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102
Part 1
Conceptualising
representation
and defining
In the modem world the majority of people gain the majority of their information and
knowledge about the world through mass media texts. We find out about what is going
on through a variety of media sources - Twitter, the TV news, documentaries, newspaper
front pages, magazine gossip columns, web pages, phone text updates, RSS feeds and so
on. We also find out about individual people (the ordinary and the extraordinary), about
'other' social and national groups (Norwegians, asylum seekers, paedophiles, 'Cangstas',
Christians - supposing you don't fall into one, or all, of these groups already) and their
environments through our media sources. If you don't already live there then you might
access inner-city America - 'the ghetto' - in rap music, or Afghanistan's Helmand province
in news reports, indicating this experiential aspect of the media.
In fact it is possible to feel very knowledgeable and educated about the world as a:
result of our media consumption. However, what is the nature of this knowledge? How
reliable or accurate is it? How informed and enlightened are we exactlyin this mediatised
. and information-saturated age? To what degree are we asked to engage with the processes
and means by which information comes to 11s and to be critical about it and this process?
Who is responsible for such information? These are extensions of the issues that we dealt
with in preceding chapters via our examination of media rhetoric (choice of words, presentation, edit, perspective, etc.), narrative organisation (how story and plot are ordered),
and how the media signifies, which we examined using the tools of semiology. The point
here is that while media forms may have their own rhetoric and language that position us
as audience members for entertainment purposes, they are not divorced from the social,
cultural, political and historical contexts of their making. This is why representation is
such an irriportant area for consideration. It informs our outlook on various groups and
cultures - our own and those of others - potentially in turn affectinghow social relations
are played out.
If we tum to dictionary definitions of the group of words around the verb 'to represent' we come across several distinct meanings. First, there is represent as meaning 'equivalence' or 'corresponding to'. This sense would most obviously fit one of the semiological
terms we encountered previously: 'icon' (see p. 59). This relates to the types of relationship
between any sign and its referent as outlined by Peirce (p. 51): iconic signs look likl'f. the
thing that they represent. Thus, a stick man on a toilet door represents the men who are
directed to use those facilities. A picture of Brad Pitt looks like, well, Brad Pitt. The point
is of course that such a picture is not literally the thing itrepresents despite our tendency
automatically to say of such an image, 'It's Brad Pitt.' The distinction serves to remind us
all the time of the process of mediation.
This sense of representing as equivalence or correspondence would also have relevance to thinking setniologically about the symbolic relationship of any sign and its
referent (p. 60). As we saw in our previous chapters this symbolic relationshipr~f~Jstb
an arbitrary but conventionally agreed one. The amalgam of shapes or the letter~ Q~T, in
English at least, refer to a four-legged furry mammal or the idea of CAT, but there(S nothc
ing about such an animal that necessitates this label. Likewise, we generally accept.that
our own names (Paul Long and Tim Wall, the main authors of this book for instance)
are labels that correspond to our status as actually existing individuals - they 'represent'
us in signing photographs for our readers, in letters or maybe in leaving graffiti on a
toilet door.
Another sense of the word concerns the idea of something or someone acting .as a proxy
or substitute for something or someone else. In relation to this sense, there is tlle idea of
Chapter 3
Representatibn
To rePfFlSqnt something is d(l'schbe
.prdepict It, to call
it upjn the mind by
description, portrayal or imagination.
To represent also
means to symbolise,
to stand for, to be
a specimen of or to
substitute for.
to
Media representations
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Part 1
should not forget that representation takes place through all forms of media work: verbal
rhetoric - words used in reports, scripts, jokes and so on, as well as via the modes in which
those words are presented, inflected and delivered. The same goes for popular music in
terms of lyrics, delivery and, of course, the music itself, which also works as a representational, rhetorical form.
The instances of representation that are suggested here are drawn from a variety of
visual-media sources. They are images of men and women in different roles and contexts:
real people in the role of real people (inhabiting their own identities as presenters or as the
objects of news, reality TV, etc.) as other images might be of real people in their roles as
actors representing other, fictional individuals. We can agree on the straightforwardness of
the claim that here is a picture of Mrs X, Ms Y or Mr Z, etc. Semiologically speaking, images
are iconic (the representation looks like the thing it represents), working at the denotative,
analogical, literal level. Yet, at a further level of signification we could claim (subject to
detailed analysis and argument) that such figures as represented serve to 'connote' (p. 58)
further levels of meaning and mote complex and generalised ideas - aspects of contemporary society or culture. This then is the level of the symbolic level of representation.
Chapter
Media representations
105
We'll unpack these ideas in due course but we can gesture towards these complexities and
connotations (which you can develop further) by offering some possible labels for the
associational, connotative level of the images suggested: black middle-class professional
man; gay man; imperilled child. While these representations are diverse they obviously
do not reflect the full demographic of each basic group we might label in our society. Nor
are they representative of media representations as a whole as we have made an arbitrary
selection here to make a point.
In contemporary society such representations mediate and contribute to the construction of our knowledge and understanding of that wider society and all the individuals and
groups that exist within it - including those that we ourselves think we belong to (Spanish
people, football fans, music lovers, democrats, etc.). We even accept representations of
cultures we have never been involved with and construct our understanding of them from
media representations. These may be positive or they may be negative, inflecting in turn
our disposition towards such groups, as our example of asylum seekers suggests. Media
representations of groups are not independent of the rest of society and neither are they
and what they represent unchanging (superficially at least), nor do they go unchallenged.
This is not to suggestthat they get 'better', more accurate or necessarily less offensive over
time to those who are offended by them. Often such representations are lauded or vilified
for the way in which they are considered to be positive or negative, 'realistic' or 'fabrications'. People and individuals who are being represented often have something to say
about their depiction although the extent to which they are heard is another matter (imagine whether or not 'gypsies' complained to the newspapers about the series and stories
referred to at the start of this chapter).
Why representations merit such responses, their implications and how we can make
sense of them concerns us as we proceed. In drawing attention to how the media make
use of and construct representatives we recognise how we ourselves categorise and identify social groups in particular and recognisable ways. To categorise individuals means
generalising about them, identifying them as part of a wider class or group of things,
people, etc. who possess some quality and qualities of experience in common - to themselves and to those who perceive them. To talk of the working class, for instance, identifies
people by their economic status in the labour market; to talk of gay women identifies a
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Part 1
group by both biological status and sexual orientation; to talk of the French identifies people by their
geographical origin, nation and culture. To cite such
categories, however objective we aim to be, begins
to call up a range of ideas - connotations and myths about these groups that are at the same time diffuse
and limited.
To take the French, for instance, from the perspective of the UK invites positive connotations
of a sophisticated culture (food, language, literature, romantic lovers) and of the rather ridiculous
but repeated image of beret-wearing, Breton shirtwearing bicycle.riders with a string of onions around
the neck. This is clearlyan immediately limited idea
but one that is recognisable from the circulation of
signs in British society and their associations. The
French have their own versions and labels for the
British encapsulated in the label 'Les rosbifs' (roast
beefs) which reduces a culture to a meat dish. (The
Portugueseuse 'bife' or 'steak' as a label for the same
group.) This nickname does perhaps have something to do with the perennial image of 'John Bull'
and his preferences while another label, 'Les fuckoffs', says something about the vulgar behaviour of
Brits abroad as well as something about European
perceptions of British attitudes to foreigners and
Europe in particular. Such positive and negative
labels and the ideas behind them are quite common
in everyday usage and in the way in which media
representations work as selectiveabstractions. These
are manifest in the related concepts of archetype and
stereotype.
stereotype
To refer to anyone as a 'type' is to define an individual by what they represent rather than for their
unique qualities as individuals.Typificationinvolves
a form of shorthand, signifiedby appearance,behaviour, belief, etc. Anybody or anything can be dressed
up or made to appear as a 'type' and we hear it particularly when reference is made to actors who are
'typecast' in particular roles. Such figures seem to
evince a set of general conventions and expectations
producers and consumers have about them as
people as well as about society in general, i.e. that
individuals can be recognised, categorised and limited in such a banal fashion.
In comparison, an archetype is a 'perfect' or
idealised person or thing that exhibits certain core
values and identities that offer a model or pattern
Chapter 3
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Stereotype
Stereotyping is a
process involving
the expression of an
exaggerated belief
about a group that
serves to qualify or
justify the conduct
towards that group
of those who hold
and express that
belief.
Media representations
107'
for the way in which cultures are viewed. This ideal can be expressed as a positive or
negative force. Pre-mass-media archetypal figures include the heroes, heroines and villains of mythology and ancient religions such as Hercules, Andromeda, Zeus and so on.
Modern villains and heroes who epitomise the deep beliefs, values and preferences of
society include figures such as Superman, Dracula or Sherlock Holmes. Time and again
we see fictional figures as well as actual living individuals lauded as modern archetypes.
Stereotypes by contrast seem more limiting in function and are often (although not
always) negative.
We'll return to the stereotype but, for now, let us consider the archetype or 'ideal' as
exemplified in the enduring figure of Superman whose cultural life encompasses his comic
book origins, radio shows, 1V programmes, films and records. The creation of Jerry Siegel
and Joe Shuster, two young Jewish comic book creators in the 1930s, Superman evinces
the idea of coming to America experienced by any other immigrant (he is an alien in the
most literal sense in that he comes from outer space) and becoming the embodiment
of America. His possible meanings are represented by his benign appearance and deeds,
embodying 'truth, justice and the American way'. His very clothes, despite his origins in
outer space, are indeed red, white and blue. Recent retellings of the story have Superman
arriving on Earth, albeit landing in the Soviet Union and being raised as a good communist (Millar, 2004) or arriving in the UK and taking on the characteristics of the 'stiffupper-lipped' English adopted culture (Johnson and Cleese, 2006)!
The distinction between archetype and the more familiar stereotype can sometimes
seem blurred. This can be illustrated through a consideration of the popular and controversial music star 50 Cent (Curtis Jackson). Here is an extract from a newspaper feature on
him which explicitly enlists the notion of the archetype:
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The wealth of music Curtis Jackson released and his 2000 shooting conspired to turn 50 Cent
the rapper into a local legend before his debut album had even been released. In some senses, he
represents the latest incarnation of an archetype that crops up time and time again in popular
music. Early blues singers often retold in song the story of the deadly confrontation between Billy
Lyons and a pimp called Lee Shelton (known variously as Stagger Lee or Stagolee), two real-life
characters from the Deep South whose 1895 shoot-out resulted in Lyons' death.
In Stagolee Shot Billy, a book about the social history of the myth, writer Cecil Brown
describes how Stagolee's persona as the 'bad black hero' feeds into our perception of characters
as varied as Puff Daddy, OJ Simpson, Malcolm X and Huey Newton.
Chris Campion, 'Right on the money', The ObserverMusic Monthly, August 2005, p. 35.
www.guardian.CQ.uk/music/200s/aug/21/popandrock2
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This artist's genre of music - a stripped-down form of 'Gangsta Rap' - relating the travails oflife for many African-Americans in urban America has been castigated for glorifying
drug dealing and brutality. One theme of the criticism is that the cast of characters in the
genre's recordings comprises a male group of 'niggas', 'pimps' and 'players' and a female
group of 'bitches' and 'hos', Taken as a partial and often offensive selection of AfricanAmericans these representations then can be labelled with more pejorative intent as
'stereotypes'. For some people 50 Cent himself is a stereotype - at least in his media guise.
(Representations are stereotypes, not people themselves - the distinction is an important
one.) 'Fiddy's' image, like the cast of characters in his songs, is deeply objectionable to
many not just because of a brutal 'realism' but because they repeat the limited range that
has characterised representations of African-Americans in the mainly 'white' media.
A Frenchman by the name of Firmin Didot invented the term 'stereotype' in the nineteenth century. It derived from his printing practice and referred to an . impression of an
original piece of typography (where our word 'type' also comes from) used in the process
of printing (a mode of reproduction) instead of the original. For our purposes the modern
use of the term derives from the work of American theorist Walter Lippmann in his 1922
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book Public Opinion. Sometimes, especially in reference to the media, we use the term in
tandem with the damning label of cliche when making critical qualitative judgements - 'It
was such a cliched radio phone-in show, trawling out all of the usual stereotypical characters and opinions', etc. However,we more readily use the term to refer to impressions of
individuals and groups. This is how we will anchor our definition.
Stereotypes are often, but not always, negative ascriptions and they tend to be limited in
the range of meanings that they articulate.We could add that in this they are, like the more
innocuous sense of 'typing', a form of shorthand, reducing the complexity of an individual, group or situation to a familiar and quickly understood and defining set of attributes.
Ideas about the groups to which they refer are embodied and naturalised in media texts,
in rhetorical manner and in narratives and generic conventions. They thus contribute to
the way in which other groups understand and relate to those who are presented through
such stereotypes.
If we suggest that stereotypes are usually more prevalent and readily associated with
social groups who are in the minority in societieswe can appreciatewhy those images and
ideas about African-Americansfrom the gangsta rap of 50 Cent or asylum seekers from
overseas mentioned above cause so much concern. We can add too that stereotypes are
usually about those who are not just a minority but who have less power in society than
the majority. In this way we can begin to think about how stereotypes work and where
they come from as well as the various functions they serve.
According to Graeme Burton (Burton and Dimbleby, 1988: 70), it is the speed and
intensity of the assumptions and predictions that are made about other persons on a slender basis that makes stereotyping so lethal and objectionable. However, given the limitations of media texts (or any representativeform) in terms of the ability to be faithful to
reality, stereotypes are sometimes seeminglyinescapable and even necessaryto media texts
and the information and pleasure that we gain from them. There is a complication perhaps in that while some stereotypes seem so prevalent across media our perception of
them is also conditioned by their currency in other sectors of society and other modes
of communication. Racist and sexist stereotypes for instance pre-date mass media forms,
occurring in religious tracts, paintings, drama, jokes, folk tales and so on. Most of us both
recognise and may call on stereotypes (consciously or unconsciously) in a variety of situations. Tokes can depend upon stereotypes for their point and punchline [There's these
two rosbifs ... '). they come to hand very easily
in sporting competitions when passions and
stakes run high (,The natural discipline of the
Germans will be a force to contend with in this
tournament') or when doing many everyday
things such as driving ('Women drivers!'). The
ubiquity of stereotypes does rather disguise
their constructedness in media texts therefore,
as we have a tendency to see them as natural,
to an extent 'believing' in them.
We can identify a range of functions for
stereotypes in media texts and relate them to
broader social and historical contexts; however, that in part explains them and undermines their obviousness and our acceptance of
them. On the one hand, they provide an ordering process in the face of the contingency and
Chapter 3
Media representations
109
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'messiness' of reality, offering a 'short cut' to meaning that nonetheless refers to 'the world',
expressing something of the values and beliefs of those who hold the stereotype to be in
some way indicative (,Yes, of course "they" are all like that, aren't they?'). Rhetorically and
semiologically speaking, therefore, a stereotype functions metonymically as an index of a
wider reality and set of values about the group the burden of which usually falls on a single
figure. This is why they are subject to such fierce debate - on one hand vilified for their
negative qualities and on the other hand dismissed as simple and expedient characters in
dramas, comedies or reports where no 'offence' was intended.
We often think of stereotypes as in some way false, that they offer an inaccurate or misleading picture of individuals and social groups. However, the late media theorist Tessa
Perkins (see below) argued that stereotypes are effective by virtue of the fact that they
have some semblance to reality, that, however extreme or reductive, they contain a 'grain
of truth'. This is not to excuse stereotypes where they are hurtful in any way but to find in
them an explanation for their origin, existence and role. The limited intelligence of individuals in representations of Irish people in British culture and of African-Americans in
American culture for instance echoes the f(let that these groups were, historically, structurally and systematically oppressed and disa~dvantagedby those in power. Ireland .was subject to oppressive British rule for centuries while the history of Americans of African origin
is defined by the institution of slavery and its legacy. The language, demeanour and culture
of the Irish and of black Americans - when judged on the terms of the dominantculture '- can
all be said to have been negatively affected by these histories and resultant power relations and have had a long-term impact upon positioning the group as inferior to those
who have dominated them. In Germany, Turkish people filled gaps in the post-war workforce as Gastarbeiter and despite the necessity of their presence were treated as secondclass citizens around whom stereotypes developed. David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky have
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documented how even those at the bottom of the pile in German society were able to look
down upon Turkish workers for being loud, garish in dress, dragging scores of children
around with them ~ appearing as akin to an 'epidemic' (Horrocks and Kolinsky, 1996: 8).
Comedy shows on German 1V such as Was guckst du? have played on such stereotypes. As
one online post by a viewer about this show comments (do note that this is a Germanspeaker posting in English so forgive any errors in expression):
'I don't get it ~ are all the German Turks so dumb?' That's the question you would ask yourself
after watching the show! And it is very popular belong the Germans and most unfortunately
belong some Turks as well. The protagonist of the most sketches is a Germanborn Turk ~ and he
plays the stereotypic Turkish-descend bloke. Using all the time the slang and low grammatical
knowledge - and often playing a violent orientated chauvinistic character. I'm aware that many
Turkish people in Germany hate him - but the majority of them seems to have at least accepted
the point of view the general public has of'them'.
The worst fact has to come: through the acceptance of this show in the German public more
and more (especially young) Turks are more likely to become like the stereo typic character which
is shown to them week by week - because this character is more and more accepted - even
though as a clown. This leads towards a downward spiral in this minority-group - regarding
financial income, prestige in higher level jobs, willing to acquire education.
Posted at www.imdb.com/titie/tt0279612/ (accessed 21 July 2008)
The point here is that these ideas about Turks are 'believable' (as this post attests), for the
way in which they plug into recognisable and observable traits. First-generation Turkish
workers in Germany are, of course, non-native speakers and this characteristic impacts
upon the generation born to them when they settle in Germany; aspects of their culture
and demeanour can seem alien to native Germans. These are easily spotted and latched
on to as 'representative' traits just as they obscure so many others of infinite variety.
Foregrounded in media stereotypes as in Was guckst du?, that while derived from humorous intent and played to excess in such shows, these representations appear to have a 'grain
of truth' to them. That this is a partial and particularly inflected and reiterated truth should
also be noted. Interestingly, Horrocks and Kolinsky also identify stereotypes of Germans
held by Turkish workers. Among them they spoke of employers as cold, inhuman and
Gender
refers to the
cultural nature
of the differences
between the natural
biological sexes of
male and female.
111
money-grabbingtypes. In this contrast we can see some of the complexitiesaround stereotypes: any group can be subject to this process.
Let's explore these ideas about stereotypes and representations further by turning to
some case studies concerning examples of social categoriesof gender and sexuality. These
two examples are from a selection that includes race, class, ethnicity, religion, nation and
so on, where some instructive work in this area has been done that will prove suggestive
for anyone interested in other categories that we touch upon as we proceed. These two
categories - gender and sexuality- will certainly aid us in understanding the cultural constructedness of such categories and the role that representation plays in their definition
from within and from without.
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If we refer to sexuality, we are talking about the sexual preferences of individuals whether they are attracted to men, women or both, or indeed anything else that causes
an attraction and pleasure for those individuals. This sense should not reduce the issue
of sexuality to that of physical sexual practice alone (if at all) but encompasses also the
dress, attitude and expression of individuals and groups as well as the way in which they
are categorised and understood by society in terms of legal definitions, rights and so on.
So sexuality is not a thing of 'biology' here (although it may well be), but is understood
as socially and culturally constituted - its historical and geographical variety and changes
over time suggest as much.
In most societies,to be heterosexual is to be understood, variously, as part of the dominant group, to be 'normal', 'straight' and so forth. 'Heterosexual' is therefore a normative category,which is taken for granted, and about which all other categories circulate as
outside of this norm. Indeed theorists such as Cathy J. Cohen have defined 'heteronormativity' as the practices (this would include representational practices), 'that legitimize
and privilegeheterosexualityand heterosexual relationships as fundamental and "natural"
within society' (Cohen, 2005: 24). In the UK, for instance, heterosexuality (the attraction
of men for women and vice versa) is serviced and governed by a range of traditions (e.g.
the institution of marriage as distinct from the civil partnership), cultural conventions,
laws (the age of consent) and financial incentives (tax relieffor married couples and benefits for resulting children, etc.).
To be 'heterosexual' is to belong potentially to a diffuse group categorisedby a range of
practices and cultural conventions. One can be a 'ladies' man' or a 'loose woman', exhibiting one's status through excess or restraint in one's sexual activity - relative to conventional norms of course. One can be a 'male chauvinist pig' or a 'new man', 'new lad', 'new
woman' and so on. The interesting thing about such 'new' formations is that they seem
to reoccurwith perplexing frequency over the decades. The Victorians, as much as we do,
spoke about 'new women' challenging the mores of the age as well as the 'new man' defining the future!
Chapter 3
Media representations
113
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'outside' - framed by the notion that it was a problem, was 'deviant' (when compared with
heterosexuality), a disease or psychological condition which could be cured or was simply
evidence of immorality, something to be ashamed of. Thus representations were often
unsympathetic or when they were sympathetic they reproduced narratives and figures such
as the troubled homosexual who was ill at ease with his or her condition, for example Dirk
Bogarde in the film Victim (dir. Deardren, 1961) or The Children's Hour (dir. Wyler, 1961)
or The Killing of Sister George (dir. Aldrich, 1968).
As homosexuality became decriminalised in the UK after 1967 (although widespread
persecution endured and indeed continues) attempts were made to represent it in a
more open manner. As a result there was a wider inclusion of media portraits and
voices that evinced the 'lived reality' of homosexuals. These included the publication
of newspapers such as Gay Times (www.gaytimes.co.ukj) from 1984, and TV shows
such as Out on Tuesday which appeared with the launch of the terrestrial TV channel
Channel 4 in 1982. However, these representations were certainly not always received
by the 'mainstream' as non-threatening to the naturalised heterosexual state of normality. Laws may be changed but attitudes and culture take time to progress, if they do so
at all. In the 1970s and 80s there was also a noticeable increase in available stereotypical images of homosexuals, implied at least through the 'campness' and effete manner
of TV personalities such as Larry Grayson, John Inman and Kenneth Williams. They
achieved recognition and status, albeit as parodic and relatively toothless and desexualised figures. More recently figures such as Graham Norton, Julian Clary and Alan
Carr have achieved some success openly representing male homosexuality and sexual
activity. That said, both have a risque 'jester' role in TV and Clary has engendered moral
outrages at some of his jokes that led to calls for sanctions and has resulted in a serious
hiatusin his career.
On the one hand it could be argued that, in the main, contemporary representations of homosexuality are less automatically judgemental, more open and explicit,
and representing an even wider range of homosexual-lived experience than what was
once available. Again, this reflects the changing political, social and cultural contexts of
our time that appear to some degree to be more accepting. Magazines-aimed at the gay
community such as Attitude (www.attitude.co.uk) appear on magazine racks in stores
offering an accessible focal point for consumption alongside 'mainstream' magazines.
These also testify to the visibility of this culture - its movement from a status of being
hidden or perceived as shameful to being less so, in some quarters. Certainly, current
representations are more explicit, open and diverse than ever before with such UK
television series as Queer as Folk (1999), Tipping the Velvet (2002), and now even UK
soaps such as Coron.ation Street and EastEnders have successfully introduced gay male
characters with little controversy, at least that merited by this defining aspect of their
representation.
Although it has been argued that this area of representation still requires positive development, as Western societies' understanding and accommodation of sexuality develops,
the dominant representations that we see today are representative of our contemporary
social ideas and values and an analysis of these texts can allow a scholarly insight into our
naturalised and common-sense views about such groups. These ideas link closely to the
ideas of power and - as our transcript and issue of debate below suggest - positive steps
can easily be countered by the reappearance of typically negative stereotypes. Our explorations also evidence the suggestion that there is no 'ideal' representation, no absolute truth
or reality that we are trying to assert or uncover in dealing with representation.
Stonewall is a lobbying and action group dedicated to equality and social justice for gay
men and women. In 2005 its researchers examined the representations of gay people and
related issues in 168 hours of peak-time programming on the BBe's two main channels.
Alongside this analysis they conducted interviews and focus groups with viewers of varying
sexualities.
Chapter 3
A key site relating to the growth of a plurality of representations in the UK media is that
of Channel 4. Channel 4 was launched in 1982,
in part to serve the needs of alternative and
minority groups. The station was directed by a
public service remit which has maintained this
focus to varying degrees until the present day.
Soap operas and dramas such as Brookside,
Queer as Folk and Shameless have repre-
Media representations
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The resulting report Tuned Out: The BBe's portrayal of lesbian and gay people presented a
number of findings which included:
Gay people and their lives are five times more likely to be. described or portrayed in negative
terms than in positive ones on the BBe. Gay lives were positively and realistically represented
for just six minutes and depicted in negative terms or contexts for 32 minutes out of 168 hours
of programming.
During 168 hours of programmes there were 38 minutes of gay references, both positive and
negative. This represented 0.4 per cent of broadcast time in 49 separate instances and included
openly gay characters or personalities, direct and indirect references to gay people and gay sexuality, use of gay stereotypes and innuendo.
Gay life is disproportionately over-represented in entertainment programmes, including game
shows, chat shows and comedy. The majority, 72 per cent, of individual references to gay sexuality were made during entertainment programmes, despite entertainment comprising just 14 per
cent of all programmes monitored.
Lesbians hardly exist on the BBe. Where gender was specified during a reference to gay
sexuality, 82 per cent of references were about gay men.
Lesbian and gay issues are rarely tackled or even mentioned in factual programmes. These
programmes, including consumer shows and documentaries, made up over half (54 per cent) of
all programmes monitored, yet only 3 per cent of all individual gay references appeared within
this genre.
Gay people are often used as the subject of jokes on the BBe. Over half (51 per cent) of all
gay references were designed for comic effect. Most of these revolved around stereotypes of sexually predatory or camp and effeminate gay men.
The BBC relies heavily on cliched stereotypes in its portrayal of gay people. It seems reluctant
to present lesbian and gay people in everyday scenarios, such as stable relationships or family life.
Source: www.stonewall.org. ukjmediajtuned_out_gay _people_in_the_mediaj default. asp. Stonewall,
'Tuned Out' (2005)
As researchers and theorists there may be reason to take issue with the premises of how
some of this research was conducted but many of its findings are suggestive and insightful.
As such they offer a very different perspective on the politics of representation than the
more optimistic thrust set out above. These tensions serve ultimately then to reiterate the
sense that this domain demands our attention. Our ongoing project should be to assess
whether such reports are convincing and how, if at all, representations are changing.
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social organisation. Thus, we need to track back in our study of texts to ask questions of the
very creators of those texts, asking them to account for the material they put out to their
audiences. Who is being spoken about or for, and in what manner? What of the issue of
who speaks and who represents?
Here then we are focusing on media institutions and professionals and their responsibilities and involvement in the 'politics' of representation. There are various factors to be
investigated in relation to these media workers. First, we could consider the demographics
of those who are in the position to produce texts, or who have a huge impact in the production of the media in general, for example those who own media companies. By considering
the demographics of such a group we can identify patterns of employment and accessto the
media, which may be based upon gender, ethnicity, sexuality, class, age and education. This
is important as our background can impact on how we see the world and our perception
of certain groups outside that which we define as our own. Think about your own background and upbringing, your sense of right and wrong, your cultural and religious ideas. All
these factors impact on how you perceive certain events and in the same sense these factors
impact on how media makers perceive and re-present events and issues.
One way of challenging representations is based then upon a perception of the limited
access that the under- (or mis-) represented have to the means of expression by contributing to the production of media texts themselves. This approach connects the symbolic
aspects of representation but also the literalness of the 'proxy' idea of representation we
discussed earlier. One way of thinking about representation in terms of 'proxy' or 'substitute' is to question the way in which the 'make-up' of media adequately reflects or echoes
that of society in general. The debate in this area takes on a number of issues. First, it
concerns the nature of media institutions: do they recruit in an equal manner from the
full range of the population? Secondly, it takes on the look, sound and expression of the
media: are the various faces and voices of a plural society properly and proportionally
represented? This issue was one taken up by Greg Dyke, the former Director General of the
BBe He once described that organisation as 'hideously white'. He was referring to the ethnic make-up of its workforce and how this impacted on its ability to serve and adequately
reflect its audience. He claimed that:
Ethnic minorities in the United Kingdom disproportionately don't use our services. Our research
shows they don't think we're for them.
This mattered, he argued, for the following reasons:
how we are organised _ for example, who we employ;
the services we choose to operate;
the content we run on those channels, networks and online sites.
Greg Dyke in 'Diversity in Broadcasting: a public service perspective' speech on 3 May 2002. www.bbc.
co. uk/pressoffice/ speeches! stories! dyke_ cba.shtml
Concern with media workers' attitudes and values are often based upon the assumption that such attitudes influence stories, whether this is in terms of a transmission or their
worldview, their political attitudes or their personal religious orientations for instance. We
could investigate whether media workers can be thought to 'bias' media content in line
with their own personal or group attitudes. This may also apply to various other media
texts, be they fictional or factually based. Media professionals, like other social groups,
don't necessarily set out to insult particular social groups or to portray them in a limited
or negative light. Like the rest of us, they share in the recognition of existing images and
ideas, drawing upon them as they communicate and make sense of the world. However, it
is certainly the case that if we examine the history of representations we can find plenty of
examples where stereotypes have been accentuated and deployed with a clearly malicious
intent. One can think of propagandist portraits of fat, cigar-smoking capitalists, wearing
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pinstripe suits and top hats in posters used in the Soviet Union or the repetition of antiSemitic images in the Nazi era (see p. 286 on propaganda). During the Rwandan genocide, national radio was tasked with generating hatred between the Tutsi and Hutu tribes
(Thompson, 2007). Producers and audiences who share and deploy social stereotypes
need to be on their guard, however. This may be for pragmatic reasons. Some of the ways
of representing immigrants to the UK from Asia and the Caribbean that were common in
the media in the 1950s and 60s and even 70s are now deemed to transgress production
codes and guidelines (see below). Indeed, they may even be illegal according to legislation
119
to outlaw racism. But unthinkingly offensive actions or malicious intentions and prejudices do not go unchecked by the media industries, or indeed by society at large in terms
of audience responses, laws and regulations.
However, if we accept that media forms are perforce limited in their representation of
the world and that texts offer constructions of the world then the notion of misrepresention
that often arises presents us with a problem. On what basis are our objections to the substance of individual representations based? Those who object to any depiction, or indeed
who seek to construct 'positive' representations, may themselves fall into the trap of relying
upon an idea of 'essential' meanings, insisting upon an innate idea of what something is or
is not. To evaluate representations as accurate or misleading then may be an impossible task
and, for any insistence upon the provision of positive images this may, in obscuring any
negative images, compromise the sophistication of any view of a social group.
Overall, we can accept that representation is not 'innocent', that with such debates and
contentiousness surrounding what is said, heard and viewed it is a political issue. A 'politics' of representation for those offended by the limited ways in which the social group
they belong to is represented may not be about finding the perfect representation of that
group because we could argue not only that there isn't one but why would we want one
'ultimate' representation to stand in for the whole of a group? The imbalances come into
view here if we compare the representation of white people with other ethnic groups. We
could argue that, in media around the world, white people are accorded the full range of
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Discrimination
(i) The press must avoid prejudicial or pejorative reference to an individual's race, colour,
religion, gender, sexual orientation or to any
physical or mental illness or disability.
(ii) Details of an individual's race, colour, religion, sexual orientation, physical or mental
illness or disability must be avoided unless
genuinely relevant to the story.
www.pcc.org.uk/cop/practice.html
shoulders of black artists not so much out of individual choice but as a consequence of structures
or racism that have historically marginalised their
access to the means of cultural production. When
black artists become publicly visible only one at a
time their work is burdened with a whole range of
extra-artistic concerns precisely because, in their
relatively isolated position as one of the few black
practitioners in any given field - film, photography,
fine art - they are seen as 'representatives' who
speak on behalf of. and who are thus accountable
to, their communities. In such a political economy
of racial representation where the part stands in
for the whole, the visibility of a few token black
public figures serves to legitimate, and reproduce,
the invisibility, and lack of access to public discourse, of the community as a whole.
Source: Mercer, 1994: 240.
If we look at a field where there are many black artists rap music for instance - we can see how this burden
is still imposed. An artist such as 50 Cent, mentioned
above, is perennially held to account for his work in
relation to ideas of black America. A figure like Eminem
who is spoken about because of his exceptionality as
a 'white' rapper is rarely subject to the same questions
in relation to white, working-class Americans.
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being human, of being good and bad - without badness being an index of all members of
that group - of figures whose pre-eminent characteristic is not defined through their skin
colour or culture! In fact it is rare for whiteness to be referenced as related to race or ethnicity at all (see Dyer, 1997).
Content analysis
is a quantitative
method of analysing
the denotative content of media output
based upon defined
samples and recognisable categories.
For a moment we should dwell upon the issue of representation as 'proportionality', i.e.
how many people from a group are represented, how frequently and to what degree and
extent representations exist in media forms. This issue is usefully dealt with via a specific'
mode of media research: content analysis. You might wonder about this title as all of
the methods we've thus far employed are about studying and interpreting the content of
media texts - broadly textual analysis. We use the term 'content analysis' in very specific
ways, however.
Content analysis is a means of counting the amount or frequencywith which elements
occur in media texts. It is a method that aims at objectivity by counting those things
that are 'unproblematically' denoted or manifested in media content, such as the use of
particular words or the appearance of particular images. A case in point would be the
use of 'terrorist' or 'fundamentalist' in conjunction with 'Islam' in radio news reports for
instance. While such terms might be full of connotations this method relies upon harvesting data before any interpretation of the term in its contextual setting is made. In order
to work effectivelythis method deals with significance at the level of quantity - not only
within a text but also across a range of texts. This might involve, for instance, surveying
every edition of a specific newspaper within a set period, or all newspapers within the
same period.
As such this method deals also with clearly demarcated parameters: identifying a
manageable 'universe' that is to be the subject of analysis - television soap operas for
instance or social networking sites. From this 'universe' it is necessary to specify the
range of any sample of it - BBC soap operas, Facebook sites belonging to female members of the network 'Studying in Finland', for instance. Within these parameters and
determined by the need to count things that can be counted in significant numbers
clear coding categories are drawn up for the things that are to be counted - scenes
in which someone smokes a cigarette in EastEnders, frequency of references to named
celebrities, for example.
Content analysis may be used to identify the frequency with which certain individuals and/or groups appear in media although if we wish to determine such things
at the level of race or ethnicity, not to mention class or sexuality, we can appreciate
the problems that might arise: how exactly is race or ethnicity 'denoted' or 'manifested'? Our passing example above on soap opera for instance might set a category
of 'Polish plumbers'. It would be hard to count such things in radio broadcasts or in
popular music recordings without invoking a whole set of presumptions (gay people
act in certain ways, 'foreigners' always talk differently!) about categories that are not
made obvious or manifest. Even when we turn to images in photography, TV or film
the manifest aspects of race or ethnicity can be problematic - physical markers such
as skin tone, hair, facial dimensions are incredibly varied and not reducible to any
average measure.
Nonetheless this approach is important for generated data and evaluating media content (referencesto 'media studies' in tandem with 'MickeyMouse' in the press for instance
at A-level results times). A range of software exists to aid such studies - intentionally or
otherwise: online search engines, for instance, can be usefully employed in support of
this method in limited ways. Such methods are integral too to those areas of media concerned with publicity and public relations: evaluating impact in terms of the frequency
with which a client or product features in media or the column inches devoted to them.
Chapter 3
Child
1%
1%
0%
4%
10%
Media representations
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17%
0%
0%
0%
0%
2%
0%
Adolescent
16
11
19
58
30
32
22
Young Adult
41
50
42
36
39
27
79
64
39
69
42
61
Adult
38
34
27
47
19
23
21
12
Elderly
Cannot Code
24
26
18
24
14
88%
88%
'Note: Percents may not equal exactly 100% due to. rounding.
Table 3.1
White
77%
7l%
85%
84%
87%
African-American
19
20
7
4
Asian
Hispanic
Native American
Other
Cannot Code
54%
86%
58%
73%
80%
37
14
42
19
12
Table 3.2
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Representations of individuality:
stars, personalities, celebrities
We can now extend our concern with the symbolic meaning of the representation of social
groups in media by turning our attention to the representations of individuals and individuality in the form of 'stars', 'personalities' and 'celebrities'. This is a potentially important
extension of what we've done so far as you would probably agree that we live in a society
where a great deal of worth is accorded to fame, its pursuit, attainment and attendant trappings in the form of wealth and privilege. It is often said that we live in a 'celebrity culture',
and while not wholly new it seems to be a relatively recent intensification of long-standing
media and consumer preoccupations. In this section we offer a way of approaching the
meanings of such individuals and categories, how they are represented and what they represent. Much valuable work that will help us to make sense of this area has been done in the
domain of film studies. This is not surprising given the importance and dominance of this
medium across the world in the twentieth century and the way in which it set the agenda
for the now all-pervasive TV. However, stardom and celebrity do pre-date the development
of the film industry in the twentieth century and indeed success in other forms parallels and
interacts with that form. For instance, music-hall 'turns' and theatre actors were well known
before film arrived and during its ascendancy. Pop stars such as Elvis Presley and the Beatles
arrived during the 1950s and 1960s when TV was usurping the status of film, but their star
status, despite film and TV appearances, rests upon their achievements as recording artists
and this sector itself has contributed to our understanding of these categories.
Defining stars
Media stars must be understood primarily as commodities 'produced' by media companies
for consumption by audiences that will lead to profit. To the industry, stars and celebrities represent capital ;_ they are 'owned' or paid for by studios, record companies, agencies
or individuals. They represent 'investment' and an outlay of time and money in terms of
development and promotion (the 'naturalness' of stars as talent and' discoveries' obscures
this investment and capital outlay). The status of stars relates also to market organisation and their economic function in terms of ensuring purchases of media texts, getting
bums on seats at cinemas, getting audiences through the doors of concert halls and so on.
However, this economic focus must also account for the way in which this function relates
to the 'meanings' of stardom in general and of stars in particular and how that meaning
is constructed. Why some people prefer to see Jack Black in. films compared with Hugh
Jackman, for instance, is not just about the money spent on their images or how much we
pay for the privilege of seeing them at the cinema, .on DVD or by download.
Stars can be defined in a number of ways but may be broadly understood in the words
of theorist Christine Gledhill on film stardom:" 'Actors become stars when their off-screen
lifestyles and personalities equal or surpass acting ability in importance' (Gledhill, 1991).
In addition, as John Ellis puts it: a star is 'a performer in a particular medium whose figure
enters into subsidiary forms of circulation and then feeds back into future performances'
(Ellis, 1992). The image of a star is not just made in a film or TV show or on record, but
through all of the other materials in which they figure - guest appearances, publicity, gossip columns and so on. Therefore, a star's image occurs across a wide field of media texts.
The fame attained by film and television actors as well as TV and radio presenters, pop
and sports stars, and contestants in reality TV shows is generated and supplemented by
attention from journalistic organs such as prime-time TV news programmes to newspaper
gossip columns, magazines. filled with paparazzi photographs, websites, as well as newer
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forms of delivery such as telephone text information updates. Thus, stars and stardom
are vital to media industries - 1V, popular music and a whole sector centred upon newspapers, magazines and websites. In fact it now seems that one no longer has to be famous
for something at all - one can just 'be' a celebrity. Consider the figure of the socialite heirs and heiresses whose wealth has been inherited and renown unearned in terms of
talent or physical, intellectual or creative achievement: for example, Paris Hilton or indeed
any winner (or loser) of the many versions of Big Brother around the world. Such figures
appear in media and may go on to make films, 1V shows or pop music but this largely as a
result of their celebrity rather than vice versa.
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are accentuated by make-up, wardrobe choices and direction as well as the coaching of
their 'performance' according to tried and tested rules.
Ultimately the main point that we can tease out here is that this elevation of the individual attests to the sometimes 'mystifying' media processes. Whether in front of or behind
the scenes, the rhetoric and language of media forms 'disguises' the collaborative process
in its foregrounding and privileging of such individuals as part of a hierarchy. This is supported by a whole range of structures within and without media institutions - in terms of
the salaries that stars have traditionally attracted to the interest afforded them across the
rest of a range of media texts.
The other thing that this focus on the individual tells us about is just that - the validation of the individual in society in general. Of all the pop stars, news reporters, actors,
voice-over artists, and indeed 'celebrities', who are available to the media some are
deemed to be more valuable than others. At a level of talent and aptitude (which itself
seems hard to define in any objective fashion) this may indeed be so. However, such individuals are singled out for critical and financial reward, their elevation and importance
remaining relatively unquestioned and in fact deemed to be evidence of the validation of
certain ideas about the primacy of the individual in our society. In fictional narratives the
focus is upon the individual, but in realist media we also focus upon individuals. News
reporters in war zones or famine-struck countries, as our representatives, are also individuals, distinguished from the anonymous multitude around them. We suggest therefore
that stardom, celebrity and the elevation of the personality embody and promote the
individualist ethos of our society as well as what it means to be a man, woman, American,
French, working-class and so on.
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MEDIA
Define the concepts of representation, stereotyping and associated subcategories. Are you clear
about these ideas as we've introduced them?
Can you extend our case studies and examples to
areas that you know about?
Investigating
representations
Identify anyone individual who could be termed a star or celebrity as defined primarily through their role in media forms (sports stars, by and large are defined primarily through their field of expertise despite the ubiquity of some figures who
might suggest otherwise). Then, identify primary and secondary texts that construct your chosen individual as a sign and produce a semiological reading of their
image and the relationship between their persona in the roles they play or take in
the media and supplementary biographical information.
The aim of this activity is first to track the range of materials available to you and
the audience in 'knowing' this individual, what is known about them and the symbolic meanings they represent (what skills do they embody?, what ideas about
being a man or woman?, etc.).
/
Are there problems in doing this analysis? To what extent are you able to divorce
your sense of the 'individual' and what they represent as a sign? How might the
meanings of your individual change with the choices they make in their media
careers? How does your individual compare with other identifiable media representations such as some of the stereotypical figures you identified in earlier activities?
Further reading
Celebrity Studies (Taylor & Francis).
A journal that focuses on the critical exploration of celebrity, stardom and fame. The journals takes an inter-disciplinary approach in assessing celebrity via various media forms,
historical periods and national contexts. The journal explores issues in the production, circulation and consumption of fame.
Cottle, S. (ed.) (2000) Ethnic Minorities and the Media, London: Open University Press.
A collection of articles that each study the representation of ethnic minorities in. the mass
media. A useful introductory section outlines recent developments in the field and. topics
such as ethnic minority television, image and the public sphere in multi-ethnic societies are
explored in the book. Of particular worth is Teun van Dijk's discourse analysis of race in
British newspapers. A most helpful discussion of key concepts and terms is also provided.
Craig, S. (ed.) (1992), Men, Masculinity and the Media, London: Sage.
Femininity and the role of women in media texts is a commonly discussed subject.in a range
of academic work. However, the study of masculinity is, in comparison, a relatively new
area. Craig's Men, Masculinity and the Media provides the reader with.carefullyselected articles ranging from studies on gender performance in heavy metal, male comic book heroes
and men in sport. For those with a particular interest in the .area, a thorough bibliography is
provided that carefully surveys the field. Though there have been some recent developments
in this area of study, this work is still a worthy introduction for scholars.
Dyer, R. (1997) White, London: Routledge.
A seminal work in the field of representation. Dyer is interested in how 'white' people are
labelled as such even though they are not physically that colour. In. a .series of essays-Dyer
uses numerous examples taken from film.. photography ancl advertising f()I analysis. In
these he tries to understand what different constructions of whiteness exist in th~ media and
how these might shape people's perceptions. The section on the association ofwhiteness
and death in horror films will be of worth to those who are interested in horror cinema.
Dyer, R. and McDonald, P. (1982) Stars, London: BFI Publishing.
Another important work by Dyer and McDonald that is arguably the first true academic
work devoted to the study of stardom. Particular attention is given to Hollywood film stars
such as Marilyn Monroe, Jane Fonda and AI Pacino and the construction of image. Though
some of these examples might seem a little outdated, the theories and observations still
apply when relating them to the stars of today. The most recent edition of this work offers
an additional chapter written by Paul McDonald that discusses recent developments in the
field of stardom since this work was published.
Haskell, M. (1974) From Reverence to Rape: The.Treatment of Women in the Movies, New York:
Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
An oft-cited and highly regarded feminist critique of the role of women in film, Haskell's
accessible writing style makes this a usefuf starting point for those who are interested in the
representation of women in Hollywood film. Though originally published in 1974, From
Reverence to Rape offers numerous examples from well-known films such as The Wizard of
Oz to look at how Hollywood film helped to marginalise women, providing them with role
models that reinforced patriarchal values. Haskell does not just look at the role of women in
film but also at how women use film. The most recent edition of the classic study includes a
new chapter on recent developments of the role of women in film.
Tagg, J. (1988) The Burden of Representation: Essays on Photographies and Histories, Basingstoke:
Macmillan.
Disposing with the idea that photographs are purely used to document and merely capture
reality Tagg draws on the work of Michel Foucault and uses semiotics to study how institutions have used photography to impose order. Using examples such as police mugshots,
passport photographs and licences, Tagg argues that photography is more than just a secondary medium and should be considered a powerful ideological tool in power relations.