ASEAN Briefing Paper 23 May 2008

Presented by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners

(Burma), the Human Rights Education Institute of Burma, and the
Forum for Democracy in Burma.

Introduction

We welcome this opportunity to brief the Secretary-General of ASEAN with

our assessment of the current situation inside Burma. Our assessment and
recommendations are drawn from an analysis of media reports from inside
the country, information received from contacts on the ground, and
information gathered by the INGOs currently operating in Burma.

Recommendations

ASEAN is in a position to help resolve this humanitarian crisis in Burma. We

strongly encourage ASEAN to be proactive. Many people have already died
unnecessarily as a result of the obstruction of aid; to remain passive is akin to
waiting for even more to die.

We welcome the assistance of ASEAN aid teams, but we urge ASEAN to use
its influence to ensure unhindered access for teams of international experts.
The SPDC must be convinced of the humanitarian intentions of the French,
United States’ and British naval vessels waiting in international waters off the
coast of Burma, and further that the aid offered does not ‘come with strings
attached’1.

Restrictions on access and reporting must be lifted with immediate effect in

order to allow an independent assessment of the situation. We appeal to
ASEAN to persuade the SPDC to permit a multilateral response to the crisis in
the longer-term as well as now. Expertise is urgently needed to begin the
necessary preparations to tackle the imminent problems outlined above.

In addition to dialoguing with the SPDC, we strongly encourage ASEAN to

consult with civil society in Burma, including for example pro-democracy
groups, and civic groups such as the Free Funeral Service Society.

1
Source: State-run ‘New Light of Myanmar’ 21.05.08.

1
If the SPDC remains uncooperative towards the ASEAN-led initiative, ASEAN
must endorse a humanitarian intervention. Indonesia and Vietnam must be
prepared to use their positions on the UN Security Council to permit such an
intervention. It is imperative that relief and rehabilitation programmes start
immediately, without any further delay.

2
Background

On 26 April, the Indian Meteorology Department notified the Burmese

authorities of the impending cyclone, nearly a week before it struck land.
Despite this, Burmese state-run media did not issue a cyclone alert until the
afternoon of Friday, May 2.2 A warning carried in state newspaper the New
Light of Myanmar on that day warned of a storm with winds of 40-45mph.

In fact, Burma suffered a massive natural disaster unprecedented in its

history. This tragedy has been severely compounded by the negligence of the
Burmese authorities.

A comprehensive independent assessment of the situation on the ground has

yet to take place, but according to the latest UN estimates, the sea surge
caused by Cyclone Nargis has left 134,000 people dead or missing, hundreds
of thousands homeless, and up to 2.4 million people severely affected. Yet
almost 3 weeks after Cyclone Nargis struck on 2 May, the UN estimates that
only 25% of people in need have been reached. Many more are still in urgent
need of clean drinking water, medical assistance, shelter, food and sanitation.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has warned that the economic effects of

this catastrophe could be more severe and enduring than those of the 2004
tsunami. 82,000 square kilometers, an area the size of Austria, has been
decimated3. The region constitutes the ‘rice-bowl’ of Burma, and the whole
country’s food-security has been seriously jeopardised. The rice paddies’
irrigation system has been flooded with seawater and polluted by
decomposing human corpses and animal carcasses. The UN estimates that
60% of the infrastructure in the delta region has been destroyed or damaged.

The world responded swiftly to the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami, with
affected ASEAN nations Thailand and Indonesia welcoming international aid
and expertise to co-ordinate the relief effort and clean-up operation. In stark
contrast, the world is witnessing the extreme reticence of the State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC) to open its borders to the international expertise
and aid that is so urgently needed. In reality no government in the world has
the capacity to tackle a natural disaster of this scale without international
expertise. No institution could realistically claim to cope alone.

The world has recently witnessed China’s prompt response to the earthquake
in Sichuan province. As well as mobilizing its own military resources to
facilitate the humanitarian response, the Chinese government welcomed
international aid and expertise and eased restrictions on reporting. In Burma,
the world has instead witnessed the prioritization of a highly controversial
constitutional referendum over the lives of millions.

2
Source: Mizzima News, 6 May 2008.
3
Source: United Nations 16.05.08.

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The situation presents an historic opportunity for ASEAN to play a leading role
on the world stage in tackling this humanitarian crisis. An effective response
is required immediately.

Freedom of Information

Since Cyclone Nargis struck, the SPDC has further tightened its already strict
code of censorship. The flow of information from the worst-affected areas
has been severely curtailed. These restrictions mean that access for
international journalists has been denied, and checkpoints have been installed
along the route from Rangoon to the Irrawaddy delta region. Despite this,
some undercover journalists – notably from the BBC, Al Jazeera and CNN –
have managed to file reports from the region4.

Burmese journalists and “citizen journalists”, at great personal risk, have filed
reports and given eyewitness accounts to Burmese media outlets in exile,
such as Irrawaddy magazine and the Democratic Voice of Burma. On
Wednesday 21 May, it was reported that 8 journalists who were attempting to
cover the disaster from Laputta Township in the affected region were arrested
and interrogated overnight. They included journalists from The Voice journal,
Yangon Times and 7 Day News journal. Before they were released, these
journalists were allegedly forced to sign a declaration stating that they would
not return to affected areas without military authorization.

Due to the reporting restrictions imposed by the SPDC, it is very difficult to

independently verify accounts of the situation on the ground. This must not
mean that they are simply ignored or dismissed.

Situation on the Ground

On 20 May, reports from sources on the ground indicated that villages in

Mawlamyine Gyunn Township area have yet to receive aid almost three weeks
after Cyclone Nargis struck. This includes Katapaung and Mitalinn Knone
villages, where an outbreak of diarrhoea has begun. Kansao, Kyatshar,
Metwaechaung, Layeainthan, Minthangyan, Maezali-ooto and Ywarthit villages
have all been severely damaged. The 66th Light Infantry Brigade and 38th
Battalion are stationed there, and have reportedly refused entry to the
villages. No aid has reached the area.5

In Bogalay Township area, only 300 out of a total population of 1500 from
the villages of Nyungsate and Gyunntaryar survived the cyclone. The villages
were completely destroyed. The 2nd Chin Rifle Battalion has been stationed
there, and the soldiers have reportedly harassed survivors. Villagers have yet
to receive aid.

4
See BBC, Al Jazeera and CNN
5
Source: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)

4
Only 70 out of a population of 1200 survived the cyclone in Kyeinchaung
village, where the 66th Light Infantry Brigade is stationed. Soldiers have
reportedly forced villagers to clear away debris and dead bodies, and to build
temporary huts for the soldiers.6

SPDC Response
Low-level corruption such as the misappropriation of aid for sale is to be
expected to some degree in the aftermath of a natural disaster. In Burma
however, there is evidence not only of corruption but also of widespread
neglect, obstruction of aid efforts and human rights abuses. The regime’s
eagerness to demonstrate its complete control of the situation at all levels has
completely undermined any attempt at an effective humanitarian response to
the unfolding crisis.

The SPDC has justified its refusal to grant visas to experts with the knowledge
and experience necessary to co-ordinate a humanitarian relief effort on the
scale required by claiming that it can manage the crisis alone. It has limited
access for INGOs, notably agencies of the UN. It has attempted to assume
complete control over the distribution of foreign aid, despite the phenomenal
scale of this task.

Aid has been allowed merely to trickle into the country. The UN currently
estimates that only 25% of the 2.4 million people in need have been reached.
The SPDC continues to deny access to French, United States’ and British naval
vessels loaded with relief supplies, currently in international waters just off
the Burmese coast. "The strings attached to the relief supplies carried by
warships and military helicopters are not acceptable to the Myanmar people.
We can manage by ourselves," the state-run New Light of Myanmar
newspaper said on 21 May.

By their refusal to grant unhindered access to international aid teams, and

claiming credit for the aid effort themselves, the junta has effectively
politicized the crisis. State-run television inside Burma ran images of
elaborate ceremonies where top generals handed out boxes of aid disguised
so as to appear it came from the junta, to cyclone survivors. One box seen in
the videos bore the name of Lt Gen Myint Swe in bold letters, overshadowing
a smaller label which barely could be read: "Aid from the Kingdom of
Thailand."7

At a local level, civic society groups have stepped into the breach left by the
military regime. Groups like the Free Funeral Service Society (FFSS) - led by
prominent Burmese actor Kyaw Thu, who has been harassed for his efforts8 –
have been working with high-profile Burmese celebrities and alongside the

6
Source: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
7
Source: Bangkok Post, 11 May 2008
8
Source: the Irrawaddy, 14 May 2008

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monk hood to distribute aid and safely dispose of bodies in remote areas in
the Irrawaddy delta. Whereas ordinary citizens face threats and intimidation if
they attempt to distribute aid out with official channels, comedian Zarnagar
reported, “if you do things with artists like us there is less harassment - that's
our advantage."9

Reports from inside Burma indicate that the SPDC requires cyclone survivors
to produce their family registration documents in order to obtain aid
distributed by the local authorities, despite the fact that many of them had
their homes and possessions completely destroyed by the cyclone.10

Despite condemnation from international human rights groups, the military

regime decided to proceed with its National Referendum on the new state
constitution on 10 May in areas not directly affected by the cyclone. The
referendum was held amidst gross injustice and human rights abuses.
International voting standards were fundamentally contravened, all political
dialogue was suppressed and the referendum was neither free nor fair.
Ballots were openly manipulated, many were arrested, some had their vote
cast for them and others were simply barred from casting any vote.11

Military resources were diverted away from the humanitarian crisis to ensure
that the referendum yielded the desired outcome for the SPDC. Arrests and
intimidation of pro-democracy activists relating to the referendum continued
even in the wake of the cyclone.12

Polling was delayed until 24 May in the 47 townships in Rangoon and

Irrawaddy divisions that were worst affected by the cyclone. In some of
those areas, reports have been emerging of aid given only in exchange for a
promised ‘Yes’ vote in the referendum. "People who live in Kyipwaryay ward
were asked by local authorities to vote 'Yes' in the coming referendum,” said
a resident of Thingangyun. “Each family who agreed to vote 'Yes' was given
4 pyi of rice and 50 kyattha of cooking oil.”13

Several reports of the forcible relocation of cyclone survivors have also

emerged, in some cases out of locations that will be used as polling stations
on 24 May. On 22 May families were forced to move from their shelter in a
community hall in ward 26 of South Dagon Township, Rangoon, which it to be
used as a polling station. A cyclone survivor reported, “There are many

9
Source: Democratic Voice of Burma, 12 May 2008
10
Source: Human Rights Education Institute of Burma
11
Source: the Burma Partnership
12
On 7 May in Magwe Division’s Salin Township, 3 National League for Democracy (NLD) members
were arrested for distributing information pamphlets about the referendum. In Paletwa Township in
Western Burma’s Chin State, 4 pro-democracy activists were arrested for distributing anti-referendum
posters and pamphlets in the area. Source: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
13
Source: Democratic Voice of Burma, 21 May 2008

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families and we have nowhere to shelter and can’t move out. But they told
us we had to go, and said they couldn’t make any arrangements for us.”14

There are also reports that the regime forcibly relocated refugees in advance
of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s visit to the affected Irrawaddy delta
region. Private donors working in the affected areas allege that refugees
were ordered to return to their villages immediately. “The situation is the
same in Laputta, Bogalay and other areas of Irrawaddy division, and in
Kunchangone – people have pleaded in tears but to no avail,” said the donor,
“[the authorities] want to show the international community that there are no
refugees here.” 15

On Wednesday 21, about 500 cyclone victims were removed from their
temporary shelter in State High School No 1 in Bogalay and taken by military
truck to the local 100-tonne rice mill jetty, to be sent back to their destroyed
villages. They were loaded onto medium-size boats known as pharku. On
departure at 2:15 pm, one pharku collided with the jetty and sank. It is
believed that 30 victims died in that incident. While on the way back to their
villages, another 2 pharkus capsized in strong winds near Kyaing Chaunggyi
village. The pharkus were reportedly overloaded, resulting in the deaths of
another 120 people.16

Security has been tightened and residents of the 47 townships due to vote on
24 May have been warned not to move out of their townships. Fifteen youth
members of the NLD were arrested at their homes overnight on 21 May,
reportedly due to their unauthorized efforts to help cyclone victims.17

Shaping the Response

Strategic Approach

We assert that ASEAN’s role ought to be to facilitate the unhindered operation

of the international humanitarian response. Rather than acting as a conduit
for international aid, ASEAN must use its influence with the Burmese
authorities to enable the immediate access of foreign aid and expertise to the
entirety of the area affected by Cyclone Nargis.

It is imperative that an immediate independent assessment of the current

situation in the affected area is permitted in order to capacitate an effective
response. Independent and unfettered reporting should be allowed from the
area.

14
Source: Democratic Voice of Burma, 22 May 2008
15
Source: Democratic Voice of Burma, 21 May 2008, the Irrawaddy, 21 May 2008, National Coalition
Government of the Union of Burma
16
Source: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
17
Source: National League for Democracy-Liberated Area 23 May 2008.

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We remind ASEAN that democratic opposition to military rule in Burma
remains strong, and that the pro-democracy movement is an internationally-
respected source of information regarding human rights violations on the
ground. We ask that ASEAN is sensitive to the culture of fear which pervades
the country. Systematic information gathering from those affected by the
disaster should be facilitated to ensure a safe environment in which people
can report their experiences. Civic society groups such as the Free Funeral
Service Society must be able to participate freely in the humanitarian relief
effort without fear of reprisals.

Immediate Needs
The most urgent concern is that the basic needs of the survivors in all
affected areas are met. They must be provided with drinking water, medical
treatment, food and shelter as soon as possible. Boats as well as helicopters
are required to effectively distribute aid. Human corpses and animal
carcasses must be disposed of appropriately, and the area cleared of
dangerous debris. Training for local staff and volunteers on the ground on
how to deal appropriately with trauma survivors is also urgently required.

Medium to Long-Term Needs

The economic impact of the cyclone threatens to be even more severe than
that of the 2004 tsunami. The country’s rice-producing area has been
devastated and food-security for the whole country is seriously jeopardized.
Without swift preventative action, Burma will be at risk of famine.

The survivors of the cyclone need support in rebuilding their lives, homes and
industries. The costs of rehabilitation threaten to be so great as to necessitate
enormous financial assistance from the international community. The
Irrawaddy Delta needs farmers, machinery, livestock and 900 tonnes of salt-
resistant rice-seed18. Agricultural rehabilitation, the rebuilding of the region’s
infrastructure and the reconstruction of homes and villages must be done
with the full consultation and participation of those affected.

This tragedy will also leave a profound psychological legacy. Expertise will be
required to assist community rehabilitation and provide skilled support to
survivors.

The UN has described the situation regarding children as ‘dire’19. Children are
at serious risk of being forced into ‘survival sex,’ of being trafficked for sexual
exploitation or labour, and of being recruited as child soldiers into the
Burmese army. Even those with surviving immediate family members may be
forced into work due to the economic survival needs of their kin. This
situation must be closely monitored.

18
Source: United Nations 16.05.08.
19
Source: United Nations 16.05.08.