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RULED INDEED BASIL APOKAPES THE PARADUNAVON THEME?

ALEXANDRU MADGEARU / BUCHAREST


A long debate came into being when Nicolae Bnescu and Vassili N. Zlatarski
put forward opposite arguments concerning the lecture of some lines inserted in the
will of a Byzantine aristocrat from Cappadocia, Eustathios Boilas1. The will written
down by the monk Theodulos in April 4th 1059 remembers in the ending note a certain
among the various province rulers being
in service in that moment. The lecture Basileou magstrou to Paradonabi was
established by the rst editor, Spyros Lambros2 and it was accepted by N. Bnescu,
who included this person in the list of the rulers of the Paradunavon theme3.
However, the transcription is doubtful, because the lines could be read in two
different ways (they are placed on the both sides of the St. John Climax cross put at
the end of the document). According to the other possible transcription sustained rst
by V. N. Zlatarski4 and next by R. M. Bartikian5, the words to Paradonabi are
linked with the name of Aaron, which is the same with the duke of Mesopotamia, a
member of the former imperial Bulgarian family (a son of the last Bulgarian tzar Ivan
Vladislav)6, Paradonabi being a nickname which expressed his geographical origin.
In this case, Basil was duke in Iberia, as well as Ioannes Monasteriotou, recorded after
him. In fact, Bartikian supposed that Basil was the duke of the Armenian-Georgian
Taik district, which belonged to the province of Iberia7.
Therefore, the nal part of the notice should be read: katepnw Edshj Iwnnou
to Douktzh, doukntoj Adriano Antioceaj, Aarn prodrou ka atodlfou tj
agosthj Mesopotamaj to Paradonabi, Basileou magstrou, Iwnnou Monastiritou
Hbhraj, Pankratou Baasprakanaj ka Iwnnou koropaltou ka domestkou tn
scoln atadlfou to basilwj Komnhno.
Ioannes Dukitzes, Aaron, Ioannes Monasteriotes and Ioannes Komnenos are
well known people. Adrianos was identied with a member of the Dalassenos family;
Pankratios (the duke of Vaspurakan) is the same with the Armenian prince Bagrat
Vakhaci8.
In this case, the magistros Basil has no relation with the name Paradunavon. On
the other hand, the form to Paradonabi would be wrong if it would represent the title
of the province commander. The right form is to Paradounbou. The form written down
by Theodulos can be translated as the Danubian, not of Paradunavon. However, this
273

Alexandru Madgearu RULED INDEED BASIL APOKAPES...

nickname belonged to Aaron, not to Basil.


The magistros Basil is remembered in the will with his full name among the
executors of the legacy: Basil Apokapes. He belonged to the same area with Boilas,
Taik, like his brother Pharesmanes and like the local bishop (the other executors). In the
notice of Theodulos are recorded only the dukes of several oriental provinces; a mention
of a ruler of Paradunavon does not t with them. This strange fact was not explained by
Bnescu and by the following researchers who accepted his ideas (P. Lemerle, I. Barnea,
A. G. C. Savvides, M. Grnbart).
Basil Apokapes is also known from other sources, some of them of great interest
for the Danubian region. The will of Eustathios Boilas was thus used in order to clarify
a confusing question of the history of the Paradunavon province: who was its ruler in
1065, during the invasion of the Uzes?
According to the chronicle of Attaliates, the rulers of the cities on the Danube
(prcontej tn kat tn Istron plewn) were Basil Apokapes and Nikephor Botaneiates
when this inroad occurred (in the winter 1064/1065)9. Skylitzes Continuatus10 and
Zonaras11 provided similar data. Basil Apokapes was captured but he escaped with the
help of a barbarian warrior. The existence of two rulers in the same province seems
unlikely. By this reason, Tadeusz Wasilewski12 and Petre Diaconu13 draw the conclusion
that the theme of Paradunavon was divided in two small provinces (Western and
Eastern Paristrion). This action was seen as a result of the Danubian offensive of
Isaac I Comnenos in 1059. P. Diaconu accepted the Wasilewskis ideas and supposed
that Basil Apokapes was the ruler of the so-called Western Paristrion, while Nikephor
Botaneiates was the leader of the eastern part of Paristrion.
Bnescu stated that Nikephor Botaneiates was the duke of Bulgaria in 106514,
but there is no clear evidence and it is still possible that Andronic Philokales, whose
rule can be dated since 1064, held already this function15. In the same time, he tried
to show that Basil Apokapes was duke of Paradunavon in 1059 and that he remained
in function until 1065, when he became prisoner16. He based his opinion on the will
of Eustathios Boilas, considering that Basil was indeed nicknamed Paradonabi. P.
Diaconu, based on the order of quotation in the chronicle of Skylitzes Continuatus,
supposed that Basil Apokapes commanded the Bulgarian troops, mentioned at the
beginning. These Bulgars would be the soldiers from the theme with the residence
at Serdica - the province called Western Paristrion by P. Diaconu. The argument is
not very strong, and even P. Diaconu admitted that his solution is not a nal one. The
division of Paradunavon in two smaller units was also sustained by Vasilka TpkovaZaimova, who supposed that Nikephor Botaneiates was the ruler of the western part and
that Basil Apokapes ruled the eastern one17.
Therefore, the problem of Basil Apokapes is important for the research of the
military and administrative organization of Paradunavon. Our purpose is to establish
274

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS III

the function held by Basil Apokapes in 1065. If he was not dux of Paradunavon, then the
so-called division of Paradunavon in two smaller provinces should be rejected.
Ion Barnea18 assumed the viewpoints expressed by Bnescu and moreover he
brought new proofs for the supposed relation between Basil Apokapes and Paradunavon,
publishing one of his seals found at Nufru during the archaeological excavations19. Three
other identical pieces were further discovered at Silistra, Bradvari and into an unknown
place in northeastern Bulgaria. Another one is preserved in the Zacos collection. All
of them have the legend: Basil Apokapes, magistros, protovestes and dux (magstrJ
bstV ka douk)20. The full legend was established by M. Grnbart according to the
Zacos piece (the single entirely preserved)21. The name of the province where he was
duke is not specied.
Because several seals of this type were discovered in Paradunavon, I. Barnea
supposed that Basil Apokapes was the governor of this province22. The same argument
was put forward into a study focused on the relation between the places were certain seals
were found and the functions held by their owners23. In fact, the seals from Paradunavon
prove only that Apokapes exerted into a certain period a mission that implied orders
given to ofcers based in this region. This does not necessary mean that Apokapes was
the commander of the province. These seals suggest instead that Basil Apokapes was
the comander (dux) of an army corps that was not garrisoned in Paradunavon. This army
was sent in mission to the Danube, but consisted from soldiers based in Armenia and
perhaps in other provinces24. If so, the absence of the name of a province associated with
the title of duke can be easily explained.
Other seals provide more data about the career of Basil Apokapes. One of them,
preserved at the Ermitage Museum, has the titles of patrikios and strategos of Vaspurakan
(a province organized after the occupation of the omonyme Armenian kingdom in
1022)25. The function held by Basil Apokapes in Vaspurakan is known from the written
sources. Attaliates and Skylitzes recorded his ghts against the Turks in the fortress of
Mantzikert (located in Vaspurakan), in 1054/1055. He was then patrikios and strategos
of that fortress26. Other ve seals of Basil Apokapes attest the function of katepano of
Vaspurakan, associated with the title of vestarches27. M. Grnbart (based on stylistical
features) ascribed this type of seal to another Basil Apokapes, who was active in the
30-ies or 40-ies of the 11th century28. However, we do not agree with Grnbart, because
the title of vestarches ts better with a commander in function after 1050, as can be
observed in different provinces29. This title was given to the governors of the provinces
especially by the middle of the 11th century30.
We suppose instead that Basil Apokapes was promoted as vestarches from vestes,
when he was still katepano of Vaspurakan. It is otherwise important that two seals of this
type were found in Paradunavon, at Silistra and Pliska. This means that the promotion
was made when Apokapes was active in the Danubian area, still being katepano of
275

Alexandru Madgearu RULED INDEED BASIL APOKAPES...

Vaspurakan. Of course, one can suppose that the seals belonged to some messages sent
from Vaspurakan to Dristra and Pliska, but it is more probable that Apokapes has sent
them when he arrived in the Danubian area with the specied mission.
The last part of the career until 1083 of the ofcial here studied is known from
other group of seals, which are recording the titles of proedros (3 pieces) and next
protoproedros and dux of Edessa (3 pieces). The last ranks held by Basil Apokapes as
dux of Edessa were protonobelissimos (one seal) and sebastos (one seal)31.
The normal order of the titles acquired by Basil Apokapes, attested by seals, is
the following: patrikios, magistros and next vestes, vestarches, proedros and so on. In
1054/1055, Basil Apokapes was only patrikios. We know this from the relation of the
siege of Mantzikert recorded in the chronicle of Skylitzes. He was not the katepano
of the province, but only a strategos (the commander of the city). In this position, he
organized the defense in 1054/105532. But Basil Apokapes became next magistros and
dux. We can suppose that he was promoted just because his victory at Mantzikert. It is
therefore possible that Basil Apokapes became magistros and duke of Taik in 1055 or
few time after.
Therefore, the career of Basil Apokapes could be established from the available
information with some precision33:
patrikios and strategos of Mantzikert (1054/1055)
magistros and duke of Taik (after 1055) the function held in 1059 when he
was recorded in the will of Eustathios Boilas
magistros, protovestes and dux, province not specied (1065)
vestarches and katepano of Vaspurakan (1065)
proedros and dux of Edessa (after 1077)
protoproedros and dux of Edessa (after 1077)
protonobelissimos and dux of Edessa (after 1077)
sebastos and dux of Edessa (10811083).
Other details about the events occurred on the Danube in 1065 are provided by the
chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, which says that an army commanded by Basil Apokapes
was sent by Constantine X from Armenia to the Danube in order to ght against the Uzes.
The Armenian Matthew of Edessa (dead around 1136) wrote a chronicle that covers
the period 9521136. Focused on Armenia, the chronicle brings too some useful data
about the Byzantine Empire, extracted from other sources which are now lost. The old
French translation made by Edouard Dulaurier was used in some former studies about
Apokapes (while other ignored this source). Now is available an improved version,
based on a better manuscript, translated by Ara Edmond Dostourian34. According to
this translation, In the year 514 of the Armenian Era [10651066], during the reign of
the Roman emperor Ducas, a great war broke out in the West caused by the nation of
the Uzes. The emperor Ducas collected troops from all the Greeks and from the forces
276

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS III

of Armenia. He appointed the illustrious Roman magnate Basil, the son of Abukab, as
commander of these forces. Basil, advacing with many troops, came and descended
upon the great river called the Danube. Here on the banks of the river a violent battle
took place between the Romans and the Uzes, and there was heavy slaughter on both
sides. The source continues with the description of the captivity of Basil Apokapes and
with his return to Edessa35.
Therefore, according to Matthew of Edessa, Basil Apokapes came at the Danube just
in 1065 as commander of an army gathered from several provinces, including Armenia.
Like Attaliates and Skylitzes Continuatus, this Armenian chronicler knows that Basil
Apokapes was took prisoner and that he escaped, but he adds that Basil returned to his
father, Aboukab (Michael Apokapes), at Edessa. (He also remembers other moments of
Basils life, who was buried in Edessa in 1083/1084). For this Armenian author from
Edessa, Basil Apokapes was a kind of local hero. His information about Apokapes should
be regarded as very valuable, although the chronicle was written far from the Danubian
region. There are no reasons to deny the data given by this source. The mission fullled
by Basil Apokapes was one of a theme commander, and we know that he held the
function of katepano of Vaspurakan.
A transfer of eastern troops on the Danubian front seems strange at a rst glance.
However, the same Matthew of Edessa provides a second case. When the rebellion led
by Peter Deljan inamed the Balkans (1040), the emperor Michael IV took a similar
decision, bringing troops from the oriental themes of Sebasteia, Taron and the same
Vaspurakan36.
Savvides supposed that Basil Apokapes was sent away from Armenia because this
ofcer was very popular in the region and by this reason, the emperor Constantine X
was afraid of a rebellion led by Apokapes37. This idea seems suitable, but Savvides has
made a mistake. He considered that Apokapes was sent in Paradunavon in 1059. Indeed,
Constantine X became emperor in 1059, but Theodulos has written his notice when
Isaac Comnenos was still emperor (as he has specied in his notice)38. Therefore, even
if we suppose that Apokapes was sent in Paradunavon in 1059 or before, the emperor
who decided this was Isaac Comnenos. However, we do not think that Apokapes was
detached in 1059. Relying on Matthew of Edessa, we consider that this commander was
sent in Paradunavon in 1065. But in this way the idea put forward by Savvides becomes
indeed interesting, because Constantine X would had strong reasons to take such a
decision in 1065. In that year the relations between the Byzantine administration and
the Armenian noblemen settled in Cappadocia became unfriendly, when the emperor
started a persecution of the Monophysites39. Basil Apokapes was perhaps seen as a
potential leader of an Armenian rebellion. This could explain the detachment of the
Armenian forces to the Danube, into a moment when Armenia was still in real external
danger. The decision was a big strategic mistake. The eastern frontiers were left without
277

Alexandru Madgearu RULED INDEED BASIL APOKAPES...

defence against the Turks, and the battles on the Danubian were too lost.
We sustain that Basil Apokapes was not the katepano of Paradunavon in 1065.
He was sent at the Danube to help the commander of Paradunavon who, therefore,
must be Nikephor Botaneiates. Basil Apokapes was the duke of an army corps, but
not of the Paradunavon theme. This is the reason why his seals found in Paradunavon
do not attest the name of a province40. Another seal from Constantinople belongs to a
certain Basileou k prospou to Paradounbou. According with I. Barnea, this means
that this person (perhaps the same with Apokapes) was sent as a deputy for the theme
command41. This could t very well with his transfer on the Danubian front, but we must
remark that k prospou could also mean a scal ofcial42, not only a military ofcial
sent by the emperor into a province in order to replace another commander.
The unclear statements of Attaliates, Skylitzes Continuatus and Zonaras could be
understood in this way: only Nikephor Botaneiates ruled over Paradunavon in 1065.
He became katepano of Paradunavon after 1062, when he was recorded as duke of
Thessalonic. He was replaced with Theodoros Dalassenos, attested with the same function
in 10621063. After 1067, Nikephor Botaneiates was charged as dux of Antiochia
(10671068) and next as dux of Peloponnesos and Hellas (10671078)43. Therefore, we
can suppose that Nikephor Botaneiates was appointed as dux of Paradunavon by the end
of 1062, and that he was moved to Antiochia in 1067 after the release from the captivity.
It seems that he came at Antiochia by the end of that year44.
This means that the most important argument for the division of Paradunavon
around 1059 is wrong.
The title of duke of Serdica held by Romanos Diogenes in 1067 was seen as
another proof for the division of the theme Paradunavon. He was considered the ruler
of the supposed western part of Paristrion. It is true that he could not be in that moment
duke of Bulgaria because Andronic Philokales owned this function in 10661067. The
function of duke of Serdica could not be understood as the commander of the city. It
seems that Serdica was indeed the centre of a military and administrative unit in 106745,
but there is no evidence for its extension up to the Danube. On the contrary, the close
relations established by Romanos Diogenes with Niculitzas, the chief from Larissa, in
the period when he was katepano suggest the extension of this province especially to
south46. It could be supposed that some parts from the Bulgaria and Serbia themes were
organized as a new province with the centre at Serdica, perhaps in 1059, in order to
support the defense against the Hungarians. Serdica was a strategic point on the road of
the invasions that followed the Morava valley. Zonaras has recorded the appointment of
Romanos Diogenes in this function sometime during the reign of Constantine X and he
also afrmed that Diogenes defeated the Pechenegs in his region47.
There is no other reason to support the existence of two themes named Paradunavon.
The region west of Vidin continued to belong Serbia theme48.
278

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS III

The source was translated and discussed by S. Vryonis. The Will of a Provincial Magnate, Eustathius
Boilas (1059). DOP, 11, 1957, p. 263277. Another major contribution was brought by P. Lemerle. Le
testament dEustathios Bolas (avril 1059). In: Idem. Cinq tudes sur le XIe sicle byzantin. Paris, 1977,
p. 1563.
2
S. Lambros. Enqumsewn toi cronikn shmeiomton sullog prth. In Noj `Ellhnomnmon, 7,
1910, 23, p. 130131, nr. 10.
3
N. Bnescu. Les duchs byzantins de Paristrion (Paradounavon) et de Bulgarie, Bucarest, 1946,
p. 8489; Idem. propos de Basile Apokapes, duc de Paradounavis (= Paristrion). La notice du moine
Thodule (1059). RESEE, 1, 1963, 12, p. 155158.
4
. . . XI . Byzantinoslavica, 1,
1929, p. 2234.
5
R. M. Bartikian. Kritieskie zametki o zaveanii Evstaja Voilj 1059 g., Vizantijskij Vremennik,
19, 1961, p. 2637; Idem. Km kogo se otnasija prozviteto PARADOYNABIS v pripiskata na monaha
Teodul ot 1059 godina? (Pour qui le surnom PARADOYNABIS de la correspondence du moine Thodul de
1059 se rapporte-t-il?) Izvestija na Blgarskoto Istoricesko Druzestvo (Bulletin de la Socit Historique
Bulgare), 25, 1967, p. 315319.
6
About Aaron see: I. Jordanov. Le molybdobulle du vests Jean Aaron. Palaeobulgarica, 14, 1990,
1, p. 107108.
7
K. N. Yuzbashian. Ladministration byzantine en Armnie aux XeXIe sicles. REArm, NS, 10,
19731974, p. 164165 denied this solution, but he did not took into consideration the location in Taik.
8
P. Lemerle. Le testament..., p. 4042. For Pankratios see also K. N. Yuzbashian. Ladministration
Byzantine, p. 152.
9
Michael Attaliates. Historia, ed. E. Bekker. Bonn, 1853, p. 83.
10
Scylitzes Continuatus. Chronographia, ed. E. Tsolakis. Thessaloniki, 1968, p. 113114: rcontej
tn per tn Istron plewn.
11
Ioannes Zonaras. Epitomae Historiarum, ed. Theodorus Bttner-Wobst. Bonn, 1897, vol. III, p.
678 (XVIII, 9, 2): rcontej tn paristrwn plewn.
12
T. Wasilewski. Le thme byzantin de Sirmium-Serbie au XIe et XIIe sicles. ZRVI, 8, 1964, 2,
p. 479480 (Basil Apokapes in West, Botaneiates in East). He resumed his theory with some changes in:
Idem. Ladministration byzantine dans la valle du Bas-Danube au Xe et XIe sicles selon la sigillographie.
Dobruda, 12, 1995, p. 198.
13
P. Diaconu. Vasile Apokapes i Nikiphor Botaneiates katepani la Dunrea de Jos. SCIV, 20,
1969, 3, p. 437451; Idem. Les Petchngues au Bas-Danube. Bucarest, 1970, p. 8299.
14
N. Bnescu. Les duchs..., p. 3234, 8990, 142143. See also: J. C. Cheynet. Devaluation des
dignits et devaluation monetaire dans la seconde moiti du XIe sicle. Byzantion, 53, 1983, 2, p. 461
462; H. J. Khn. Die Byzantinische Armee im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert. Studien zur Organisation der
Tagmata. Wien, 1991, S. 230; M. Grnbart. Die Familie Apokapes im Lichte neuer Quellen. SBS, 5,
1998, S. 38.
15
H. J. Khn. Die Byzantinische Armee, S. 230; I. Jordanov. Peatite ot strategijata v Preslav
(9711088). Soa, 1993, p. 160161, nr. 323.
16
N. Bnescu. Les duchs..., p. 8490.
17
V. Tpkova-Zaimova. Ladministration byzantine au Bas-Danube (n du XeXIe sicles). Tentative
dune mise au point. EB, 9, 1973, 3, p. 106109.
18
I. Barnea, t. tefnescu. Din istoria Dobrogei, III. Bucureti, 1971, p. 133.
19
I. Barnea. Noi contribuii la istoria themei Paristrion (Paradunavon). SCIVA, 37, 1986, 3, p.
271; Idem. Din nou despre Vasile Apokapes. SCIVA, 38, 1987, 2, p. 194; Idem. Sceaux byzantins de
Dobroudja. SBS, 1, 1987, p. 8485, nr. 7.
1

279

Alexandru Madgearu RULED INDEED BASIL APOKAPES...


20
I. Jordanov. Molybdobulles nouvellement dcouverts de Basile Apokapes. EB, 22, 1986, 1, p.
123124; Idem. Neizdadeni vizantijski olovni peati ot Silistra (III). INMV, 24 (39), 1988, p. 8992, nr. 2.
See also I. Jordanov, V. Tpkova-Zaimova. Quelques nouvelles donnes sur ladministration byzantine au
Bas-Danube (n du XeXIe sicles). In: Gographie historique du monde mediterranen (sous la direction
de H. Ahrweiler), Paris, 1988, p. 123124.
21
M. Grnbart. Die Familie Apokapes, p. 3738.
22
I. Barnea. Din nou..., p. 194.
23
J. C. Cheynet, C. Morrisson. Lieux de trouvaille et circulation des sceaux. SBS, 2, 1990,
p. 118.
24
As remarked R. Guilland. Patrices du rgne de Constantin IX Monomaque. ZRVI, 13, 1971, p.
12, Basil Apokapes fut charg de dfendre avec le magistros Nicphor Botaniate les places fortes du
Danube. This seems to be the best interpretation of the source. See also I. Jordanov. Molybdobulles...,
p. 127.
25
K. N. Yuzbashian. Ladministration Byzantine, p. 148.
26
Michael Attaliates. Historia, p. 46; Ioannes Scylitzes. Synopsis historiarum, recensuit I.
Thurn, Berlin-New York, 1973, p. 462464; N. Bnescu. Les duchs..., p. 85.
27
I. Jordanov. Molybdobulles..., p. 126; Idem. Neizdadeni..., p. 91; Idem. Vizantijski olovni peati
ot Pliska. PliskaPreslav, 5. Shumen, 1992, p. 283; Idem. Peatite na Vasilii Apokapu ot vtorata polovina
na XI v. Numismatika i sfragistika, 4, 19951997, p. 107; M. Grnbart. Die Familie Apokapes, S.
2941.
28
M. Grnbart. Die Familie Apokapes, S. 36.
29
For instance Iberia: Michael Iasites (10441045), Ioannes Monasteriotes (1059); Bulgaria:
Michael Saronites (10731074); Paradunavon: Nestor (1072); Dyrrachion: Michael Maurik (1067). See
H. J. Khn. Die Byzantinische Armee, S. 189, 226, 231, 238; V. A. Arutjunova-Fidanjan. Some
Aspects of the Military-Administrative Districts and of Byzantine Administration in Armenia during the
11th Century. REArm, NS, 20, 19861987, p. 318.
30
W. Seibt. Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in sterreich. I. Kaiserhof, Verffentlichungen der
Kommission fr Byzantinistik, 2, Wien, 1978, S. 226; J. C. Cheynet. Devaluation, p. 471.
31
Catalogue of byzantine seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, vol. IV (ed. E.
McGeer, J. Nesbitt, N. Oikonomides). The East, Dumbarton Oaks. Washington, 2001, p. 163, nr. 73, 1; I.
Jordanov. Neizdadeni..., p. 108109; M. Grnbart. Die Familie Apokapes, S. 3840; J. C. Cheynet.
Sceaux byzantins des muses dAntioche et de Tarse. TM, 12, 1994, p. 422423, nr 53.
32
Ioannes Scylitzes. Synopsis, p. 462464; R. Grousset. Histoire de lArmnie des origines
1071. Paris, 1947, p. 597598, 600.
33
As have already done A. G. C. Savvides. On the Armenian-Georgian-Byzantine family of Apocapes
(Abukab) in the 11th Century. Dptycha. Hetaireias Vyzantinon kai Metavyzantinon Meleton, 5, 1991
1992, p. 98103 and M. Grnbart. Die Familie Apokapes, S. 3740. R. Guilland. Patrices du rgne:
12 sustained with no proof that Apokapes became governor of Edessa after 1054, as a reward for his
victory at Mantzikert.
34
Chronique de Matthieu dEdesse (9621136) avec la continuation de Grgoire le Prtre jusquen
1162, trad. par Edouard Dulaurier, Paris, 1858; Armenia and the Crusades, Tenth to Twelfth Centuries.
The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, translated from the Original Armenian with a Commentary and
Introduction by Ara Edmond Dostourian, Lanham, 1993.
35
Matthew of Edessa: 105 (II. 24) = ed. Dulaurier, p. 126127.
36
Matthew of Edessa, p. 68 (I. 80) = ed. Dulaurier, p. 88. See K. N. Yuzbashian. Ladministration
Byzantine, p. 146147.
37
A. G. C. Savvides. On the Armenian-Georgian-Byzantine family, p. 100101.
38
See P. Lemerle. Le testament..., p. 40.
39
G. Ddyan. Limmigration armnienne en Cappadoce au XIe sicle. Byzantion, 45, 1975, p. 105109.

280

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS III


40
Similar conclusions were drawn by I. Jordanov. Molybdobulles..., p. 123127; Idem. Dobruda
(4911092) selon les donnes de la numismatique et la sphragistique. In: Dobruda. Etudes
ethnoculturelles. Soa, 1987, p. 202; Idem. Neizdadeni, p. 8992; V. P. Stepanenko. K cursus honorum
Vasila, syva Apuhabu. In: Rossijskoe vizantinovedenia: Itogi i perspektivi. Moscow, 1994, p. 129131
(apud M. Grnbart. Die Familie Apokapes, S. 31).
41
G. Zacos. Byzantine Lead Seals, vol. II (no. 11089), compiled and edited by John W. Nesbitt.
Berna, 1984, S 424, nr. 956; I. Barnea. Noi contribuii, p. 270, nr. 3.
42
See for this H. Glykatzi-Ahrweiler. Recherches sur ladministration de lEmpire Byzantin aux
IXeXIe sicles. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellnique, 84, 1960, p. 41. I. Jordanov. Peatite ot
strategijata, p. 144, nr. 290 has published the seal of a certain Adralestos Spanopoulos, protospatharios
and ek prosopou of Paradunavon, but the name of the province is not sure (could be Arcadiopolis).
43
For the career of Nikephor Botaneiates see: G. Zacos, A. Veglery. Byzantine Lead Seals, I/3.
Basel, 1972, p. 14641465; J. C. Cheynet. Devaluation..., p. 461462; Idem. Du stratge de thme au
duc: chronologie de lvolution au cours du XIe sicle TM, 9, 1985, p. 187, 192; H. J. Khn. Die
Byzantinische Armee, S. 178, 212213, 241.
44
V. Laurent. La chronologie des gouverneurs dAntiochie sous la seconde domination byzantine
(9691084). Mlanges de lUniversit St. Joseph. Beyrouth, 38, 1962, p. 246.
45
P. Diaconu. Les Petchngues, p. 9597.
46
Ibidem, p. 96.
47
Ioannes Zonaras. Epitomae, III, p. 684. See also: V. Tpkova-Zaimova. Ladministration
Byzantine, p. 107 (Romanos Diogenes as katepano of a theme with the centre at Serdica).
48
A preliminary version of this study was published in Pontica, 31, 1998, p. 239244 with the title
Unele observaii asupra istoriei themei Paradunavon (despre Vasile Apokapes). Some of my viewpoints
changed in the mean time, but the main ideas are maintained also here.

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Alexandru Madgearu RULED INDEED BASIL APOKAPES...


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