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John Lynch
O.
I NTRODUCTION
Anej om
Anej om , or Aneityume se , is the only language of Aneityum , the southernmost
of the i s l ands of Vanuatu ( formerly the New Hebride s ) .
In the early period of
research into the languages of Oceania , Ane j om was comparatively wel l-known : the
language had been studied by the early Presbyterian missionaries , and a dictionary
and grammatical sketch was pub l i shed exactly a century ago ( Inglis 1882 ) ; the
whole bible was translated ; and an abridged Pi l grim ' s Progress and other religious
material were printed in the language .
These missionary materials formed the
bas i s for later studies of the language (Gabelentz 1861- 7 3 , Codrington 188 5 , Kern
1906 , Ray 1926) .
However , with the drastic reduction in the population of the i sland , Anejom
lost any prestige it might otherwise have had , and little l inguistic study has
been undertaken thi s century .
Hewitt ' s ( 1966) phonological and lexical s tudy is
the only recent published work on the language .
At the same time , considerable
change - phonological , grammatical , and lexical - has clearly taken place in the
language since Ingl i s ' publication .
For these reasons , it is important that what is known of the language be
Thi s is perhaps even truer of Ane j om than of other Melanesian
made available .
languages in a similar state of linguistic neglect : Ane j om has a complex
historical phonology , but perhaps of even greater interest to Oceanic l inguists
i s the fact that Anej om i s one of the very few Melanesian languages to favour a
sentence order verb + object + subj ect .
Data
My original intention was to edit an unpubl ished manuscript grammar sketch
of Ane j om , written by Arthur Capel l in the early 1960s , and entitled ' A Re-Study
of the Language of Aneityum , New Hebrides ' .
Cape l l ' s " grammar sketch was based
largely , though not by any means entirely , on the printed [ Bible] translation " ,
while the phonemic sketch was "based on the language as spoken at the present
day " (Cape l l MS : 2 ) .
However , since the publication of Hewitt ( 1966 ) , and of a
few notes on the phonology and grammar based on my own initial contact with the
language (Lynch 1 9 7 6 ) , it is clear that Capel l ' s phonology is not whol ly
At the same time , Capel l uses for his grammatical description a
accurate .
framework , deliberately experimental , which for those who do not already know
something about the language is quite hard to follow .
Since I was able to
93
94
JOHN LYNCH
1, 2, 3
LOC
locative
ABOUT
referential preposition
LOC : STM
ADV
adverbial particle
AOR
aorist
MID
mid deictic
ASSERT
as sertive particle
NEG
negative
Capell
NEG : IMP
negative imperative
CAUS
causative
NOM
nominal iser
COM
comitative
( MS )
COND
conditional
CONS
DAT
dative
DEIC
deictic
DU
dual
ES
EXC
exclusive
FAR
far deictic
FUT
future
FUT/HOR
future/hortative/
subjunctive particle
HUM
human
INC
inclusive
INS
instrumental
k.o.
kind of
NR
near deictic
NSG
non-singular
PF
perfective
PL
plural
POSS
possessive
POSS : DRINK
POSS : EAT
PREF
previous reference
SEQ
sequential action
SG
singular
SM
sub j ect-marker
STM
subj ect/tense/mood
particle
SUBJ
sUbj unctive
TEMP
temporal particle
TR
trial
TRANS
transitive
1.
95
P
f
Fricatives , voiced
Stops
Nasals
ffi
t
d
j
5
h
c
Lateral
r
Flap
Semivowe l s
Vowel s
Front
Central
High
Mid
Low
Back
The orthography used is that of the mission translations - which is the system
currently used today - with the addition of the three phonemes Ib m I not
recognised by mission translators .
A fuller di scussion of the orthography may
be found in 1 . 4 . be low ; for the moment , note that b represents I pw / , c represents
Iyl , d represents 19/ , 9 represents Inl , and m repre sents Imw / .
1.1.
Consonants
Ane j om has twenty consonant phonemes , which are discussed according to manner
of articulation below .
Stop s . Stops "voice completely when f l anked by vowe l s , and at least partially
when fol lowing a voiced consonant " (Hewitt 1966 : 4 ) .
In other environments , the
stops are voiceless , but lenis .
The palatal stop in fact occurs strongly
af fricated ( [ e ) , [ J )
in most environment s , retaining its stop character ( [ tY ) ,
[ d Y ) only when followed by the nasals m and g . Velarised and s imple bilabial
stops are in contrast ( as they are in other languages of the region) :
96
(1)
JOHN LYNCH
/ba r/
w
[p ar]
/pan/
[ pa n ]
'nearly '
/ i n ba/
w
[ ?1. n b a ]
/ i npa/
[ ? 1. n pa ]
' tree sp .
(2)
/abo s /
[ ?a bW::> s ]
'earry '
/apos/
[ ?ab::>s ]
Fri cati ves . Fricatives show a vocng distinction only in the labial
series , voiceless labiodental / f / contrasting with voiced labiodental /v/ :
(3)
/nefa t i m i /
[ n Efad 1. m i ]
/neva t i m i /
[ n e:vad lm i ]
The voice less interdental fricative /d/ ( [ a ] ) contrasts with the voicel e s s
apicodental fricative / 5 / :
(4)
/adgan /
i
[ ?a ana f'i ]
/asga/
[ ?a S na ]
'aU '
/ede i /
[ ? Eae i ]
i
[ ?Ese ]
'ehew '
/esej /
The remanng fricatives are the voiced velar fricative /e / ( [y] ) and the
voiceless glottal fricative /h / , realised as a glottal stop in preconsonantal
pos ition .
Nasal s . The nasals show a five-way contrast similar to that found in the
stops .
Contrast between velarised and simple bilabial nasal s is clear , and
again thi s contrast is found before / 0 / as well ( contra Hewitt 1966 : 1 2 ) ;
(5)
/ffla /
w
[m a]
/ma /
/ i nriio so/
w
[ ? l nm &s::>]
'fog '
/ i nmohoc/
[ ? l nm&h::>y]
'moon '
Contrast between the alveolar , palatal , and velar nasals is a l so clear , and
carries a relatively high functional load :
(6)
'many '
/anak/
[ ?an an]
i
[ ?a fi a k ]
/agag /
[ ?anan]
'swim '
/anag/
'I '
97
la l oul
[ ?!1 ou ]
'vomi t '
la r ou r e i l
[ ?aroure i ]
'tie up '
Semi vowel s . There are two semivowel phonemes Iwl and Iy/ . Their status
as consonant phonemes independent of the high vowel s wil l be discussed in
sections 1 . 2 . and 1 . 3 . below .
1 .2.
Vowel s
Ane j om has a five-vowel system similar to that found in many other Oceanic
language s .
The unconditioned al lophones of the vowel s are lax : [ 1 ] , [ u ] , [ ] ,
[ ] , and [ a ] .
The conditioned allophones are discussed below .
The high front vowel I i i is tense [ i ] in a number of environments :
adj acent to a vowe l ; fina l ly ; or before a palata l consonant .
S imilarly , the
high back vowel lui is tense [ u ] adj acent to a vowel .
Both high vowel s are
long and tense when geminate ( i . e .
li il
[ i : ] and luul
[u : ] ) .
=
The mid vowel s lei and 101 occur tense [ e ] and [ 0 ] when before I i i , and
101 is a l so tense before lui . The mid front vowel lei has a central a llophone
[ a ] when before the velar fricative lei . Both mid vowe l s , and also the low vowe l
la / , have a palatal offglide when they occur before the palatal consonants Ij l
and Ifl/ .
Some examples of the various al lophones of the vowe l phonemes are given
below :
(8)
l i nta l l
[ ?l n da l ]
Inad i a t l
[ n o3 9 i a t ]
l i j i ii i s l
[ ? i J i fl 1 S ]
Inak i a tol
[ nag i o3 d ]
'outrigger-boom '
lan l i i n l
[ ?a n l i : n ]
l i tj u u l
[ ? ldj u : ]
'fa U '
Inah ou l
[ n o3 hou ]
'turtle '
Ina hoj l
'
iV
[ naho e ]
laiiakl
[ ?E:day]
[ ? E:s e i ]
i
[ ? o3 flak]
Inupunl
[ n ubun ]
le t ee l
lesej l
" In the present day spoken language there is a strong tendency to lower
many of the I i i ' s
. . to [ e ] [ i . e . to [ ] : JL ] . . .
The 101 on the other hand
In addition to these tendencie s , clear a l so in
is tending towards [ u ] " (C : 3 ) .
Hewitt ' s lists and in my data , there is a l so considerable confusion , even in
.
98
JOHN LYNCH
1 .3.
P honotacti c s
1 .4.
Orthog raphy
1 .5.
Stress
Neither Capell nor Hewitt treats stres s at a l l , and I have only been able
to make smal l headway with the analysis of stres s (Lynch 1976 : 2 ) .
General ly ,
primary stre s s in Ane j om appears to fall on the penultimate syllable , with
geminate vowe l s counting as two syll ables :
(9)
lededl
Inefa l aii l
l i ncowoj l
[ ?9E:9]
i
[nda l a n]
i
[ ? l nybwo 1:: ]
'suck '
'road '
'hook '
99
100
JOHN LYNCH
/ecj i i /
[ ? Clyj 1 : ]
/ i ng i tj i fi a t /
[ ? l n n l dJ 1 I'1a t ]
/itiyi/
[ ? 1. d i y i ]
negative particle
/e l ehe l /
[ ? e: h :h e: l ]
/ i n 1 i I i ta i /
[ ? l n l 1. 1 l da i ]
'bush '
/ i nmunuka/
[ ? l nmunvga ]
Stre s s i s , however , one more area of Anej om phonology that requires considerably
more attention .
2.
BASES
2.1 .
P ronou ns
Pronouns are bases which distinguish person and number (and a l so case - c f .
2 . 3 . and 3 . 2 . below ) .
Four numbers are marked in Ane j om pronouns :
singular , dual ,
trial , and plura l .
In the non-singular numbers , the common Oceanic distinction
between inclusive and exclusive first persons is a l so found . Thus in each of the
cases fi fteen pronomina l forms can be distinguished .
The three cases are ( i ) focal , which occur as sub j ect noun phrases and
dis j unctively ; ( i i ) obj ective , which occur as suffixes to verbs and will be
treated in 2 . 3 . below ; and ( i i i ) possessive , which occur as suffixes to nouns
or to possessive morphemes and will be treated in 3 . 2 . below .
The grammar of
the various cases of pronouns will a l so be examined in subsequent sections .
The Ane j om focal pronouns are listed below :
(11)
Singular
1 s t . inc .
Dual
Trial
P lural
akaj a u
akataj
akaj a
a j amrau
aj amtaj
aj ama
2nd
aek
'V
aak
a j ou ra u
a j ou t a j
a j owa
3rd
aen
'V
aan
a a ra u
a t t aj
aara
1 s t . exc .
a f'l a k
There are a number of points t o note about these focal pronoun forms .
First , the focal pronouns are a l l a-initial .
Ane j om sentences are almost
all of the form VS or vas , with the sub j ect noun phrase usually being marked by
the particle a ; for example :
(12)
101
(13)
then it seems likely that the initial a in the focal pronouns is a fused
sub j ect-marker .
Second , the second and third person singular forms each show two variants .
The former ( aek , aen ) are the older forms , which inc lude the relatively
infrequent vowel sequence /ae/ ; the latter forms ( aak , aan ) appear to be taking
over from the former , and may even be being further reduced to a k , an .
Third , the non-singular focal pronoun forms suggest a combination of
pronoun root + number suffix .
Although neither the roots nor the suffixes
occur alone as free forms , it i s useful to list the underlying forms here :
(14)
Roots
Suffixes
a - kaj -
1st . inc .
- rau dual
a - j am-
1st . exc .
- ta j trial
a - j ou -
2nd
a-ar-
3rd
-a
plural
The number suffixes bear no synchronic relation to the numeral s , although there
There are a l so a number of
appears to be some historical re lationship . 3
morphophonemic changes involved in the combination of root + suffix :
a fol lowing
consonant is lost after a - kaj - ' first inclusive '
degemination takes place in
a - a r - rau ; and a - j ou - a becomes a j owa through a proces s of desyllabification .
Fourth , the third person trial , underlying a -a r - taj , produces a geminate
consonant .
Where I recorded a t taj , other source s give this form as a h t a j
(e , Hewitt 1 966 , Inglis 1882) .
Fina l ly , there appears to be variation in the final syllable of the dual
forms between - ( r ) au and - ( r ) ou .
Both terminations are found in my data and in
all the source s except Inglis ( 1882 ) , who has - ( r ) au only . 4
In this sketch , I
will consistently give the forms in - ( r ) a u , s ince these are both historically
prior and , I believe , more common ; such forms , however , should be taken to
inc lude the forms in - ( r ) ou as acceptable alternative s .
The focal pronouns are further exempli fied below :
( 15 )
i s a pam affak
PAST come I
'I came '
e t awod ku r i a l ba s e t i t h i i aan
3SG : AOR hit dog big 3SG : AOR one he
e ra hag a a rou
NSG : AOR dine they : Du
' They two are eating '
102
2.2.
JOHN LYNCH
Nouns
The category of noun " include [ s ] words which function as [ actor ] or [ goal ]
in a n utterance .
There is n o formal distinction t o indicate the particular
function , L e .
there are no case distinctions " (C : 2 7 ) .
However , number is
usually indicated in the noun (unl ike many other Oceanic languages of Me lanesia) .
Since a great part of the morphology of nouns involves a prefix , n - i n - , one of
whose functions is to derive nouns from verbs , it will be convenient to first
examine this derivational prefix , and then look at other aspects of noun
morphology .
2.2.1 .
Deri vati on
Ane jom "does not pos se s s a regular series of derivational affixe s " which
derive nouns from other base s ;
such derivations have usually to be expressed in syntactic phrase s .
Examples : n a t i m i a t g e i a t ma s , ' murderer ' , lit . ' person k i l l spirits ' ;
na t i m i a h i l ek mu , ' a fisherman ' , lit . ' person seek fish ' . . . . The
location of an acti on may be indicated by i nwo ren , ' place ' : i nwo ren
a s j a p i j ga i ran , ' market ' , lit . ' place collect thereat ' (C : 28 ) .
(16)
i n ta -amn i i
( INs-drink )
i n t a - a re i
( INS-sweep)
'bpoom '
Whether this is a prefix , or whether the forms above are compound nouns with
i n t a - being a form of n i ta i ' thing ' , is a matter for further analysis .
There i s , however , one very productive derivational process for
nouns from verbs and adjectives , and this involves the prefixation of
Although there are some exceptions , the general rule seems to be that
prefixed to vowe l-initial roots and i n - to consonant-initial root s . 5
examples are given below .
(17)
deriving
n - or i n - .
n - is
Some
Derived Noun
Verb Root
a l anahen i
'ppay '
n - a l afiahen i
'ppayep '
edua
'hunt '
n -edua
'wap '
om rag
'be o ld '
n -om rag
umui'\ u
'moisten '
n - umufiu
'dampness '
hag
i n -hag
'food '
ld pepson '
ja
'bleed '
i n-ja
'blood '
me ret
'want '
i n -me ret
'ppefepence '
tas
'speak '
i n- tas
2.2.2.
P l u ra l i s a t i o n
i n - marker .
(18)
e t a t t i i i nca i a a n
3SG : AOR fe l l tree he
'He cut down the tree '
e t a t t i i ca i a a n
3SG : AOR fe l l trees he
'He cut down the trees '
On the other hand , human nouns not only delete n - i n - , but replace thi s with
i l pu - ( sometimes e l p u - ) as a marker of human plural ity . 6 Example :
( 19 )
e t a s j i i i nma n a na tafi'laf'l
3 SG : AOR shoot bird SM man
' The man shot a bird '
e ra a S J I
man a i l p u - a t afi'laf'l
e t hag a ku r i
3SG : AOR dine SM dog
' The dog ate/is eating '
e r a hag a ku r i
103
104
JOHN LYNCH
(21)
e t c i n ku r i et anag a n a t aMan
3SG : AOR eat dog 3SG : AOR many SM man
' The man ate/is eating many dogs '
(22)
e t c i n ku r i a n a t aMan
3SG : AOR eat dog SM man
' The man ate/is eating a dog/dogs '
Example :
2.2.3.
Compound nouns
Compound nouns tend to be of the form Head + modifier and to have the
In the case of
structure noun + verb , noun + adj ective , or noun + noun .
compounds with the structure noun + verb or noun + adj ective , there is little
to be said regarding their morphology , as the following examples will show :
(24)
Noun
Verb
i n tohou -a l a i
(she l l-blow)
nad i a t - a t umop
(day-rest)
nau-ata
(knife-cu t )
'circumcision-knife '
n i om-amya
(house-menstruate)
ANEJOM GRAMMAR
SKETCH
105
(s leep-poisonous )
'nightmare '
nedou- i j i f'l i s
(behaviour-high)
(25)
nepcev
'shark '
i n l i g i f'lh a p
'shoulder '
>
nepce v l i g i f'lhap
'harrunerhead shark '
i npa i
' site '
n i om
'house '
>
i n pa i yom
'house-site '
n i ta
' thing '
ac red
'scrape '
>
n i taac redeaf'l
'coconut- grater /scraper '
>
neaf'l
'coconut '
( 26 )
na r a s e 'skin '
i nca i
' tree '
>
na r a senca i
'bark '
neduo'bone '
i nr i t i 'ches t '
>
ne sepya'nipple '
i n hade'breas t '
>
nesepyanhade'nipple '
(27)
ne i awod neve-ku r i a a k 7
2SG : AOR h i t which-dog you : SG
' Which dog did you (SG) hit ? '
( 28 )
neve
na t i m i
neve
neve
n i ta i
nev i t a i
neve
neve
neve
i n t a k e t h a 'woman '
'person '
' thing '
neva t i m i
106
2.3.
JOHN LYNCH
Verbs
2.3.1 .
C l a s ses of verbs
Quan t i fi ers
Quantifiers form a class of verbs which are used generally with preposed
verbal particles , but may a l so be used with the mUltiplicative prefix ee- .
Within thi s clas s , the numerals form a large subclass , and they are further
characterised by the ability to occur alone in serial counting or in answers
to questions .
The true [Ane j om] numeral s are not ful ly preserved , because English
numerals have been taught from the earliest days of Mission work for
a l l numbers above five ; in the Bible translation for is used for ' four '
and ford [ ' fr9] for ' fourth ' .
(C : 39)
The five numerals which I recorded are :
( 29)
i th i i
'one '
e rou
e s ej
'three '
m i j man
'four '
me l ed
'five '
The original system was apparently quinary , with compounds used for forms above
f ive ( C : 3 9-40) .
The first three numerals given by Capell correspond to those
given above ; however , he gives manohwan 'four ' and n i j man 'five '
note the
The compounds for
similarity of the latter to the modern form for ' four ' .
numerals above five were apparently formed with a morpheme e e l ed , which is
Some of these compounds are , from
again s imilar to the modern form for f ive .
Capell ' s sketch :
-
( 30 )
n i j man e e l ed e t i t h i i
'six '
n i j man e e l ed et e rou
'seven '
n i j man e e l ed et e s e j
'eight '
n i j man e e l ed e t manohwan
'nine '
n i j ma n l ep i j ma n
The form for twenty given by Capell - n i j man e rou un red uon - makes reference to
However , these forms have
hands ( n i j man ) and feet ( red uon - probably neduon ) .
all died out .
The mUltipl icative pre fix
ec- i t h i i 'once ' , ec-esej ' three
quantifiers , such as anag 'many
'many times ' , ec-ehed ' how many
times ? ' .
I n tran s i t i ve verbs
Intransitive verbs never take obj ects .
( 31 )
hag
ma s
'die '
a t ga
e tec
'stay '
amj eg
Some example s :
Tra n s i t i ve verbs
Transitive verbs require an obj ect , and have no transitive suffix .
Examples :
(32)
c i fi
'eat '
a tou
'know '
awod
'hit '
acan
'spear '
a s vamod
Other Verbs
As will be seen in 2 . 3 . 5 . below , there are problems regarding the
identification of the transitive suffix in Ane j om , and assessing its role .
There are a number of pairs like hag 'eat ( intransitive ) ' , c i fi 'eat
( transitive ) ' , where the relation of transitivity is not expressed
morphologically but lexically ; there are other pairs like awan i p i n 'sme l l
( intransitive ) ' , i pfi i i 'sme l l ( transitive ) ' where , although the verb forms
are similar , there is no clear derivational process by which one is derived
from the other .
The class of other verbs thus comprises verbs which may
function transitively , and which appear to have a transitive suff ix ( - i , - i i ,
-a i , - o i , - Pi ) , but whose root does not apparently occur alone .
107
1 08
JOHN LYNCH
2.3.2.
Verb roots
PCC
Anej om
*ka l i
acj i
'dig '
'kat i
aces
'bite '
' l uaq
a l ou
'vomit '
"'ma t a k u t
emtac
'fear '
"' pano
a pan
'go '
*to l u
esej
'three '
P lural
aca l de i
ata i
'aut '
acas
a h t a l ca i
e t u koca i
a p i tac
ep i t p i tac ,
a s j u p i nmon
esj u p i nmon ,
i sj u p i nmon
'substitute '
a s v a h tec
esvehtec
a swa p l ec
i swop l ecop l ec ,
i sw i sop l ec ,
a uwohop l ecop l ec
a t auwud
S ingular
Plural
a t hu nwa i
a t ho i wa i
'drauJ wate!' ,
at i i
ij gi i
a t i na u
t i nau
a t i pan k i
i j g i pa n k i
'!'emove '
awonemtan
awo remtan
'buy '
c i fi
ec i fi
ehcohos
ahcahos
'appeal' '
e pev
ehpe pev
'stink '
e rek
e re k r e k
esj i I i d
asj i I i d
'g!'eat '
e t ha fi
e rekhafi
e t poj ej
a t puj e j e j
'bu!'s t '
hag
h e g a fi
he I i a fi
e l i afi
'feeb le '
i s j e p i gmofi
a s j ep i gmofi
'add to '
I e ( I eh ? )
l ecse i
ma s
eme sma s
'die '
ohy i omod
a u hy i omod
'!'enew '
tafi
e h t a fi t a fi
umoh
umumoh
Certain of these verbs are clearly intransitive (ma s , umoh , for example ) , and it
is not clear if in these cases the plural form refers to a plural sub j ect .
Many
of the plural forms involve partial reduplication , and many involve a change in
the initial vowe l ; however , there are a number of suppletive forms , and no
My own observations are that the
general rule on formation can be stated .
phenomenon is relatively rare in (modern) Ane j om , and that the list given by
Capel l may be taken as an indication of the number of verbs which have plural
forms .
2.3.3.
Forma t i on
General ly , verbs ( and adj ective s ) seem to be ' basic ' in all the Southern
Vanuatu languages ; that i s , cases of nouns derived from verbs are extremely
common , whereas cases of verbs derived from other parts of speech are extremely
rare .
We have , however , mentioned one proce s s of verbal derivation which ,
though not common , is found in a few case s .
This is the deletion of the noun
marker n- i n - from nouns :
( 34 )
i sec
01'
n i sec
'stick '
n a t ali'lafi
'man '
a t ali'la fi
n a t a he fi
'woman '
a tahefi
i n ha l av
'child '
ha l a v
'be
109
110
JOHN LYNCH
There are a l so one or two cases which involve the prefixation of a - to other
forms :
(35)
2 . 3.4.
l ul'lla
a l ul'lla
naba t
'darkness '
ana ba t
P refi xes
2.3.5.
Suffi xes
( 36 )
1 st
inc .
1 st
exc .
Dual
Trial
P lural
-caj a u
-ca taj
-caj a
-camrau
-camtaj
-cama
2nd
-y i c
'\,
-c
-co u r a u
-co u t a j
-cowa
3rd
-y i n
'\,
-n
- rau
- e t t aj
- ra
-Flak
The same remarks regarding the final syllable of the dual forms apply here as
appl ied to the focal pronouns ( 2 . 1 . ) .
There are some morphophonemic changes
to the second and third person singular forms , apparently involving loss of /y i /
after a vowe l - final root .
While there are some difference s , the forms of the obj ective pronouns are
c learly related to the focal pronoun s .
The non-singular forms consist of a root
and a number suffix , neither of which may occur without the other .
The number
dual - ra u , trial
suffixes are the same as identi fied for the focal pronoun s :
- ta j , and plural - a . The pronominal roots are first inclusive -caj - , first
exclusive -cam- , second -cou - , and third - r - ; combinations of root and suffix
involve similar morphophonemic changes to those discussed in 2 . 1 . for the focal
pronoun s .
These obj ective pronominal forms are exemplified below :
(37)
e t awod -y i c a a n
3SG : AOR hit-you : SG he
'He hit/hits you ( sg ) '
i s ege- ffak a ku r i
PAST hear-me SM dog
' The do heard me '
ek man a tg i - ra affak
l SG : AOR PF ki l l- them : PL I
'I have just k i l led them (pI ) '
- pa n k i
-pan
- pam
-j a i
- se
'down,
- s j i pe
(westward?) '
( 39 )
at i i
'put '
a t i - pa n k i
a t i -j a i
at i -se
ye t -
yet - pam
y e t - pan
ahtag
'approach '
a h ta g -pan
a h t a g - pam
111
112
JOHN LYNCH
a t ec
'sit '
atec-se
a tec-j a i
'sit on '
e l ad -
e l ad - j a i
e l a d - pa n
atga
'walk '
a t g a - sj i pe
Tran s i t i ve suffi x ( e s )
This i s a poorly understood area o f Anejom grammar .
When the obj ect i s a
non-pronominal noun phrase , pronoun obj ect suffixes are not used ; instead , a
transitive verb with an apparently fused transitive suffix is used .
The problem
in identifying transitive suffixe s , however , is that , as has already been
mentioned ( 2 . 3 . l . ) , few intransitive verbs may take a suffix making them
transitive .
The clearest way of identifying the suffixes is to look at verb +
obj ect suffix , and verb with noun obj ect ; e . g .
( 40 )
Neither Cape l l ' s MS nor my own data , however , contain large numbers of verbs in
both environments , from which both the transitive suf fixes and their conditioning
environments can be extracted . There do appear to be two sets of suffixe s :
one
has the basic form - i , often with a preceding vowel which is in fact the
historical final vowel of the root which is dropped in certain environments
( c f . ecet , e c t - a i
ec t a - i < POC "'k i ta 'see ' ) . The other suffix seems to be -Fl ,
or vowel + FI , found in verbs like the following :
adenaFl 'hide ' , adgaFl 'put on
=
head ' , ahacFl i Fl 'awaken ' , ahodaFl 'ask ' , a l aFl 'ca l l to ' , amoFl 'drink ' , a r i Fl 'soften ' ,
e t h a Fl ' lose ' , evaFl 'show ' , and so on . However , l ittle more can be said at this
stage , and transitive-marking in Anej om remains a sub j ect for further study .
2.4.
Adject i ves
Cape l l treats adjectives as a class of verbs , and in some ways this makes
they show the same formation possibi l ities ( 2 . 3 . 3 . ) and , as head
good sense :
of a predicate , they may be preceded by the same subj ect , tense , and aspect
markers as verbs ( 3 . 1 . 1 . below) .
For example :
(4l)
e t a l ba s a ku r i
3 SG : AOR big SM dog
, The dog is big '
However , there are two important differences between adjectives and verbs which
suggest that the two belong to different classes . One is that adj ectives never
ANEJOM GRAMMAR
SKETCH
113
take verbal suffixes of any kind , and the other is that adjective s may a l so be
I n this non-predicative use , the adjective fol lows
used non-predicative ly .
the head noun of a noun phrase or the head verb of a verb phrase , and does not
take a preverbal particle :
(42)
e t awed ku r i a l ba s aen
3SG : AOR hit dog big he
'He hit/hits the big dog '
2.5.
Adj uncts
Adj uncts are similar t o adjectives in that they follow the head of a
noun phrase or verb phrase and " serve to delimit it in some way :
to describe ,
They differ from adjective s , however , in
to point out , to modify " (C : 4 1 ) .
Three types of
that they may never occur preceded by preverbal particles .
inde finite adj uncts , modifiers , and
adjunct will be briefly discussed here :
deictic s .
2.5.1 .
I ndef i n i te adjuncts
(43)
ha l
tah
tak , i n t a k
'other '
Some
Example :
( 44 )
ek m a n a t g i i ha l p i kad affak
lSG : AOR PF ki l l some pig I
'I have ki l led some pigs '
2.5.2.
Mod i f i ers
There appears to be another class of descriptive words which may not take
preverbal particles but which fol low the head of a noun or verb phrase .
I have
Some , like a sga 'a l l ' fol low the head , while
cal led these adjuncts modifiers .
The
others , l ike acen 'very ' , fol low another adjunct or an adjective .
available data are so limited , however , that little further can be said about
this class at thi s stage .
2.5.3.
Dei c t i c s
114
JOHN LYNCH
Nom i n a l de i ct i c s
The demonstratives are further analysable into three groups .
One o f these
groups has to do with the reference system , and contains demonstratives marking
previous reference :
(45)
i y i , i y i hk i
i ra h k i
ij i , ij i iki
at'ik i
Exactly what the semantic ranges of the paucal and plural forms are is not clear ;
s imi lar constrasts exist in the other demonstrative sets , and Hewitt ( 1966)
merely glosses them 'of a few ' and 'of many ' .
The other sets o f demonstratives seem to be partially identical , except
that one set has a prefix i - .
The available evidence sugge sts that the set
with i - is adj ectival and the set without i - is pronominal ; however , the data
are insufficient to allow a secure statement on this matter .
Again , the
distinction between singular , paucal and plural is present , as is a distinction
There are
between near speaker , mid/near addressee , and far/near third person .
one or two gaps in the data , but the extrapolated forms are included in square
brackets in the fol lowing table :
(46)
Singular :
Paucal :
P lural
Near
Mid
Far
n i t'i k i , n i
nana i , nane i , na
[ n a i kou l
i n i t'ik i
i nana i , i na n e i
i na i kou
i n i t'i , i net'i
i na i
ini
i na
rat'ik i
[ rana i l
rat'ikou
i rarlk i
[ i rana i l
i ra rlkou
j i t'ik i
[ j i kna i 1
j i kna i kou
i j i t'ik i
i j i kna i
i j i kna i kou
i j i i t'i
n a - /n i - ' singular ' , ra- ' paucal ' , j i ( i ) - /j i k - ' plural '
- ii - k i ' near ' , -na i ' mid ' , - ii - kou/- na i - kou ' far ' .
Cape ll a l so gives an ' inclusive plural ' form in s j i he does not give full paradigms .
(e . g .
s j i ii k i , sj i i k i ) , but
Loc a t i v e de i c t i c s
The basic locatives show a
The locative deictics are a l so complex .
similar formation to the nominal deictics , with a near/mid/far distinction , and
also a separate set marking previous reference :
(47)
Simple :
Near
Mid
Far
i n kahenka
a n kehan
oupankou
i n kahe
eankou
i n ka
ean
Previous
reference :
i n ka k i , i n kahk i
eahk i
Awareness
of thing
sought :
aab i rrk i ( sg . )
a bna i kou
aanj i nk i
(pl . )
( 48 )
Upwards :
Downwards :
Seawards :
Landwards :
j i pan , ma r e t j i pan
'upwards '
i n kaj a i
j i pa n kou
j i pa i kou
upou
, downwards '
sepan
, downwards '
adehpan
,downwards '
sepankou
s epamk i
i n kase
pokou
'seawards '
i n ka pok
'seawards '
i n kah i
, landwards '
i n kapaha i
115
116
JOHN LYNCH
Inland :
Eastwards :
Westwards :
Side :
3.
pa i kou
'inland '
paha i kou
j i pa i kou
'
i tohou
j a i kou
i nkaj a i
sohkou
adehpan
i n kase
'westwards '
i n kapam
i n kapan
up
inland '
PHRASE STRUCTURE
This section examines in turn the structure of verb phrases , noun phrases ,
and other kinds of phrases in Ane j om .
3.1 .
Verb phrases
Verb phrases have as head either a verb root (with appropriate affixes)
or an adjective root .
Various adjuncts or adjectives may follow the head of
the verb phrase , and a number of sets of particles may precede the head .
In
this section we first examine these particles , and then look at the structure
of the verb phrase in more detail .
3.1 .1 .
117
however , that not only do the forms that I el icited differ from those given by
Cape l l , due to wholesale reduction of the system , but the two Anej om-speakers
who worked with me differed s lightly among themselves .
In these latter cases ,
the earl ier data collected from an older speaker appears on the left and i s
separated b y a semicolon from the more recent data collected from a younger
speaker . 9
Ao ri s t i nd i cati ve
Capell shows separate forms for all persons and numbers :
(49)
Singular
1st inc .
Dual
Trial
P lural
i n tau
i ntaj
i n ta
1 s t exc .
ek
ecrau
ektaj , ekt i j
ec ra
2nd
na
ekau
ahtaj
eka
3rd
et
e rau
ehtaj
era
Before the aspect markers pu ' future ' and mu ' hortative ' , a number of assimilatory
changes were noted :
the second person dual form ekau becomes akau before pu and
a r u before mu , while the plural forms occur as i n t u , ec r u , a k u , and e ru .
Modern data shows a breakdown of the system :
( 50 )
Non-singular
Singular
ekra ;
e r a '" ra i -
ek '" k -
e k ra ;
e ra
2nd
ne i '" n a -
ekra ;
e ra '" ra i -
3rd
et
ekra ;
era
1 st inc .
1st exc .
'"
t-
>
na , e k ra
>
ekru , era
'"
'"
>
ra i ra i -
e r u , and ra i -
>
ru- .
Past i nd i ca t i ve
The forms given by Capell are :
(51)
Singular
1st inc .
10
Dual
Trial
P lural
i nt i s
[ i nt i j i s]
i mj i s
ki s
ecrus
ekt i j i s
ec r i s
2nd
as
ak i s
aht i j i s
ak i s
3rd
is
erus
eh t i j i s
er i s
1st exc .
Again , the forms I el icited show considerable breakdown of the original system :
( 52 )
Non-singular
Singular
1st inc .
1st exc .
is
ki s ;
kis;
is
is
2nd
is
ekr i s ;
is
3rd
is
ek r i s ;
is
118
JOHN LYNCH
Subj uncti ve
The forms given by Cape ll and Inglis are :
P lural
Dual
Trial
1 s t inc .
tu
tij i
ti
1 s t exc .
tij i
ec r i
( 52 )
Singular
i nk i . k i
ecru
2nd
an
eru
tij i
aki
3rd
i ny i . y i
eru
tij i
eri
( 54 )
Non-singular
Singular
ri
1st inc .
1 s t exc .
ki
ri
2nd
ni
ri ;
ra
3rd
i l'l i y i
ri ;
ra
'V
yi
Segmentat i on
The data given by Capel l suggests that the forms can probably be analysed ,
at least historically , as fol lows :
( 55 )
Person
Number
Tense/Mood
ek
1st sg
-i5
past
ne i
2nd s g
aorist
et
3rd s g
- i /- u
subjunctive
i nt-
1st inc . n s g
-au
ec r -
1st exc . n s g
-taj/-t i j
trial
ek-
2nd n s g
-a
plural
er-
3rd nsg
dual
3.1 .2.
A number of different tenses and aspects are marked by the STM markers
alone or in combination with some other particle which fol lows them .
Aori s t
The aorist tense is marked b y the aorist indicative markers with no
The tense indicates a present or recent past
fol lowing tense/aspect particle .
action or state .
ek hag a a k
( 56 )
I SG : AOR eat I
'I
am
eating ' ,
e t av i ff numu aen
3SG : AOR want fish he
'He wants a fish ', 'He (recent ly ) wanted a fish '
Past
P a s t tense i s marked b y the past indicative markers with n o fol lowing
This tense indicates an action or state in the past ,
tense/aspect particle .
but not the very recent past .
( 57 )
i s hag affak
PAST eat I
i s av i n umu aen
Futu re
The future marker is pu , which fol lows the STM particles .
is marked by aorist indicative particles plus pU :
( 58 )
A simple future
e k pu hag a n a k
ISG : AOR FUT eat I
'I wi l l eat '
e t pu av i ff n umu aen
3SG : AOR FUT want fish he
( 59 )
i s i ka a e n i s pu a pam i mraff
119
120
JOHN LYNCH
Another particle , mu ,
is not used as a pure future , but in sentences which contain a
general prescription , an exhortation , a stimulus .
Therefore , it
embraces the imperative in the 1 s t and 3rd persons and even in the
2nd person in a reque st , prayer , or urging (C : 62 quoting Kern 1906 : 57 ) .
It a l so appears to have a subjunctive or vague future sense .
(60)
Examples :
Perfecti ve
The perfective or assertive particle , man , may follow either the aorist or
the past STM particles .
The former combination indicates recent completion ,
while the latter indicates completion not so recent :
(61)
PAST PF eat I
'I
markers .
Examples of the use of these particles will be given in the discussion
on complex sentences in section 5 . 2 . 2 .
Assert i ve
The assertive marker i d i m comes between the STM markers and the head :
(62)
e t i d i m u pn i i
3.1 .3.
Nega t i on
(63)
e t i t i y i hag aen
3 SG : AOR NEG eat he
'He is not eating '
11
Some examples :
i s i t i y i av i ff n umu affak
PAST NEG want fish I
'I didn ' t want a fish '
na pu i t i y i a pam aek
2 SG : AOR FUT NEG come you : SG
'You ( sg ) wi l l not come '
The perfective particle man , however , may not be used with the negative i t i y i ;
instead , a negative perfective particle f i is used , and thi s functions as an
adverbial particle ( c f . 3 . 1 . 4 . ) in that it fol lows rather than precedes the
negative :
3.1 .4.
Adverbi a l part i c l es
(65)
l ep
ici
top
fi
ba r
u pc i i
'first '
am
sequential action
These particles are best exemplified in continuous text , and reference should
Some examples , however ,
be made to the text at the end of this grammar sketch .
are given below :
( 66 )
121
122
JOHN LYNCH
More than one such particle may be used in a single verb phrase :
(67)
3.1 .5.
Examples of verb phrases containing various preposed particles have been given
above .
In addition , a verb phrase may contain a postposed adjunct or adj ective :
( 68 )
i s l e p amen u pn i i a n a t i m i
PAST o ld good he
i s a d i a a sga aen
PAST go : away all he
'He died ' ( lit . , 'He went away altogether ' )
A s will be clear from the Ane j om text i n section 6 , the STM particles may
be omitted in discourse , when both the tense is recoverable from context and
In what might be termed ' col loquial '
when the sub j ect is overtly marked .
Ane j om , the STM particles may a l so be omitted in individual sentences , under the
same conditions .
I will return to this in the discussion of clause and
sentence structure ( c f . section 5 . 3 . below) .
3.2.
Noun phrases
3.2. 1 .
(69)
e t M a n c i ff wame t ec aen
3 SG : AOR PF eat sweet : potato he
'He has eaten sweet potato '
e t awod ku r i a l ba s aen
3 SG : AOR hit dog big he
'He hit/is hitting a big dog '
e t epj edepj ed i ny u ba l i n i
3SG : AOR short s tory this
'This s tory is short '
i nyuba l i nv i j i c i n i
s tory true this
'This true s tory '
ha l p i kad
some pig
' Some pigs '
Noun phrases like those discussed above may b e expanded b y adding an
adjective or numeral , preceded by a STM marker , after the head noun .
This
is the only way in which numerals can be incorporated into a noun phrase , and
the commonest way of expressing adj ective s .
Some examples :
( 70 )
i s amen a nomrag i s i t h i i a ha j om
3.2.2.
Posses s i ve phra se s
123
124
JOHN LYNCH
Singular
( 71 )
Dual
Trial
Plural
- j au
- taj
-j a
-mrau
-mtaj
-ma
-m i a
- ra
1 s t inc .
1 s t exc .
-k
2nd
-m
- m i rau
- m i taj
3rd
-n
- rau
- t taj
Singular
Dual
Trial
Plural
r i s i j au
r i s i t aj
risija
1 s t inc .
risik
r i 5 i m rau
r i s i mtaj
r i s i ma
2nd
risim
r i s i m i rau
r i s i m i taj
risimia
3rd
risin
r i s i rau
r i s i t taj
r i 5 i ra
1 st exc .
i n ta l i nca - ra
taro POSS : EAT-their : PL
'Their (pI ) taro (for eating) ,
wame tec i nc a - k
sweet : potato POSS : EAT-my
'MY sweet potato (to eat ) '
i nwa i 1 u(l\a - n
water POSS : DRINK-his
'His water (to drink) '
( 74 )
1 s t inc .
Dual
Trial
Plural
ujau
u t aj
uja
1 st exc .
uFlak
u Fl i mrau
u fi i mtaj
ufi i ma
2nd
uFlum
u Fl i m i rau
uFl i m i taj
uFl i m i a
3rd
uwun
u rau
uwo t t a j
u ra
125
Thus the general al ienable possessive morpheme has the allomorphs u - , un V- and
uwV- ; u- has been chosen as the base form since , as will be seen in 3 . 2 . 2 . 2 .
below , that is the form that is used in nominal posses sion .
-
The use of the general alienable posses sive morpheme is exemplified below :
( 75)
n i om ufiak
house poss : my
' My house '
p i ka d uwun
pig poss : his
'His pig '
i n t a l u ra
taro poss : their : PL
'Their (pI ) taro (not speaifiaa l ly viewed as food) ,
( 76 )
etma- i deto
father-coNs Deto
'Deto 's father '
n i j ma - i r i s i -m
hand-CONS mother-his
'His mother 's hand '
When the possessed noun already ends in i , this i plus the construct suffix
merge as i : thus r i s i - i deto 'Deto 's mother ' surfaces as r i s i de t o .
From the l imited data available , i t appears that when a noun beginning
with the noun marker i n - is preceded by the construct suffix - i , both
occurrences of I i i are deleted :
( 77)
(underlying i n ra - i i nca i )
i n ra - nca i
branah-cONS tree
branah-tree
'Branah of a tree '
(underlying n i j ma - i i n taketha )
n i j ma - n t aketha
hand-CONS woman
hand-woman
' The woman 's hand '
126
JOHN LYNCH
(7B)
n i om u i n take t ha
house POSS woman
' The woman 's house '
i nman - a l awowa u i nwa i
ho le-bubble : up POSS water
'Source of a river '
i n ta l i nca - i i n take t ha
taro POSS : EAT-CONS woman
'The woman 's taro (to eat) '
i nwa i 1 uMa - i d i ?
water POSS : DRINK-CONS who
'Whose water (to drink ) ? '
3.2.3.
Adjunct
) + (Deictic)
Adj ective
(Poss . Phr )
Only indefinite adjuncts precede the head ; all other modifiers follow the head ,
in the order given above .
One example from the text in section 6 shows that
possessive constituents follow deictics :
( 79 )
(BO)
r i s i - k n a i m de to
mother-my DEIC : MID and Deto
'Deto 's and my mother '
r i s i - i deto i m r i s i -k
mother-CONs Deto and mother-my
'Deto 's mother and my mother '
3.3.
Other phrases
3.3. 1 .
127
Locati ve phrases
some are
Locative phrases i n Anej om fall into a number of subtypes :
introduced by prepositions , some use locational inal ienable posses sed nouns ,
and some are unmarked .
When the head of the locative phrase is a placename
the phrase is unmarked :
(81)
or an interrogative ,
i s amen a n -omrag i s i t h i i a h a j om
'There was
an
i s a pan aen v i l a
PAST go he Vila
i s amen a e n e i t e i anouyac
The basic locative prepositions are a and u , and a large number of locative
phrases whose heads are not placenames or interrogatives are introduced by one
or other of these two prepositions , either alone or in combination with some
The difference in meaning between a and u is not
other element ( see below ) .
clear ; the following examples show that , while they behave similarly , they
are not totally interchangeable :
(83)
e t e h e s a e n u i nca i
3SG : AOR aome : from she LOC tree
'She is aoming from the tree '
e t ehes aen a na u r i ta i
3 SG : AOR aome : from she LOC garden
'She is aoming from the garden '
*e t ehes aen u na u r i ta i
3SG : AOR aome : from she LOC garden
The examples in ( 8 3 ) suggest that either there is some s light semantic difference
between a and u , or their use is conditioned by the following noun - it is clear
It a l so appears that u is less common
that they can be used with the same verbs .
than a , although the evidence avai l able is not wholly clear on thi s .
Each o f these prepositions undergoes and/or causes a number o f morphophonemic
Nouns beginning with the noun-marker i n - drop the / i / when preceded by
changes .
a : thus a i n l i l i t a i 'LOC bush ' becomes a n l i l i ta i ; forms like thi s will be
128
JOHN LYNCH
Before a pronoun , a is
written with a hyphen ( a - n l i l i ta i ) to indicate this .
replaced by i ra - , and this form takes possessive suffixes .
Be fore plural nouns ,
the form i ra - , with the construct suffix - i , is used ; i ra - i is a l so used before
at least some borrowed nouns .
Examples :
( 84 )
ek a pa n a a k a nau r i ta i
lSG : AOR go I LOC garden
'I am going to the garden '
e t ehes aen a - n l i l i t a i
3SG : AOR aome : from she LOC-bush
'She is aoming from the bush '
(cf .
i n I i I i ta i
'bush ' )
e t a t ec-se aen i ra - k
3SG : AOR sit-down h e LOC-my
'He sat down on me '
e ra amen i ra - j i om
NSG : AOR s tay LOC-CONS houses
' They are s taying in their houses '
( cf . n i om 'house ' )
(85)
e t a pam a e n ehe l e - k
3SG : AOR aome h e towards-my
'He aame towards me '
e t a pan aen v i l a ehe l e - j i n ha l uwun
3SG : AOR go he Vi la towardS-CONS son poss : his
'He went to Vi la to his son '
e t a tec a ku r i e t h a -nca i
3SG : AOR Bit SM dog under- tree
' The dog iB Bitting under the tree '
( 86 )
a - n l ou l a -
a nahaj e-
'beside '
a nep l a -
'between '
a-n l i i -
'inside '
i j hou a
'outside '
ij iis a
i t ac a
'behind '
uhup a
nouns
opo t po t e t u
Some examples :
(87)
e t amen a i n take t h a a - n l i i - i n i om
3SG : AOR s tay SM woman Loc-inside -CONS house
'The woman is inside the house '
e t a pam a p i kad opo t po t e t ehe l e - k
3SG : AOR come S M pig near towards-my
' The pig came near me '
e t amen a ku r i i t ac a n i om
3SG : AOR s tay SM dog behind LOC house
' The dog is behind the house '
3.3.2.
Temporal phrases
(88)
i n p i ii
i mrafi
i yenev
'yesterday '
i twuacen
kou
'now '
For example :
( 89 )
e t pu a pam a r i s i - k i m ra
3SG : AOR FUT come S M mother-my tomorrow
'MY mother is coming tomorrow '
( 90 )
129
130
JOHN LYNCH
3.3.3.
(91)
e t t a s i mt a - i tose i aen
3SG : AOR speak DAT-CONS Tosei he
'He spoke to Tose i '
e k pu yuba 1 i mt a -m
lSG : AOR FUT te l l : s tory DAT-your : sG
'I wi L L te L L you ( sg) a story '
As was noted above , the locative inalienably possessed noun ehe 1 e - is a l so used
2
with a dative sense : 1
( 92 )
Capel l a l so l i sts the preposition i m i , but I have only recorded one case of its
use :
(93)
i s a p a n a e n am t a s i m i tose i
PAST go he SEQ speak DAT Tosei
'He wi l l go and speak to (i . e .
I ns trumental
The ubiquitous a functions a l so as an instrumental-marker :
( 94 )
e t a t g i i p i kad a e n a -n p a s
3 SG : AOR ki l l pig h e INs-axe
'He ki l led the pig with an axe '
ek pu a t g i i p i kad anak a nev i t a i 7
l SG : AOR FUT ki l l pig I INS what
'What wi l l I kil l the pig with ? '
Referen t i a l
Again , a is used :
(95)
131
Comi tati ve
Comitative phrases are introduced b y p a n followed b y the locative
preposition a :
( 96 )
Causati ve/purpos i ve
Causative phrases are introduced by va - , whose other uses will be discussed
in section 5 on sentence structure .
( 97 )
e t me ret a e n va - i s i ka re t
3SG : AOR want he CAUS-CONS cigarette
'He wants 'a cigare tte '
e t ad i a v a - n h e ?
3SG : AOR go : away CAUS-what
' Why did he go away ? '
4.
CLAUSE STRUCTURE
Ane j om clauses contain at most only one verb (although noun phrases which
contain a numeral or an adj ective preceded by STM particles will not be treated
In this section we examine f irstly verb l e s s
here as containing a clause ) .
Following thi s , the basic arrangement of subj ect , verb , and obj ect
clause s .
This in turn is followed
in intransitive and transitive clauses is discussed .
by a brief discussion of the syntax of other phrase types .
4.1 .
Verbl e s s c l auses
I have not e licited any verbless clauses (unle s s the l a s t c lause of the
text in section 6 qua l i fies as a verbless clause ) .
Equational clauses are
basically intransitive verbal clause s , and use STM or tense/aspect particles :
( 98 )
et unak i n t a l
3SG : AOR taro
' The taro is mine ',
i s a t i m i - a l anahen i aen
PAST person-pray he
'He was a pastor/preacher '
. . . j a i top i n l a u a t u a
. . . but just light pass god
' . . . but it was just the light of God '
wa t nepe ,
TEMP .night
'When it was night,
.
132
JOHN LYNCH
aek d i a ft k i
4.2.
In this section we examine the ordering of sub j ect , verb , and obj ect in
intransitive and transitive clauses .
4.2.1 .
I ntrans i t i ve c l auses
( 99 )
e t m a n a pam a ku r i
3SG : AOR PF come SM dog
' The dog has come '
ek pu hag anak
e t a l ba s a p i kad
3SG : AOR big SM pig
' The pig is big ' , ' The pig is getting big '
The order verb + subj ect is found in virtually every intransitive clause
Only a very few cases of subj ect + verb have been el icited ,
el icited so far .
and even one of these shows repetition of a pronominal subj ect in postverbal
position :
133
4.2.2.
Tran s i t i ve c l auses
e t awod ku r i aen
3SG : AOR hit dog he
'He is hitting the dog '
e t ege i - ak a deto
3SG : AOR hear-me SM Deto
'Deto heard me '
e t acan n umu a na t i m i i na
3SG : AOR spear fi8h SM man DEIC : SG : MID
' That man speared a fi8h '
The order object + verb + subject , as a variant of the normal order , has
been found in some questions when the obj ect is the focus of the question .
Compare the fol lowing pairs of sentences below :
( 10 2 )
( 10 3 )
Capel l a l so notes that the order verb + sub j ect + obj ect is possible i f the
obj ect is lengthy , and gives the fol lowing example ( C : 1 7 ) :
( 10 4 )
na a s a aek i n t a s i t i y i a ha j eg i ne n ?
2SG : AOR speak you : SG word NEG understand thi8
'Did you ( s g ) speak thi8 incomprehen8ible word? '
The only examples so far elicited of ditransitive clauses are with the verb
In these case s , the pronoun is suffixed to
' give ' and pronoun indirect objects .
the verb and the direct obj ect fol lows in normal position :
(105)
134
4.3.
JOHN LYNCH
Expanded c l au ses
. . , am a s j ec a n - omrag a - n l i i - i n i om
' . . . and the o ld man was lying inside the house '
j a i i n p i f'l e r a i t i y i a tou a ka j a m i ka . . .
but today NSG : AOR NEG know We : INC : PL that . . .
'But today, we (pl . inc} don ' t know whether . . . '
Oddly enough , however , the interrogative temporal phrase a nouban
apparently not permitted to occur in sentence-initial position :
( 10 9 )
*a nouba n i s a pan a e n 7
LOC time PAST go he
'when ? ' is
5.
5. 1 .
135
SENTENCE STRUCTURE
S i mpl e sentences
Simple sentences contain only one verb ( a l though sentences containing noun
phrases which include an STM particle plus adj ective or numeral will a l so be
classed as simple ) .
This section examines sentence-types in Ane j om - statements ,
commands , and questions .
Naturally , an explanation of these types of simple
sentences a l so applies to complex sentences ; but the discussion on complex
sentences in 5 . 2 . focusses more on their internal structure than their function .
5.1 .1 .
Sta tements
Numerous examples of statements in Ane jom have been given in earlier page s ,
While questions and commands are usually
and there is little to be added here .
overtly marked in some speci fic way , statements are unmarked sentences .
5.1 .2.
Commands
Affi rma t i ve
In affirmative commands , the STM particles do not appear ; the sub j ect
pronoun , however , is almost always present .
Example s :
136
JOHN LYNCH
Nega t i ve
Negative commands show a preverbal particle j i m :
( 1 1 2 ) j i m hag aek
NEG : IMP eat you : SG
'Don ' t eat ! ( singular sub j ect) ,
5.1 .3.
Questi ons
Yes-no questions
Questions demanding confirmation o r denial may b e encoded i n two ways .
First , a simple statement with final ri sing rather than falling intonation
constitutes a question :
( 11 4 )
et pu a d i a aen a nou ba n ?
( 11 6 ) d i
d i i mna
'who ? '
'who ( non-singular ) ? '
These
nev i ta i
i n he
'what ? '
va- nhe
'why ? '
va nev i t a i
'why ? '
Examples :
( 1 1 7 ) e t a t g i i p i ka d a d i ?
3SG : AOR ki l l pig SM who
'Who ki l led the pig ? '
e t aces d i a p i ka d ?
3SG : AOR bite who SM pig
'Whom did the pig bite ? '
e t a t t i i i n ca i u d i aen ?
3SG : AOR cut : down tree poss who he
' Whose tr'ee did he cut down ? '
e t c i fi i n he aen ?
3SG : AOR eat what he
' What is he eating ? '
i s a t g i i p i ka d a na taMafi i na a nev i ta i ?
PAST ki l l pig SM man that INS what
'What did that man kill the pig with ? '
e t ad i a aen v a - n h e ?
3SG : AOR go : away h e CAUS-What
, Why did he go away ? '
The remaining interrogatives function as heads o f verb phrases .
include :
( 1 1 8 ) echa
These
'why ? '
ehed
awu r i
Examples :
137
138
5.2.
JOHN LYNCH
Compl ex Sentences
5.2.1 .
Sequent i a l acti on
When the sub j ects of the two clauses are different , the two clauses may
be j oined by the connective j a i , and the verb in the second clause will norma lly
contain at least one of the aspect markers am ' sequential action ' , l ep 'also,
again ' , or ba r ' then, next ' . A few sentences have been el icited where the STM
marker has been deleted from the second clause , but generally these are
retained .
Examples :
( 121)
i s ecet de to a tose i am l av
However , when the subj ects of both clauses a r e the same , there i s another
This involves the use of the echo-sub j ect marker m- which
structural option .
is prefixed to the first morpheme in the verb phrase ; if this morpheme i s
1 4 STM and aspect particles may not be used
consonant-initial , m- becomes i m- .
It appears that m- is most commonly
in the verb phrase when m- is use d .
used when the preceding verb is one of motion , although in a number of examples
which I have elicited the type with m- may occur in apparent free variation with
the type described above .
The examples below are a l l taken from the text in
section 6 .
Rel ati v i s a t i o n
Relativisation i n Ane j om does not involve any specific marking o f the
relative c lause .
Rather , the relative c l ause is simply appended to the main
clause :
139
140
JOHN LYNCH
5.2.2.
Subordi na t i on
Temporal C l au ses
Temporal c lauses use the aspect markers wa t in the past and wu t in the
future , along with the regular STM particles (which , however , are often
deleted in discourse , as will be pointed out in 5 . 4 . below) .
Examples :
i s wa t y e t pan a nouban i na i s wa t a l a u j h u a a ra
PAST TEMP arrive SM time that PAST TEMP go : out they : PL
a nuya l eg , man aj uj a i n a t i m i a sga ehe l e-n
'When the time arrived, and when they had come out (of Church)
in the morning, then all the people went east to see him '
Cond i t i ons
Conditions were apparently expressed b y the particle e l e t , l S optionally
Example :
fol lowed by wut or wa t .
141
(b)
e l e t + condition , e l e t + main clause . I t may be coincidental that the only
examples I have of this structure are with negative conditions : 1 6
(c)
The most common modern structure , however , involves the use of wu t or wa t ,
optionally preceded by the STM partic les , and followed by the verb i ka 'say,
want ' ; the verb of the actual condition fol lows this clause , and it normally takes
subjunctive STM particles .
Example s :
et w u t i ka e t i d i m i t i y i ehe i yenev , ek
3SG : AOR TEMP : FUT say 3SG : AOR ASSERT NEG rain yesterday , lSG : AOR
pu i d i m apan m - a s j ana
FUT ASSERT go ES-fish
'If it didn ' t rain yesterday, I would have gone fishing '
Quota t i ons
Quotative sentences involve the quotative verb i ka with no introductory
particle before the quotation :
i s i ka a j on i s pu apan i mran
PAST say S M John PAST FUT g o tomorrow
'John said he (John) would go tomorrow '
i s i ka a j on k i s pu apan anak i m ran
PAST say SM John lSG : PAST FUT go I tomorrow
'John said I would go tomorrow '
JOHN LYNCH
142
( 1 34 ) ek me ret a a k n - a pam-va i m ra
lSG : AOR want I NOM-come-NOM tomorrow
'I want to come tomorrow '
Resu l t
Result clauses are introduced by van-n i
'because ' .
5.3.
Locati ve sentences
143
'I
am
e l aR hag n i uak
LOC : STM eat DEIC : NR POSS :my
'I am going to eat '
e l aR apan na u n a t affla i na v i l a
e l a a pan n i u na taffla i na v i }a
man that Vila
' That man (near me ) is going to Vila '
The marker e l a may occur , with the same type of construction , with heads of verb
phrases which are not verbs :
( 1 3 7 ) e l a n eda na uwu n 7
LOC : STM where DEIC : MID po s s : his
' Where is he going '
e l a R ehe l e -k na uwun
JOHN LYNCH
144
Consider
In this example , " the particle yek marks the third singular equation , like a p and
ak for first and 2nd persons respectively " . We find (C : 9 ) the fol lowing examples
of these latter particles :
( 1 4 1 ) aek a k eda ?
afiak a p a n k i
I lSG : LOC this
'Here I am '
It i s clear that a p , a k , and yek ( a ) cannot be preceded by the regular STM
particle s , and yet (b) function in some way as verbs in locative sentence s .
Thi s remains a topic for further investigation .
5.4.
As may have already become obvious from a number of the examples given
above , the rules for sub j ect-marking , especially though not only in connected
discourse , admit of some variation .
The fol lowing possibil ities should be noted :
(a)
( 14 2 )
I n cases where the basic tense is obvious from the context , and the person
and number of the subj ect is clear from an overt pronominal or nominal
Thus , in context , both
sub j ect , the STM particles may be omitted .
sentences in ( 1 4 2 ) are acceptable :
( 1 4 3 ) ek a t t i i i nca i i yenev
lSG : AOR cut : down tree yesterday
'I cut down the tree yesterday '
(e)
Thirdly , there are a few cases where the nominal subject , especially of an
intransitive clause , is not preceded by the subj ect-marker a .
Again , the
important point seems to be that a may be omitted only if confusion would
not resul t .
Example :
6.
TEXT
The text given below tel l s the story of the early Aneityumese Christians .
It was told to me in Port Moresby by oeto Wimae .
The text is given first
morpheme-by-morpheme in Ane j om with interlinear English morpheme glosse s , and
this is followed by a fairly free English translation .
nuya l eg u pn i i John .
morning good John .
ek
me ret aNak m i ka k i
a s a N yuba l
I
that lSG : SUBJ te l l s tory
a
ehe l -om
nuya l eg i n i .
oAT-your : SG LOC morning this .
et
epj edepj ed i ny u ba l i n i ,
i ny u ba l a
3SG : AOR short
s tory
this, story
ABOUT
n - a l aNahen i a - n r i j a i
i ra - n
Ane j om
i twuacen .
NOM-pray
ABOUT-arrival LOc-its Aneityum long : ago .
maya , i twuacen i s
wa t
yes, long : ago PAST TEMP
a go- ra
n - i my s i j i s
is
l ep
n - i nv i j i c ehe l e- i
a t ua i s
OAT-CONS god
aara
is
pu t i i
i ra - n o
theY : PL PAST FUT no : longer LOG -its .
maya , i s
amen a n -omrag i s
i t h i i Aha j om , j a i i s
a t i m i -a l aNahen i
yes, PAST s tay SM NOM-o ld PAST one
Ahajom, but PAST person-pray
aen am amen n i om - a sv i ta i .
he SEQ s tay house-pL : book .
m-amenj i na i -y i n .
ES- look : after-him .
is
PAST s tay he
amen na t i m i
n - i mehe , m- i t i y i i mehe
nouban i na i s
l ep a t i
time
that PAST also be : not NOM-sick , ES-NEG sick
is
upn i i a sga .
nej h e - n
is
tooth-his PAST good al l .
is
wa t
aen y i
hag j am
3SG : SUBJ eat so
av i ff
ba r c i ff aen pan
cascas j a l i s
i n ta l i neN i s
a hen ac red i s
want : eat taro this PAST roast scrape PAST crisp but PAST then eat he COM
145
146
JOHN LYNCH
nabun i ra - n o
a
LOC crust LOc-its .
m-amen aen j am i my i m i n
a l affahen i wa t a t g a - sj i pe
TEMP wa lk-back : and : forth
Es-stay he so repeatedly pray
nat i m i a
nepeft wa t e l ad -pan a
n i om uwun
j am ec ta i
is
atau-naju
person LOC night TEMP look-to LOC house poss :his so see : TRANS PAST i l luminated
i ra - n ,
fan l a
i ra - i
ben s i n l am edecvan .
LOc-its like light LOC-CONS benzene lamp like : it .
maya , j a i top i n l a u
yes , but just light poss
atua y i
amen aen wa t yetpan a nouban I n l
is
i ka y i
tii
god 3SG : SUBJ stay he TEMP arrive SM time
that PAST want 3SG : SUBJ no : longer
am a p r a Fl - s e i n t a s Umej m i ka "wu t
amen aj owa wut
nad i a t -a t umop
SEQ send-down word Umej that "TEMP : FUT stay you : PL TEMP : FUT day-rest
wut
a l aFlahen i a j owa a
nuya l eg wa t a l auj h u man a pam m-a i hec-va -Flak" .
TEMP : FUT pray
yOU : PL LOC morning TEMP come : out PF come Es-greet-cAUS ( ? ) -me " .
maya , i s
wa t y e t pa n a nouban i na i s
wa t a l a u j h u a a r a
a
nuya l eg ,
yes , PAST TEMP arrive SM time
that PAST TEMP come : out they : PL LOC morning ,
man a j uj a i n a t i m i a sga ehe l e - n .
PF go : east person a l l DAT-his .
i m- taFl
a pa n a a r a
m-a i hec-va i -y i n
go
they : PL Es-greet-cAUS ( ? ) -him ES-cry
i ra - n
is
i t i y i f i mas aen j a i n-evaFl
yi
m i ka i s
a i hec -va i -y i n
LOC-his PAST NEG
yet die he but NOM-show 3SG : SUBJ that PAST greet-cAus ( ? ) -him
aara
am a tou a a r a
m i ka mu
i t i y i l ep
ecet -y i n .
they : PL SEQ know they : PL that FUT/HOR NEG
again see -him .
maya , wa t ago
yes , TEMP do
i n i pan a a ra
am l e p
ude i -y i n pan i ra - i
atimi
is
amen
this ? they : PL SEQ again leave-him COM LOC-CONS PL : person PAST s tay
m-amenj i na i -y i n .
Es- look : after- him .
wa t nepeFl amen aa ra
am ecet i n l a I y l
is
a s uo l ,
TEMP night s tay they : PL SEQ see light PREF PAST descend ,
wa t
n -omrag i y i wa t t i i -pan
m - a pan i m- ta uj a i i ra- i
asuol
descend ES-go Es-touah LOC-CONS NOM-o ld PREF TEMP no : longer-there TEMP
ma n ah i w i u aen , ma n ma s aen .
is
e t ce i - pa n - y i n a i l pu - a t i m i -amenj i na i -y i n
he , PF die he .
fee l -there-him SM HUM : PL-person- look : after-him PAST PF aold
l ep i c i aen , i s
amen
eche i
is
l ep amen n -omrag i s
maya , i s
yes , PAST a lso s tay NOM-old PAST another PAST also thus he PAST s tay
l ep
omrag upn I I aen , i s
l ep I C I aen , i s
aen e i t e i Anouyac , i s
good he , PAST also
he at ( ? ) Anouyaa , PAST also thus he , PAST o ld
na t i m i m- amenj i na i -y i n .
person Es- look : after-him .
amen
s tay
is
man om rag upn i i aen m- i t i y i a tou m-a t g a - s j i pe .
PAST PF o ld
good he ES-NEG know Es-walk-baak : and:
forth .
jai is
i t i y i i mehe aen j a i m-amen m-a j g a n
nouban mas .
die .
but PAST NEG
sick he but Es-stay Es-wait : for time
wa t
amen a a r a
s tay theY : PL TEMP
y e t pa n a nouban i s
i th i i i s
man a tou aen m i ka mu
ude- ra .
arrive SM time
PAST one
PAST PF know he that FUT/HOR leave-them : pL .
amen
s tay
a t i j i ra k i
is
amen m-amenJ l na i -y i n
i j hou
m-a tec i m-yuba l
am
SM three : people PAST s tay ES-look :after-him outside Es-sit Es-te l l : story SEQ
a s j ec a n -om rag a -n l i i - i
n i om .
lie
SM NOM-o ld Loc-inside-CONS house .
a/'lak
I
(ek
l ep anag
a
n i da - ra
( lSG : AOR a lso forget ABOUT name -their : PL
j a i et
am apan i ny u ba l i n i m- i c i ) .
but 3SG : AOR SEQ go
s tory
this Es-thus ) .
a s j ec a n -omrag a - n l i i - i
lie
SM NOM-old LOc-inside-CONS
n i om j a i nepef'l y i
am ege-y i n a t taj
is
amen aen i m- t a s .
house but night PREF SEQ hear-him they : TR PAST s tay he Es-ta lk .
m-a t h u t m - a pa n a - n l i i - i
n i om ,
ES-run ES-go Loc-inside-coNS house,
na
m-a s a f'l ? "
amen aek
2SG : AOR s tay you : SG Es-say ? "
rec t i da i a t ta j
they : TR
get : up
am i ka i s
i t h i i , " n -omrag , nev i t a i y i
SEQ say PAST one ,
"NOM-o ld , what
PREF
is
a m i ka aen , ' ' o , e r a
amen akaj a
fIno , NSG : AOR s tay we : INC : PL
PAST SEQ say he,
amen a na t i m i - n - a l af'lahen i m- i ka e t
e tec
m-apan u
n - a l af'lahen i e t
ES-go LOC NOM-pray
3SG : AOR s tay SM person-NOM-pray
ES-say 3SG : AOR be
i n peke-upn i i am e t ec i peke-ha s .
p lace-good
SEQ be
p lace-bad .
j a i i n p i f'l e ra
i t i y i a tou akaj a
m i ka
but today NSG : AOR NEG
know We : INC : PL that
et
i nv i j i c i n t a s uwun
aen ka et
ac i l .
3SG : AOR true
word poss : his he or 3SG : AOR fa lse .
j a i amen a kaj a
wut
but stay We : INC : PL TEMP : FUT
i ka af'lak k i
ude i -cou taj ka cowa
mu
top e l ad -j a i a j o u t a j
want I
1SG : SUBJ leave-you : TR o r YOU : PL FUT/HOR just look-east YOU : TR
a - n retj a i uwun
i nworen i nef'l e t
retj a i i nmoj e v - a - nuya l eg i ra - n o
LOc-rising poss : its p lace
this 3SG : AOR rise
star-LOC-morning LOc-its .
wut
i ka a j o u t a j r i
ecet i n l a y - a s uo l ,
mu
i my s l J l s
TEMP : FUT say YOU : TR NSG : SUBJ see light 3SG : suBJ-descend, FUT/HOR be l ieve
n - i nv i j i c a j ou taj m i ka et
i n v i j i c et
e t ec i n peke - upn i i i m i npeke - ha s " .
3SG : AOR be
p lace-good
and p lace-bad" .
NOM-true yOU : TR that 3SG : AOR true
Maya , amen a a ra
l ep
ad i a
a
yes , stay they : PL again go : out SM
t i j i ra k i
m-a l au j hu m-amen i j hou
three : people ES-go : out Es-s tay outside
l ep
a t ec i m-yuba l
m- a s j ec a n -om rag a - n l i i - i
n i om .
again sit Es-te l l : s tory Es- lie S M NOM-old LOc-inside-coNs house .
man l e p
ege -y i n a t taj
is
l ep
aketo a en i m- t a s .
PF again hear-him they : TR PAST again repeat he Es-ta lk .
rec t i da i a t taj
get : up
theY : TR .
m- amen i s
Es-stay PAST
is
man l ep
PAST PF again
a pa n a - n l i i - i
n i om m-ahod a - n m i ka , "n - omrag , nev i t a i
go
LOc-inside-coNs house Es-ask-him that , "NOM-o ld , what
yi
n3
amen aek
m-as af'l ? " .
PREF 2SG : AOR stay you : SG Es-say ? " .
is
am i ka aen , ' 'wu , ek
a s j ec af'lak
PAST SEQ say he ,
"oh , 1SG : AOR lie
I
am ecet-y i n na t i m i e t
e rou e ra
a pam aa rou .
SEQ see-it
person 3SG : AOR two NSG : AOR come they : Du .
aa rou
ra i -ham
NSG : AoR-arrive they : Du
e ra
NSG : AOR
a pam aa rou
m-aJ I
ehe l e - k m- i ka wu t
l ep
a pam a
n i t h u t - u -nad i a t man
come they : DU ES-stand DAT-my ES-say TEMP : FUT again come LOC dawn-poss-day
PF
l e - f'l a k mu
ad i a
a j amtaj " .
take-me FUT/HOR go : away we : EXC : TR" .
maya , i s
man l ep
ude-n
yes, PAST PF again leave-him
is
l ep
ti i
n-amj eg .
PAST again no : longer NOM-s leep .
a t i j i rak i
SM three : people
147
amen a t taj
wa t y e t pan a nouban i y i e t
stay they : TR TEMP arrive SM time
PREF 3SG : AOR
148
JOHN LYNCH
a - nwo ren i y i
is
a s a a n -om rag a suo l
m-apam a -nman -nacoubun a
n i om
LOc-place PREF PAST say SM NOM-old descend ES-come LOC-ho le-chimney LOC house
n i pj i nemt a - n n -omrag I y l m-apam i m- t i i - pan
a
n u pseduo-n
i m- t auj a i a
Es-touch LOC forehead-his NOM-old PREF ES-come Es-no : longer-there LOC toe-his
j a i ba r t i i - pan .
maya , i s
wa t a pan a t i j i ra k i
a -n l i i - i
but next no : longer-there . yes , PAST TEMP go
AM three : people LOc-inside-CONS
n i om wa t e t ce i - pan n -om rag i s
ma n a h i w i u aen i s
man ma s aen .
house TEMP fee l-there NOM-old PAST PF cold
he PAST PF die he .
i n kahe .
maya , e t
man i n i i
i ny u ba l i n i u j ou
this pOSS : our : INC : DU here .
yes, 3SG : AOR PF finish s tory
ak
you : SG ( ? )
John J a I i nyuba 1 i nv i j i c i n i .
true
this .
John but s tory
Free translation
Good morning, John . I want to te l l you a s tory this morning . It 's a short
story, about the arrival of Christianity on Aneityum long ago . We l l , long ago,
when Christianity had first arrived on Aneityum, people 's belief in God was
very s trong . Peop le lived wel l, and they lived long . And their faith in God
al lowed them to know when they were going to die .
There was an o ld man at Ahajom, and he was a rel igious man and had a
l ibrary . He was very o ld, and some people were looking after him. At that time
a lso there was no sickness, and people did not get sick but lived to a ripe o ld
age and then died.
Wel l , this o ld man wasn ' t sick. He had a l l his teeth.
When he wanted to eat he roasted taro and scraped off the crisp bits and ate
it with the crust still on . He prayed repeatedly, and anyone walking around at
night could see that his house was all lit up, as if he had a benzene lamp; but
this was the light of God. There came a time when he was ready to die, and he
sent word down to Umej as fo llows : "When you go to church on Sunday morning,
when you have come out, come and take leave of me ". So the time came, and the
people came out of church and went east to see him. They went and took leave
of him and they cried over him; he hadn ' t yet died, but this was to show that
they were farewe l l ing him because they knew that they wouldn ' t see him again .
So they did this and then left him again with the peop le who were looking after
him. When night came they saw a light descending, and it came down and touched
the old man and disappeared, and when the peop le looking after him fe lt him, he
was cold - he was dead.
We l l , there was another o ld man like this living at Anouyac; he was just
like this, very o ld, and he also had people looking after him. He was so old
that he couldn ' t walk about . But he wasn ' t sick, he was just waiting for his
time to die . A time came when he knew that he was going to leave them. The
three people looking after him were sitting outside tel l ing stories, and the
o ld man was lying inside the house .
(I 've a lso forgotten their names, but this
is how the story goes . ) The old man was lying inside the house, and that night
they heard him alking . They got up and ran inside the house, and one of them
said, "Old man, what were you saying in here ? ". He rep lied, "We go to church
and the pastor says that there is a Heaven and a He l l . But today we don ' t know
whether his words are true or false . We are here now, but when I leave you
three or a l l of you just look towards the east where the morning-star rises .
If you see a light descending, you can believe that there is a Heaven and a He II " .
We l l, there they were; the three people went away and s tayed outside and
again sat round ahatting, while the o ld man lay inside the house . And again
they heard him talking . So again they got up and went inside the house and
asked him, "Old man, what were you saying in here ? ". And he replied, "Oh, I
was lying here and I saw two people aoming . They aame here dressed in white,
and they aarried white a lothes . The two of them aame and s tood beside me and
said that if they aame again at dawn, they would take me with them ".
So the three people left him again and went and s tayed outside . But there
was no more s leep . They s tayed until the time the o ld man had spoken about, and
at dawn they saw a light desaending in the p laae he had talked about, and it
aame into the ahimney of the house and touahed the o ld man 's forehead and
disappeared, and then went to his toes and then disappeared . So the three
people went inside the house, but when they fe lt the old man, he was aold
he was dead.
_
Wel l , that 's the end of this story of ours; but, John, i t ' s a true s tory .
Morpheme
Section ( s )
sub j ect-marker
locative preposition
3.3.1.
3.3.2.
instrumental preposition
3.3.3.
referential preposition
3.3.3.
a-
verb formative
2.3.3.
ak
5.3.
am
3.1.4. ,5.2.1.
ap
5.3.
ba r
adverbial particle ,
3.1.4. ,5.2.1.
ce l ed
numeral ligative
2.3.1.
ec-
multiplicative prefix
2.3.1. ,2.3.4.
ehe l e -
dative preposition
3.3.1. ,3.3.3.
e i te i
locative marker
3.3.1.
ek
3.1.1.
ek ra
3.1.1.
ekr i s
3.1.1.
e l an
5.3.
e l et
conditional particle
5.2.2.
149
150
JOHN LYNCH
Function
Morpheme
Section ( s )
era
3.1.1.
et
3.1.1.
etha
locative preposition ,
'under '
3.3.1.
3.1.4.
fi
adverbial particle ,
-i
transitive suffix
2.3.5.
-i
2.2.3. ,3.2.2.
ici
adverbial particle ,
3.1.4.
idim
assertive particle
3.1. 2.
i 1 pu
2.2.2.
im
conj unction
3.2.3.
i m
imi
dative preposition
3.3.3.
i mt a
dative/benefactive preposition
3.3.3.
i n
i nc a
3.2.2.
i nta
2.2.1.
i f'l i y i
3.1.1.
i ra
is
3.1.1.
i tiyi
negative particle
3.1.3.
jai
conj unction
5.2.1.
-ja i
2.3.5.
j am
5.2.1.
j im
5.1.2.
ka
conj unction
5.2.1.
ka a ' o
question-tag
5.1.3.
ki
3.1.1.
ki s
3.1.1.
l ep
adverbial particle ,
3.1.4. , 5. 2 . 1 .
l ul'i'la -
3.2.2.
5.2.1.
m i ka
complement-introducer ,
mu
future/hortative particle
3.1.2.
l'i'Ian
perfective particle
3.1.2.
2 . 2 . 1 , 5. 2 . 2 .
na
3.1.1.
m-
5.2.1.
n-
2.2.1.
a ( locative)
3.3.1.
'or '
5.2.2.
Function
Morpheme
nat imi -
ne i
neve-
interrogative prefix
Section ( s )
2.2.1.
na
3.1.1.
2.2.3.
ni
2nd sg sUbjunctive
nij i-
2.2.2.
nupu-
2.2.2.
- Pi
transitive suffix
2.3.5.
- pam
2.3.5.
STM particle
3.1.1.
-pan
2.3.5.
pan a
comitative preposition
3.3.3.
- pa n k i
2.3.5.
pu
future particle
3.1. 2.
ra
3.1.1.
ra i
ri
3.1.1.
-se
2.3.5.
- s j i pe
2.3.5.
top
adverbial particle ,
3.1.4.
era
3.1.1.
locative preposition
3.3.1.
u-
3.2.2.
upc i i
adverbial particle ,
3.1.4.
'firs t '
u ra -
va-
causative preposition
3.3.3.
-vaPi
nominaliser
5.2.2.
vaPi-n i
5.2.2.
wa t
3.1.2. ,5.2.2.
wu t
3.1.2. ,5.2.2.
yek
5.3.
yi
i Pi i y i
3.3.1.
3.1.1.
Not included on this list are various forms of the pronouns , which are
li sted el sewhere ( focal forms in ( 1 1 ) , obj ective forms in ( 36 ) , and possessive
forms in ( 7 2 and ( 74 , and a l so the various deictic s , l isted in ( 4 5 ) - ( 4 8 ) .
151
152
JOHN LYNCH
NOTES
1.
I am grateful to Deto Wimae and Thomas Niditauae for providing much of the
data on which this paper was based ; to the University of Papua New Guinea
for research funds , and to that University and the Australian National
University for assistance with a period of study leave during which this
paper was writte n ; and to Darrel l Tryon and Don Laycock for comments on an
earlier draft .
2.
The traditional orthography either did not distinguish /p/ from /b/ or /m/
from /ffl/ , or else wrote the velarised labials as simple labials with a
The palatal nasal received various treatments in the
following u .
orthography :
n , ny , and i g ( finally) were the most common .
Hewitt ( 1 966)
uses B and for the velarised labials .
3.
4.
One of my informants (Deto Wimae ) said that the - rau termination is used
by speakers in the east of the island and the - rou termination by speakers
in the west .
5.
6.
7.
8.
"The fol lowing i s the list [ o f now non-productive prefixes ) worked out by
Kern , with the meanings provisionally assigned to them . . . [but) without
the diachronic comparisons made by him" (C : 3 2 - 3 3 ) :
a he l ed 'sail ' .
2 . a + nasal :
imperfective .
Example s :
ag re i
3 . ava - :
causative .
"Kern says ' this is only a prefix in appearance ,
really nothing but a variant pronunciation of aua , ' make ' , ' c ause " "
(C : 3 5 ) .
In modern Anejom, forms with ava- , awa - , and awo- can be
recognised :
ava h pak 'bruise ' , avakt i t ' take by force ' , awan i p i n
'sme l l ' , awonemtan 'buy ' , awo t y a t afflan 'perform in the manner of a man ' ,
etc .
4 . eh- ,
8.
9.
10 .
11.
Capell gives the forms e t i and t i , but i t i y i seems to be the common modern
negative .
12 .
Note the morphophonemic change here in e h e l o-m for expected **ehe l e-m .
13.
One informant suggested that the difference between i n he and nev i ta i was
that i n he was used specifically if one was pointing at or indicating an
obj ect , or if it was in sight , whereas nev i t a i had a more general use .
Note a l so that the fluctuation between lei and I i i mentioned in 1 . 2 .
above occurs very frequently with nev i ta i , n i v i t a i being almost as
commonly heard .
14 .
15.
16 .
153
154
JOHN LYNCH
B I BL I OGRAPHY
CAPELL , A .
MS .
CODRINGTON , R . H .
1885
186173
Leipzig : Hirzel .
INGLIS , J .
1882
London :
KERN , Hendrik
1906
LYNCH , John
1976
RAY , S . H .
1926
Lynch, J. "Anejom Grammar Sketch". In Lynch, J. and Dodenhoff, D. editors, Papers in Linguistics of Melanesia No. 4.
A-64:93-154. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1982. DOI:10.15144/PL-A64.93
1982 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.