Why did the Russian Provisional Government fail in 1917?

The Russian Provisional Government failed in 1917 for a variety of reasons. Perhaps most
importantly, they refused to end the countrys involvement in World War One. Due to the
governments preoccupation with winning that War, many economic and social problems were
overlooked or ignored.Institutions known collectively as The Soviet were also attempting to gain
more power. They didnt want to run the government, but they did want greater autonomy for the
workers.In effect, they sucked power away from the Provisional Government. These issues and
several others led to the failure of the Provisional Government and the seizure of power by the
Bolsheviks in October of 1917.
The Russian Provisional Government was formed in the aftermath of Tsar Nicholas IIs
abdication from the throne on March 2, 1917. After Nicholas departure, the Duma was the only
real legal authority left to run the country. Out of this body the Provisional Government was
formed by a coalition of various Duma parties. It was intended to be an interim body to hold
power until the Constituent Assembly could be called and a constitution could be written.
[1] Headed first by Prince G. E. Lvov, the new government saw as its primary task as winning
the War, only then would other issues be dealt with.
Massive economic and social problems, inefficient decision making by the Tsar, as well as
Russias high casualty rate in World War One had led to the collapse of autocracy. The Duma,
which had pressed for gradual liberalization of the country, was headed mostly by the Octobrists
and the Kadets, the center-right political parties. This was by design, as the electorate had been
severely restricted so that only those two parties could win a majority. They were tasked with
preparing the country for national elections and the Constituent Assembly. This would require
granting full freedom of speech, press, assembly, and religion, and equality to all citizens.[2]
However, there was another body claiming power as well, the Soviet. They claimed to
represent the peasants and workers interests. They provided services for workers and
sailors. This Dual Power created a complex system of authority that did not function
efficiently. The Provisional Government might have had authority, but it was unclear whether or
not they had power. Whether or not the population would follow them was not known. The
Soviet, on the other hand, held true sway with the workers and peasants.
The soviets were formed as workers councils, and were made up of both common
people and the intelligentsia. They worked to secure rights for workers and after March 1917,
they sought to protect the gains made by the first Revolution. The Petrograd Soviet was the head
of a nationwide network of soviets that were located throughout Russia. Far more radical than
the Duma, they were composed mostly of Socialist Revolutionaries and Social-Democrats.

[3] The Petrograd Soviet also included many of the soldiers stationed in the citys garrison and
sailors stationed at the nearby naval base of Kronstadt.
At first the soviets and the Provisional Government coexisted rather peacefully and the
Petrograd Soviet approved of the new governments policies. However, as time went on, they
began to fight for control over the military and foreign policy.Order Number 1, issued by the
Petrograd Soviets army section, authorized army units to elect soldiers to represent them in the
soviets. It also stated that army units did not have to obey orders given by the Government unless
those orders were approved by the Soviet first.[4]
In 1917 the majority of the Russian Army was made up of peasants, who were confused
as to what exactly they were fighting for. With no clear motivation to fight or stake in victory,
they made a poor fighting force. While many of the soldiers continued to fight on the Front, they
were more loyal to the soviets than the Provisional Government. This was because the soviets
were calling for the nationalization of land. It seemed to most of the peasantry that the soviets
were fighting for their interests while the Provisional Government was simply continuing the
policies of autocracy.
The new government felt it had to fulfill its obligations to the Allies and continue the war
and fight for lasting peace through victory. The Provisional Government was immediately
recognized by the Allied forces. Secret treaties signed by the government implemented a new
expansionist war policy, hoping to gain territory in the Ukraine and Austria-Hungary. The soviets
protested this by calling for the European workers to overthrow their governments and achieve
a just and democratic peace without annexations and indemnities. [5]
In April of 1917 Vladimir Lenin, leader of the Bolsheviks, returned to Russia from exile in
Switzerland. His new tactic was no confidence or support to the new government, primarily
because they were continuing the War. In time, he would sway most of the Bolshevik leadership
to his line of thinking. In hisApril Theses, published shortly after his return, he denounced any
cooperation with the new government. Lenin states, the war on Russias part remains a
predatory imperialist war.[6]Due to this fact, the soviets must not support the ongoing war and
must completely break off any support for the Provisional Government.
Later in the Theses, Lenin explains, It must be explained to the masses that the Soviet of
Workers Deputies is the only possible form of revolutionary governmenttherefore, our task is,
while this government is submitting to the influence of the bourgeoisie, to present apersistent
analysis of its errors and tactics[7]No support for the Provisional Government and All
Power to The Soviets! were the two principles of the April Theses. While not a majority in the
Soviet yet, the Bolsheviks were gaining influence.

While the Provisional Government was preoccupied with winning the War, the countrys
economic and social problems began to grow worse. In three [domestic] areas in particular the
governments response was found wanting: the nationality question, the agrarian crisis, and
industrial relations. Russia had been a large, multiethnic empire and now the various
nationalities were demanding autonomy. Disagreements about how to handle the nationality
question led to the fall of Lvovs government on July 15. [8]
The second pressing domestic issue, the agrarian crisis, was growing worse with
time. Immediately after the Tsars abdication, and in the power vacuum that followed, peasants
began seizing the land of nobles in the countryside. Many peasant soldiers deserted their posts to
go back home and participate in the land grabbing. The Provisional Government, fearful of even
more peasants deserting the army, refused to implement any sort of land reform. Their inaction
made the problem worse because now the peasantry had no reason to support the new
government.
The third domestic issue was that of industrial relations which had been an ongoing problem for
some time. As Russia began to industrialize in the early 1900s, the population of industrial
workers, especially in Petrograd and Moscow, exploded. Most of the manufacturing was
centered on these two cities. Low wages, inflation, lack of work, lack of adequate housing and
food was making life increasingly harsh for the factory workers. In industry workers began to
organize factory committees to defend themselves and to keep the factories open in the fact of
economic disruption and lockouts.[9]
One reason that the Provisional Government did not settle many of these domestic issues was
because they wanted to wait for the Constituent Assembly. Realizing that most of the people
would only accept the legitimacy of a government elected by that assembly, they put off many
issues until it could be convened. It was scheduled to open in January 1918.
Alexander Kerensky emerged as the new leader of the Provisional Government after Lvovs
exit. Kerensky was a moderate socialist who believed that the goal of the new government was to
finish the agenda set by autocracy.[10] He was the only person to be involved in both the
leadership of the soviet and the Provisional Government and it put him in a precarious
position. While the Soviet had forbid any of its members in participating in the new government,
they made an exception for Kerensky.
In July 1917, a failed Bolshevik uprising led to the imprisonment of most of the partys
leadership and Lenin once again fled the country, this time to Finland. It appeared as though the
Bolsheviks were now eliminated as a threat to the Provisional Government. However, a chain of
events would soon see them released.

On August 26 General L.G. Kornilov of the military high command called for the
surrender of the Provisional Government. In place of that government he planned to install a
military dictatorship.[11] It is unclear whether or not Kornilov himself would have headed this
government, but it was a threat nonetheless. He threatened to have his troops march on
Petrograd, if the Provisional Government did not surrender.
Kerensky, frightened that the capital might be seized by Kornilovs forces, asked the
Petrograd Soviet for help. The Soviet agrees on the condition that all their comrades are freed,
including the Bolsheviks. The workers of the Soviet were armed and made into units of Red
Guards. Kornilov was moving his troops by rail, and since the Bolsheviks had influence with
the railway workers, they simply had the trains stopped so that Kornilov and his men could be
arrested.
The Bolsheviks were seen as heroes after this incident and it further weakened Kerenskys
government.[12] In September they finally gained a majority in the Soviet and Lenin, finally
back from Finland, realized that the time to seize power was close at hand. He pushed the
leadership in Petrograd to seize power immediately. By October, it was clear that Kerenskys
attempts to form a third coalition and maintain power were failing. There were too many
political parties and they could not agree on any policies moving forward.[13]
The continuing devastation of the War and the Provisional Governments refusal to end it was the
key issue in bringing about its collapse. They had tried to shift tactics in war propaganda, now
billing the conflict as a struggle against German autocracy. The soldiers, however, didnt buy
it. In the industrial centers of the country, Moscow and Petrograd, unrest over the War was
steadily growing just as it had earlier that year in February. The situation was growing from bad
to worse.Kerenskys offensive had failed; the Germans were gaining more ground by the
day. This further eroded any support the government might have had left. It was clear that they
were ineffective on both foreign and domestic issues.
This ineffectiveness left the door open for a new force to gain power. The only coherent policy
alternatives being offered were those of the Bolsheviks. On the night of November 6, they made
their move and soldiers from the Petrograd garrison seized government buildings and stormed
the headquarters of the Provisional Government at the Winter Palace.[14] This would end the
freest period in Russias history and lead to a dictatorship of epic consequences.
In the end, it was the continuation of an unpopular, offensive and expansionist war that
led to the Provisional Governments failure. Instead of trying to forge a new road ahead following
the March Revolution, the new government instead went on with business as usual. They did not
implement the reforms necessary to win the support of the population. They thought that

overnight, after the first revolution, Russia had been transformed and an era of democracy would
ensue. Without a government willing to actually change policy, it was perhaps doomed from the
beginning.

[1] Sakwa, Richard. The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Union. Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group: London and New York 1999. Pg 32
[2] MacKenzie, David and Curran, Michael W. A History of Russia, the Soviet Union, and Beyond (6th Edition). Wadsworth Thomas
Learning 2002. Pg 418

[3] Sakwa. Rise and Fall of the Soviet Union Pg 12

[4] MacKenzie and Curran. Pg 419
[5] Ibid, Pg 419
[6] Sakwa, Pg 34
[7] Ibid, Pg 35
[8] Ibid, Pg 37
[9] Ibid, Pg 38
[10] Ibid
[11] Ibid, Pg 44
[12] Ibid
[13] MacKenzie and Curran, Pg 421
[14] Sakwa, Pg 51
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