr.Naz., Or.29,19(SC, 250, p.216-219);
Or.37, 4(SC, 318, p.276-281); Or.38, 13(SC, 358, p.132-135); Ep.101,
13, 15(SC,208, p.40-43); Ep.101, 16-32(SC,208, p.42-51). On various
readings ofGregory ofNyssas Christology, see M.Ludlow, Gregory ofNyssa,
Ancient and(Post)modern, Oxford,2007, p.98-107.
16 Gr.Naz., Ep. 101,20-21(SC,208, p.44-45) [Eng.trans.Beeley,
Gregory ofNazianzus, p.136, slightly changed].
17 Or.37, 2(SC, 318, p.274-275) [Eng.trans.Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus, p.128-129].
13
14

574

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE META-IMAGES

Beeley has shown that Gregory Nazianzens Christological

method both assumes and advances adoctrine ofthe unity and
unchanging identity ofthe Son ofGod in his eternal and his
incarnate states.18 All ofChrists qualities, whether godly or
human, belong to the same subject.Christ is, in his most fundamental identity, the eternal Son ofGod made flesh.
In context ofByzantine aesthetics, Isuggest, it is equally cardinal
to authenticate God as twofold.Isupport my hypothesis on
Gregory Nazianzen, who with reference to the duality ofChrists
divine and human titles acknowledges them as yoked together
on account ofthe mixture ( ), and he underlines,
The natures are distinguished and the names are separated
in thoughts [...] Even though the combination of(God and
human existence) is asingle entity, he is such not in his
(divine) nature, but in the union ofthe two.19

Apophatic statements are also present in the Gospel ofJohn,

No one has ever seen God;20 or in the First Letter ofPaul to
Timothy, He (God) [...] dwells in unapproachable light, whom
no one has ever seen or can see.21 In the patristic tradition
as well, there is aplethora ofapophatic proclamations. Gregory
ofNyssa, well known for his apophatic theology, underlines that
true knowledge and vision ofGod consist in seeing that God
is invisible. In his treatise De vita Moisis, but also in his Sermons
on the Beatitudes, Gregory emphasizes that what we seek lies
Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus, p.128-136.Gr.Naz., in Or.29,19-20
(SC, 250, p.218-223), writes on Christology, He was begotten(), but
he was also born() ofawoman [...] He was wrapped in swaddling
bands, but he took off the swaddling bands ofthe grave by rising again [...]
He is baptized as ahuman being, but he remitted sins as God [...] He asks
where Lazarus was laid, for he was ahuman being; but he raises Lazarus, for
he was God [...] As asheep he is led to the slaughter, but he is the shepherd
ofIsrael [...] He lays down his life, but he has the power to take it up again [...]
He dies, but he gives life, and by death destroys death.He is buried, but he rises
again [Eng.trans.Id., p.136].
19 Or. 30, 8.1-13(SC, 250, p.240-243),
, [...] , ,
[Eng.trans.Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus, p.140].
20Ioh.1, 18.
21 ITim.6, 16.
18

575

A. KARAHAN

beyond all knowledge; the darkness ofincomprehensibility separates us from it. Lars Thunberg has pointed to how Gregory
in Devita Moisis contemplates about God in terms ofan obscure
light, or rather aluminous darkness.22 Whereas Gsta Hallonsten
has emphasized how Gregory through Moses encounters with
God teaches how religious knowledge does not turn into light
until experienced.23 To encounter God is to experience the light,
since there is no darkness () in God.24 Yet, God is not light,
since God transcends light.25 Turning to the Sermons on the
Beatitudes, Johannes Quasten concludes that to Gregory God
is purity, freedom from passion, and separation from all evil.
To make the divine beauty shine forth again, we must cleanse by
agood life the filth that has been stuck on our hearts like plaster.
Apurified in contrast to anon-purified person can perceive what
is invisible, as the darkness caused by material entanglements
has been removed from the eyes ofthe soul. The blessed vision,
Gregory stresses, is now radiant in the pure heaven ofthe persons heart.26 The purified person experiences an inner radiant
vision separated from material entanglements.
Byzantine Orthodoxy venerates God as both human and
divine, that is comprehensible as well as incomprehensible,
circumscribed as well as uncircumscribed, visible aswellas
invisible; all ofwhich identification are ofequal importance.
Yet, all church fathers emphasize with one voice the unfeasibility
ofmanifesting the divine that is what God is. John Damascene
recognizes the apophatic mystery, but also what can be said
affirmatively ofGod,
God, then, is infinite and incomprehensible, and all that
is comprehensible about him is his infinity and incomprehensibility. All that we can say cataphatically concerning
God does not show forth his nature but only the things that
relate to his nature.27
22
L.Thunberg, Man and the Cosmos.The Vision ofSt Maximus the Confessor,
Crestwood, NewYork,1985, p.34.
23 G.Hallonsten, stkyrkan frr och nu.Studier i den ortodoxa traditionen, Religio, 34(1991), p.83-108.
24 IIoh.1,5.
25 Jo.D., F.o.1,4.
26
J.Quasten, Patrology, III, p.294-295.
27 F.o. 1,4, 32-34 ed.B.Kotter, p.13:

576

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE META-IMAGES

In contrast to apophatic theology, knowledge ofGod by way

ofnegation (, negative), cataphatic theology concerns affirmations and positive statements about God and the
incarnation. The Damascene stresses Gods incomprehensibility,
but also, as Andrew Louth has called attention to, the paradox
that we know Gods incomprehensibility, because God has made
himself known through his own trinitarian being, through the
Son and the Spirit. This knowledge has been passed down to us,
first through the creation, the law, and the prophets, and then
through the only-begotten Son.This tradition (what has been
passed down), rooted in the Godhead itself (it is the only-begotten Son, who has made it known), has been passed down to us
by the Fathers, who have laid down eternal boundaries that we
should neither alter nor attempt to cross (cfr. Prou.22,28).28
When exploring Byzantine aesthetics, it is prerequisite to
heed the unconditional importance oftradition and synodical
Orthodoxy in Byzantine religious life.Scientifically valid conclusions must consider and respect patristicism, since Byzantine
faith and practice tally with the Fathers eternal boundaries
ofright belief (). In his polemics in favor ofholy images
the Damascene states,
It is impossible to make an image ofGod who is incorporeal,
invisible, immaterial and with neither shape nor circumscription nor apprehension; how can what cannot be seen
be depicted.29

As quoted above from the Damascene, all that is comprehensible about God is Gods infinity and incomprehensibility.
Yet, this does not insinuate that Gods impenetrability is anonissue, since human salvation depends on faith in Gods mystery
as well as revelations.

, , .
, .
28
A.Louth, StJohn Damascene.Tradition and Originality in Byzantine Theology,
Oxford,2002, p.90-91.
29 Imag.2,7 ed.B.Kotter, p.74:
: [Eng.trans.Louth, Treatises,
p.63-64].

577

A. KARAHAN

The Byzantine Meta-Image

To create aliving reenactment ofthe holy drama ofthe incarnation, Byzantine aesthetics exploits apophatic didactics. Atransfigured reality underpinned by theological significance permeates
the epic narrative to give insight into and aforetaste ofGods
incomprehensibility and infinity.Artistic devices such as actual
or symbolic brilliance ofgold, silver, gems, and pearls, radiance
ofmulticolor technique, light mandorlas, or sparkling light permeating tripartite windows are subtle ways ofmaking God accessible to human contemplation (see Fig.1). Other devicesare:
theinverted perspective that introduces akind oftransfigured
non-temporal reality, and the corporeality extracted from temporal corruptibility, flattened, yet, perfectly poised. Imploded
gravitation, dematerialized hovering bodies, but also compressed
props ofarchitecture and distorted nature, as well as circular
forms, including halos, mold adivine ambience ofacosmos outside the temporal system. In addition, there is aplethora ofborders, ornate with patterns ofgems, geometry, foliage, or less
complex with strokes ofwhite, red, or blue colors. The Byzantine border does not frame but interacts with the epic narrative.
Intheory, it is beyond circumscription, since its patterns have
no beginning or end (see Fig.2).
The notion Iuse for such artistic devices is meta-image.30
The meta-image takes control over temporal characteristics, to
mold atransfigured, divine reality that faces up to Orthodox
faith.In asimilar manner to patristicism, the holy drama imbibed
with spiritual intensity guides the believer to eternal life.
The meta-image is akind ofapophatic non-image, or nonmotif, or emblematic non-identification, or non-categorization
offaith in Gods divinity.The meta-image relates to apophatic
theology. It verifies the partaking ofincomprehensible divinity
in the epic narrative ofthe holy drama. Byzantine aesthetics
assembles meta-images and narration into amono-emergence,
to recognize faith in God as both divine and human. In adidactic
30 See also, A.Karahan, Byzantine Holy ImagesTranscendence and Immanence. The Theological Background ofthe Iconography and Aesthetics ofthe Chora
Church, Leuven,2010, p.4, 24, 31-34, 36-37, 39-42, 45-48, and General Index
meta-image.

578

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE META-IMAGES

sense, the meta-image embraces faith in that Gods is is incomprehensible. It mediates apophatic knowledge about the impalpable divine. The meta-image is akind ofmetaphorical aphorism,
akind ofminimalistic pictorial or symbolic articulation to recognize that Gods divinity is as real and present as Gods humanity.
Triune divine and the economy ofsalvation is amono-reality.
The meta-image celebrates Byzantine faith in aunique God
ofdivine uncircumscribable incomprehensibility and human circumscribable comprehensibility. In many Byzantine churches,
we can experience this reciprocal mono-reality, didactically, when
figurative motifs are filled with the meta-image ofunified dazzling brilliance from light entering through atripartite window.31
To contextualize my interpretation, Irefer to the Scriptures,
we ought not to think that the deity is like gold, or silver, or
stone, an image formed by the art and imagination ofmortals.32
Inline with this, light phenomena or brilliance ofprecious metals, gems, and pearls are apophaticisms. The meta-image is not
identical, but analogous in an apophatic sense. Negative theology
is molded into abstract significations ofdivine presence. Neither
light nor brilliance, or borders, or geometric abstractions, or tripartite windows categorize the divine. The meta-image is an
apophatic attribute ofthe divine. It acts in communion with the
narratives ofthe holy drama, props, and holy persons, that is,
in communion with the affirmative () theology, the
positive statements about God, thus revealing in aparadoxical
sense the core idea ofChristian Orthodoxy.In this sense, the
meta-image affects the ways we perceive ofGod and the holy
drama.
Compare how John Damascene emphasizes that God does
not show forth his nature but the things that relate to his nature
( ).33 Molded to painted theology, Isuggest
that in an orthodox sense, Byzantine meta-images embrace the
potential to stimulate experience oftheosis, that is, deification,
aspiritual and mystical connection with virtue, particularly

Cfr. the light ofthe Trinity, Gr.Naz., Or.31,26(SC, 250, p.326).

Act.17,29.
33 F.o.1,4, 33-36 ed.B.Kotter, p.13.On the creation ofastatue versus
God in creation, see Bas., Hex.3, 10, 32D-E(SC, 26bis, p.242-243).
31
32

579

A. KARAHAN

charity, if we listen to Gregory Nazianzen.34 In Byzantine faith,

theosis constitutes the goal oflife.35 It is the work ofGods grace
() and power ().36 To reach theosis demands faith
in not only the image ofGod ( ), but also Gods
transcendent is.37
In the parekklesion ofthe Chora Church, ornate borders of
paradisiacal flora divide the dome into twelve triangular spaces,
each devoted to an attendant angel (see Fig.3). The domes
apex is devoted to the Virgin, the saint most high and her Child
encircled by adiamond-shape patterned multicolored medallion
signifying the rainbow.Athin luminous white border signifying light encircles the medallion on each side. In the Byzantine Souda lexicon rainbow () relates to light, but also fire.
The twelve paradisiacal borders unite in the medallion oflight,
in order to signify further divine light and eternal fire (of faith).
In addition, blazes oflight filter through the domes twelve
windows, creating and amplifying afurther vibrating effect
ofpulsating radiance. The religious message is clear. In aByzantine sense, the dome symbolizes Heaven on Earth. Through
the Theotokos and Jesus Christ, Earth meets Heaven, to offer
grace and eternal life to those who believe in Gods incarnation.
What better prospect could the patron () Theodoros
Metochites hope for, when building his burial chapel at the
Chora Church.
Dogmatically, the economy ofsalvation implies divine and
human interaction.In either written or painted theology, to
disregard Gods duality would invalidate Gods grace in human
salvation. Hence, when meta-images ofdivine presence interact
with the holy drama, Byzantine aesthetics concurs with faith.
The specifics ofByzantine aesthetics uncover holy persons
as models for mimesis ofthe sacred state that leads to salvation,
but also the holy drama as adidactic tool for faith in Gods
interacting humanity and divinity.

Cfr. Gr.Naz., Carm.1, 2, 34, 161(PG, 37, 957A).

Cfr. Max., Cap.1,42(PG, 90, 1193D).
36Cfr. Max., Qu.Thal.22(CCSG, 7, p.141 lines 88-98); Max.Opusc.
(PG, 91, 33C).
37Cfr. Gr.Naz., Or.21, 2C(SC, 270, p.112-115).
34
35

580

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE META-IMAGES

The Cross-halo
All Byzantine motifs ofJesus Christ, as achild, the Pantokrator, or in his ministry role, represent him with aradiant halo
around his head and athree-armed cross protruding out of or
behind his head38 (see Fig.4). Generally, the cross is shimmering, delineated in gold, silver, gems, pearls, and/or shining bright colors.In an apophatic sense, the unifying iridescent effect ofthe cross-halo signifies Gods divine nature
() and substance (). The three crossarms constitute
an emblematic non-identification, ameta-image offaith in the
three divine Persona () ofFather, Son, and Holy Spirit,
while the encircling halo signifies God as eternal and uncircumscribed. Triune and circular brilliance uncover asparkling
unified light phenomenon in space. In an apophatic sense,
it authenticates faith in the Trinity, only known in creation
through its divine operations, and God as the eternal light, but
also God as atriune incomprehensible mono-reality, yet, comprehensible in the anthropomorphic image ofGod. The indwelling presence ofGod in the world is both human and divine.
Protruding as avertical fourth crossarm, the anthropomorphic
image subtly validates the wooden cross. Acausal correlation
between Jesus Christ and the meta-image ofthe luminous crosshalo verifies the cross death at Golgotha and Jesus Christ as the
savior. Triune and circular luminosity, cross-form, and the image
ofGod construct adidactic fabric offaith in human salvation
resting on incarnation and passion, but also divine knowledge
and grace.
The circle, Basil ofCaesarea emphasizes, starts from itself and
ends in itself.39 In asense, the circle is kindred with eternity and
uncircumscription.Since, in theory, circles, but also luminosity
and borders lack beginning or end, such meta-images match
38 On halo and cross-halo, see A.Karahan, Byzantine Holy Images, p.123,
127-128, 179, 215, 232, 246, General Index, halo.On the Trinity in writing and image: see A.Karahan, The Issue of in Byzantine Holy
Images, Studia Patristica, 44-49(2010), p.29-30.
39 Hex. 2,8, 49C(SC, 26bis, p.180-183):
, , . ,
, .

581

A. KARAHAN

introspective contemplation offaith in the continuum ofdivine

nature.
The three crossarms glowing luster is no proper image ofGods
divinity, but an apophatic insight, ameta-image offaith in Gods
incomposite () divine nature, the trinitarian Christian
God ofone substance and three Persona ( ).
In support ofmy conclusion, Irefer to Gregory Nazianzen,
who uses apoetic metaphor ofthe sun, its rays and light to highlight that the main issue is the junction ofunity with the multiplicity ofthree.40 Gregory infers also that No human being has
yet discovered or ever shall discover what God is in his nature
and essence, because in this world we can attain only relative
understanding ofthe final knowledge ofGod. What humans
can reach understanding ofis only abrief emanation, or asmall
radiation ofthe great light that is God.41 In asimilar manner,
contemplation ofameta-image oftriune quivering brilliance
can create avibration, or palpitation in the believer, abodily
palpitation () as means ofdivination.42 The motif of
Christ with across-halo draws attention to faith in co-inherence
() in an Christological as well as atrinitarian sense.43
To shed light on my hypothesis, Irefer to John Damascene,
The Son is the Fathers image, natural, undeviating, in every
respect like the Father, save for being unbegotten and
possessing fatherhood; for the Father is the unbegotten
begetter, and the Son is begotten, not the Father. And the
Holy Spirit is the image ofthe Son; for no one can say that
Jesus is Lord, save in the Holy Spirit. It is therefore because
ofthe Holy Spirit that we know Christ, the Son ofGod, and
God, and in the Son we behold the Father; for by nature
the word (logos) is amessenger ofmind (or meaning), and
Or.31,32(SC, 250, p.338-341).
Or. 28, 17, 1-11(SC, 250, p.134-137): ,
, , [...]
, , .
,
.
42On , cfr. Eus., D.e.5 proem.(PG, 22, 336D).
43On Byzantine aesthetics and the notions and ,
see A.Karahan, The Issue of, p.27-34.
40
41

582

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE META-IMAGES

the spirit discloses the word. The Spirit is therefore alike

and undeviating image ofthe Son, being different only in
proceeding; for the Son is begotten, but does not proceed.44

In Byzantine churches, the meta-image brings divine context

to the religious stage set intended for human salvation. Human
and divine, death and eternal life, salvation and resurrection
acquire reciprocal significance.Gregory ofNyssa points out
that the triumph ofthe cross has two names,45 whereas his
elder brother Basil ofCaesarea emphasizes, Baptism is an image
ofthe cross, ofdeath, burial, and resurrection from the dead.46
Moreover the third Cappadocian father Gregory Nazianzen
underlines,
He (the Son, who is the Logos) lays down his life, but
he has the power to take it up again [...] He dies, but
he gives life, and by death destroys death.He is buried,
but he rises again.47

Two eleventh-century motifs ofthe Baptism, one in mural technique in arock-cut chapel in Cappadocia, the other in mosaic
in the Katholikon, Hosios Loukas, verify the complex import
ofthe cross.On the left hand side ofChrist, adorned with
aradiant cross-halo, standing in the river Jordan, appears the
life-giving cross on adiminutive column (see Fig.5). The
two crosses are active reminders offaith in baptism abrogating death, but also in grace and passion as prerequisite
for salvation. The principle oflife and death uncovers in the
name ofthe cross, thus, foreboding the sacred state ofevery
believer.
Christs death on the cross constitutes the judgment ofjudgment; the fallen cosmos reconciles with Gods cosmos, in
Greek denoting both order and universe.Divine grace as well as

Imag.3, 18 ed.B.Kotter, p.126-127 [Eng.trans.Louth, Treatises,

p.96-97].
45Cfr. Gr.Nyss., Apoll.21(GNO, III-1, 161,13).
46 Bapt.1 ed.R.J.Deferrari, p.369 [Eng.trans.M.M.Wagner].
47 Or. 29,20, 32-37(SC, 250, p.222-223): ,
[...] , ,
.
44

583

A. KARAHAN

actions is triune divine, yet, without human incarnation and

passion there would be no restoration. Discussing Trinitarian
theology, Basil ofCaesarea emphasizes one mutual triune hierarchy; yet, the union ofFather, Son, and Holy Spirit is without
confusion.48 In an apophatic sense, this is what the meta-image
ofthe iridescent cross-halo signifies. An even more refined and,
at the same time, profound meta-image offaith in the triune
Christian God ofone-substance is the motif ofthe crux gemmata. With four radiant crossarms, it verifies that God the Father,
God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit is one God (see Fig.6).
The crux gemmata verifies, apophatically, faith in active reciprocity between the Word incarnated in the second person
ofthe Trinity and the Trinity. It emphasizes enigmatically that
Jesus Christs passion and cross death grant eternal life, since
the Godhead and Jesus Christ is one undivided God ofdivine
light independent oftime ().49

The Red Line Encircling Halos

In Byzantine holy images, the prime attribute ofholiness is
ahalo, generally encircled by athin red line. Isuggest that this
red colored circle constitutes ameta-image offaith in the Word
incarnated in the second person ofthe Trinity. The red colored
circle verifies redemption, eternal life, and renewed access
to Heaven through faith in Jesus Christs body and blood, but
also the Virgins body and blood, the Theotokos as mediatrix
through her human participation in the economy ofsalvation.
The red colored circle also verifies commitment to imitate Jesus
Christ. Filled with divine knowledge, the Holy Spirits tongue
offire rests on every holy person.50 Aradiant white colored
circle, generally appearing outside the red circle verifies this
further. Compare the celebration ofthe Eucharist in the Divine
Liturgy, where through the power ofthe Holy Spirit bread
and wine becomes Christs body and blood.
Spir.5, 7-10.Cfr.ICor.8, 6.
Cfr. Gr.Naz., Or.31,14(SC, 250, p.304), Gr.Nyss., tres dii(PG, 45,
129A), and Ioh.8,12.
50 Cfr. Act.2,3-4.
48
49

584

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE META-IMAGES

In his second homily on the Dormition ofthe Theotokos,

John Damascene refers to the Virgin as the true body and blood,
the true clothing ofJesus Christ.51 Theotokos substantiates complete purity ().52 The Orthodox Akathistos Hymn
hails her as living temple, gate ofsalvation, key to the gates
ofParadisethrough her Paradise is opened.53 Dressed in virginal human blood, God becomes fathomable in Jesus Christ.
In aByzantine religious sense, blood () generally relates
to the biblical life ofthe living body.54 Basil ofCaesarea writes,
thelife ofevery creature is its blood.55 While Gregory Nazianzen, to justify faith in sanctification, redemption, and renewed
access to Heaven, underlines, a few drops ofblood make
the universe whole again. Thus, Vladimir Lossky exclaims,
the cross death is swallowed up by life as in Christ death enters
into divinity and thus exhausts itself.56 To conclude the line
ofideas, Irefer to Athanasius ofAlexandria, who asserts,
For He (God) was made man that we might be made God.57
In the context ofsaints, the glimmering halo with two circles
colored in red and white authenticates faith in Gods incarnation, experience oftheosis, and participation in the everlasting
life () ofthe Trinity. The red colored circle signifies primarily
the shedding ofblood that grants every believer eternal life,
whereas the white colored circle is an apophatic attribute of
divine uncircumscription and unfathomableness. Thus, the motif
denotes the prerequisite offaith in both human and divine,
but also saints, who have gained eternal life through imitation
ofJesus Christ, formed from the spotless blood ofthe Virgin
Theotokos.
On blood, see A.Karahan, Byzantine Holy Images, General Index, blood.
Thdr.Stud., Nativ.BMV(PG, 96, 693B).
53 Akathist Hymn 23, 2;19, 7; 7, 9; 15, 15.Cfr. Id., 3, 11, Hail, bridge
leading those from earth to heaven [Eng.trans.L.M. Peltomaa, The Image
ofthe Virgin Mary in the Akathistos hymn, Leiden,2001, p.19, 17,9,13,5].
54 Leu.17, 11.
55
Bas., Hex.8, 2(SC, 26bis, 168A): .
56 V.Lossky, Orthodox Theology.An Introduction, Crestwood, NewYork,
1989, p.114, 116.
57 Inc. 54, 1, 13-17(SC,199, p.458-459): ,
,
,
.
51
52

585

A. KARAHAN

Final remarks
To face up to patristicism is to acknowledge that divine incomprehensibility is as real and present as human comprehensibility;
Byzantine aesthetics refrains from conventional temporal representation. Apophatic meta-images form adivine stage set, akind
ofreality outside time beyond decay. Rich in divine momentum, meta-images verify didactically that God is beyond categorization. The relish is not for realism or perfected corporeality,
as corruption signifies the created exposed to intervals oftime.58 In
Byzantium, perfected temporal beauty has no rationale, because
to imitate corruption equals death, not life.59
The motif ofJesus Christ with the radiant three-armed cross-halo
constructs asacred fabric that verifies the economy ofsalvation as
well as Trinitarian theology.It supports the Nicene creed, We
believe in one God [...] Seen and unseen [...] God from God,
light from light,true God from true God,one Being with
the Father, incarnate ofthe Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary [...].
The halos circular form and its encircling red line emphasize
further Jesus Christs double capacity ofperfect human being
and perfect God.Compare Gregory Nazianzen, who underlines how Gods incarnation restores all destroyed by the fall,
the drops ofblood shed by the Lord remodels the whole world
( )60Christ is the new Adam.61 The Son,
Gregory affirms, mediates between humankind and God thanks
to his double nature, and not, as Anne Richard has underlined,
thanks to atertium quid intermediary that is neither God nor
human.62 Compare also John Damascene, who drawing on Dionysios the Areopagite, points to the use in Scripture of,

58 On intervals oftime( ), see Bas., Spir.59(SC, 17,

p.223). On the Trinity outside time, see Gr.Naz., Or.29, 2-3(SC, 250,
p.178-181).
59
Cfr. A.Karahan, Beauty in the Eyes ofGod.Byzantine Aesthetics
and Basil ofCaesarea, Byzantion.Revue Internationale des tudes Byzantines,
82(2012), p.165-212.
60 Gr.Naz., Or.45, 29(PG, 36, 664A).
61Cfr. Gr.Naz., Or.30, 1(SC, 250, p.226).
62 A.Richard, Cosmologie et thologie chez Grgoire de Nazianze, Paris,2003,
p.466.

586

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE META-IMAGES

Shapes and forms and figures to convey afaint conception

ofGod and the angels by depicting in bodily form what is
invisible and bodiless, because we cannot behold the bodiless
without using shapes that bear some analogy to us.63

The Word provides us with analogies, the Damascene stresses, to

help us ascend to that which is formless and incomprehensible, yet,
If the divine Scripture bestows on God figures that seem to be
bodily, as shapes are seen, yet they are in away incorporeal;
for they were seen, not with bodily, but with intellectual
eyes [...] It is from words that we understand shapes.64

In asimilar sense, meta-images such as circular or tripartite

forms, but also light phenomena are in away intangible, because
their significance is unfathomable if detached from Byzantine
faith. Meta-images mold written theology into painted theology.
Neither meta-images nor words can exhaust what God is, since
Gods divinity is beyond comprehension and uncircumscribed,
whereas human comprehension is on par with circumscription.
Yet, if contemplated with intellectual eyes, in order to exempt
from complete ignorance, meta-images can guide to approximate and partial knowledge ofGod.In support ofmy interpretation, Iconclude with aquote from John Damascene,
The nature ofneither God nor angel nor soul nor demon
can be seen, but by acertain transformation these beings
are beheld, since the divine providence bestows figures and
shapes upon beings that are incorporeal and without figure or
any bodily shape so that we might be guided to an approximate and partial knowledge ofthem, lest we remain in complete ignorance ofGod and the incorporeal creatures.65
63
Imag. 3, 21 ed.B.Kotter, p.128:


[Eng.trans.Louth, Treatises, p.98]. Cfr.Dion.Ar.,
C.h.1, 1, 3 ed.G.Heil, p.8.
64 Imag.3, 24, 15-24 [Eng.trans.Louth, Treatises, p.100].
65 Imag.3, 25, 1-9 ed.B.Kotter, p.131:
,


, |
[Eng.trans.Louth, Treatises, p.101].

587

A. KARAHAN

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Joannes Damascenus, De fide orthodoxa libri quattuor ed.B.Kotter,
Berlin,NewYork,1973.
Maximus Confessor, Capitum quinque centuriaeed.J.P.Migne
(PG,90), Paris, 1860.
Maximus Confessor, Opuscula theologica et polemicaed.J.P.Migne
(PG,91), Paris, 1865.
Maximus Confessor, Quaestiones ad Thalassium, 22 in Questiones,
I-LV (CCSG, 7) ed.C.Laga, C.Steel, Turnhout,1980, p.139145.
Theodorus Studita, Homilia in nativitatem BMV ed.J.P.Migne
(PG, 96), Paris,1961.

2.Secondary Literature
C.A. Beeley, Gregory ofNazianzus on the Trinity and the Knowledge
ofGod, Oxford,2008.
L.D. Davis, The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325-787).Their
History and Theology, Collegeville, Minnesota,1990.
G.Hallonsten, stkyrkan frr och nu.Studier i den ortodoxa
traditionen, Religio, 34(1991), p.83-108.
A.Karahan, The impact of Cappadocian Theology on Byzantine
Aesthetics. Gregory Nazianzen on the Unity and Singularity
ofChrist, in The Ecumenical Legacy of the Cappadocians
ed.N.Dumitrascu, London (forthcoming).
A.Karahan, Byzantine Iconoclasm: Ideology and Quest for Power,
in Iconoclasm from Antiquity to Modernityed.K.Kolrud, M.Prusac,
Surrey, England, 2014, p.75-94.
A.Karahan, The Image ofGod in Byzantine Cappadocia and the
Issue ofSupreme Transcendence, Studia Patristica, 59(2013),
p.97-111.

589

A. KARAHAN

A.Karahan, Beauty in the Eyes ofGod.Byzantine Aesthetics

and Basil ofCaesarea, Byzantion.Revue Internationale des tudes
Byzantines, 82(2012), p.165-212.
A.Karahan, Byzantine Holy ImagesTranscendence and Immanence.
The Theological Background ofthe Iconography and Aesthetics ofthe
Chora Church, Leuven,Paris,Walpole, MA,2010.
A.Karahan, The Issue of in Byzantine Holy Images,
Studia Patristica, 44-49(2010), p.27-34.
V.Lossky, Orthodox Theology.An Introduction, Crestwood, NewYork,
1989.
A.Louth, St John Damascene.Tradition and Originality in Byzantine
Theology, Oxford,2002.
M.Ludlow, Gregory ofNyssa, Ancient and (Post)modern, Oxford,2007.
L.M.Peltomaa, The Image ofthe Virgin Mary in the Akathistos Hymn,
Leiden,2001.
J.Quasten, Patrology, 4vols., Westminster, MD, 1994, III.
A.Richard, Cosmologie et thologie chez Grgoire de Nazianze, Paris,
2003.
P.Rousseau, Basil ofCaesarea, Berkeley,Los Angeles,Oxford, 1994.
L.Thunberg, Man and the Cosmos.The Vision ofSt Maximus the
Confessor, Crestwood, NewYork, 1985.

Abstract
Based on how the Cappadocian fathers discuss Christology and
Trinitarian theology, and John Damascene argues in favor of holy
images, this article explores patristicism and the significance of
Byzantine meta-images to verify didactically not only Gods humanity,
but also Gods divinity. The author suggests that the theoretical and
methodological code ofByzantine aesthetics is Orthodox Christian
faith in God as triune and one, as well as neither exclusively divinely
incomprehensible, nor entirely humanly comprehensible. AByzantine holy image verifies the image ofGod ( ), but also
Gods triune One-essence. Since, either in writing or in painting,
to disregard either Gods humanity or divinity would deviate from
established Orthodox faith. The specifics ofByzantine aesthetics,
its meta-images, convey faith in God as both human and divine.
In this way, aByzantine holy image promotes verifications ofright
belief (). What we behold is the prerequisite oflex orandi
lex est credendi, worship must use the same terms as the profession
offaith.

590

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE META-IMAGES

Fig. 1.
The Church ofTheotokos Pammakaristos, early fourteenth century, Istanbul.
Photo: A.Karahan

Fig. 2.
The Crucifixion.Mural painting, eleventh century.
Karanlk kilise, Greme, Cappadocia. Photo: A.Karahan

591

A. KARAHAN

Fig. 3.
Dome ofthe parekklesion, the Chora Church, Istanbul. Mural painting, 1315-1321.
Photo: Wikimedia Commons, GNU Free Documention Licence

Fig. 4.
Jesus Christ Pantokrator.Mural painting, eleventh century.
Karanlk kilise, Greme, Cappadocia.
Photo: A.Karahan

592

PATRISTICISM AND BYZANTINE META-IMAGES

Fig. 5.
The Baptism.Mural painting, eleventh century.
Elmal kilise, Greme, Cappadocia.
Photo: A.Karahan

Fig. 6.
Crux Gemmata.Mural painting, mid tenth century,
Tokal kilise, Greme, Cappadocia.
Photo: A.Karahan

593

PATRISTICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY

BERNARD J.MULHOLLAND
Queens University, Belfast

IDENTIFICATION
OFEARLY BYZANTINE
CONSTANTINOPOLITAN,
SYRIAN AND ROMAN CHURCH
PLANS IN THE LEVANT
AND SOME POSSIBLE CONSEQUENCES
1.Introduction
Twenty years ago Yoram Tsafrir observed that:
The development ofthe Christian liturgy also significantly
influenced the function and design ofparts ofthe church,
although we are as yet unable to distinguish between buildings belonging to different traditions and sects, for example
between the Arian, Nestorian, or Monophysite churches
on one hand, and those ofthe Orthodox on the other.1

There are anumber offactors that mark these observations out as

pivotal to current archaeological research.Firstly, although written twenty years ago, they define limitations that still persist today.
Secondly, they suggest that the liturgy ofdifferent traditions
and sects might somehow influence or shape the structures that
host them.2 That there might even be adiscernible relationship between buildings and the different traditions and sects
to which they belong. Implicit in this narrative is the aspiration
that archaeologists might one day be able to differentiate between
churches belonging to Arian, Nestorian, Monophysite, Orthodox, and other traditions.3
1
Y.Tsafrir, The development ofecclesiastical architecture in Palestine,
in Ancient churches revealed ed.Y.Tsafrir, Jerusalem,1993, p.6.
2 The term liturgy tends to define an act ofpublic worship. As an archaeologist, as well as ahistorian, the term rite or ritual is preferred instead because
this can also include acts ofworship that are not held in public.
3 Although Patrich observes that identifying defining criteria for each tradi-

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107536

597

B.J. MULHOLLAND

Lastly, some initial steps have already been taken towards differentiating between different types ofchurch plan by Joseph
Patrich.4 This analytical approach finds some resonance among
leading scholars such as William Adams, Stephen Hill, Miljenko
Jurkovic, and particularly Robert Ousterhout.5 In this vein
Ousterhout argues that we should be able to read abuilding,
just as we read atext, as ahistorical document, for it can tell us
much about the society that produced it.6

2.Thomas F.Mathews
These observations also resonate strongly with research conducted by Thomas Mathews.In an early paper Mathews
observed that akey characteristic oftypical three-aisled church
plans excavated in Rome is that the church sanctuary extended
across both side aisles.7 His illustration ofthis sanctuary layout
exhibits adistinctive T-shaped sanctuary configuration in which
the sanctuary also extends forward into the nave.8 Mathews associated this distinctive church plan with the early Roman liturgy

tion or sect is aparticularly challenging task. See J.Patrich, EarlyChristian

Churchesin theHoly Land, in Christians and Christianity in theHoly Land:
From the Origins to the Latin Kingdoms ed.G.G.Stroumsa, O.Limor(Cultural
Encounters in LateAntiquity and the Middle Ages, 5), Turnhout,2006, p.355.
4 For adiscussion ofType Iand IIchurch plans see J.Patrich, The Transfer
ofGifts in theEarlyChristianChurches ofPalestine: archaeological and literary
evidence for the evolution ofthe Great Entrance, in Mlanges offerts Pierre
Maraval ed.B.Caseau, J.-C.Cheynet, V.Droch(Centre de recherche dHistoire
et Civilisation de Byzance, 23), Paris,2006, p.341-393.
5 W.Y. Adams, Meinarti IV and V.The church and cemetery.The history
ofMeinarti: an interpretive overview(Sudan Archaeological Research Society, 11),
Oxford,2003, p.1.Also S.Hill, The Early Byzantine churches ofCilicia and
Isauria(Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs, 1), Aldershot,1996.
See M.Jurkovic, Foreword, in Retrieving the record: Acentury ofarchaeology
at Porec(1847-1947) ed.M.Jurkovic (Studies in Early Christian and Medieval
Art History and Archaeology, 1), Zagreb,2001, p.7-8.
6 R.Ousterhout, Contextualizing the later churches ofConstantinople:
suggested methodologies and afew examples, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 54(2000),
p.250.
7 T.F. Mathews, An early Roman chancel arrangement and its liturgical
functions, Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana, 38(1962), p.73-95.
8
Mathews, An early Roman chancel arrangement and its liturgical functions, p.94.

598

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

Ordo Romanus I, which is thought to be associated with pope

Sergius (ce 687-701).9 If Mathews is correct in his analysis then
it seems likely that churches which share these defining characteristics would also share the same rite.10
In his later monograph on architecture and liturgy in Constantinople, Mathews described key defining features in early church
plans in this city.11 First, akey defining characteristic ofearly
churches in this city is amajor entrance located to either side
ofthe apse, and this differentiates it from other centres ofChristianity.12 Secondly, these churches have multiple entrances.
He also observed that a-shaped chancel barrier generally
encloses the sanctuary, although the chancel runs straight across
the aisles at Saray and Beyazit, and possibly also at Hag. Sergios
and Bacchos as well.13 Of particular importance here is that
Mathews analysed this church plan in relation to the Byzantine rite, and drew an association between the two. In doing so
Mathews finds some support for this analysis from Robert Taft
in his major work on the Byzantine rite.14 If analysis by Mathews

9 Romano thinks that Ordo Romanus I was produced under pope Sergius
and later modified during the mid-eighth century.See J.F.Romano, Ritual
and society in Early Medieval Rome, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cambridge,MA, 2007, p.iii.
10 It is important to acknowledge that this analysis was confined to five early
church excavations within the city ofRome at San Clemente, San Marco, and
San Pietro in Vincoli, San Stefano in Via Latina, and also Sta.Maria Antiqua.
See Mathews, An early Roman chancel arrangement and its liturgical functions, p.73-95.
11 At twelve sites located at the old Hagia Sophia, Hag.Io
annes Studios,
Hag. Theotokos in Chalkoprateia, the Topkap Saray Basilica, Hag.Sergios and
Bacchos, Hag.Petros and Paulos, Hag.Polyeuktos, Hag.Ioannes Prodromos in
Hebdomon, Hag.Euphemia, Beyazit Basilica A, Hag.Eirene, and Hag. Sophia.
See T.F. Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy,
University Park, London,1971.
12 Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy, p.105.
13 Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy, p.98,
and 109-110.
14
Taft states that the chancel or sanctuary area was generally -shaped, and
had entrances at the front and on each side.On both sides ofthe single apse,
where one would expect side-apses serving as pastophoria, are two entrances
to the outsideand these are not just back doors or service entrances.
They are among the principal entrances ofthe church.See R.F.Taft, The Great
Entrance: ahistory ofthe transfer ofgifts and other pre-anaphoral rites ofthe liturgy
ofSt.John Chrysostom(Orientalia Christiana Analecta,200), Roma,2004, p.182.

599

B.J. MULHOLLAND

and Taft is correct, then it would seem likely that churches which
share these defining characteristics would also share the same rite.
In the same monograph Mathews observed that in northern
Syria there is achurch plan with an inscribed apse that has aroom
located to either side ofit.15 In this church plan a-shaped chancel barrier also encloses the sanctuary or, in some cases, there
are transverse barriers across the nave where the altar is located
in the apse.16
This analysis found favour with both Richard Krautheimer
and Taft.17 Mathews also thought this church plan could be
reconciled with the Syrian rite.18 If analysis by Mathews, Krautheimer and Taft is correct then it seems likely that churches
which share these defining characteristics would also share the
same rite.
From this brief introduction it is already apparent that there
has been some previous research that analysed three different
distinctive church plans found in Rome, Constantinople and
north Syria in relation to Ordo RomanusI, the Byzantine and
15 Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy,
p.120, 155-176, and also Figure 51.Note that Figure 51 is areproduction
ofan earlier illustration by Lassus. See J.Lassus, Sanctuaires Chrtiens de Syrie.
Essai sur la gense, la forme et lusage liturgique des difices du culte chrtien, en Syrie,
du iiiesicle la conqute musulmane(Institut Franais DArchologie De Beyrouth,
Bibliothque Archologique Et Historique, 42), Paris,1947, p.63, and Figure 32.
16In these churches the triple sanctuary is the usual pattern, whether
the side chambers and central apse are flush with aflat terminating east wall or
the three chambers are articulated on the outside ofthe church. See Mathews,
The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy, p.106, 157, and
Figure51. This distinct church plan was previously observed by the Marquis
de Vog, Crosby Butler, Jean Lassus, and also by Georges Tchalenko.
See C.-J.-Melchior de Vog, Syrie centrale.Architecture civile et religieuse du
ierau viiesicle, Paris, 1865; H.C. Butler, Architecture and other arts.Part II
ofthe publications ofan American archaeological expedition to Syria in 1899-1900
under the patronage ofV.Everit Macy, Clarence M.Hyde, B.Talbot B.Hyde, and
I.N.Phelps Stokes, NewYork, 1903; W.M.Ramsay, G.L.Bell, The thousand
and one churches, London,1909; J.Lassus, Inventaire archologique de la rgion
au nord-est de Hama(Institut Franais de Damas), Damascus,1935; J.Lassus
Sanctuaires chrtiens de Syrie: essai sur le gense, Paris,1947; G.Tchalenko, Villages
antiques de la Syrie du Nord, le massif du Blus lpoque romaine, Paris,1953-1958.
17 R.Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine architecturerevised by
R.Krautheimer, S.Curcic, NewHaven, London,1986, p.307. Also Taft,
The Great Entrance, p.182.
18 See for example Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture
and liturgy, p.157, 163, 165-167, and 169-170.

600

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

the Syrian rite respectively.Mathewss research complements

observations made by Tsafrir in regard to the possible relationship
between buildings and the different traditions and sects to which
they belong.19 Furthermore, research towards arecently completed Ph.D.thesis has uncovered evidence that each ofthese
three distinctive church plans is found in the area ofthe south
Levant, and further afield as well.20

3.Current research
The focus ofthis research was repeated patterns ofdeposition
ofdomestic artefacts in Early Byzantine churches that might
reflect repeated patterns ofbehaviour associated with institutional activity which occurs at more than one church site. To this
end acatalogue was originally compiled offorty-seven excavated
churches mainly from the area ofthe south Levant. This research
required like-for-like analysis between sites that shared the same
basic plan so that patterns in the deposition ofartefacts might be
identified and cross-referenced, and so these sites were restricted
to basilical plans.21 There are avariety ofbasilical church plans
in the south Levant.However J.W.Crowfoot had observed
there to be three commoner types(a) the inscribed apse plan,
(b)the external apse plan, (c)the triapsidal plan.22

19 Mathews notes: Assuming that the chancel fits the liturgy, the rationale
for this disposition ofchurch space is to be sought in the external shape ofthe ritual
ofthe Mass during this period.The task, then, is to reconstruct the external,
visible, spatial requirements ofthe early liturgy, that is, the rubrics ofthe Mass.
Curiously enough, while enormous amounts ofresearch have been devoted
to establishing the text ofthe early Mass, attempts to picture the external performance ofthe Mass have been only incidental and unsure. See Mathews,
An early Roman chancel arrangement and its liturgical functions, p.74-75.
20 B.J.Mulholland, Paraliturgical activities in the Early Byzantine basilical
church, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Queens University, Belfast,2011.
21This method has some similarities with the interdisciplinary approach
adopted by the founders ofthe Annales School, and reinforced through the
development ofEconomic History.As Burguire notes: To make sense,
serial sources require massive data collection.But because they exist in several
countries and in fairly standardized form, they more easily lend themselves to
acomparative approach.See A.Burguire, The Annales School: an intellectual
historytr.J.M.Todd, London,2009, p.91.
22 J.W. Crowfoot, Early churches in Palestine, London,1941, p.58.

601

B.J. MULHOLLAND

These three distinctive church plans were still readily recognizable twenty years ago, and they are still common today.23
For this reason they were selected to be used in this research,
and further restricted to single- and three-aisled churches.24
Initially church sites from the catalogue were each placed
into one ofthese three groups to facilitate like-for-like analysis
ofartefactual evidence between church sites that shared the
same ground plan, i.e.inscribed apse, external apse, or triapsidal
plan. However, aproblem was encountered. During the course
ofthis research it was observed that there are two different
sanctuary configurations (Fig.1) that needed to be taken into
consideration when placing church sites into groups, because
these could affect the dispersal patterns ofartefacts deposited
inside churches.
The evidence used by archaeologists to determine the location ofthe church sanctuary often consists ofwhole or fragmentary items ofliturgical furniture and supporting evidence from
the position ofpost holes in the pavement for altar tablelegs,
and also post holes for chancel posts that supported the chancel
screen and which demarcate the area ofthe sanctuary.

23See Tsafrir, The development ofecclesiastical architecture in Palestine,

p.11-12.
24The definition ofabasilica is problematic in that it is described by
purists as abuilding divided into anave flanked by two aisles, the former
being wider and taller than the latter, with an apse at the end ofthe nave.
J.S. Curl, Classical architecture.An introduction to its vocabulary and essentials, with
aselect glossary ofterms, London,2001, p.179.See also P.Baker, Early Christian
and Byzantine c.313-1453, in The grammar ofarchitecture ed.E.Cole, Boston,
NewYork, London,2002, p.149.However the distinguished Late Roman
archaeologist A.G.Poulter refers to the single-aisled church at Nicopolis ad
Istrum as the Small Basilica.See A.G. Poulter, Nicopolis ad Istrum: aRoman,
Late Roman, and Early Byzantine city.Excavations1985-1992(Journal ofRoman
Studies Monograph, 8), London,1995.Similarly, in the preface to his monograph
the Byzantine archaeologist Stephen Hill states that in reality this is astudy
ofbasilicas since the region is remarkable for the fact that its early churches
are all basilicas. His catalogue ofsites includes illustrations ofthe single-aisled
basilicas ofChurch K at Corycus, Church 10 C at Gazipasa, Karlik, the Cuppola
Church at Meryemlik, and also Yemiskm; these single-aisled basilical churches
comprise nearly 10 per cent ofHills illustrated plans.See Hill, The Early
Byzantine churches ofCilicia and Isauria, p.xxi, and Figure 23, 31, 40, 45,
and61.

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IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

3.1. Roman church plan

The first configuration consists ofasanctuary in three-aisled
churches that extended across both side aisles to prevent the
laity accessing the apsidal end ofthe church, and that during the
sixth century often had anave extension to form acharacteristic
T-shaped sanctuary.The extended T-shaped sanctuary in this
church plan matches that observed by Mathews in Rome and,
as it is the convention in archaeology to name anew discovery
after the location where it was first observed, so this church plan
has been labelled here as aRoman church plan.25 Characteristics
ofthis church plan can also include:
1. The sanctuary extends across both side aisles, it is delineated by
achancel barrier, and during the sixth especially it also extends
forward into the nave to form adistinctive T-shaped sanctuary.
2. Triapsidal church plan is common, although they can also be
monoapsidal.26
3. Side altars often present in both monoapsidal and triapsidal configurations.
4. Evidence for relics or reliquaries located under each altar table
in many sites.27
5. Ambo is generally located north ofthe nave entrance to sanctuary.
6. Where it exists, the baptistery is often located off the atrium or
in the north chapel.
7. Christian decorative elements on chancel screens can include
four- and six-armed wreathed cross flanked by Latin crosses.28
Note that this Roman church plan applies only to those sites that share
the specific characteristics described here, and not necessarily to other church sites
with different features, even where they are found in the city ofRome itself.
26Further research is required to determine what significance there is
between the single- and triapsidal church plans, if any.
27 It is possible that this activity is driven by the 14thcanon ofthe Council ofCarthage(ce 401) in which the placing ofrelics in caskets beneath altars
is made compulsory in the West for churches associated with the Roman See,
which is apractice that is not made compulsory for churches in the East until the
7th Ecumenical Council held at Nicaea in ce787.See V.Tzaferis, The excavations ofKursiGergesa(Atiqot,16), Jerusalem,1983, p.9-10, and note7.
28 Fitzgerald wrote: Between these stones and the apse, we found abroken slab ofmarble 1.23 metres wide(and probably at least ametre high when
complete) with across surrounded by awreath carved on one side (PlateIII,
Figure5). This suggested aclue to the meaning ofthe word
25

603

B.J. MULHOLLAND

8. Chapel attached or adjacent to the church, and often located

to the north.

Sixteen sites in the catalogue offorty-seven excavated churches

shared this plan.29
The second configuration is a-shaped sanctuary restricted by
the chancel screen to an area in front ofthe apse. This -shaped
sanctuary is overwhelmingly found in churches with two distinct
plans in the catalogue.
3.2. Constantinopolitan church plan
The first church plan with a-shaped sanctuary has aprotruding apse with amain entrance located to either side ofit, and the
restricted area ofthe sanctuary allows ingress and egress through
these entrances. This church plan shares key features observed
by Mathews to be characteristic ofchurches in Constantinople
and, again, as it is the custom in archaeology to name anew
discovery after the location where it was first observed, so they
have been labeled here as aConstantinopolitan church plan.30
Characteristics ofthis church plan can also include:
1. -shaped sanctuary delineated by achancel barrier.
2. Church plan with an external apse.
3. Akey defining feature is amajor entrance located either side
ofthe apse.
4. Multiple entrances on all sides.
(wreathed cross) which is found in both the inscriptions in the chapel floor.
The wreathed cross is on amarble chancel screen fragment.See G.M. Fitzgerald, Asixth century monastery at Beth-Shan(Scythopolis)(Publications ofthe Palestine section ofthe University Museum, University ofPennsylvania, 4), Philadelphia,
1939, p.3-4, and 14-16, and also Figure5. For the text see R.Ovadiah,
A.Ovadiah, Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine mosaic pavements in Israel
(Bibliotheca Archaeologica,6), Roma,1987, p.26-30.
29 As well as one Italian site included from the Middle Byzantine period.
30 Not all ofthe early churches in Constantinople share this plan.For example, Mathews observed that the church ofSt.Polyeuktos at Sarahane seems
to constitute the only significant exception, in that its lofty platform probably
made it less accessible from the sides and east; i.e.it was raised on aplatform
and had only one staircase leading up to it from the west. See Mathews,
The early churches ofConstantinople, p.105.

604

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

5. Ambo generally located south ofthe nave entrance to the sanctuary.

6. Chapel attached or adjacent to the church, and often located
to the north.

Four ofthe forty-seven excavated church sites share these

characteristics.
3.3. Syrian church plan
The second church plan with a-shaped sanctuary has an
inscribed apse with aroom located to either side ofit and
the restricted area ofthe sanctuary allowed the laity access to
both ofthese rooms.31 This church plan shares characteristic
features observed by Mathews and others to be common in Early
Byzantine churches found in Syria and, as previously noted,
it is the custom in archaeology to name anew discovery after
the location where it was first observed, so here they have been
labelled as aSyrian church plan.32
Characteristics ofthis church plan can also include:
-shaped sanctuary delineated by achancel barrier.
Inscribed monoapsidal church plan.
Aroom to either side ofthe apse.
Entrance usually from the west.
Ambo predominantly located south ofthe nave entrance to sanctuary.
6. Where present the baptistery is located in the room south ofthe
apse or adjacent to the south aisle.
7. Chapel usually attached to and accessed from the south aisle.

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

31 Although with the notable exception ofthe Cathedral Church at Gerasa

where the sanctuary is later extended across each side aisle.See C.H.Kraeling,
Gerasa: city ofthe Decapolis.An account embodying the record of ajoint excavation
conducted by Yale University and the British School ofArchaeology in Jerusalem(19281930), and Yale University and the American Schools ofOriental Research(19301931,1933-1934), NewHaven,1938, PlateXXXI.
32 For clarification we can use adirect comparison with contemporary pottery. African Red Slip Ware(ARSW) refers only to aspecific type ofred slip
ware. Not all red slip ware found in Africa is ARSW.Nor is ARSW only found
in Africa, but it occurs all around the Mediterranean basin.Similarly the term
Syrian church plan refers only to those churches that share the same characteristics outlined here, and not to those churches in the modern state ofSyria that
have different church plans and layouts.

605

B.J. MULHOLLAND

Fifteen three-aisled church sites share these characteristics, and

two single-aisled churches were later added to this group because
they also shared some ofthese characteristics.
It should be noted here that within the archaeological record
there is also asixth-century phenomenon wherein some sites
with aSyrian church plan, and also some with an external apse,
were converted to aRoman church plan during the early or
mid-sixth century.33 Research by Avraham Negev, Doron Chen
and also Shlomo Margalit uncovered many examples, particularly in the area ofthe Negev.34 However, there are other examples in the Byzantine territory ofPalestine, Novae (Bulgaria),
Porec (Croatia) and possibly also in Constantinople (Turkey)
and Rome (Italy) as well.35
33 These church conversions appear to take place mostly during the early
or mid-sixth century at atime when the pro-Chalcedonian emperor JustinI
(ce518-527) succeeded the pro-Monophysite emperor Anastasius I(ce491518). Justin Iand his successor JustinianI (ce527-565) are thought to have
persecuted the Monophysite Church and by ce 519 their bishops are deposed
and banished. See C.Mango, Byzantium: the empire ofthe New Rome, London,1980, p.88-97. See also M.V. Anastos, The emperor Justin Is role
in the restoration ofChalcedonian doctrine, 518-519, Vyzantina-Thessaloniki,
13.1(1985), p.126-139. Also V.L. Menze, Justinian and the making ofthe Syrian
Orthodox Church(Oxford Early Christian Studies), Oxford, 2008.
34 Margalit provides asummary ofresearch by Negev and also Chen, and
includes several other church sites.These include the Cathedral at Haluza, the
North Church ofShivta, the South Church ofAvdat, Khirbet Hesheq, the
North Church at Rehovot-in-the-Negev, the West Church ofKhirbet Eirav,
the Citadel Basilica at Dibsi Faraj, the Civic Complex Church at Pella, and
possibly the East Church at Alahan and the St.Thecla Church at Meriamlik.
See S.Margalit, On the transformation ofthe mono-apsidal churches with
two pastophoria into tri-apsidal churches, Liber AnnuusStudii Biblici Franciscanum, 39(1989), p.143-164.
35 At least two other sites in Palestine can be added to that list at the Petra
Church and also Khirbat al-Karak. See The Petra ChurchP.M.Bikai(American
Center ofOriental Research Publications,3), Amman, 2001. Also P.Delougaz,
R.C.Haines, AByzantine church at Khirbat al-Karak ed.E.B.Hauser (The University ofChicago Oriental Institute Publications, 85), Chicago, 1960. Although
regional evidence presented by Margalit suggests this is alocalised phenomenon,
there is further evidence that these church conversions also occurred at other
locations around the Mediterranean.For Novae see S.Parnicki-Pudelko,
The Early Christian episcopal basilica in Novae, Archaeologia Polona, 21-22(1983),
p.241-270. For Porec see A.Terry, F.G.Eaves, Retrieving the record: Acentury
ofarchaeology at Porec(1847-1947) ed.M.Jurkovic(Studies in Early Christian
and Medieval Art History and Archaeology,1), Zagreb,2001.For Constantinople see Mulholland, Paraliturgical activities in the Early Byzantine basilical
church, p.235-237. At San Clemente there is evidence for two apses, but

606

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

Churches from the catalogue were re-arranged into groups

(Fig.1) that matched one ofthese three church plans, i.e.Roman,
Constantinopolitan or Syrian church plans, and the remaining
sites were placed into afourth indeterminate group.
Over the course ofthe last year the original catalogue of
excavated church sites has been expanded to encompass more
sites with aRoman, Constantinopolitan or Syrian church plan
(Table1-3) as ameans oftesting the original results.36 These sites
demonstrate aremarkable consistency for each ofthese three
church plans and also their internal layout, which helps to mitigate any selection bias in the extended data set.37
Ofparticular note here is apronounced liturgical difference
between sites with aConstantinopolitan or Syrian church plan,
and those with aRoman church plan.There are five sites with
aConstantinopolitan church plan and thirteen with aSyrian
church plan that have evidence for asingle altar table, which
is usually located midway along the chord ofthe apse.38
However, the archaeological evidence indicates that sites with
aRoman church plan appear to differ considerably in their liturgical layout from the other two church plans.There are twelve
sites with aRoman church plan that provide evidence for at least
one altar table, but ofinterest is that at seven ofthese sites there
is actually evidence for three altar tables, i.e.usually one located
in each apse.39 Furthermore, five ofthese sites also provide
the addition ofalater staircase obscures the area where athird apse may
have been located. See H.Brandenburg, Ancient churches ofRome from the fourth
to the seventh century: the dawn ofChristian architecture in the West, Turnhout,2005,
p.146.
36
Constantinopolitan(7), Syrian(31) and Roman(36) excavated church
sites.
37
All ofthe Roman church plans appear to have asanctuary that extends
across each side aisle, except for the site at Khan el-Ahmar and possibly Emmaus
and the Anchor Church.
38 At Ostrakine and an earlier phase ofthe Cathedral at Haluza there is also
evidence for asmall altar table located in the room south ofthe apse.
39 For the North Church see Y.Tsafrir, The Northern Church, in Excavations at Rehovot-in-the-Negev.Volume 1: The Northern Church ed.R.Maltese
(Qedem, 25), Jerusalem,1988, p.22-77, and also Figure 9.For Horvat Hesheq
see M.Aviam, Horvat Hesheq: Achurch in Upper Galilee, in Ancient churches
revealed ed.Y.Tsafrir, Jerusalem,1993, p.54-65. Also, for Santa Cornelia
see N.Christie, C.M.Daniels, Santa Cornelia: the excavation ofan early
medieval papal estate and amedieval monastery, in Three South Etrurian

607

B.J. MULHOLLAND

evidence for as many as two offertory tables attached or located

to the rear ofthe chancel rail adjacent to the nave entrance
to the sanctuary.40
This archaeological evidence resonates strongly with analysis
of Ordo Romanus I by Mathews in which he argues that in
churches with aRoman plan the faithful brought gifts up the end
ofeach side aisle, and where John Romano argues they deposited
these gifts on altaria located at the end ofeach aisle beside the
sanctuary.41 Furthermore, Patrich observes that in asection
of the Chronicon paschale cited by Taft side tables are used to
distribute the communion.42
However, although Mathews observes that the T-shaped
Roman chancel configuration survives from the mid-fourth century into the ninth century and later, it is evident that the Roman
church plan discussed here pre-dates the late seventh century

churches ed.Neil Christie(Archaeological Monograph ofthe British School at Rome,

4), London,1991, p.1-209, and also Figure34. For the Petra Church see
The Petra Church ed.P.M.Bikai.For the cathedral at Haluza see A.Negev,
The cathedral at Haluza(Elusa), in Ancient churches revealed ed.Y.Tsafrir,
p.286-293. For the Byzantine church at Nahariya see C.Dauphin, G.Edelstein, Lglise Byzantine de Nahariya(Isral) tude archologique ed.C.Dauphin
(Byzantina,5), Thessalonica,1984. For Khirbat al-Karak see Delougaz, Haines,
AByzantine church at Khirbat al-Karak.
40 There is asingle offertory table attached to the rear ofthe chancel screen
at the Petra Church.See C.Kanellopoulos, R.Schick, Marble furnishings
ofthe apses and the bema, Phase V, in The Petra Church ed.P.M.Bikai,
p.193-213, and Figure20. For the two offertory tables in the Byzantine church
at Nahariya see the Plan: LEglise de Nahariya in Dauphin, Edelstein,
Lglise Byzantine de Nahariya, and also Figure 24.For the single offertory table
adjacent to the south apse in the cathedral at Haluza see Negev, The cathedral
at Haluza(Elusa), p.287 and the illustration on p.290.For the two offertory tables in Horvat Hesheq see Aviam, Horvat Hesheq: Achurch in Upper
Galilee, p.55. At the East Church in Pella there is an ambo to the rear ofthe
chancel screen but which, due to its location, is more likely to be an offertory
table. For the East Church at Pella see A.W.McNicoll et al., Pella inJordan,2.
The second interim report ofthe joint University ofSydney and College ofWooster
excavations at Pella1982-1985(Mediterranean Archaeology Supplement, 2), Sydney,
1992.
41 Romano, Ritual and society in Early Medieval Rome, p.286, and Figure 4.1.
42 Patrich, The transfer ofgifts in the Early Christian churches of Palestine:
archaeological and literary evidence for the evolution ofthe Great Entrance,
p.347.Also R.F. Taft, Quaestiones disputatae: the skeuophylakion ofHagia
Sophia and the entrances ofthe liturgy revisitedpart II, Oriens Christianus,
82(1998), p.84-85.

608

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

Ordo RomanusI, and if there is there is arelationship between

the two then these sites must reflect aproto-Ordo RomanusI.43
There is evidence from datable inscriptions in church pavements that each ofthese three church plans were contemporary
with each other throughout the Early Byzantine period during the fifth to the sixth or seventh century, which appears to
counter any suggestion that each plan represents an evolutionary
progression in the development ofthe liturgy ofthe Christian
Church.
Furthermore, there is historical evidence from Socrates history
ofthe Christian Church that at least three different branches
ofChristianity used separate church buildings from each other
during the fourth and fifth centuries, i.e.Novatians, Arians and
Catholics (Nicene creed).For example, Socrates writes that the
Arian emperor Constantius asked ofthe Catholic, Athanasius:
But inasmuch as some ofthe [Arian] people ofAlexandria
refuse to hold communion with you, permit them to have
one church in the city. [] Athanasius immediately added,
that he desired the same thing might be conceded to him
[] that in every city one church should be assigned to those
who might refuse to hold communion with the Arians.44

Socrates also observes:

But at that time both the Catholics and the Novatians were
alike subjected to persecution [by the Arians]: for the former abominated offering their devotions in those churches
in which Arians assembled, choosing rather to frequent the
other three churches at Constantinople which belonged to
the Novatians, and to engage in Divine service with them.45

43
Mathews observes that the Roman T-shaped chancel configuration survives from the mid-fifth century into the ninth century at S.Marco, Sta.Maria
Antiqua, and S.Stefano in Via Latina, and even later at S.Clemente.See Mathews,
An early Roman chancel arrangement and its liturgical functions, p.93-94.
44 Socrates, The ecclesiastical history ofSocrates, surnamed Scholasticus, or the
advocate. Comprising ahistory ofthe Church, in seven books, from the accession ofConstantine, ad305, to the 38thyear ofTheodosiusII., including aperiod of140 years
ed.H.deValoistr.Anon., London, 1853, p.114.
45Socrates also provides alist ofthe principal Arian and Homoousian
bishops and their disposition under emperor Gratian. Socrates, The ecclesiastical
history ofSocrates, surnamed Scholasticus, or the advocate, p.147 and 262-263.

609

B.J. MULHOLLAND

Moreover, from Socrates historical account it is likely that the

liturgy or service differs in each ofthese three types ofchurches,
which suggests that there are at least three different, distinct and
readily identifiable church plans or configurations to accommodate these different services in Constantinople, and also in
other major cities in the Byzantine Empire at this time. Unfortunately, insufficient architectural details are provided to enable
the churches ofNovatians, Arians or Catholics to be identified
from each other using this evidence alone.However, Socrates
does provide the names, provenance and titles ofmany ofthose
associated with each ofthese three separate Churches which
might enable them to be identified from church inscriptions.
It must also be noted that each ofthese three church plans
may be subject to revision, refinement or subdivision in light
offurther research and analysis.There are also other types
ofchurch plan evident in the archaeological record that will
require more research.

Further analysis
Where the excavation extends beyond the church walls (Fig.2)
it is apparent that in all but two sites each church is accompanied by aside chapel adjacent or attached to it.In general terms,
sites with aSyrian church plan tend to favour asouth chapel,
while the other two church plans have abias towards anorth
chapel.
As noted previously, the location ofthe sanctuary in the
church is often determined from whole or fragmentary items
ofliturgical furniture and supporting evidence from the position ofpost holes in the pavement for altar table legs and also
post holes for chancel posts that supported the chancel screen.
The same type ofevidence for altars and chancel screens
indicates that at some sites there is asecond focus ofliturgical activity located in these side chapels.If the rite ofprothesis
(rituals ofpreparation and oblation) requires an altar table set
within asacred space then, unless it takes place on the main
altar in the church, it would seem likely that this rite took place
on altars in these side chapels, especially in the absence ofany
other competing evidence from within the church building.
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IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

Furthermore, there is evidence (Table 4) from six inscriptions

that at least some ofthese side chapels function as adiakonikon.
Four ofthese inscriptions are found in north chapels, and apartial inscription is taken by the archaeologist to indicate that
the south chapel at Kursi also functioned as adiakonikon.46
AtHorvath Hanot the dimensions ofthe building suggest that
it also is aside chapel rather than achurch.47
There are afurther five known inscriptions that are not yet
included in the catalogue ofsites.Jean-Pierre Sodini has previously mentioned the inscriptions at Mount Nebo and Khirbat
al-Karak, and he also refers to another at Zahrani.48 Yet another
is referred to at Ashkelon by Eliya Ribak.49 Patrich refers to
other inscriptions at Beth Yareh, and the Holy Zion Church.50
Lastly, there is an inscription at Kourion that the excavation
director takes to indicate that that the side chapel functioned
as adiakonikon.51 In this instance Ousterhouts exhortation that
we should read abuilding as we read atext is borne out here.
46 For the Propylaea Church inscription see J.W. Crowfoot, The Christian churches, in Gerasa: city ofthe Decapolis.An account embodying the record of
ajoint excavation conducted by Yale University and the British School ofArchaeology
in Jerusalem(1928-1930), and Yale University and the American Schools ofOriental Research(1930-1931,1933-1934) ed.C.H.Kraeling, NewHaven,1938,
p.228. For Evron see V.Tzaferis, The Greek inscriptions from the Early
Christian church at Evron, Eretz Israel,19(1987), p.36-53.For Khirbat
al-Karak see P.Delougaz, R.C.Haines, AByzantine church at Khirbat al-Karak
ed.E.B.Hauser(The University ofChicago Oriental Institute Publications, 85),
Chicago,1960, plate 51A. For Mount Nebo see L.Di Segni, The Greek inscriptions, in Mount Nebo: new archaeological excavations1967-1997 ed.M.Piccirillo,
E.Alliata(Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Collectio Maior,27), Jerusalem,1998,
p.429-430. For Kursi see V.Tzaferis, The excavations ofKursiGergesa
(Atiqot, 16), Jerusalem,1983, Plate XI.5, XII.3 and XII.1.
47
L.Di Segni, AGreek inscription in the church at Horvat Hanot, in
One landmany cultures.Archaeological studies in honour ofStanislao Loffreda OFM
ed.G.C.Bottini, L.Di Segni, L.D.Chrupcaa(Studium Biblicum Franciscanum,
Collectio Maior,41), Jerusalem,2003, p.273-276.
48
J.-P.Sodini, K.Kolokotsas, Aliki, II: la basilique double (cole Franais
DAthnes, tudes Thasiennes,10), Paris,1984, p.148-149.
49 E.Ribak, Religious communities in Byzantine Palestina.The relationship
between Judaism, Christianity and Islam, ad400-700(BAR, International Series,
1646), Oxford, 2007, p.129.
50 Patrich, The transfer ofgifts in the Early Christian churches of
Palestine: archaeological and literary evidence for the evolution ofthe Great
Entrance, p.352.
51 A.H.S. Megaw, Kourion: excavations in the episcopal precinct(Dumbarton
Oaks Studies, 38), Washington, D.C.,2007, p.75, 142-146, and Figure 1.Z.

611

B.J. MULHOLLAND

Perhaps the most significant ofthese diakonika inscriptions

is found at the Propylaea Church in Gerasa, which has aConstantinopolitan church plan. At this site the Mayce565
diaconia inscription is located in acircular structure that almost
exactly matches the plan and dimensions ofthe contemporary
skeuophylakion ofthe Hagia Sophia in Constantinople that was
renovated in ce537. Furthermore, if we can take the Propylaea
Church diaconia inscription as providing supporting evidence
for Mathews identification ofthe circular structure at the Hagia
Sophia as the skeuophylakion, then this would appear to provide
some support for analysis by both Mathews and Taft in respect
to performance ofthe Byzantine rite in churches with aConstantinopolitan plan. This evidence would also appear to support Crowfoots analysis at Gerasa where he argued that during
the Early Byzantine period side chapels function as some form
ofdiakonika, and that the rite ofprothesis also took place here.52
Interestingly, Patrich also argues that the presence ofthese
annexed chapels coincides with aliturgical innovation referred
to as the transfer ofgifts, which he equates to the ceremonial
procession ofgifts known as the Great Entrance, and that they
function as aprothesis chapel or diakonikon.53 Indeed Patrich goes
further, to suggest that a prothesis chapel attached to abasilica
at some distance from the altar may constitute an archaeologicalarchitectural indicator for the existence ofthis rite [Great Entrance]
in the provinces under discussion, which he thinks was introduced
during the mid-fifth century.54
52
J.W.Crowfoot, The Christian churches, in Gerasa: city ofthe Decapolis.
An account embodying the record of ajoint excavation conducted by YaleUniversity
and the British School ofArchaeology in Jerusalem(1928-1930), and Yale University
and the American Schools ofOriental Research(1930-1931, 1933-1934) ed.C.H.
Kraeling, NewHaven, 1938, p.177-179, and notes6 and9. Also Patrich,
The transfer ofgifts in the Early Christian churches ofPalestine: archaeological
and literary evidence for the evolution ofthe Great Entrance, p.353-355.
See also Mulholland, Paraliturgical activities in the Early Byzantine basilical
church.
53 Mathews equates the Great Entrance with the Entrance ofthe Mysteries.
See Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople: architecture and liturgy, p.155162. See also Taft, The Great Entrance.
54See Patrich, The transfer ofgifts in the Early Christian churches of
Palestine: archaeological and literary evidence for the evolution ofthe Great
Entrance, p.350, and especially 357-358.

612

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

It should be noted that some archaeologists thought the diakonikon and prothesis chapel were located in aroom to either side
ofthe apse. However, ofthe three common basilical church plans
discussed here, only the Syrian church plan with an inscribed
apse actually has aroom located to either side ofthe apse, and
so this hypothesis appears highly unlikely during the Early
Byzantine period.55 Similarly, Babic has argued that side chapels
fulfilled afunerary function instead as commemorative chapels,
but as most relics and burials are found inside churches and
not from side chapels this argument is difficult to sustain in the
absence ofsupporting archaeological evidence.56

Conclusion
At the beginning ofthis paper it was noted that Professor Tsafrir
had made some observations relevant to current research.
Of particular interest was the possibility that the function
and design ofbuildings might be influenced by the liturgy
oftraditions and sects to which they belong.In effect, there
might be adirect relationship between the layout ofachurch
plan and the liturgy performed in it. This in turn raised the prospect that archaeologists might be able to differentiate between
churches belonging to different traditions and sects wherein
the liturgy differs significantly to that used by the others. Perhaps
even between the Arian, Nestorian, or Monophysite churches
on one hand, and those ofthe Orthodox on the other.
There has been some archaeological research towards this goal.
Careful analysis ofthe archaeological record in Israel and its
immediate surroundings helped Patrich identify TypeI andII
church plans. This research is complemented by detailed analysis ofchurch excavations in Rome by Mathews to identify key
characteristics ofchurches thought to be associated with Ordo
RomanusI. This was later followed by detailed analysis ofchurch
55 For further discussion see Mulholland, Paraliturgical activities in the
Early Byzantine basilical church, p.97-100.
56 Mulholland, Paraliturgical activities in the Early Byzantine basilical
church, p.102-103.See also Patrich, The transfer ofgifts in the Early Christian churches ofPalestine: archaeological and literary evidence for the evolution
ofthe Great Entrance, p.353-355.

613

B.J. MULHOLLAND

excavations in Constantinople by Mathews to describe key

features unique to an identifiable Constantinopolitan church
plan that he associated with the Byzantine rite, although he
acknowledged that not all churches in the city shared this unique
plan, e.g.St.Polyeuktos.And in doing so he also described key
features ofan identifiable Syrian church plan that he associated
with the Syrian rite.
Subsequent recent research by Mulholland has identified three
common church plans in the south Levant.57 One ofthese three
church plans matches characteristics ofachurch plan in Constantinople identified by Mathews, another matches the characteristics ofachurch plan he identified in Rome, and the other
matches aSyrian church plan he identified. As noted previously
in this paper, the archaeological evidence does appear to indicate
that the Roman, Constantinopolitan, and Syrian church plans
each hosted adifferent rite, and the consistency ofeach church
plan would suggest that there was adifferent centralised authority dictating the architectural and liturgical layout for each one.58
It is not possible at this stage to unambiguously link any
ofthese church plans to the Arian, Nestorian, Monophysite
or Orthodox Churches.59 And yet in many ways the more
precise and detailed parallel links drawn by Mathews between
the Roman church plan and Ordo Romanus I, the Constantinopolitan church plan and the Byzantine rite, and the northern
Syrian church plan and the Syrian rite are far more preferable
to the broad brush strokes implied by the labels Arian, Nestorian,
Monophysite or Orthodox.
57
Mulholland, Paraliturgical activities in the Early Byzantine basilical
church, p.102-103. Also B.J. Mulholland, The Early Byzantine Christian
Church. An archaeological re-assessment offorty-seven Early Byzantine basilical church
excavations primarily in Israel and Jordan, and their historical and liturgical context,
Bern, 2014.
58This Syrian church plan refers only to those churches that match
these specific characteristics, and is not intended to include all churches found
in the modern state ofSyria.Similarly, the Roman church plan refers specifically to churches with the specific characteristics referred to here, and the
Constantinopolitan church plan refers only to those churches with these
defined characteristics and not to all churches in Constantinople. Mathewss
research was limited to the cities ofRome and Constantinople.
59Or indeed to the Melitians, Maronites, Novatians, Eunomians or any
other named tradition or sects extant at this time.

614

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

However, anote ofcaution is required as Mathewss observations were predicated upon each one ofthese three church plans
being unique to either the city ofRome, Constantinople or to
northern Syria, and this in turn facilitated the analysis and linkage
in respect to Ordo Romanus I, the Byzantine rite and the Syrian
rite respectively. Furthermore, once it became evident that the
geographic range ofeach ofthese three church plans extended
elsewhere in the Byzantine Empire, then it also became apparent
that these liturgical linkages also need to be re-evaluated in light
ofthis new evidence.
There is one area ofresearch that might reconcile the available archaeological and historical data in such away that the
liturgy used in each ofthe three church plans identified in this
paper can be identified with more certainty. An overlap exists
between these two types ofdata in the form ofinscriptions that
provide the names, clerical titles and other useful historical information about the people and the liturgy associated with each
ofthe three distinct church plans.Preliminary archaeological
research to extract, tabulate and analyse names, saints or martyrs
and clerical titles from inscriptions suggests that the community
using asite with aRoman church plan chose to differentiate
themselves through the use ofnames and clerical titles unique
to their own community, and also in the choice ofsaints and
martyrs that they revered. The same can be said ofthe community associated with the Syrian and also the Constantinopolitan
church plan. Further archaeological and historical research might
1.confirm whether certain names, clerical titles, and saints or
martyrs are more prevalent in one or more ofthe three common church plans identified in this paper; 2.determine whether
certain names, clerical titles, and saints or martyrs are historically
more favoured by specific Christian traditions or sects; 3.derive
cultural information from the form these names take, e.g.in
the modern era Pietr, Peadar, and Pedro are all forms ofPeter
and each form ofthe name not only carries direct information
about the person referred to but also asubliminal ethnic or racial
image derived from cultural experience; and 4.possibly identify
any association or concentration ofChristian traditions or sects
within specific cities or regions.

615

B.J. MULHOLLAND

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Abstract
Twenty years ago Yoram Tsafrir observed that we are as yet unable
to distinguish between buildings belonging to different traditions
and sects, for example between the Arian, Nestorian, or Monophysite
churches on one hand, and those ofthe Orthodox on the other.
However Thomas Mathews has identified aT-shaped chancel arrangement in some early churches in Rome that he associates with
Ordo Romanus I. He later observed that Early Byzantine churches
in Constantinople uniquely had amajor entrance to either side
ofthe apse, which he and Robert Taft associate with the Byzantine
rite, whereas churches in Syria usually had an inscribed apse with
aroom to either side ofit. This paper examines agroup ofexcavated
Early Byzantine basilical churches to determine whether these three
distinct church plans can be identified elsewhere, but primarily
in the southern Levant. Also, whether churches with each ofthese
ground plans share other characteristics, and how this enhanced
knowledge can inform our understanding ofthe Early Christian
Church.

623

B.J. MULHOLLAND

Fig. 1.
Three church plans evident in the catalogue ofsites
(i)Constantinopolitan church plan with -shaped sanctuary surrounded by
chancel barrier, and amajor entrance either side ofthe apse. (ii)Syrian church
plan with -shaped sanctuary surrounded by chancel barrier, and aroom
to either side ofthe apse. (iii)Roman church plan with aT-shaped sanctuary
that extends across each ofthe side aisles and into the nave.60

60 By the seventh century the nave extension is less common in the Roman
church plan, and the sanctuary can be described as bar-shaped.In Italy the
monoapsidal church plan is common(see Table 3.3.below).The Constantinopolitan, Syrian and Roman labels are appended to reflect observations made
by Mathews. See Mathews, An early Roman chancel arrangement and
its liturgical functions, p.73-95.Also Mathews, The early churches ofConstantinople.

624

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

Fig. 2.
Second focus ofliturgical activity located in side chapels61

61These typical church plans and layouts are based upon St.Theodore
in Gerasa,(Constantinopolitan), see Kraeling, Gerasa, PlanXXXIII; Kursi
(Syrian), see V.Tzaferis, The excavations ofKursiGergesa(Atiqot, 16),
Jerusalem, 1983, Plan4; and also Khirbat al-Karak and SS.Peter & Paul in
Gerasa (Roman). See Delougaz, Haines, AByzantine church at Khirbat al-Karak,
Plate51A; and Kraeling, Gerasa, PlanXXXIX.

625

B.J. MULHOLLAND

Yes

Yes

Yes

St.Theodore,
Gerasa, Jordan

Yes

Yes

Yes

Synagogue
Church,
Gerasa, Jordan

Yes

Yes

Shavei Zion,
Israel

Yes

Yes

Yes

Bema Church,
Kalenderhane,
Istanbul

Yes

Yes

Yes
(North
Church)

Basilica
ofDermech I,
Carthage

Yes

Yes
(and with
solea)

Yes

4th c. Amorium,
Turkey

Yes

Yes

626

North
chapel

Propylaea
Church,
Gerasa, Jordan

South
chapel

T-shaped
sanctuary

-shaped
sanctuary

Triapsidal

Site

Monoapsidal

Inscribed
apse

Table 1.
Constantinopolitan church plan: apsidal plan and configuration
ofthe sanctuary

Yes

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

South
chapel

North
chapel

T-shaped
sanctuary

-shaped
sanctuary

Triapsidal

Inscribed
apse

Site

Monoapsidal

Table 2.
Syrian church plan: apsidal plan and configuration ofthe sanctuary

Cathedral
Church, Gerasa,
Jordan

Yes

Yes

Yes

Large Basilica,
Nicopolis ad
Istrum, Bulgaria

Yes

Yes

Yes

Eastern Church,
Herodium, Israel

Yes

Yes

Yes

Kursi, Gergesa,
Israel

Yes

Yes

Yes

Old Church,
Old Dongola,
Sudan

Yes

Yes

Yes

St.Stephens,
Horvat
Beer-shemca,
Israel

Yes

Yes

Yes

St.John
the Baptist,
St.George, and
SS.Cosmas
& Damianus,
Gerasa, Jordan

Yes

Yes

Ostrakine, Israel

Yes

Yes

Central Basilica,
Ostrakine, Israel

Yes

Yes

Coastal basilica,
Ostrakine, Israel

Yes

Yes

Central Church,
Herodium, Israel

Yes

Yes

Horvat Berachot,
Israel

Yes

Yes

Khirbet ed-Deir,
Israel

Yes

Yes

627

Horvat Beit
Loya, Israel

Yes

Yes

Yes

North Church,
Nessana, Israel

Yes

Yes

Yes

South
chapel

North
chapel

T-shaped
sanctuary

-shaped
sanctuary

Triapsidal

Inscribed
apse

Site

Monoapsidal

B.J. MULHOLLAND

Small Basilica,
Nicopolis ad
Istrum, Bulgaria
Monastery
ofMartyrius,
Israel

Yes

Church ofAmos
and Kasiseus,
Mount Nebo,
Jordan (Khirbat
al-Mukhayyat)

Yes

Church
ofSS.Lot
and Procopius
at Kh.alMukhayyat,
Jordan

Yes

Yes

Church ofSaint
George, Kh.alMukhayyat,
Jordan

Yes

Yes

St.Polyeuktos,
Sarahane,
Istanbul

Yes

South Church
at Hermopolis
Magna
(el-Ashmunein),
Egypt

Yes

Church ofthe
Multiplying
ofthe Loaves
and Fishes,
Tabgha, Israel

Yes

Yes

Yes,
possibly

Yes

Yes

628

?
Possibly

South
chapel

North
chapel

T-shaped
sanctuary

-shaped
sanctuary

Triapsidal

Inscribed
apse

Site

Monoapsidal

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

Treasure Church,
Anemurium,
Turkey

Yes

Yes

Necropolis
Church,
Anemurium,
Turkey

Yes

Yes

St.Aaron
pilgrimage centre,
near Petra,
Jordan

Yes

Yes

Yes

FJHP church,
Mount Aaron,
Petra, Jordan

Yes

Yes

Yes

Kourion, Cyprus

Yes

Yes

Yes

Western Church,
Mampsis, Israel

Yes

Yes

?
Possibly

Eastern Church,
Mampsis, Israel

Yes

Yes

Yes

North Church,
Eboda, Israel

Yes

Yes (?)

Yes

629

Yes

B.J. MULHOLLAND

Table 3.
Roman church plan: apsidal plan and configuration ofthe sanctuary.
Thirteen ofthe sixteen sites are triapsidal churches.

Evron, Israel

Yes

North Church,
Rehovot-in-theNegev, Israel*

Yes

Yes

Yes

Khirbat alKarak, Israel

Yes

Yes

Yes

Porec, Croatia*

Yes

Yes

Yes

Procopius
Church, Gerasa,
Jordan

Yes

Yes (barshaped)

Yes

SS.Peter &
Paul, Gerasa,
Jordan

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Santa Cornelia,
Italy

Yes

Mola di Monte
Gelato, Italy

Yes

Yes

Yes

Haluza
Cathedral, Israel*

Yes

Yes

Petra, Jordan*

Yes

Yes

Pella ofthe
Decapolis,
Jordan*

Yes

Yes

Horvat Hesheq,
Israel*

Yes

Yes

Nahariya, Israel

Yes

Yes

Khirbet elWaziah, Israel

Yes

Santa Liberato,
Italy*

Yes

Yes

630

Yes

South chapel

North chapel

T-shaped or
bar-shaped
sanctuary

-shaped
sanctuary

Triapsidal

Inscribed apse

Site

Mono-apsidal

Key: *Denotes known Syrian-to-Roman church conversions and also Khirbat

al-Karak, which is converted from aprotruding monoapsidal church.

St.Marys or
South Church,
Nessana, Israel

Yes

Novae, Bulgaria*

Yes

Yes

Monastery
ofEuthymius,
Israel

Yes

Yes

Karacaren,
Turkey

Yes

East Church
(Area V), Pella,
Jordan

Yes

Yes

Northern Church,
Shivta, Israela*

Yes

Yes

Deir Ain
Abata, Jordan

Yes

(?)

Beth Shan, Israel

Yes

Yes

The Anchor
Church,
Mt.Berenice,
Tiberias, Israel

Yes

(?)

Zourtsa,
Peloponnese,
Greece

Yes

Yes

West Church,
Pella ofthe
Decapolis, Jordan

Yes

East Church,
Pella ofthe
Decapolis, Jordan

Yes

Sector
Atriapsidal
church, Abila
(Quwaylbah)
ofthe Decapolis,
Jordan

Yes

631

Yes

South chapel

North chapel

T-shaped or
bar-shaped
sanctuary

-shaped
sanctuary

Triapsidal

Inscribed apse

Site

Mono-apsidal

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

Yes

Yes

Yes

Sector DD
triapsidal
church, Abila
(Quwaylbah)
ofthe Decapolis,
Jordan

Yes

Khirbat Al-Burz,
Sama Al-Rusan,
Jordan

Yes

South Church,
Subeita, Israel

Yes

Yes

Yes

North Church,
Subeita, Israel

Yes

Yes

Khan el-Ahmar,
Israel

Yes

South Church,
Eboda, Israel

Yes

Emmaus, Israel

Yes

632

Yes

Yes
Yes

Yes

South chapel

North chapel

Yes

-shaped
sanctuary

Sector D
triapsidal
church, Abila
(Quwaylbah)
ofthe Decapolis,
Jordan

Site

Triapsidal

T-shaped or
bar-shaped
sanctuary

Inscribed apse

Mono-apsidal

B.J. MULHOLLAND

Yes
Yes

IDENTIFICATION OFEARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH PLANS

Table 4.
Diakonikon inscriptions.
Church

North
chapel

South
chapel

Other
location

Church
plan

Propylaea
Church,
Gerasa,
Jordan

Inscription
no.331:
the diaconia

Const.

Evron, Israel

Inscription
no.2:
two diaconica

Roman

Khirbat alKarak, Israel

Inscription
no.1:
the diaconicon

Roman

Mount Nebo,
Jordan

Inscription 6:
the sacred
diaconicon

Not known

Kursi,
Gergesa,
Israel

Partial
inscription

Horvat
Hanot, Israel

Syrian
the diaconicon Not known

633

EIRINI PANOU
Hebrew University ofJerusalem

THE CHURCH OFMARY

IN THE PROBATIC POOL
AND THE HAGHIASMATA
OFCONSTANTINOPLE1

Mark Eugenicus, the fifteenth-century metropolitan ofEphesus,

addressed the Virgin Mary as the new Probatic Pool.2 This is
because ofMarys association with the Probatic Pool (sheeppool), or Probatike, and achurch dedicated to her in this location in sixth-century Jerusalem.The church was initially dedicated not to Mary but to the healing ofthe Paralytic, the miracle
that Jesus performed in the Probatic Pool and which we know
from the Gospel ofJohn (Ioh.5, 2).The significance ofthe
Probatic Pool lies in the fact that it was used for Jewish purification purposes, to which the Gospel ofJohn added Christian
baptismal connotations.The text reads: In Jerusalem there is,
in the Probatike, apool, the so-called Bethesda in Hebrew,
which has five porticoes.3 In the description ofthis miracle,
the paralytic tells Jesus that he has nobody to put him inside
the pool () when the troubling ofthe waters takes
place, which will heal him.The popularity ofthis miracle
account is demonstrated in the construction ofathree-aisled
Byzantine basilica dedicated to the miracle ofthe Paralytic,
which was attached to the pool.The dedication ofachurch
1This article is taken from my forthcoming book The Cult ofSt Anne
in Byzantium, Ashgate, 2015, where the relationship ofMary and her parents
with Jerusalem and Constantinople is examined also in terms ofliturgy and
textual production.
2 S.Eustratiades, He Theotokos en te Hymnographia, Paris, 1930, p.37.
3The Probatike is situated at the modern Islamic quarter ofJerusalem.
The appellations Bethesda and Probatike refer to the pool and both terms
will be used interchangeably in this article.

10.1484/J.BAIEP.5.107537

635

E. PANOU

first to the healing ofthe Paralytic (fifth century) and to Mary

(sixth century) is the topographical expression ofMarys healing
role, which the topography ofConstantinople developed through
the connection ofMary to holy waters (haghiasmata).

Marys nativity at the Probatic Pool

Marys Kathisma between Jerusalem and Bethlehem and her
Tomb in Gethsemane consist evidence ofthe rising Marian piety
in the Holy Land from the fifth century onwards.4 This development could point to the fact that the church in the Probatike may
have also been dedicated to Mary during the fifth century.
However, pilgrim accounts allude that this development took
place no earlier than the sixth century.The earliest testimony
is Theodosius (530): Next to the Sheep-pool is the church
ofmy Lady Mary.5 The Piacenza pilgrim (circa 570), interested
in healing sites, describes Bethesda as apool with five porticoes
and writes that to one ofthe porticoes abasilica was attached
dedicated to St Mary in which many miracles take place.6
Also in the sixth century, Antonius (570) refers to the Probatic
pool and the basilica ofMary and adds that Mary was born there.7
Later accounts, such as Sophroniuss Carmina Anacreontica
(550/560-638/9) and John ofDamaskoss Exposition ofFaith
(675-753/4) perpetuate the belief that the Virgin Mary was
born at the church ofthe Probatike.8 The tradition that affiliates
Marys birth with this specific location appears as an established
one as early as 530 in the writings ofTheodosius and was con-

4 S.J.Shoemaker, Ancient traditions ofthe Virgin Marys dormition and assumption, Oxford,2002, p.79; O.Limor, The place ofthe End ofthe Days: Eschatological geography in Jerusalem, in The real and ideal Jerusalem in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic art: studies in honor ofBezalel Narkiss on the occasion ofhis seventieth
birthday ed.B.Kuhnel, Jerusalem, 1998, p.20.
5
J.Wilkinson, Jerusalem pilgrims before the crusades, Warminster, 2002, p.109.
6
H.Donner, Pilgerfahrt ins Heilige Land: die altesten Berichte christlicher Palastinapilger(4.-7.Jahrhundert), Stuttgart,1979, p.288.
7 Itinera et descriptiones Terr Sanct ed.T.Tobler, p.106, 137.
8 Anthologia graeca carminum christianorum ed.W.Christ, M.Paranikas, p.46;
Ioh.Damasc., De fide, 4.14 ed.B.Kotter, p.200:
.

636

THE CHURCH OFMARY IN THE PROBATIC POOL

tinued in later centuries.But since an earlier association ofthat

kind between Mary and the Probatike had not been made until
then, how did this tradition emerge?

The Probatic Pool as arepresentation ofBaptism

The pools constituted amassive purification site.The main
characteristic ofthe pools is the ability oftheir waters to purify
and heal, which formed the story ofthe miracle ofthe Paralytic
in the Gospel ofJohn and gave Bethesda baptismal connotations.9 Bethesda had all the necessary characteristics, the healing
waters, apool (a in Greek, aterm used in the Baptismal rite) and amiracle (practical manifestation ofwaters healing
qualities).10 This miracle gave rise to the sacramental symbolism
ofthe site and it is presented as such in Christian texts in both
West and East as early as the second century.
In the West, Tertullian (160- died after 220) writes that it is
through the troubling ofthe waters by the angel in Bethaisda
(sic) that mans sin will be erased and the new man will be purified and be reborn since he will receive the Holy Spirit once
again, which man had lost with the original sin.11 Ambrose
(340-397) parallels the descending ofthe angel to the pool
and the stirring ofwaters by him (a sign ofGods presence
to the unfaithful) to the descending ofthe Holy Spirit during
baptism (a sign ofGods presence to the faithful).12 Chromatius,
bishop ofAquileia (388-407/8), has made the most straightforward connection ofthe miracle at Bethesda to Baptism, which
is clear from the title ofhis sermon On the healing ofthe paralytic and Baptism.Similarly to Ambrose, Chromatius connects
9
C.Kannengiesser, Handbook ofPatristic Exegesis.The Bible in Ancient
Christianity, Leiden,2004, p.633; S.P.Brock, The Epiklesis in the Antiochene
baptismal Ordines, Aldershot,1974, p.204, 210-211[reprinted in Fire from
heaven: studies in Syriac theology and liturgy(variorum),2006].
10 Offic.San.Bapt.1: [...], [...],
see Euchologion sive rituale graecorum ed.J.Goar, p.287.
11 Tertul., Bapt., 5(SC, 35, p.74).
12 Ambros., De Sp.Scto, 1.77: Sed cum angeli hominibus in adjumentum
descendant, intelligendum est quod creatura quidem superior angelorum sit,
quae plus recepit gratiae spiritalis,(PL,16, 724).

637

E. PANOU

the angels descending to the pool with the descending ofthe

Holy Spirit during Baptism.13
In the East, John Chrysostom (fourth century) in one ofhis
homilies on the Gospel ofJohn, connects the miracle at Bethesda
to Baptism: What mystery doth it signify to us? [...] ABaptism
was about to be given [...] ABaptism purifying all sins [...].14
In acatena fragment probably ofTheodore ofMopsuestia
(fourth/fifth century), it is mentioned that the leader ofthe
angels comes down and disperses medical power, so that the
Jews know that the leading angel cures all diseases ofthe soul.15
Also in this account, the healing powers ofthe site are placed in
Christian context: One is cured not only by the nature ofwaters
but with the activity ofthe angel who under the grace ofthe Holy
Spirit cures sins.16 Thus, texts show that as early as the second
century and until the construction ofthe church ofthe Paralytic,
the Probatike had been associated with one ofthe most important
Christian sacraments, the Baptism, aconnection facilitated by the
fact that Johns Gospel played more important role than the other
Gospels in the formation ofthe Orthodox liturgy.17

Marys birth in the Probatic Pool

The sacramental symbolism ofBaptism infused the cult ofMary
in sixth-century Jerusalem, as aresult offemale deities being
born in water.This association was made through the regard
ofBaptism as awomb and birth, which led to the birth of
deities and female ones in particular.More analytically, the
attachment ofthe Probatike to Marys birth derives from the
Christian understanding ofBaptism as anew birth,18 as the
Gospel ofJohn (Ioh.3,5) tell us: No one who was not born
Chrom., Serm., 14.1(SC, 154, p.239).
Ioh.Chrys., Hom.Ioh., 36.1(NPNF, 14, p.125-126).
15
Caten grcorum patrum in Novum Testamentum ed.J.A.Cramer, p.228.
16
Ibid.,p.228.
17 S.Verhelst, The liturgy ofJerusalem in the Byzantine period, in Christians and Christianity in the Holy Land: From the Origins to the Latin Kingdoms.
ed.O.Limor, G.G.Stroumsa, Turnhout,2006, p.440.
18J.Meyendorff, Byzantine theology: historical trends and doctrinal themes,
NewYork, 1976, p.193; aview that originates in Gen.1,20, where the formation oflife through water is described.
13
14

638

THE CHURCH OFMARY IN THE PROBATIC POOL

ofwater and the Holy Ghost can enter the kingdom ofGod.
In patristic texts, Christs Nativity is presented as an antitype for
liturgical baptism,19 and Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite in
his Ecclesiastical Hierarchy (485-518/28), characterizes Baptism as aceremony ofdivine generation ().20 In the
fourth century, female connotations ofBaptism were made by
StAugustine, who describes the newly baptized as infants who
had been agitating in their mothers womb.21 In the Coptic
CodexIIofNag Hammadi (fourth/fifth century),22 it is said
that the womb ofthe soul is reborn during Baptism,23 and in
Syria, the female association ofthe Holy Spirit derives from
the fusion ofthe spirit hovering over the primeval waters,
pictured as amother dove.24 In Ephrem the Syriacs sermon
On the Nativity, Mary says to her son: Creator ofyour
motherin asecond birth, through water,25 which reflects the
Gospel ofJohn (Ioh.3, 4).Jacob ofSerugh (fifth-sixth century)
also makes the connection between Bethesda, Baptism and
second birth in his homily On the Paralytic.26 Finally, in the
Acathist hymn (fifth century),27 a conceptual connection
between Marys womb and the baptismal font is attested,28 which
was also made in the fourth century by Didymus ofAlexandria.29
The correlation offemale fertility to water had been established
R.Deshman, Servants ofthe mother ofGod in Byzantine and medieval art,
London, 1989, p.34.
20PS.Dion., De Eccles.Hier.2.8(PG, 3, 397A).The word could also mean
reborn through God, see PS.Dion., De Eccles.Hier.2.1(PG3, 392A).
21 Serm., 228.1(PL38, 1101).
22 H.Lundhaug, Images ofrebirth cognitive poetics and transformational soteriology
in the Gospel ofPhilip and the Exegesis on the Soul, Leiden, 2010, p.8.
23 Ibid., p.94.
24
R.Murray, The characteristics ofthe earliest Syriac Christianity, in
East ofByzantium: Syria and Armenia in the formative period ed.N.G.Garsoian,
T.F.Mathews, R.W.Thomson, Washington, D.C.,1982, p.13.
25
Ephr.Syr., Nativ., 16.9(CSCO, 187, p.76).
26 S.P. Brock, The Holy Spirit in the Syrian baptismal tradition, Bronx, NY,
1979, p.87-88.
27 L.- M.Peltomaa, The image ofthe Virgin Mary in the Akathistos hymn,
Leiden, 2001, p.217-230.
28 Ibid., p.199.
29
Didym.Alex., De Trin., 2.12: ,
, (Two births occur in human
beings, one through the body, one through the Holy Spirit).(PG, 39, 669A).
19

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E. PANOU

already in the fourth century in Palestine, when the pilgrim

ofBordeaux (333) refers to aspring near Jericho, where women
washed themselves or drank water to conceive achild.30
According to texts, Bethesda is the first location associated with
Marys birth. There, rebirth and regeneration occurs through the
holy waters ofBaptism and afemale figureMarywas the
recipient ofthe progressive affiliation ofwomen with human
or divine birth through water.Sacred space in sixth-century
Jerusalem necessitated the identification ofthe Probatike as
the place ofMarys birth, because there was already the Kathisma
to commemorate her moment ofrest on her way to Bethlehem,
her Tomb in Gethsemane to commemorate her death but none
for her birth. The urge to complete the sacred map ofMarian
cult in sixth-century Jerusalem combined with the interpretation
ofBaptism as explains the placement ofMarys nativity
at the Probatike. The dedication ofthe church to the miracle
ofthe Paralytic and then to Mary expresses the ideological
shift thatin terms oftopographywas designed to complete
the genealogy ofChrist in the Holy Land.

Constantinople:
Churches and water constructions in early Byzantium
By the sixth century, Byzantine church architecture had integrated water constructions.31 In the fifth century, water had
become an integral part ofchurch architecture due to the association ofwater to baptism and spiritual cleansing, which made
its way to the sixth-century Byzantine architecture ofSepphoris,32
Gerasa,33 Macedonia and Athens.34 The purifying element of
Itinera et descriptiones, ed.Tobler, p.19.
A.Pianalto, Martyrs, cults and water in the early Christian world(with afocus
on Thessaloniki, Corinth and Philippi), unpublished doctoral dissertation, University ofBirmingham, 1999, p.65-66.
32 Z.Weiss, A.Netzer, Sepphoris during the byzantine period, in Sepphoris in Galilee: crosscurrents ofculture ed.R.Martin Nagy, Raleigh, 1996, p.84.
33 B.Brenk, Die Christianisierung der sptrmischen Welt: Stadt, Land, Haus,
Kirche und Kloster in frhchristlicher Zeit, Wiesbaden, 2003, p.11-12.
34 K.M. Hattersley-smith, Byzantine public architecture between the fourth
and early eleventh centuriesad, with special reference to the towns ofByzantine Macedonia, Thessalonike, 1996, p.35-36,198,204-205, 235.
30
31

640

THE CHURCH OFMARY IN THE PROBATIC POOL

sacred waters as an imitation ofBaptism gave rise to the construction ofbuildings (baptisteries, fountains, cisterns) within
or next to churches throughout the Byzantine Empire owing
to the sacramental qualities ofwater for Christianity.
In Constantinople, water constructions and in particular
springs constitute adistinctive element ofthe citys topography.
Mango considers springs as insignificant because they played
no role in the citys water system.35 Springs lack ofpractical use
is important especially in the case ofchurches dedicated to Mary,
such as the Blachernai and Pege, because it points to the fact
that their construction was triggered by reasons other than water
provision. The significance ofwater in Marian monuments lies
in the fact that the appearance ofhaghiasmata is the architectural
expression ofthe Virgins purificational/healing role. Nevertheless, it is unclear in bibliography why only anumber of
churches dedicated to Mary were associated to water. Iwill
suggest that selectivity towards Marian monuments in their
attachment to existing water constructions in Constantinopolitan architecture is partially explained in the light ofJustinianIs
interest in healing and Marys role as healer saint.

Churches ofMary in Constantinople

Between the fifth century and the sixth century, thirteen
churches dedicated to Mary existed in the Byzantine capital and
some ofthem were built by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian I
next to existing water constructions: the Theotokos ofKyros
(fifth century);36 the Chalkoprateia built by Verina;37 the basilica

35
C.Mango, The Water Supply ofConstantinople, in Constantinople and
its Hinterland ed.C.Mango, G.Dagron, Aldershot,1995, p.10.
36C.Mango, , in :
ed.M.Vassilaki, Athens,2000,
p.17-25, in partic.p.18(map) and p.19 for the date ofconstruction.
37Despite the fact that Theodore Lector(sixth century) attributes it to
Pulcheria, the monument was built by Verina based on Justinian Is Nov.31
and because Theodores work survives only in twelfth- and thirteenth century
manuscripts.See C.Mango, The Origins ofthe Blachernai Shrine at Constantinople, in ActaXIII Congressus Internationalis Archaeologiae Christianae, Split-Porec
(25 September1October1994), 3vols., Vatican, 1998, II, p.66.

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E. PANOU

ofthe Blachernai (fifth century,38 renovated by Justinian),39

Theotokos ofPege (sixth century);40 Theotokos ta Areovindou
(sixth century);41 Theotokos ofDiakonisses (sixth century);
Theotokos ofBesson (sixth century);42 Theotokos close to the
Jobs (sixth century);43 Theotokos ofJerusalem (sixth century);44
Theotokos close to StLuke (sixth century);45 Theotokos next
to the Great church (sixth century);46 the Theotokos ofLithostroto (sixth century);47 and the Theotokos ofBoukoleon (sixth
century).48 The conclusion to draw out ofthis list, is that agreat
number ofchurches were built or rebuilt during Justinians
reign, but ofall the abovementioned buildings only the church
ofMary in Pege was built near an existing fifth-century
fountain by JustinianI,49 and the basilica ofBlachernai, which
accommodated afountain,50 was also renovated by the same
Emperor. Itis afact that despite the small number ofchurches
dedicated to Mary connected with asource ofholy water,
modern scholars have stressed the association ofMary with healing
waters in important monuments such as the Blachernai,51 which
together with the Chalkoprateia were late antique foundations
which functioned as two complementary foci ofthe Marian
cult in the capital.52 Maguire has suggested that the Virgin Mary
38 R.Janin, La gographie ecclsiastique de lEmpire byzantin.Le sige de Constantinople et le patriarcat oecumnique.Tome3, Les glises et les monastres, Paris,
1969, p.161.
39 Proc., DeAed., 1.3 ed.E.Weber, p.183-184.
40 ACO III ed.E.Schwartz, p.71, no.52; Janin, La gographie ecclsiastique,
p.223-228.
41
Janin, La gographie ecclsiastique, p.157.
42 Ibid., p.160; ACO III, ed.E.Schwartz, p.34, no.29.
43Janin, La gographie ecclsiastique, p.186; ACO III ed.E.Schwartz,
p.143, no.30, p.172, no.33.
44 ACO III ed.E.Schwartz, p.143, no.32.
45
ACO III ed.E.Schwartz, p.71, no.49, p.144, no.42 and 51; Janin,
La gographie ecclsiastique, p.195.
46 ACO III ed.E.Schwartz, p.27.
47 Ibid.p.47, no.64, p.70, no.44, p.144, no.55.
48Janin, La gographie ecclsiastique, p.171.
49Proc., DeAed., 1.2.3 ed.E.Weber, p.184.
50
Proc., DeAed., 1.2.3 ed.E.Weber, p.183.
51Mango, , p.23.
52 D.Krausmller, Making the Most ofMary: The Cult ofthe Virgin
in the Chalkoprateia from LateAntiquity to the Tenth Century, in The Cult

642

THE CHURCH OFMARY IN THE PROBATIC POOL

was often associated with healing waters and springs and Underwood refers to haghiasmata, a series ofbuildings in Constantinople serving acult ofthe Theotokos in which asacred spring
or fountain figures prominently.53 Since anumber ofMarian
monuments existed in the sixth century, how can one explain
the selectivity towards placing only but afew ofthem next
to haghiasmata? Itseems that it was not quantity that mattered, which urges us to reconsider the implications ofbestowing healing qualities to aMarian monument in sixth-century
Constantinople.

Mary as ahealer and the role ofJustinian I

Justinians building activity on Mary throughout the empire
is explained as aconscious effort to establish her veneration.54
Before proceeding to the enumeration ofthe churches ofMary
built by the Emperor in Constantinople, Procopius verifies Justinians profound respect ofthe saint: We must begin
with the churches ofMary the Mother ofGod.For we know
that this is the wish ofthe Emperor himself, and true reason
manifestly demands that from God one must proceed to the
Mother ofGod.55 Justinian cultivated the veneration ofMary
by constructing churches not only in her honour but also in her
mothers in the quarter ofDeuteron in Constantinople.56
His interest in Christs genealogy is what according to Procopius
dictated the construction ofthe Deuteron church: For God,
being born aman as was His wish, is subjected to even athird
generation, and His ancestry is traced back from His mother
ofthe Mother ofGod in Byzantium: Texts and Images ed.L.Brubaker, M.B.Cunningham, Aldershot,2011, p.224.
53
H.Maguire, The cult ofthe Mother ofGod in Private, in .
ed.M.Vassilaki, Athens, 2000,
p.284; P.A.underwood, The Fountain ofLife in Manuscripts ofthe Gospels,
Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 5(1950), p.112.
54
Proc., DeAed., 1.3, 2.10, 5.6, 5.7, 5.8, 6.2 ed.E.Weber, p.184-185,
321, 325, 327, 333.
55 Eng.trans.H.B.Dewing, G.Downey, On Buildings, 7vols., London,
Cambridge, MA, VII, p.39; for the original text, see Proc., De Aed, 1.2.3
ed.E.Weber, p.183-184.
56Proc., De Aed, 1.3 ed.E.Weber, p.185.

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E. PANOU

even as is that ofaman.57 On the consecration ofthe church,

Romanos Melodos composed akontakion on Marys nativity,
based on the second-century apocryphal account ofthe Protevangeliumof James, the only source for Marys early life as achild
with her parents.58 By the sixth century, the Protevangelium
had inspired the commemoration ofthe Kathisma ofMary
in Jerusalem and the dedication ofachurch to Marys mother
in Costantinople, which point to the rising influence ofthe text
in both cities.
According to the Protevangelium, Anne built ahaghiasma
(= sanctuary) in the room where Mary spent her first three
years so that Mary would not step on unclean ground.59 Marys
purity in the Protevangelium is interwoven with her uncorrupted
virginity expressed in church architecture as aresult ofher
spiritual purity and healing qualities.Marys healing qualities
appear in the Probatike acentury before the dedication ofher
church on site, as afifth-century manuscript from Oxyrhynchus
(P.Oxy.VIII1151) shows. According to this text, awoman
named Ioannina asks from the God ofthe probatic pool to heal
from her illness.Ioanninas supplication is addressed to the
archangels, saints and to the Virgin.60 In fifth-century Constantinopolitan architecture, Marys role as healer is also underlined:
the first church dedicated to Mary in the Byzantine capital
was built after Mary had cured or benefited someone, as Sozomenus tells us.61 Justinian Ifurther encouraged Marys healing
qualities in Jerusalem, where an infirmary in the Nea church
offered services to poor people or those suffering from diseases.62
His interest in healing is buttressed on the sixth-century
loumata or lousmata, the ritual baths performed by the diakonia in Constantinople to wash and feed the poor,63 his recovery
Eng.trans.Dewing, Downey, On Buildings, VII, p.43.
Rom.Mel., Cant. ed.P.Maas, C.A.Trypanis, p.276.
59 Jac., Protev., 6.1-2(SH, 33, p.90).
60C.Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du Christianisme, Amulettes chrtiennes (PO, 18, 418-419).
61
Sozom., Hist.Eccl., 7.5(SC, 516, p.86).
62Proc., De Aed, 5.6 ed.E.Weber, p.323-324.
63 P.Magdalino, Constantinople mdivale: tudes sur lvolution des structures
urbaines, Paris,1996, p.33-36.
57
58

644

THE CHURCH OFMARY IN THE PROBATIC POOL

from aserious disease credited to the healer saints Kosmas and

Damian,64 and, as it will be shown below, on his regard ofMarys
parentsand Anne in particularas healer saints.
Marys association with haghiasmata in Constantinople
was based on the notion that she was considered healer saint
both in Jerusalem and Constantinople, arole she had acquired
already before Justinian, who further developed this notion.
Atwelfth-century text ofthe Iviron monastery on the construction ofthe fifth-century church ofthe Virgin ta Kyrou points
to an additional factor that needs to be considered when discussing Mary and haghiasmata, which is the role ofher mother
as healer. The text reads: Having been cured in the church of
Kyros, Justinian did not construct anew building but dedicated
next to it one church ofSt Anne, the grandmother ofChrist.65
Mary and her mother appear as healers ofthe Emperor, who
made agesture ofthankfulness by constructing achurch ofAnne
next to an existing one ofMary.This reference introduces us
to two elements, Annes healing role and the placement ofher
church next to one dedicated to her daughter.These two tendencies are already attested in the sixth century. In the basilica
ofthe Sinai monastery, which, as Procopius tells us, was dedicated to Mary,66 two chapels were constructed on its southern
side, one for Sts Anne and Joachim and one for Sts Kosmas
and Damian.67 This dedication shows that Anne and Joachim
are vested the role ofSts Anargyroi that according to Procopius
had saved the Emperor from aserious illness.Sixth-century
creation ofsacred spaced tells us what texts ofthe time do not:
Marys parents were regarded by Justinian as healer saints, which
dictated the construction ofthe Deuteron church and the chapel
in Sinai because he was personally inclined towards healer saints
and Marys parents were considered as such.

Poc., De Aed., 1.6, 2.10.6 ed.E.Weber, p.193-194, 242.

M.Gedeon, (
), , Constantinople, 1900, p.134.
66Proc., De Aed., 5.8 ed.E.Weber, p.327.
67 G.H. Forsyth, The Monastery ofSt.Catherine at Mount Sinai: The
Church and Fortress ofJustinian, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 22(1968), fig.2,
no.O.
64
65

645

E. PANOU

Whether Justinian was successful or not in giving concrete

substance to the association ofMary and Anne in particular
to healing, post-sixth century topography suggests he was.
We know that by the tenth century achapel ofAnne had been
constructed at the church ofMary in Pege,68 and at the same
time one in the Chalkoprateia, where the feast ofAnnes
Conception (of Mary) was celebrated,69 and included afifthcentury baptistery,70 and that by the twelfth century, achurch
ofStAnne had been built in the Hodegetria.71 These churches,
which are all haghiasmata and they were known for healing
illnesses, repeated the formula ofthe Probatike, the placement
ofAnnes next to Mary (through birth), healing andin the
case ofthe Chalkoprateiathey celebrate an event ofMarys
early life. The placing ofachurch ofMary and ofAnne next to
each other was practiced also in the Deuteron church sometime
before the tenth century, as the Synaxarium ofConstantinople
writes under September 6: Consecration of (the churchof) the
Theotokos in the church ofAnne in the Deuteron.72 The
Synaxarium either tells us what Procopius does not, or marks
apost-Justinianic evolution, suggested in this paper, according to which achurch ofSt Anne was incorporated or attached
to the existing church ofMary.This explains why not all Marian haghiasmata are characterized by this model, and only
some ofthe most significant ones such as the churches ofPege,
the Chalkoprateia and the Hodegetria are witnesses to this development.
To sum up, the connection ofMary with healing waters in
Jerusalem and Constantinople was an ideological entity expressed
in religious architecture, which gave concrete form to the tradition ofMarys birth as aresult ofBiblical exegesis and the spread
ofthe Protevangelium.Both Jerusalem and Constantinople
68 AASS, Nov.3, col.879C, 883D ed.Society ofBollandists, Brussels,
1910.
69
Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae. Propylaeum ad Acta sanctorum
Novembris ed.H.Delehaye, Brussels,1902, p.291.
70Janin, La gographie ecclsiastique, p.166.
71 K.Horna, Die Epigramme des Theodoros Balsamon, Wiener Studien,
25(1903), p.190, no.xxviii.
72 Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae ed.Delehaye, p.20.

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THE CHURCH OFMARY IN THE PROBATIC POOL

promoted Christs forbearers and established the cult ofMary

through aquatic connotations attached to her healing qualities in
atime when the cult ofMary was rising in both cities. Justinian,
recognizing the rising cult ofthe Virgin and influenced by his
interest in healing saints and the creation ofsacred space, introduced into Constantinopolitan topography amodel, according
to which achurch ofSt Anne was attached to one ofMary
in the proximity ofhealing water.The Probatike played significant role in the introduction and further development
ofthe connection between the healing attributes ofwater, Mary
and StAnne in the Byzantine capital from the sixth century
onwards, because Justinian rebuilt the model ofthe Probatike
according to his personal inclination to healing, which in turn
is placed in the the wider influence ofhealing on sacred space
in Constantinople especially from the sixth century onwards.
The church in the Probatike is crucial in this development since
it is the first monument where this tradition becomes concrete.

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Abstract
The Virgin Mary was from the sixth century associated with the
Probatic Pool, achurch dedicated to her in Jerusalem.The fact
that the church was dedicated in the fifth century to the healing
ofthe Paralytic (the miracle performed by Jesus and which we know
from the Gospel ofJohn) and then to Mary, set the ideological
background for associating Mary and her mother Anne with healing
qualities, which in the topography ofConstantinople is expressed
in the connection ofMary to holy waters (haghiasmata). The article
addresses the elements that formed this development and discusses
factors that influenced Constantinopolitan architecture from the sixth
century onwards.

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