Five for Fighting

An Examination of Sporting Violence as a Part of the Parochial and Global Popular

Written for:
Joshua Newman’s “Sport and Society” class
KNES 353.004
Submitted Monday, 18 December 2006

Edward B. Williams
 Williams

Introduction

What do European soccer hooliganism; riotous behavior on high school and

college campuses across the United States before, during, or after a sporting event;

martial arts competitions; and ice hockey fights all have in common? The answer is

aggressive, violent, and especially competitive behavior. Research shows that this type

of aggressive and violent behavior is spreading with an infectious nature throughout all

regions of the planet, especially in relation to sport. Its presence in movies, music,

television and video games has been a prominent issue in the news for years. Worried

parents and lobbyists have been concerned about the effects of this violence on the

behavior of children, and their perceptions of reality. Now, with the increasing amounts

of violence in sport, children are seeing the same violence, which has concerned many

people for years, in what is arguably one of the few areas left in popular culture that is

supposed to be safe from these influences.

The following should help to explain this violence and aggression by examining

various instances of this type of behavior as present within various sports, and in

response to various sporting events. It should also examine the causes of these behaviors

and the responses of participants and spectators of the sport on them. Finally, it should

make note of what has been and is being done to help control and minimize the violence

that is associated with the sporting culture.

Violence as a Part of Non-Sporting Popular Culture

There are countless instances of violence and aggression occurring throughout the

many mediums of popular culture around the world. The immense successes of violent

movies such as the Kill Bill series, The Departed, and the copious number of horror

2
 Williams

movies, along with the popularity of the “gansta rap” and “death metal” musical genres,

are exemplary of this. Another example would include the numerous websites and online

video clips devoted to violent behavior, such as the Bumfights series, which captures on

film, homeless and drug-addicted men fighting one another for the chance to win

infinitesimal sums of money. Since its start as an amateur video project comparable to

Jackass, it has grown to become, as their website states, “the world’s fastest selling

independent video series.”

Perhaps the most significant source of popular mediated violence comes in the

form of video games. The Grand Theft Auto series and True Crime series are just two

prime examples of the prevalence of violence in video games. This is particularly true of

the Grand Theft Auto series, wherein players are sent on a number of missions of varying

degrees of violence, in which the primary objective is to commit a crime of some sort.

The game also features a mode that allows players to avoid any objectives whatsoever,

and to wander aimlessly around the board stealing cars and killing civilians for no

purpose. In True Crime, there is less of an ability to avoid objectives, but the game is of

equal proportion in violence. This time the player is an undercover police officer who is

trying to solve an enigmatic crime. The player does however have the option of choosing

whether to play the role of good cop or bad cop.

Another aspect of popular culture, which commonly displays acts of violence and

aggression in non-sporting context, is the news. In any city in the world, one can tune

into the news using one of multiple available mediums of communication, and find

examples of real life acts of violence, crime, and aggression. Everyday, news sources

3
 Williams

such as, newspapers, magazines, internet, television and radio report on wars, crimes,

school shootings, and an infinite number of real-life acts of violence and aggression.

Violence as it Pertains to Sport

It is no wonder that major sporting spectacles such as the Olympic Games, the

World Cup or the Super Bowl have such a vast security presence. Sport has generated

violent and aggressive behavior for centuries and surely beyond. Violence has come

from within the sport itself (internal), either directly (innate) as in martial arts or

indirectly (secondary) as in the form of fights amongst players, and has come as a

reaction to the sport (external) as well. The following will discuss some of the various

aspects of violence as it pertains to sport.

Violence within sport

There are two different types of violence within sport. One such type, which

could be called innate violence, comes in the form of the sport itself. This type of

violence is generated through sports such as wrestling, boxing, or various forms of

martial arts. Some would argue that sports such as hunting or archery are violent sports.

These particular forms of sport are consumed with the implication that the spectator will

likely witness some type of violent or aggressively competitive behavior, as displayed by

one or more of the participants. This is commonly accepted based on the principle that

the sport is generally a violent act in and of itself. To expand, the idea that a violent sport

is often a matter of opinion can be seen in the following argument that football is a

violent sport from Nachbar and Lause (1992):

Gunfighter Bat Masterson called [football] “a brutal and savage slugging

match between two reckless opposing crowds”; bare-knuckle heavyweight
champ John L. Sullivan witnessed the carnage that marked the sport in the
1909 college season (27 players killed and hundreds of others seriously
injured) and branded it “murder”; and even today statistics reveal that

4
 Williams

“more women report physical abuse from spouses and boyfriends during
the Super Bowl than at any other time of the year.” The uniquely
American game of football is perhaps most “American” in the way in
which it reflects the violence which is such a long-standing, defining
element of the national character (p. 391).

The other type of violence within sport can be called secondary violence, in that it

might be the result of a dispute between individuals within the sport, either amongst

themselves or, in some instances, with an outside party. This could come in the form of

hockey fights, or fights amongst football players, coaches or referees. One example of a

coach displaying this type of violent behavior comes from a Rose Bowl exhibition many

years ago, in which University of Michigan was competing. According to Hoffer (1990),

then coach Woody Hayes threw a “temper tantrum... [and] punched a photographer.”

Rival coach Bo Schembechler of Ohio State University was noted to have thrown

“temper tantrums” from time to time as well (as cited in Nachbar & Lause, 1992, p. 401).

An article that provides an example of this type of violence within sport is by

Steve Robertson. It is appropriately entitled If I Let a Goal In, I’ll Get Beat Up.

Throughout this article, the author examines masculinity as it pertains to sport and

fitness, and is suggestive of the exceedingly competitive attitude that is prevalent in most

levels of, perhaps all modern sports (Robertson, 2003).

Pappas, McKenry, and Catlett have noted on violent and aggressive behavior as it

pertains to collegiate athletes and other non-athlete students. They mentioned a study of

one unnamed southeastern university that reported, “College athletes are overrepresented

among those who are involved in aggressive and violent sexual behavior on college

campuses.” It also states that among the male, undergraduate student body at this

particular school, as much as “15 percent reported using physical force” to obtain sexual

5
 Williams

favors (Pappas, McKenry & Catlett, 2004). This is a good example of an external display

of violence within sport, in that it involves athletes acting out on other members of

society.

Violence as a Reaction to Sport

There have been numerous counts of violence as a reaction to sport as well.

These might easily include college riots, which have taken place after many sporting

events, or soccer hooliganism, particularly as it exists in many countries throughout

Europe.

To define this particular type of violence, one might say that it results from the

violent reaction(s) of one or more spectators before, during, or after a sporting event.

This might also include violence in the extended community from which the event was

being consumed via some medium of communication, such as a television in a sports bar.

This might be further broadened to include any violent actions in relation to the sporting

event resulting from an argument or disagreement that may take place at an unrelated

space during another time.

Kerr and de Kock noted in an article about soccer hooliganism in Europe that the

problem persists and grows worse over time. They state:

Soccer hooligan aggression and violence in Europe is an ongoing

problem. The now familiar reports of riotous behavior, vandalism and
damage to property, hooligan aggression and fighting, arrests by the
police, expulsion to home countries, or prison sentencing frequently
make the media headlines (Kerr & de Kock, 2002).

One article entitled Friday Night Fights lists a number of violent incidents that

have occurred as a reaction to high school football. The article states that during the

2005 season alone, “an unprecedented number of violent incidents left almost a dozen

teenagers killed or seriously wounded.” Two of the killings mentioned took place within

6
 Williams

a week of one another in Maryland, both following high school football games. In fact,

after multiple incidents in Texas, school officials proposed to move football games from

the standard and highly traditional timeslot on Friday nights to a new time slot on

Saturday mornings (Popke, 2006).

Russell (2004) stated that riots in reaction to sporting events have had a major

effect on all of the six populated continents. His ideas are as follows: “football

hooliganism [has had a major impact] in Africa, Asia, Europe and South America; [riots

in reaction to] motorcycle racing in Australia, and [riots in reaction to] ice hockey in

North America [have both been of great significance]” (Russell, 2004).

Causes of Violence as it Pertains to Sport

There are many speculations as to what causes the real-life violence that

surrounds the sporting environment. In fact, it has been argued that simulated violence,

in television, movies, music, and video games, has been responsible for increases in

violent behaviors in recent years, especially among children and teenagers. In contrast,

others argue that the entertainment industry is merely reflective of the violence that is

very much a part of every day life. Skidmore (1991) notes of the relationship between

Martial Arts and popular culture, “It is impossible to determine precisely to what degree

the entertainment industry merely reflect[s] interest in the martial arts, or develop[s] it.”

On a side note, Skidmore alleges that the entertainment industry is responsible for too

much advertising, in the form of unrealistic representations, such as kung fu movies,

which often distort the true spirit of the art. This in turn, “drive[s] away serious

students”, while “[exploiting] others who are misled” and in search of the “fifteen minute

quick-kill course” (Skidmore, 1991).

7
 Williams

Other common speculations of what might cause violent behavior include

“excessive fan identification” (Wakefield & Wann, 2006), “aggressive nationalism”

(Chakrabarty, 2004), and “macho culture” or excessive machismo in males (Robertson,

2003). Of course, alcohol and other mind-altering substances are thought to increase and

intensify these behaviors.

Wakefield and Wann (2006) speak of negative and “dysfunctional” fan behavior

and suggest that the problem lies in “excessive fan identification”, and that when this

identity is threatened or confronted, especially when one is under the influence of

alcohol, these “dysfunctional fans” could become violent. Research has shown that some

of these highly identified fans might engage in socially irrational behavior throughout the

entirety of a sporting season. The case in point: “highly identified Florida Gator fans

typically wear blue and orange earrings, shoes, shirts, hats, and shorts – perhaps the entire

week during football season – as a consequence of their identification with the team.”

These same individuals are thought by sport managers to be typically normal people in

their everyday endeavors, in that they “tend to be psychologically healthy, involved in the

community, and consume the sport in question via game attendance and team

merchandise purchases” (Wakefield & Wann, 2006). This is why many sport managers

wish for these types of fans to attend games. However, as Wakefield and Wann note, “a

trip to most any sporting venue reveals that there is a darker side to high levels of team

identification”. The authors are speaking of the general rowdiness that comes with the

territory of being such a highly identified fan, the often-excessive alcohol consumption

that is virtually inevitable, and the violence and aggression from these fans toward other

spectators, coaches, referees, and anybody who threatens their consumption of the event.

8
 Williams

Chakrabarty (2004) writes of sport in India from historical and cultural

perspectives. He notes the “aggressive nationalism” that is heavily prevalent in the

sporting world, and suggests that sport is, and historically has been, symbolic of “battles

that raged on the streets, on the shop-floor, inside the parliament or at home.” In the

history of India, Chakrabarty writes, early forms of “polo, cricket, and hunting in colonial

India remained for a long time simply memories of how the British projected their

imperial image.” Therefore, the nationalism that was displayed in reaction to these sports

became a very strong ideology of anti-colonization.

Chakrabarty (2004) mentions the obvious when he states that “mediatization” is

the main source of Indian nationalism through sport today. One might say that the

nationalism that the Indian people display today during sporting events is often not so

much a display of nationalism as it is a reflection of the mediated nationalism of the

event, which often holds true the world over. This is similar to examples of mediated

nationalism, which are displayed to manufacture greater patriotic pride among spectators

of sporting events in the United States. One recent example of this is the Monday Night

Football opening game between the Washington Redskins and the Minnesota Vikings

during the 2006 football season. The event was an exemplary spectacle of patriotism and

American nationalism, and perhaps portrayed to the country what it is to be American,

thus reinforcing nationalist ideologies in its observers. This game, which took place on

September 11, 2006, was held on the fifth anniversary of a date that saw astounding

increases in patriotism and nationalism in citizens of the United States, and an event that

created a shocking amount of xenophobia among those same citizens.

9
 Williams

Another article of similarity to that of Chakrabarty is by Davis and Upson (2004).

This article also mentions “an indigenized version of a gentlemanly pastime [cricket]”,

and the warlike nature of World Cup cricket matches between India and Pakistan. Davis

and Upson go into more detail about World Cup matches and the manner in which

nationalism is generated through them than did Chakrabarty. Apparently, Indian and

Pakistani fans have varying levels of concern regarding the violence that is sometimes

generated through this nationalism.

When asked about the principle differences between watching the televised match

in their respective home countries versus in the United States, where Indians and

Pakistanis might watch the game together, fans had differing opinions. One Indian fan

described “the joy of sparring with Pakistani fans”, while another “described the

combination of Indians and Pakistanis in the same venue as ‘electrifying.’” Davis and

Upson (2004) then noted that, “Other fans expressed reservations about the

[combination]. Often apprehensions arose over the possibility of physical altercations.”

Robertson (2003) wrote about “macho culture”, which includes “aggression,

misogyny and homophobia” as they pertain to sport, health and fitness. Robertson

suggests that most men think of sport as, primarily, “a social activity associated with

‘getting out’ and being with ‘mates’”, but that for some, in addition to the male bonding

that takes place, focus is set primarily on the competitive aspect of sport. He goes so far

as to suggest that for some participants, sport can resemble warfare. The competitive

drive that is heavily prevalent in sport is also responsible for personal injury due to

“playing through [lesser] injuries” and athletes “stepping beyond their own identified

boundaries.”

10
 Williams

Robertson further suggests that within this “macho” sporting culture, masculinity

is often what is contested through participation in sport. With this competitive

masculinity on the line, it is often commonplace for “macho” men to separate themselves

from women, homosexuals, and disabled men, who are all thought of as inferior in a

sporting context (Robertson, 2003).

On another note that focuses more on the internal aspect of violence within sport,

among excessive machismo and other causes of aggressive and violent behavior among

athletes, one major factor is steroid use. Nack (1998), in his article The Muscle Murders

retells various accounts of intensely violent and aggressive behavior taking place because

of steroid abuse. One example from this article is of a female body builder who, while

experiencing “’roid rage”, brutally murdered her bodybuilder husband. Athletes are often

using steroids as a means of achieving greater athleticism, but are either failing to realize

or ignoring the negative effects of steroid use.

These are all examples of what has been speculated to be causing the violence and

aggressive behavior in sport. Among these examples are mediated violence, “aggressive

nationalism”, “macho culture”, and the use of steroids, alcohol, and other mind-altering

substances. While no one thing is causing these behaviors to occur, responsibility likely

lies in a combination of all of these and more factors.

Responses of Violence as it Pertains to Sport

The reactions to violence in sports can be narrowed down as they pertain to

different areas of the sporting culture. For instance, reactions could be categorized to

focus on the athletic aspect of the sport, which might include athletes, coaches, referees

and other persons involved in the sport itself. Another area of focus could be on the

11
 Williams

views of the spectator toward violence and aggression that occurs both within and in

reaction to sport. This category might include spectators who participate in violent

activities, or standers by who have seen or heard of this violence, as well as officials who

are responsible for controlling this violence.

Responses of Sporting Violence from Within Athletics

This is a broad category, which might include many different members of a

sporting team, league, or recreational group, and coaches, referees, and other individuals

involved within the athletics of a sporting entity. Some examples of this include, but are

not limited to, that of former University of Michigan football coach who once “punched a

photographer” during a temper tantrum at a Rose Bowl game (Hoffer, 1990), or a fight

that takes place between two or more competitors in an event, such as in a hockey fight.

It was noted by Fine (1987) that, “Coaches and parents contribute to the

legitimacy of sports violence as they argue that sport aggression prepares boys for

success as a man in an adult world (as cited in Pappas, et al., 2004). In a study of former

collegiate and professional hockey players (Pappas, et al., 2004), all of the five

participants described “varied experiences with and observations of aggression

perpetrated against teammates, opponents, bystanders, and women.” According to one

testimony, “if [someone backs] down in front of the whole team and lets [someone else]

shoot their mouth off, [then the team will feel that they can not rely on him later].

Another declares:

if someone were to try to fight you on the ice and you backed away, ...it
would be more perceived as he’s weak, he’s backed away from a physical
confrontation and generally most people don’t want to be seen like that
(Pappas, et al., 2004).

12
 Williams

Hockey players seem to come to a consensus, concurrent with the previous

statement, regarding violence within the sport, and fights that take place off the ice.

Another opinion represented in this study suggests that it is often not the athletes

who choose to participate in fights, but rather the result of other factors. One participant

suggests that there is a lot of pressure from coaches to be exceedingly aggressive. He

states, “I’ve been in situations where coaches have used their hand or their stick in certain

ways to get you fired up – hand in the back of the head, stick in the balls, you know”

(Pappas et al., 2004). Many of the players also feel pressure from the fans to be more

aggressive and violent in their game play.

Some athletes think of the masculinity and violence associated with certain sports,

and the possible deformities that may result, as a rite of passage. As a wrestler named

Justin Petersen says, “To most wrestlers, cauliflower ear is like a tattoo...it’s a status

symbol” (Palahniuk, 2005).

Responses to Sporting Violence from the Perspective of the Non-Participant

Spectators have varying responses to athletic violence. While some complain

about the violence, it seems that most not only tolerate it but also encourage it. Pappas, et

al. (2004) suggest that “a powerful socialization process is the primary determinant of

sport and sport-related violence” and that outside members of society are at the top of the

chain of command. They suggest, “There appears to be widespread support, both

institutional and community, for violence associated with sport, both within and outside

the sports context.” One athlete suggests the fans are to blame, when he says:

The first thing that comes into my head is the cheering every time
somebody gets hit into the boards and a fight breaks out everyone stands
up and cheers – that kind of thing, and when they see blood. A lot of fans
came to see that and they got bored if there wasn’t some kind of violence
going on. In my personal conversations with them and how they react to

13
 Williams

the game, it was enough for me to see that they wanted to see that violence
thing, and it does promote it – I mean, when the crowd is behind you and
cheer when you knock people into boards – I’m not going to lie, it gets
you fired up and wants to make you do more banging of guys into the
boards, and lots of times, if it takes that to get the team fired up, then
that’s what you’re going to do. It always helps to get the fans behind you
– they definitely have a role in promoting violence in the sport (Pappas, et
al., 2004).

There is an article by Peter Donnelly (1996) on the notion of “prolympism”, a

fusion of “the two dominant sport ideologies”: professionalism and olympism, which

mentions the endangerment of “indigenous and alternative sports.” The article states,

“The limitations of prolympism become very evident when we see that judo is still the

only regular Olympic sport that is non-Western in origin.” Prolympism aside, it is hard

to believe that this might not also have something to do with the inherent violent

entertainment of the sport, as the Olympics, arguably, are customized to meet the demand

of the global popular.

The one group of people who seem to be the most upset over soccer hooliganism,

particularly in Scotland, is, as O’Neill (2004) terms them, “the forgotten team.” O’Neill

is referring to the Scottish police force, which apparently has a “significant police culture

[that] exists in relation to football [soccer].” They are present and ready to protect the

public from hooligan outbursts at every game. O’Neill focuses on the fact that in most

studies the police force is “largely neglected” and left out of research and literature. This

only helps to prove that the majority of the population does not care about this police

force, but rather encourages hooliganism.

Tying it All Together

As can be seen, sport has generated a lot of violence, both from within and as a

reaction to itself. There are various types of violence in sport and associated with sport,

14
 Williams

all of which have varying degrees of response from different people. Things have been

done in the past and are currently being done to take measures against the trend in

increasing violence in sport. High school football games in Texas have moved to a time

slot in which external violent behavior is less likely to occur. Many stadiums on various

levels of professionalism across the United States and in other areas have increased

security, limited carry-in items, and installed surveillance cameras in an attempt to

diminish violent and aggressive behavior in fans. From within the sports themselves,

penalties and fines for fighting have become harsher, and many organizations are

cracking down on the use of steroids among their players.

However, it appears that sporting violence is in high demand among sport fans.

This is especially difficult for those fans that would prefer not to absorb the violence that

is associated with certain sports.

Some people are concerned with the violence that is associated with sports,

whether that violence is internal or external, but many other people seem to accept it.

Still others appear to glorify and encourage violence in sport.

Speculating on the immense popularity of his book and the movie that followed,

popular literary author Chuck Palahniuk wrote:

My pet theory about Fight Club’s success is that the story presented a
structure for people to be together. People want to see new ways for
connecting...We don’t see a lot of new models for male social interaction.
There’s sports. Barn raisings. That’s about it. And now there’s fight
clubs. For better or worse (Palahniuk, 2005).

If violence in sport is providing a way for people to interact, and if innocent

bystanders are not being hurt, and most people are seeing what they want to see, then

perhaps sporting violence is not such a big deal after all.

15
 Williams

References

Chakrabarty, D. (2004). The fall and rise of Indian sports history. The International Journal of

the History of Sport, 21(3/4), 337-343. Retrieved Friday, December 08, 2006 from the

SocINDEX with Full Text database (AN 14133332).

Davis, C. P., & Upson, G. P. (2004). Spectatorship, fandom, and nationalism in the South Asian

Diaspora: The 2003 Cricket World Cup. The International Journal of the History of

Sport, 21(3/4), 631-649. Retrieved Friday, December 08, 2006 from the SocINDEX with

Full Text database (AN 13460155).

Donnelly, P. (1996). Prolympism: Sport monoculture as crisis and opportunity. Quest, 48( ), 25-

42.

Fine, G. A. (1987). With the boys: little league baseball and preadolescent culture. Chicago:

University of Chicago Press.

Hoffer, R. (1990). The west. In R. Clarkman (Ed.), Game Day U.S.A. Charlottesville, VA:

Eastman Kodak and Thommason Grant.

Kerr, J. H., & de Kock, H. (2002). Aggression, violence, and the death of a Dutch soccer

hooligan: a reversal theory explanation. Aggressive Behavior, 28(1), 1-10. Retrieved

October 02, 2006, from Academic Search [EBSCO] database (AN 11774282).

Nachbar, J. & Lause, K. (1992). Popular culture: an introductory text. Bowling Green, OH:

Bowling Green State University Popular Press.

Nack, W. (1998). The Muscle Murders: When Beril Fox was arrested for double homicide last

year, he became only the latest accused murderer among hard-core bodybuilders, whose

subculture is a volatile mix of fragile egos, economic hardship and anabolic steroid

abuse. Sports illustrated, 88(20), 96-100; 103-104; 106. Retrieved November 02, 2006

from the SPORTDiscus [EBSCO] database (SPHS-25915).

16
 Williams

O’Neill Megan (2004). Policing football in Scotland: the forgotten team. International Review

for the Sociology of Sport, 39(1), 95-104. Retrieved Friday, December 08, 2006 from the

SocINDEX with Full Text database (AN 16053261).

Palahniuk, C. (2005). Stranger than fiction: true stories. New York: Anchor Books

Pappas, N. T., McKenry, P. C. &.Catlett, B. S. (2004). Athlete aggression on the rink and off the

ice. Men & Masculinities, 6(3), 291-312. Retrieved October 02, 2006, from Academic

Search [EBSCO] database (AN 12735063).

Popke, M. (2006). Friday Night Fights. Athletic Business, 30(1), 84; 88-90. Retrieved November

02, 2006, from SPORTDiscus [EBSCO] database (SPHS-1016333).

Robertson, S. (2003). ‘If I let a goal in, I’ll get beat up’: contradictions in masculinity, sport, and

health. Health Education Research 18(6), 706-716. Retrieved Friday, December 08,

2006 from PsycINFO [EBSCO] database (2003-10570-003).

Russell, G. W. (2004). Sport riots: a social-psychological review. Aggression and Violent

Behavior, 9(4), 353-378. Retrieved Friday December 08, 2006 from PsycINFO

[EBSCO] database (2004-15820-003).

Skidmore, M. J. (1991). Oriental Contributions to Western Popular Culture: The Martial Arts.

Journal of Popular Culture, 25(1), 129-148. Retrieved November 02, 2006, from

Academic Search [EBSCO] database (9109300676).

Wakefield, K. L., & Wann, D. L. (2006). An examination of dysfunctional sport fans: method of

classification and relationships with problem behaviors. Journal of Leisure Research,

38(2), 168-186. Retrieved October 02, 2006, from Academic Search [EBSCO] database

(AN 20847105).

17