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Child-witch phenomenon and its social implications in Nigeria

Ering, S.O., Omono, C.E. and Uyang, F.A.
Department Of Sociology, University Of Calabar, P.M.B 1115, Calabar, Nigeria
odeyering@gmail.com
Abstract
This study examines child-witch phenomenon and its social implications on children, in the
selected local government areas of southern senatorial district of Cross River State, Nigeria. Data
for the study were collected through questionnaire, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and Key
Informant Interviews (KIIs). A sample of 562 respondents from 12 semi-urban and rural
communities, 49 FGDs, and 116 KIIs were selected in local government areas. This study shows
that the child-witch phenomenon is prominent in rural areas of the Cross River State of Nigeria
and confession of children and pastors revelations further support the claim. This study
recommends that government and stakeholders like community leaders, religious leaders and
parents to deal with this social crisis. The study also asks for the establishment of Family Courts
to try violators of Children Rights; and that the Nigerian Child Rights Acts (2009) and Child
Right Law (2009) of Cross River State must be holistically pursued in order to protect the rights
of children in Nigeria.
Keywords: Child-witch phenomenon, socio-cultural economic, child rights

INTRODUCTION
The practice of Witchcraft has been in
existence for centuries across continents
(Wikipedia, 1999). Witchcraft refers to the
use of supernatural magical powers to inflict
harm to members of communities or
property. This contention is confirmed by
Offiongs (1989) description of witchcraft as
practiced among the Ibibio ethnic group in
Nigerias Akwa Ibom State. Its a psychic
act through which socially disapproved
supernatural techniques are used to
influence events. It is unequivocally evil,
destroying life primarily through mysterious
wasting diseases and eating the soul of their
victims thereby causing the death of victims
(Offiong, 1989).
In the African society, the belief in
witchcraft is profound. It is also the case in
other parts of the world. Scholars like
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Murray (2007); Henningsen (1996) and

Willis (1995) have long chronicled the
maltreatment of children in EU countries
such as Spain, Britain and Germany. In fact,
Murrays (2007) best known the witch-cult
hypothesis has explained the existence of
pagan religious adherers who worshipped a
horned god. Gede (2005) showed
witchcraft as an intimacy with the subtle
vitality of life and the methodology allows
the witch to manipulate reality and effect
change. Therefore, witches should be seen
as a threat to community and social stability.
In todays Cross River State of Nigeria,
there is an increasing evidence of violence
committed against children in the form of
child-witch phenomenon. It is perpetuated
against the backdrop of national and
international laws to protect the rights of
children. The following are some of the laws
and conventions that protect children against
violence: UN Convention on the Rights of
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Child (UN, 1989), 1990 Charter on the
Rights and Welfare of the African Child,
Child Right Law of Nigeria (2009), and The
Nigerian Constitution (1999).
In spite of the above legal provisions,
children are constantly facing some form of
violence in the family and the society at
large. They are exposed to child labor,
trafficking, sexual exploitation and black
magic with complex socio-cultural and
economic implications. This study attempts
to identify factors that lead to the accusation
of children as witches. It also assesses sociocultural and economic implications in
society. Finally, recommendations are given
to minimize the inhuman practice of using
children in witchcraft.
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
An examination of extant literature on the
phenomenon of witchcraft shows that it
pervades the entire globe and is generating
wider publicity as well as intervention.
UNICEF (2010) has reported that the
accusation of children as witches seems to
arise because of multi-crisis situations and
these usually affect children. These
situations has to do with social and
economic pressures including conflict,
poverty, urbanization, weakening of social
control measures in communities and
increasing incidences of HIV/AIDS which
have further exacerbated and contributed to
the rise of the accusations against children.
The phenomenon is not only peculiar to
Africa but also pervades in other countries
across the globe. For instance, in Sweden,
there were incidences of children being
labeled as witches. Sjoberg (1995) reported
a case of mass allegations of satanic child
abuse in the parish of Rattvik where 809
children (aged 1-16) were accused of
witchcraft; they were made to give
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OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES

testimonies to priests. Walinski-Kiehi (1996)

reported how German children were
involved in witchcraft accusations and how
they were brutalized. Rouled-Cimpric (2010)
and Offiong (1989) have reported similar
cases. Witchcraft provides explanations not
only for misfortune, illness, and death but
also for accumulation of wealth and power.
UNICEF (2010) suggested the conduct of
researches into various local beliefs and
practices in order to understand the source
of accusations and also expressed a need to
engage communities, and traditional and
spiritual leaders. Scholars (Cimpric, 2010;
Offiong, 1989; Mbiti, 1985) have linked
witchcraft accusations to the existence of
cultural and religious factors. These
accusations have had implications on
children since witchcraft is culturally
understood to be the epitome of evil,
misfortune, disease and death. Consequently,
an accused witch in society is hated and
subjected to punishment, torture and death.
Nwosu (2007) reported that in Nigeria,
Pentecostal pastors have incorporated
African beliefs into their brand of
Christianity resulting in a campaign of
violence against children. In most cases,
preachers make money out of parents of
victims through costly exorcism services.
Stepping Stone Nigeria (2008) reported that
in collaboration with Child Rights and
Rehabilitation Network (CRARN), it has
been able to save the lives of many Nigerian
children who would have ended up being
burned alive, drowned or beaten to death
since this prosecution began in Akwa Ibom
State.
In Nigerias Akwa Ibom State where the
belief in witchcraft is strong, there are
instances where children labelled as witches
are dehumanized, killed and burnt alive
(Alaka, 2009). Many cases of this horrific
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dimension happen in rural Nigerian
communities and also in the other African
communities. The concept of child-witch is
well-known (Riedel and Ethnology, 2012;
Adinkrah, 2011) and they are being branded
witches and persecuted on a mass scale in
Congo, Angola and Nigeria.
Victims of witchcraft accusation in the
African society have been the elderly,
disabled, albinos, and anyone considered
different (Human Rights Watch, 2006). In
Ethiopia, adults and children with physical
deformities are seen as ritually impure so
they are left alone in jungle or drowned in
river (Essia, 2012; Laplante, 2011). Also,
children delivered out of wedlock, twin birth,
and erupted teeth in upper jaw are seen as
signs of impurity. In supporting the views
above, Essia (2012) reported that in Akwa
Ibom, children who are always at risk of
witchcraft accusations are those with
physical disabilities, orphans and the ones
live with step-mothers. Ruickbie (2012) in
his findings wrote that the problem of childwitchcraft accusations has been spreading
from Africa to areas with African immigrant
populations. He added that it has led to
ritualized abuse and even murder with an
example of the high profile Kristy Baruce
case in the UK.
The above literature review shows that there
is a strong belief in the existence of
witchcraft by Africans. The belief is
anchored in the social function that
witchcraft plays in society; it is used to
explain away individual and or societys
inadequacies. On the basis of this
understanding, we may anchor the
phenomenon of witchcraft on Alexander and
Colomy (2000) Neo-functionalist approach
to society. Essentially, the approach sees
society as possessing certain elements in
interaction with other elements form a
pattern. This pattern allows the system to be
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OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES

differentiated from its environment.

Witchcraft could be seen as a functional
device in the competition for power and
authority within the group. Witchcraft
accusations help to shape societal norms,
values and tradition. It also provides an
avenue to perpetuate violence against
women and children. Offiong (1989)
summarizes the fact that witchcraft in Africa
is used to explain poverty of individuals,
family disintegration, personal failures,
accidents, and other social, economic and
political misfortune.
METHODOLOGY
Study Area and Methods
The present Cross River State emerged on
September 23, 1987 as a result of political
restructuring in Nigeria. It shares boundary
with the Republic of Cameroon in the east;
Benue State in the north, Abia and Ebonyi
States in the west and Akwa Ibom/Atlantic
ocean in the south. It has a population of 2.8
million (NPC, 2006). The state is divided
into southern, central and northern senatorial
districts
accommodating
18
local
government areas (Ering, Ottong and Akpan,
2010).
The study adopted descriptive research
design and extensive surveys were
employed. Osuala (1993) has stated that
surveys are versatile and practical to
discover relative incidence, distribution and
interaction of both sociological and
psychological variables in a chosen
population. We employed questionnaires,
Key Informant Interviews (KII) and Focus
Group Discussion (FGD). The study was
carried out in southern sensational district of
Cross River State, specifically three local
government areas. The choice of the
southern zone and local government areas
was purposive due to high occurrence of
witchcraft,
mainly
the
child-witch
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phenomenon. Among the three local

government areas, 4 communities, and 50
respondents were randomly picked (Babbie,
2005). In total, 600 respondents (200/local
government area) were randomly selected
from the 12 communities (Akpabuyo local
government area Ikot Ndarake, Ikot Ene,
Ikot Essien and Idebe IkotEsu; Biase local
government area Big Iwuru (ObioNta),
Betem, Akparavuni and Abini and Odukpani
LGA Odukpani Qua town, Odot Uyi, New
Netim, and Odunyama).

females). Fieldwork was carried out by

trained researchers. Six assistants (2 per area)
were recruited locally and trained on site
before the survey. Data analysis was done
using percentages, bar chart and tables
following Isangedighi, Joshua, Asim and
Ekuri (2004). Simple percentages were used
to present the socio-demographic data of
respondents, while bar charts were used to
present the factors that led to children being
labeled witches and the socio-cultural and
economic consequences on the children.

Asika (2000) and Osuala (1993) have stated

that surveys are practical in discovering the
relative
incidence,
distribution
and
interaction of sociological and psychological
variables in a population. The questionnaire
designs were guarded by the objectives and
variables therein for this study. The
secondary data were derived from the
available literature including government
and NGOs records. A total of 562 were
administered
questionnaires;
116
respondents were interviewed and 49 FGDs
were conducted across the local government
areas and communities picked for the study.
This distribution shows that 25 FGDs were
conducted for adults (males and females)
and 24 FGDs for children (male and

RESULTS
The analysis of data is based on the 562
questionnaire, 116 KIIs and 49 FGDs
conducted across the twelve communities in
the three (3) LGAs (Akpabuyo, Biase,
Odukpani) that were picked for the study. In
the analysis, the main concerns and focus
were the objectives which constituted the
variables
and
other
issues
under
investigation.
Socio-demographic characteristics
Findings of the study produced interesting
socio demographic characteristics of
respondents in the study (Table I).

Table I: Socio-demographic characteristics of respondents

A

Age bracket
15 18
19 25
26 35
36 45
46 55
56+
Total
Sex
Male

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No. of respondents by LGA

Akpabuyo Biase
Odukpani
56
29
44
43
58
36
42
49
40
20
31
22
13
14
12
23
18
12
197
199
166
104

103

101

Total

129
137
131
73
39
53
562

22.95
24.38
23.31
12.99
6.94
9.43
100.00

308

57.80

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Female

93

96

65

254

45.20

Total
Level of education
No formal education
Incomplete primary education
Complete primary education
Incomplete secondary school
Complete secondary school
University education
Others
Total

197

199

166

662

100.00

22
46
54
26
38
02
09
197

25
16
34
42
48
17
17
199

16
40
22
32
20
08
28
166

63
102
110
100
106
27
54
562

11.21
18.15
19.57
17.80
18.86
4.80
9.61
100.00

97
92
0
1
7
197

96
79
4
10
10
199

70
58
8
10
20
166

263
229
12
21
37
562

46.80
40.74
2.14
3.74
6.58
100.00

63
23
10
101
197

74
49
34
42
199

59
48
20
39
166

196
120
64
182
562

34.88
21.35
11.39
32.38
100.00

N5,000 N20,000
N21,000 N35,000
N36,000 N50,000
N51,000 N65,000

28
9
11
10

27
32
20
25

30
26
5
3

85
67
36
38

15.12
11.92
6.41
6.76

N66,000 above
Nil/None
Total

24
115
197

53
42
199

27
75
166

104
232
562

18.51
41.28
100.00

Marital status
Single
Married
Separated
Divorced
Widowed/widower
Total
Occupational status
Farmer
Business/self employed
Civil servant
Others
Total
Annual Income

The age distribution of respondents, as

shown in table I, indicates that respondents
of ages 5 18 made up 22.95 percent; 19
25, were 24.38 percent; 26 35 (23.31
percent) while those of age bracket 36 45,
46 55 and 56 and above made up 12.99
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6.94 and 9.43 percent, respectively. Data

show a high turnout of persons between the
age brackets of 5 18; 16 25 and 26 35
with a cumulative percentage of 70.64
percent. Though children were the target
population, it was also necessary to get
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broad opinions from persons of other age

groups.
The sex composition shows that 54.80
percent were males and 45.20 percent
females. The implication of the low female
involvement has to do with the cultural
dominance of male or sexist character of
most traditional African societies. More so,
women tend to shy away from getting
involved in research studies. The
distribution of respondents by educational
status as shown in table I, shows that most
of them involved in the study were persons
with primary school and secondary school
level of education. The distribution has
11.21 percent, with no formal education;
18.15 percent incomplete secondary school
and complete secondary school constituted
17.80 and 18.86 percent respectively. This
explains the fact that the belief in witchcraft
is not a factor of those who did not have
formal education. However, it points to the
strong cultural or traditional belief of the
people in witchcraft.
Data also show that most of the persons
involved in the study were single with 46.80

percent and married with 40.74 percent.

Also, most of the respondents involving in
the study were farmers with 34.88 percent,
followed by those engaged in other traders
making up 32.38 percent. The nature of
farming in these traditional societies is
postage stamp or match-box type of farming
characterized by lack of the application of
simple animal feed and consequently low
yield and low incomes. In some cases they
would prefer to appease the gods of the land
for fertility of land and good harvest.
Table I shows that respondents in the study
were persons who are characterized by low
income. This is situation that produces a
vicious cycle of poverty. Low income from
investment in farming (largely small scale)
and petty businesses results in low
productivity and consequently low income.
Child-witch phenomenon: Factors that
lead to children being accused of
witchcraft
Data from the study show a number of
factors that make people accuse children of
being witches (Table II and Figure I).

Table II: Data showing respondents responses across the three LGAs of Cross River State
of factors that lead to children being accused of witchcraft
Factors that lead to children
being accused
Personal
confession
by
children
Pastors revelations
Stubbornness
Becoming insulting
Arrogant behaviour/ no regards
for elders
Aggressive behaviour
Feel superior to other children
Abnormal behaviour
Do not wake-up easily when
asleep. (always in deep sleep)
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Akpabuyo
No.
%
126
63.96

Biase
No.
%
148
74.37

Odukpani
No.
%
102
61.45

Total
No. %
376 66.90

132
119
114
92

67.00
60.41
57.87
46.70

98
111
127
110

49.25
55.77
63.82
55.28

111
121
103
99

66.87
72.89
62.05
59.64

341
351
344
301

60.68
62.46
61.21
53.56

71
117
108
31

36.04
59.39
54.82
15.74

103
112
110
37

51.76
56.28
55.28
18.59

86
105
98
38

51.81
63.25
59.04
22.89

260
334
316
106

46.26
59.43
56.23
18.86

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Fig. 1: Factors that lead to children being accused of

witches

Akpabuyo
Biase
Odukpani

as

to
r

on
f
s ess
re
i
ve on
S
l
tu ati
bb on
or s
nn
e
In ss
su
lt i
A ng
rr
o
A ga
gg n
t
Fe res
E el siv
e
rr
at sup
ic
er
be io
ha r
de vio
ep ur
sl
ee
p

Percentages

100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0

Factors

Children accused of witchcraft make in

churches and villages; pastors revelation in
churches, that is, most preachers or pastors
claim to possess spiritual powers that
revealed certain secrets that other Christians
do not see. This singular factor is strongly
linked to children being manipulated and
forced to make confessions. In most
instances, these revelations are followed
with demands for monetary payment by
families of the children. This confirms
Nwosu (2007) contention that most pastors
make money from these kinds of activities.
In every bizarre circumstance, children are
made to pass through traumatic experiences,
given concoction and other forms of ordeal
in a bit to enforce confession. This factor
was confirmed by the former commissioner
of women affairs in Cross River State, 2009.
She attributed the child witch phenomenon
to the activities of white garment churches
whose stock in trade is to destroy families.
Other factors include the stubbornness of
children. The study show that 62.46 percent
of respondents maintained that a child who
is bold enough to challenge established
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authority or establishment is branded a witch

and seen as having no regards for the elderly
in the society. Therefore, a child with
witchcraft is seen as insulting, arrogant,
disregard of elders, is aggressive and always
disobedient to parents and very controversial.
Data revealed that the activities of stepmothers are a contributing factor to the
increasing phenomenon in the society. A
step mother who does not want a child from
another woman to stay in the house may
accuse a child as a witch and consequently
cause the child to be driven out from home.
A good number of these cases exist and
constitute a destabilizing factor in a number
of homes and families.
There is also the factor of violent and
destructive
tendencies
of
children.
Respondents argued that children with
aggressive and abnormal behaviors 46.26
and 56.23 percent respectively are always
branded as witches. However, respondents
contended further that parents sometimes
take advantage of the age, innocence,
powerlessness of children and unleashed
violence on them. Other factors identified as
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contributing to children being accused of

being witches include, children who exhibit
greediness (eating food without satisfaction,
erratic behavior, that is, irregular and
unpredictable behavior) and children who
steal and engaged in pilfering. Clearer
pictures of these factors are displaced in
table II and figure 2.

contentions of scholars like Essia (2012);

Riedel and Ethnology,(2012), Henningsen
(1996) and Sjoberg (1995), all whom argued
that children labelled or accused of
witchcraft suffer from a number of child
abuse and their rights being seriously
violated. These findings were corroborated
with the responses from Focus Group
Discussions (FGDs) conducted in the
communities
under
investigation.
Respondents argued that children have
grown into animals exhibiting different
characteristics and unleashing havoc on
families and society. In Ikot Ene, the clan
Head interviewed was proud enough to
reveal that 12 children have so far been
killed in their community (Ikot Ene) because
of witchcraft. For him the children were
paying for the atrocities they have
committed.

Socio-cultural and economic implications

Results show that the accusation of children
as witches has a lot of implications on
children (Table III; Figure 2). These
implications could technically be subsumed
into two; socio-cultural and economic.
These range from serious physical, psychosocial to emotional pains for children. Data
also show that 64.41 percent of respondents
maintained that a number of children have
been innocently killed because of being
labelled witches. These dehumanizing
treatment of children conforms with the

Table III: Data showing the responses on the consequences of child-witch phenomenon on
children across the three LGAs of Cross River State
Consequences
Death
Expulsion
Denouncement by parent and
isolation
Torture/bodily injuries
Harassment and intimidation
Banishment from community
Mental torture/emotional pains
Stigmatization/neglect and public
ridicule
Low self esteem
Lack of care and support

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Akpabuyo
No. %
108 54.82
104 52.79

Biase
No. %
133 66.83
114 57.29

Odukpani
No.
%
121
72.89
123
74.10

Total
No.
%
362
64.41
341
60.68

113

57.36

131

65.83

124

74.70

358

63.70

80
120
103
121
92

40,61
60.91
52.28
61.42
46.70

101
86
56
106
60

50.75
43.22
28.14
53.27
30.15

79
110
84
124
86

47.59
66.27
50.60
74.70
51.81

260
316
243
351
238

46.26
56.27
43.24
621.46
42.35

72
83

36.55
42.13

88
101

44.22
50.75

101
58

60.84
34.94

261
242

46.44
43.06

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Lack of care and

Low self esteem

Stigmatization/negl

Mental

Banishment from

Harassment &

Torture/bodily

Denouncement by

Expulsion

80
60
40
20
0

Death

Percentage

Fig. 2: Bar Chart showing the consequences of childwitch phenomenon on children

Akpabuyo
Biase
Odukpani

Consequences of child-witch on
children

Children labelled as witches are made to

suffer dehumanizing ordeals, made to pass
through fire in order to force confession,
which is in consonance with Offiong (1989)
postulations. This study also show that 56.27
percent of respondents argued that the
problems and consequences of children
accused as witches are many. Children are
made to suffer serious harassment isolation,
disownment by parents intimidation
wherever they go thereby depriving them of
their social and inalienable right of
movement and association. Again these
findings are in agreement with the findings
of Essia (2012), and Nwosu (2007). Both
have contended that children and babies
branded as evil are being abused, abandoned
and murdered. The harassment, stigma and
discrimination the children face, make it
difficult for them to associate with their
peers because they are treated as outcast.
This finding is in an agreement with the
contention of Human Rights Watch, 2006,
where children accused of witchcraft is
denied certain rights and privileges.

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In the school system too, the children are not

spared. 60.68 percent of respondents argued
that, aside from being denied basic
necessities of life, their educational and
human resources status are also affected.
Children accused or labelled as witches are
denied basic education. The findings show
that many children labelled witches have
been expelled from schools for the simple
reasons of limiting their initiation and killing
of other innocent children. None of these
children are allowed to enter the markets,
schools, or associate and interact with other
members of the society. More so, researches
conducted by Gilbert et al. (2009) and
Wolfe, (1999) have consistently shown that
maltreated children or children who suffer
neglect in the early years of their life suffer
from serious learning and developmental
capacities, particularly in the areas of speech
and language. They also experience low
educational achievement than other groups
of children.
Children labelled as witches suffer from
mental and emotional pains and torture.
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Majority of the respondents (62.46 percent)
went through physical treatment, abuses and
neglect. These affected the mental state
leading to emotional distress. Abandonment,
lack of care and a sense of belonging impact
negatively on the lives of the children. In
most cases some of these children become
mentally deranged, others turn to armed
robbery and in most cases commit suicide.
The findings revealed that these children are
forced to take concoction prepared by native
or traditional doctors, pastors and
evangelists which may eventually lead to
death. Many children in the rural
communities of Odot-Uyi and Ikot Essien,
two rural communities studied, were made
to eat esere beans (poisonous beans) in
order to establish their innocence. Those
who survive death from the poisonous beans
were exonerated and those who died were
branded witches. But in actual sense, very
few of these children survived the poison.
This is in agreement with the views of
Stepping Stone Nigeria, (2008) and Offiong
(1989). These two scholars have maintained
that children are made to pass through
dehumanizing circumstances in order to
prove their innocence but many die in the
process.
CONCLUSION
Based on the findings of this paper, the
authors would like to make the following
general recommendation. The government
needs to make laws with stiff punishment
for violators of childrens rights. The
existing Child Right Act of Nigeria (2009) is
ineffective. Local, state and federal agencies
need to protect children against violence
through witchcraft. Similarly, government
needs to establish family courts to prosecute
the predators. We propose that adult
violators of childrens rights should be tried
in regular courts of competent jurisdiction
using the existing legal provisions. The
AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 6928

OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES

victims should be treated with care

throughout the justice process. During the
judicial process, special attention should be
given for the age, gender, disability and
level of maturity, respecting the physical,
emotional, psychological and moral integrity
of the child involved. Government should
prohibit all the traditional and cultural
practices that are inimical and harmful to
children rights. Most communities in the
Cross River State harbor traditional
practices that are violent and derogatory to
children. Aside from prosecution in courts
of competent jurisdiction, communities
involved or engaged in such practices could
be excluded from benefitting from
government projects. Shelters and special
schools for children should be established
for the victims of the child witch
phenomenon. These schools must be well
equipped with medical and recreational
facilities. Adequate attention should be
given to children in terms of provision of
facilities and care with better welfare
packages since poverty fuels the child-witch
phenomenon. In addition, government could
put in place, economic and social support
system for families in the state. The
ravaging abject poverty situation in the
country has necessitated the need for
government to provide financial assistance
to families particularly in emergency
situations. More so, government should be
keen to develop supportive networks
through providing quality child care
facilities and pre-school enrichment
programmes in order to provide respite for
families
facing
difficult
financial
circumstances.
Government,
other
stakeholders, parents, community members
and the entire society need to work together
to stop the violence against children.

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