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DOI:10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199587926.003.0004
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intermarried. But
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(p.70)
18
(p.71)
Apollo.22 It records a
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Olympias
Meliboea
Megara
Oeta
Ambrakia
Knossos
Aegina
Kythera
Lines
6+22
13+37
14+36
18+41
19+5657
31+59
46+50
48+52
1st amount
60,000
20,000
20,000
15,000
15,000
10,000
5,000
5,000
2nd amount
12,600
8,500
10,000
6,400
1,500
900
5,000
3,100
Total
72,600
28,500
30,000
21,400
16,500
10,900
10,000
8,100
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twice). Only in one case (Aegina) is the second amount equal to the
first one: in the seven other cases it is smaller, sometimes much
smaller.
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sent
(p.74)
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(p.77)
distribution of
these imports,
especially for
southern
Greece, reveals
their
permanent
dependence on
imported
grain.
The sharing
out of grain
between the
different
cities is one of
the keys to
the
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the sum he had deposited with the banker Pasion: You should
also have in mind both Satyrus and my father, who have
always favoured you before all the other Greeks and often in
the past, when there was a grain shortage and they were
sending away empty the ships of the other merchants, granted
to you the right of export.34 Striking a political agreement
with the exporting state to get the right to export was of first
importance for guaranteeing access to grain. In a situation of
grain shortage, it was vital to have the right to take away
grain, while others would come home empty-handed. The role
of the exporting state was to arbitrate between the several
requests. In the fourth century, the Bosporan kingdom had
deliberately favoured the Athenians, who benefited from the
right to export from Bosporos, in a case that was obviously
much more important than that of the other importing states,
although we have no document similar to the list from
Cyrene.35 In the Cyrenean list, the Athenians are the first
importers, but the difference with the other zones is far less
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paid for it? Either the Cyrenean treasury should have paid the
grain producers an amount equal at least to several hundred
talents, or the individual Cyrenean producers should have
given their grain to the foreign carriers coming to Cyrene.
They would have been very generous people, indeed, but there
is no chance that this was the process that actually took place.
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is clear that is
(p.81)
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<> f
, ,
.
At war against the Olynthians and in need of money, as
they had slaves, (the Mendeans) decreed that while
leaving to everyone a female and male slave, they would
hand over to the city all their slaves but two, one male
and one female per owner: by doing so, individuals
would lend money to the city.44
The difference made between individuals and the city also
appears in another stratagem recorded by Ps-Aristotle (Oec.
2.7, 1346a1347b: probably from 409 BC), this time
concerning the people of Lampsakos. The Lampsakenes
decided to profit from the presence of an important fleet of
triremes in their port. Flour was sold at a price of six drachms
instead of four, the chous of oil at four drachms three obols
instead of three, and the same held true for wine and other
products. The 50 per cent price rise targeted only foreign
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at the
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[] . | [ ] ,
Priest Nikobolos son of Iason. A list of those who have
voluntarily contributed money to the city.53 We have first the
name of the priest, then the indication of the nature of a list.
This text must be dated around 280 BC, about half a century
after the grain stele. It shows a regular formulation and
furthermore indicates that the latter was not unique, at least
in the matter of formulation. A list of contributors for a
voluntary gift (epidosis) is banal. But the procedure is well
known. Usually, it was during one assembly that people had
their name inscribed for a contribution.54 A procedure of
epidosis covering several years would be unparalleled. There
is no hint in the formulation of the heading that the sending of
grain took place in more that one year.
But of course what has seemed to be the most important
obstacle to admitting that the operation might have covered
one single year is the seemingly enormous quantity of grain
sent by Cyrene. This conclusion should however be
questioned. The starting point should be the issue of the
standard of the medimnoi mentioned. Was the medimnos
alluded to the Attic one at 52.416 litres, or the AegineticLakonian one, which is roughly 50 per cent larger?55 True, on
this point no certitude can be reached. At least it is possible to
show that the hypothesis of the Attic medimnos not only
cannot be excluded but should even be favoured. Usually, the
weight standards of Greek cities were reflected in their
coinage standards, as the latter were (originally) directly
based on the weight standards. Thus the coin standard may
give a hint, if an imperfect one, to help determine which
weight standards were actually used. For a long period,
Cyrene struck on a standard of its own, the so-called Asiatic
standard, with a drachm c.3.8 g. An originality of Cyrene is
that the city struck an abundant gold coinage, originally on the
Asiatic standard, but that found an easy correspondence with
the Attic standard with a gold stater of 8.60 g. A silver Attic
didrachm of 8.60 g was also struck, worth one tenth of the
gold stater. The chronology of these coins is not yet fully
precise but they are contemporary with the monetary
developments that took place under Philip II and Alexander.56
Indeed, while Peloponnesian and Cretan cities may together
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standard
reached the Black Sea and Egypt.57 Indeed, Cyrene might have
used a traditional Lakonian or unknown local standard, but all
in all the Attic hypothesis, which had already been preferred
by Oliverio or Laronde (and ever since by most commentators)
is certainly the most attractive. It is on that base that the
quantities of grain alluded to by the stele will now be
analysed.
The 805,000 medimnoi of the list represent more than twice
the production of Attika in 329/328 BC (c.367,000
medimnoi).58 This is also more than the whole production of
the Athenian overseas possessions (in fact mainly of Lemnos
and Imbros), which at the same date produced c.460,000
medimnoi. At first sight, this seems to be a strong argument
against admitting that 805,000 medimnoi could be exported by
Cyrene in a single year. But the issue needs further inquiry.
This figure can be compared with the grain production of
Cyrenaica before the development of Italian colonization. In
1926, Cyrenaica produced 465,000 quintals of barley and
43,858 quintals of wheat, for a total of 508,858 quintals.59
Closer attention should be paid to the figures. Thanks to the
Attic grain tax law of 374/3, we know that at Athens the
standard weight of one Attic medimnos of barley was ca. 27 kg,
and that of wheat of c.31.5 kg.60 These figures can reasonably
be used for evaluating the grain production of Cyrene.
Admitting that the proportion of wheat and barley was the
same in Antiquity as it was before the Italian colonization,
namely the weighted mean of the medimnos of sitos would be
([931.5]+[9127]/100) = (283.5 + 2457)/100 = 27.40 kg.
Even if that proportion was a bit different, it would not modify
the final result in any significant way and we can use that
figure with confidence. Thus, the weight of 805,000 Attic
medimnoi would be 220,570 quintals. This would represent a
proportion of 43.3 per cent of the grain production of 1926
(508,858 quintals). If some grain (at most 10 per cent)
produced in western Cyrenaica should be deducted from the
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world.
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sale to the state. What is more, some Cyreneans may also have
sold their old grain to supplement the product of the year and
kept adequate reserves for themselves, just as the
Selymbrians had done. This means that we should not assume
that in other good years the level of export reached 805,000
medimnoi. It must rather have been between 15 and 20 per
cent of the crop (of course if it was a good one: in bad years,
export must have been minimal or absent). Finally, the
805,000 medimnoi of Cyrene should be compared not with the
production of Attika, but with the 400,000 medimnoi
exported to Athens from the Bosporan kingdom alone in the
(p.92) mid-fourth century, while we know that this state
exported to several other Aegean cities (thus possibly 100,000
medimnoi to Mytilene only), and without any doubt to a series
of other cities for a gross total that might have equalled or
exceeded the export to Athens.72 At least, we can see that this
level of export is not out of proportion with what can be
observed in the Pontic region.
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|
, |
.
(41) Solon: Plut. Solon 24.1, with the comments of Bresson
2008: 2003; Teos: ML no. 30, c.470 BC.
(42) On this notion, Bresson 2000: 183206.
(43) Ersoy 2000, 2003, and Koparal and pliki 2004.
(44) There has been a debate on the meaning of Aristotles
explanation, for there seems to be a contradiction here
between a sale and a loan. The verb usually means
to sell. Some, like B.A. Van Groningen (1933: 1446), have
proposed to amend the text and to replace by
: the city would have sold the slaves. L. Migeotte (1984:
1201, no. 37) has accepted . Considering that the
citizens could not have sold their slaves to the city, he
proposed that the citizen-body would have sold them for the
benefit of the city, loosely alluding to the administrative
procedure of selling slaves abroad. However the key point is
the distinction between the citizen-body and the state. The
slaves were sold to the state by individual vendors. But the
city could not pay them immediately: it would pay them back
when these slaves would have been sold on foreign markets.
In between, the sellers made a loan to the city.
(45) For Kleomenes, see Le Rider 1997.
(46) For the clear institutional meaning of the word in
the dossier of the Cyrenean inscriptions themselves, DobiasLalou 1999: 1413.
(47) See Laronde 1987a: 304; RO 490.
(48) See above, p.73 for this detail and n. 25 for the issue of the
periodicity of harvests in Cyrene.
(49) See ex. gr, SEG IX, 1115, with Chamoux 1988.
(50) SEG IX, no. 1, lines 235.
(51) Sherk 1992: 271.
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