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By Frank Laczko and June J.H. Lee, IOM Research and Publications Division, Geneva.
Only a few countries are able to provide data on trends in trafficking over a number of
years, making it difficult to establish the extent to which trafficking may be increasing.
Figures from Germany and the Netherlands, two countries that regularly collate data on
trafficking, suggest that there has been a substantial increase in the number of victims of
trafficking during the last decade. The German Federal Criminal Office reports a 25%
increase in the number of trafficking victims identified by police between 1999 and 2001.
Most of the recorded victims however, are women because the German definition of
trafficking is linked to prostitution. In the Netherlands, the Dutch Foundation Against the
Trafficking of Women (STV) reported that the number of victims it assisted rose from 70
in 1992 to 341 in 2000. In both counties, the data refers primarily to cases of trafficking
in women for sexual exploitation, but not for trafficking in other sectors. (see tables 1,2
and 3).
In Asia
In Asia, as well, there is a general lack of hard data on this topic. However, it is possible
to glean some valuable insights from studies on related activities (such as prostitution and
sexual exploitation). These studies can frequently provide an indication of the scale of
trafficking in the region. Although not comprehensive in scope or coverage, the following
estimates do present convincing evidence of the existence of a growing trafficking
problem in this part of the world as well:
• A UNICEF surveys indicates that between 30 – 40 per cent of all sex workers in the
Mekong sub-region are between the ages of 12 and 17;
• in Thailand, it was reported that almost 200,000 foreign children were trafficked into
the country in 1996 for the purpose of exploitative child labour, including commercial
sexual exploitation (UNICEF, 2001);
• an estimated 13,000 children have been trafficked out of Bangladesh in the last five
years, and 300,000 Bangladeshi minors work in red light districts in India;2
• Between 5,000 – 7,000 girls are trafficked annually from Nepal to India (UNICEF,
2001);
• and in a 1997 report, the UN Rapporteur on Violence Against Women stated that in
some rural villages in China between 30 – 90 per cent of marriages resulted from
trafficking, a demand created by the shortage of women available for marriage in
some communities.
2
Sanghera, J., Trafficking of Women and Children in South Asia: Taking Stock and Moving Ahead.
UNICEF/Save the Children, 2000.
East Asia
Trafficking in China occurs both at internal and international level. In the domestic
market, young boys (mostly under seven) are sold for illegal adoption while young girls
and women are abducted into prostitution or as brides for bachelors in rural communities
where women are in short supply. Between 1996 and– 1998, 10,503 women and children
victims of domestic trafficking were rescued, while 14,709 traffickers were arrested.3 As
regards to external trafficking from China, Thailand and Cambodia appear to be the
favoured countries of destinations within the region, in addition to other destinations
including the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China, Taiwan,
Singapore, Malaysia, the Republic of Korea (South Korea), Japan and Australia. Victims
usually end up in the sex industry. Furthermore, some of these locations also act as transit
stations for eventual transportation to Europe or the United States. Inter-regionally
speaking, trafficking victims within East East Asian have been reported to originate from
Thailand, Myanmar, Mongolia, North Korea, the Lao Peoples Democratic Republic
(Laos), Vietnam and also Russia.
Other information related to trafficking within the region also indicates movement from
China, South Korea, Thailand and Philippines to Japan, from the Philippines, Thailand
and China to South Korea, and from South Korea to Japan and the United States.
International trafficking routes have also been discerned with victims of trafficking from
Colombia and Eastern Europe being found in Japan and well as some victims originating
from Russia and Central Asia found in the Republic of Korea.
In Vietnam there is outgoing human traffic to Cambodia, Malaysia, China, Hong Kong
SAR, and Taiwan for the purposes of domestic labour, prostitution, and brides, while
incoming human trafficking is usually from Cambodia and China, sometimes en route to
Australia, Europe, and North America.
3
UNICEF, Children on the Edge: Protecting Children from Sexual Exploitation and Trafficking in East
Asia and the Pacific, 2001.
4
Ibid.
The Philippines and Thailand usually act as sending countries, typically to Japan and
Korea, but also to destinations beyond Asia such as countries in Europe, North America,
the Middle East, and Africa. It was reported in 1998 that 150,000 women were trafficked
to Japan for prostitution.5
South Asia
Many countries in this region act as both source and destination countries, although India
is by far the largest destination country, with neighbouring Nepal and Bangladesh being
its principal source countries. While a substantial number of women and children are
trafficked to work in the sex industry, other victims of trafficking also end up in the
domestic, construction, agriculture, and garment production industries, or as beggars and
hawkers. Bangladeshis and Nepalese migrants use India as a transit country en route to
Pakistan or the Middle East, while India itself acts as a country of origin for the
thousands of people who migrate to the Middle East and the West. A large percentage of
India’s trafficking also occurs internally, with victims, usually children, being moved
from poorer states to big cities such as Calcutta, Delhi and Mumbai.
Other regional trends include trafficking from Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Iran, and Central
Asia to Pakistan. It was reported in 1991, for instance, that about 200,000 young girls and
women of Bangladeshi origin between the ages of 12 and 30 were sold in Pakistan.7
In addition to internal and regional trafficking, many South Asian children have been
trafficked beyond the region. There have been reports of Nepalese girls ending up in
Hong Kong, and thousands of boys, some as young as five, being trafficked to Dubai, the
United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar to work as camel jockeys. Sri Lanka also acts as
another primary source country for trafficking to the Gulf region, UAE, Kuwait, Saudi
Arabia, Lebanon, and Bahrain for work in exploitative conditions, which also makes
them vulnerable to sexual abuse.
5
Ibid.
6
Ibid.
7
Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid, Annual Report, Pakistan, 1991.
Most countries are countries of origin, transit, and destination. Major receiving countries
in the region are Brunei, Hong Kong SAR, Japan, Malaysia, and Republic of Korea.
Hong Kong SAR is also a transit country, whereas Malaysia and South Korea have been
reported as source countries as well. Bangladeshi and Nepal are reported to be sending
countries. However, this does not mean that in these countries are only either receiving or
sending countries. It is quite possible that other related activities have not been widely
reported.
Internal Trafficking
Internal trafficking is widely practised in South Asian countries, China, and in the
Mekong region of the Southeast Asia. Indonesia is also frequently mentioned when
discussing internal trafficking. In particular, bride trafficking or forced marriage, often
involving young women, is said to be widespread in China as well as Nepal and
Bangladesh. The United Nations Children's Fund stated in a 2001 report that in recent
decades, more than 250,000 women and children have been victims of trafficking within
China.
HIV/AIDS also has a huge economic impact for the families involved as its effects can
reduce family income, which may result in children being removed from school and
forced into dangerous employment which exposes them to diseases and makes them
vulnerable for exploitation. An even more worrying trend spurred by the epidemic is the
reported incidents of men who believe that sex with a virgin will protect them from
infection or even enhance their virility. This belief has increased the demand for child
prostitutes, most of whom are not in a position to defend themselves, or insist on the use
of condoms.
8
UNICEF, Children on the Edge: Protecting Children from Sexual Exploitation and Trafficking in East
Asia and the Pacific, 2001.
The paucity of solid data on trafficking can be partly attributed to the fact that human
trafficking is clandestine in nature. However, experience shows that the police cannot be
relied upon to deliver even the trafficking data needed to help fight trafficking related
crimes. Many law enforcement agencies also tend to give a low priority to combating
trafficking due to inadequate, unimplemented or the lack of legislation on trafficking,
which makes the prosecution of traffickers difficult. Furthermore, trafficking convictions
are often based upon victim testimonies, which are difficult to obtain, because trafficking
victims are either deported as illegal migrants or often too frightened to testify. As a
result enforcement agencies prefer not to prosecute traffickers at all, with the knowledge
that much effort only seldom results in a conviction.
A 1999 study on human trafficking in the U.K. conducted by Kelly and Regan on behalf
of the British government found that the level of priority given by local police forces to
combating trafficking has an impact whether or not data is gathered. The study found that
trafficking data is produced only where police forces monitor the local sex industry as
part of their mandate to combat vice-related crime. Unfortunately, such monitoring is
rare, resulting in the attitude that “a problem unseen does not exist.” Another problem is
that many governments and, to a lesser extent, NGOs are unfamiliar with trafficking,
therefore, where relevant data does exist, it is not properly categorised as trafficking.
Despite the lack of data from law enforcement sources, a few new sources of data are
emerging as more agencies around the world take action to combat trafficking. The U.S.
government reported that in 2001 it supported over 110 anti-trafficking programmes in
around 50 countries while in Europe, numerous agencies are implementing programmes
to combat trafficking. However, no single agency acts as a focal point for collection and
harmonisation of statistics on trafficking either at national or regional level. An exception
is a new initiative started in June 2002 to establish for South Eastern Europe, a Regional
Clearing Point on National Networks on Victim Protection and Assistance in Belgrade.
Another problem is that existing data is often program-specific. Thus, data is usually
based on the various trafficking definitions used by each individual agency and only
cover those who have received certain types of assistance (e.g. persons participating in
voluntary assisted return programs or those accommodated in shelters for victims of
trafficking). The resulting situation is that the same individual may appear in data
produced by more than one organisation.
9
IHRLI, 2002: 79
At international level however, the sharing of information on trafficking tends to occur on
an ad hoc basis, especially between countries of origin and destination. Some countries
regard data on human trafficking as classified, while others have data protection laws
prohibiting the dissemination of personal information. Some ministries simply adopt a
policy of restricted distribution, while others are reluctant to release data because their
data is so poor. Authorities in destination countries may also be reluctant to share
information with source countries, when the authorities and law enforcement agencies in
source countries are themselves believed to be implicated in trafficking. Finally, NGOs
may be reluctant to share data for other reasons (e.g. to protect the confidentiality of the
trafficked persons they assist).
This database was implemented in the Balkan region in 2002 with the intention of
expanding it into a global database that gathers information from all IOM’s Counter-
Trafficking programs. The South Eastern Europe database currently includes information
on 826 victims of trafficking, all but one of whom are women and girls. These victims
were assisted by IOM during the period May 2001 to December 2002. The database
collects data on trafficking victims who were assisted by IOM in Albania, Macedonia,
Bosnia, Serbia and Montenegro, Kosovo, Bulgaria, Romania and Moldova. An initial
analysis of the data provides some useful findings on the Socio-economic background of
the victim, their recruitment and trafficking process, and any exploitation in the country
of destination (see table 4, 5, and 6). For instance, over half the victims were aged
between 18-24, but a significant minority, about 10 per cent, were children aged between
14- 17.
Concluding Remarks
In recent years, progress has been made in the development of a common understanding
of human trafficking and in the establishment of international legal norms regarding
trafficking in persons. Much less progress has been made, however, in determining the
scale and magnitude of human trafficking and in developing effective ways to collect
helpful data. Ultimately, data on trafficking will improve only when greater actions are
taken to combat the problem. Unless governments and law enforcement agencies are
prepared to combat trafficking with increased vigour and, at the same time, prepared to
provide adequate protection to the victims of trafficking, the majority of trafficking cases
will continue to go undiscovered. There is also the potential for data to improve when
10
Europol, “Crime, Assessment: Trafficking in Human Beings into the European Union”, (The Hague,
2001).
more countries begin to enact and implement the necessary anti-trafficking legislation.
Though this is likely to be a slow process, it is possible that data on trafficking will
improve as a result of it. This article has argued that several measures should be taken to
address the current data shortage. These measures include:
In Asia, as well as in most other parts of the world, the primary source of migration data
is governments, whether or not the data are on basic migration such as stocks and flows
or on specific kinds of migration such as irregular migration via, for instance, the number
of visa overstayers.
Other than small-scale surveys and research, there are hardly any mechanisms to
systematically collect information on trafficking. Existing data sources on international
migration set up by international organizations such as ILO, IPEC, or OECD11 do not
usually contain much data specifically on trafficking12.
11
Several international organizations, NGOs and research institutions have launched migration database in
Asia.
• ILO - International Labour Migration Data Base (ILM)
http://www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/migrant/ilmdb/ilmdb.htm
• ILO (IPEC)- Trafficking SIMPOC National Country Reports
http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/ipec/simpoc/charts/index.htm
IOM - Annual publication of world Migration report
OECD - Annual Conference on Migration in Asia and ‘Trends in Migration in Asia’ since 2000
UN Population Division- Compilation of basic migration data (migrant stock) in all countries
Scalabrini Migration Center (Research Institution) http://www.scalabrini.asn.au/atlas/amatlas.htm
• Migrant Forum in Asia (NGO) The Asian Migrant Yearbook (AMY) written by local NGOs.
12
Recently the UNESCO has started a statistics project on trafficking
(http://www.unescobkk.org/culture/trafficking/ ). This website provides compiled statistics on
trafficking cited by various sources. It is stated that through the project, the UNESCO is trying to ascertain
the methodologies on which the collected statistics are based, evaluate the validity of used methodologies,
and eventually provide a literature review and meta-analysis of existing data in trafficking
trafficking13, although those NGOs often do not collect such data in systematic fashion
and do not always share the information on a regular basis.
In order for such a network to be set up, initial discussions to reach a set of common
definitions must be carried out. Also a framework for information sharing needs to be
articulated. In addition, some programs for governmental capacity building should be
conducted as well.
The government of the Republic of Korea has carried out a survey to examine the
government capacity for public awareness campaign under the framework of the Bali
Conference on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons and Related Transnational
Crime, 2002. A similar step can also be taken in order to draw out a basic understanding
of data collection practices and capacity among the Asian countries. Then we can pursue
the above-mentioned improvement on trafficking data collection in general.
13
ADB, Combating Trafficking of Women and Children in South Asia, 2003