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Iron Guard

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2.1
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Description
Ideology

The Iron Guard (Romanian: Garda de er pronounced


[arda de fjer]) is the name most commonly given to
a far-right movement and political party in Romania in
the period from 1927 into the early part of World War
II. It is also known as the Legion of the Archangel
Michael (Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail) or the Legionnaire movement (Micarea Legionar).[1] The Iron
Guard was ultra-nationalist, antisemitic, anti-communist,
anti-capitalist and promoted the Orthodox Christian faith.
Its members were called Greenshirts because of the
predominantly green uniforms they wore.[2]
When Ion Antonescu came to power in September 1940
he brought the Iron Guard into the government. Under
the dictatorial rule of Horia Sima, the Guard launched
a murderous attack on Jews. In January 1941, however,
Antonescu used the army to suppress a revolt of the Iron
Guard. He destroyed the organization, as its commander
Horia Sima and some other leaders escaped to Germany.

Stamp bearing the symbol of the Iron Guard over a white cross
that stood for one of its humanitarian ventures

Background

Historian Stanley G. Payne writes in his study of Fascism,


The Legion was arguably the most unusual mass movement of interwar Europe.[4] The Legion contrasted with
most other European fascist movements of the period,
especially when talking about the understanding of nationalism, as it should never be separated from the faith
you were born in. According to Ioanid, the Legion willingly inserted strong elements of Orthodox Christianity
into its political ideology to the point of becoming one
of the rare modern European political movements with a
religious ideological structure. The movements leader,
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, was a religious patriot who
aimed at a spiritual resurrection for the nation.[4] According to Codreanus heterodox philosophy, human life was
a sinful, violent political war, which would ultimately be
transcended by the spiritual nation. In this schema, the
Legionnaire might have to perform actions beyond simple will to ght, suppressing the preserving instinct for
the sake of the country.[4] Like many other fascist movements, the Legion called for a revolutionary new man.

Originally founded by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu on June


24, 1927, as the Legion of the Archangel Michael"
(Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail), and led by him until his
assassination in 1938, adherents to the movement continued to be widely referred to as legionnaires (sometimes legionaries"; Romanian: legionarii) and led to the
organization of the Legion or the Legionary Movement (Micarea Legionar"), despite various changes
of the (intermittently banned) organizations name. In
March 1930 Codreanu formed the Iron Guard (Garda
de Fier) as a paramilitary political branch of the Legion;
this name eventually came to refer to the Legion itself.
Later, in June 1935, the Legion changed its ocial name
to the Totul pentru ar" party, literally Everything for
the Country, but commonly translated as Everything
for the Fatherland or occasionally Everything for the
Motherland.[3]
1

However, this new man was very dierent in conception.


The Legion didn't want a physical superhuman like the
Nazis did. Instead, they wanted to recreate and purify the
way of thinking in order to bring the whole nation closer
to God. As for economics, there was no straightforward
program, but the Legion generally promoted the idea of
a communal or national economy, rejecting capitalism as
overly materialistic.[4] The movement considered its main
enemies to be present political leaders and the Jews.

2.2

Style

Its members wore dark green uniforms (meant as a symbol of renewal, and the origin of the occasional reference to them as the Greenshirts Cmile verzi),
and greeted each other using the Roman salute. The
main symbol used by the Iron Guard was a triple cross (a
variant of the triple parted and fretted one), standing for
prison bars (as a badge of martyrdom), and sometimes
referred to as the Archangel Michael Cross (Crucea
Arhanghelului Mihail).
The mysticism of the Legion led to a cult of death, martyrdom and self-sacrice. They had an action squad that
was called Echipa morii, or Death Squad who had the
mission to go everywhere in Romania and to sing. It was
called Death Squad because its members had to accomplish their mission even with the risk of being killed by the
police, communist or any other enemies of the Legion.
The members of it were: Ion Dumitrescu-Bora (who
was a Christian Orthodox priest), Sterie Ciumetti, Petre
ocu, Tache Savin, Traian Clime, Iosif Bozntan, Nicolae Constantinescu.[5] A chapter of the Legion was called
a cuib, or nest, and was arranged around the virtues
of discipline, work, silence, education, mutual aid, and
honor.

2.3

The Iron Guard and Gender

According to a police report from 1933 8% of the Iron


Guards membership were women while a police report
from 1938 stated that 11% of the Guard were women.[6]
Part of the reason for the overwhelming male membership of the Iron Guard was because a disproportionate
number of the Iron Guards were university students and
very few women went to university in Romania during the
interwar period.[7] In the Romanian language there are
plurals attached to most nouns that have either a masculine or feminine form.[8] Thus words in English like Romanian, youth or member that are gender-neutral are in
Romanian refer either to Romanian men or Romanian
women, young men or young women, and male members
or female members.[9] The Iron Guards almost always
used the masculine plurals in their writings and speeches,
which suggests that they had a male audience in mind.[10]
In interwar Romania, the Jewish minority played a role
very similar to the Armenian and Greek minorities in

HISTORY

the Ottoman Empire and the ethnic Chinese minorities


in modern Malaysia and Indonesia, namely a minority
widely envied and disliked for their commercial success.
The Iron Guard explained the problem of poverty in Romania as due to the Jews having colonized Romania,
and thereby preventing Christian Romanians from getting
ahead economically.[11] The solution to this perceived
problem was to drive the Jews out of Romania, which
Iron Guard claimed would nally allow Eastern Orthodox Romanians to rise up to the middle class. As to why
Romania had been allegedly colonized by the Jews, the
Iron Guards answer was that most Romanian men were
simply not manly enough to protect their interests.[12] In
strikingly sexualized language, the Iron Guards argued
that most Romanian men had been become emasculated and were suering from sterility, which one Iron
Guard Alexandru Cantacuzino called in a 1937 essay the
plague of the present.[13] Again, the term Cantacuzino
used was the masculine sterilitate rather than the feminine
stearp.[14] The Iron Guards constantly spoke in viscerally
sexualized rhetoric of the need to create a new man who
would be virile and strong, and end the emasculation of Romanian men.[15] Beyond that, the Legions obsession with violence and self-sacrice were both subjects
that were traditionally considered to be male subjects in
Romania. Codreanu paid little attention to womens concerns. In his 123-page long book The Booklet of the Nest
Chief, Codreanu wrote only two paragraphs dealing with
the role of his women in his party, and recommended that
a women Legionnaire be a good wife and mother, attend
church, and learn how to master cooking and sewing.[16]

3 History
3.1 Founding and rise
In 1927, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu left the number two
position (under A.C. Cuza) in the Romanian political
party known as the National-Christian Defense League
(NCDL). It was then he founded the Legion of the
Archangel Michael.[17] Its name appears to have been inspired by the Black Hundreds, an anti-semitic group in
the Russian Empire (particularly the regions bordering
Romania) who often used the name of the archangel.[18]
The Legion also diered from other fascist movements
in that it had its mass base among the peasantry and students, rather than among military veterans. However, the
legionnaires shared the general fascist respect for the war
veterans idea. Romania had a very large intelligentsia
relative to its share of the population with 2.0 university
students per one thousand of the population compared
to 1.7 per one thousand of the population in far wealthier
Germany, while Bucharest had more lawyers in the 1930s
than did the much larger city of Paris.[19] Even before the
Great Depression, Romanian universities were producing
far more graduates than the number of available jobs and

3.2

Struggle for power

the Great Depression had further drastically limited the


opportunities for employment by the intelligentsia, who
turned to the Iron Guard out of frustration.[20] Many Orthodox Romanians, having obtained a university degree,
which they expected to be their ticket to the middle class,
were enraged to nd that the jobs they were hoping for
did not exist, and came to embrace the Legions message
that it was the Jews who were blocking them from nding
the middle-class employment they wanted. Beyond that,
Romania had traditionally been dominated by a Francophile elite, who preferred to speak French over Romanian in private and who claimed that their policies were
leading Romania to the West, with the National Liberal
Party, in particular, maintaining that their economic polices were going to industrialize Romania.[21] The Great
Depression seemed to show the literal bankruptcy of
these policies, and much of the younger Romanian intelligentsia, especially university students were attracted
by the Iron Guards glorication of Romanian genius
and its leaders who boasted that they were proud to speak
Romanian.[22] The Romanian-born Israeli historian Jean
Ancel wrote from the mid-19th century onward, that
Romanian intelligentsia had a schizophrenic attitude towards the West and its values.[23] Romania had been a
strongly Francophile country starting in 1859 when the
United Principalities came into being, giving Romania effective independence from the Ottoman Empire (an event
largely made possible by French diplomacy who pressured the Ottomans on behalf of the Romanians), and
from that time onwards, most of the Romanian intelligentsia professed themselves believers in French ideas
about the universal appeal of democracy, freedom and
human rights, while at the same time holding anti-Semitic
views about Romanias Jewish minority.[24] Despite their
antisemitism, most of the Romanian intelligentsia believed that France was not only Romanias Latin sister,
but also a big Latin sister that would guide its little
Latin sister Romania along the correct path. Ancel wrote
that Codreanu was the rst signicant Romanian to reject
not only the prevailing Franophilia of the intelligentsia,
but also the entire framework of universal democratic values, which Codreanu claimed were Jewish inventions
designed to destroy Romania.[25] In contrast to the traditional idea that Romania would follow the path of its
Latin sister France, Codreanu promoted a xenophobic,
exclusive ultra-nationalism, where Romania would follow
its own path and rejected the French ideas about universal values and human rights.[26] In a marked departure
from the traditional ideas held by the elite about making
Romania into the modernized and Westernized France
of Eastern Europe, the Legion demanded a return to the
traditional Eastern Orthodox values of the past and gloried Romanias peasant culture and folk customs as the
living embodiment of Romanian genius.[27] The leaders of the Iron Guard often wore traditional peasant costumes with crucixes and bags of Romanian soil around
their necks to emphasise their commitment to authentic
Romanian folk values, in marked contrast to Romanias

3
Francophile elite who preferred to dress in the style of the
latest fashions of Paris. [28] The fact that much of the Romanias elite were often corrupt and that very little of the
vast sums of money generated by Romanias oil found its
way into the pockets of ordinary people, further enhanced
the appeal of the Legion who denounced the entire elite
as irredeemably corrupt.
With Codreanu as a charismatic leader, the Legion was
known for skillful propaganda, including a very capable
use of spectacle. Utilizing marches, religious processions, patriotic and partisan hymns and anthems, along
with volunteer work and charitable campaigns in rural
areas, in support of Anti-communism, the League presented itself as an alternative to corrupt parties. Initially,
the Iron Guard hoped to encompass any political faction,
regardless of its position on the political spectrum, that
wished to combat the rise of communism in the USSR.
Unlike other fascist movements of the time, the
Iron Guard was purposely anti-Semitic, promoting the
idea that Rabbinical aggression against the Christian
world in unexpected 'protean forms: Freemasonry,
Freudianism, homosexuality, atheism, Marxism, Bolshevism, the civil war in Spain, were undermining
society.[29]
On December 10, 1933, the Romanian Liberal Prime
Minister Ion Duca banned the Iron Guard. After a
brief period of arrests, beatings, torture and even killings
(twelve members of the Legionary Movement were murdered by the police force). Iron Guard members retaliated on December 29, 1933, by assassinating Duca on
the platform of the Sinaia railway station.

3.2 Struggle for power


In the 1937 parliamentary elections the Legion came in
third, behind the Liberal and the Peasant Parties, with
15.5 percent of the vote. King Carol II was strongly opposed to the Legions political aims and successfully kept
them out of government until he himself was forced to
abdicate in 1940. During this period, the Legion was generally on the receiving end of persecution. On February
10, 1938, the King dissolved the government, taking on
the role of a royal dictator.
Codreanu was arrested and imprisoned in April 1938, and
ultimately strangled to death along with several other legionnaires by their Gendarmerie escort on the night of
November 2930, 1938, purportedly during an attempt
to escape from prison. It is generally agreed that there
was no such escape attempt, and that Codreanu and the
others were killed on the Kings orders, probably in reaction to the November 24, 1938, murder by legionnaires
of a relative (some sources say a friend) of Armand Clinescu, then Minister of the Interior in the Kings cabinet. In the aftermath of Carols decision to crush the
Iron Guard, many members of the Legion ed into exile
in Germany, where they received both material and -

HISTORY

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu and Iron Guard members in 1937

leader from the Banat, which was the most pragmatic and
least Orthodox in its orientation; the group composed of
Codreanus father, Ion Zelea Codreanu, and his brothers
(who despised Sima); and the Moa-Marin group, which
wanted to strengthen the movements religious character. After a long period of confusion, Sima, representing the Legions less radical wing, overcame all competition and assumed leadership, being recognised as such
on 6 September 1940 by the Legionary Forum, a body
created at his initiative. On 28 September the elder Codreanu stormed the Legion headquarters in Bucharest
(the Green House) in an unsuccessful attempt to install
himself as leader.[32] Sima was close to SS Volksgruppenfhrer Andreas Schmidt, a volksdeutsch (ethnic German) from Romania, and through him become close to
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, the founder of the Iron Guard
Schmidts father-in-law, the powerful Gottlob Berger who
headed the SS Main Oce in Berlin.[33] The British hisnancial support from the NSDAP, especially from the SS torian Rebecca Haynes has argued that nancial and orand Alfred Rosenberg's Foreign Political Oce.[30] For ganizational support from the SS was an important factor
[34]
much of the interwar period, Romania was in the French in Simas rise.
sphere of inuence, and in 1926, Romania signed a treaty
of alliance with France. Following the Remilitarization
of the Rhineland in March 1936, Carol started to move 3.3 Simas ascendancy
away from the traditional alliance with France as the fear
See also: Romania during World War II and The
grew within Romania that the French would do nothing
in the event of German aggression in Eastern Europe, Legionnaires Rebellion and the Bucharest Pogrom
but Carols regime was still regarded as essentially proFrench. From the German viewpoint, the Iron Guard was In the rst months of World War II, Romania was ofregarded as far preferable to King Carol. The royal dic- cially neutral. However the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact
tatorship lasted just over one year. On March 7, 1939, of August 23, 1939, stipulated, among other things, Soa new government was formed with Clinescu as prime viet interest in Bassarabia. When Nazi Germany, and
minister; on September 21, 1939, he, in turn was assassi- later, the Soviet Union invaded Poland, Romania granted
nated by legionnaires avenging Codreanu. Clinescu fa- refuge to members of Polands eeing government and
vored a foreign policy where Romania would maintain a military, and even after the assassination of Clinescu,
pro-Allied neutrality in World War II, and as such, the King Carol tried to maintain neutrality, but Frances surSS had a hand in organizing Clinescus assassination.[31] render and Britains retreat from Europe rendered them
Further rounds of mutual carnage ensued.
unable to full their assurances to Romania. A lean toIn addition to the conict with the king, an internal bat- ward the Axis Powers was probably inevitable.
tle for power ensued in the wake of Codreanus death.
Waves of repression almost completely eliminated the
Legions original leadership by 1939, promoting secondrank members to the forefront. According to a secret report led by the Hungarian political secretary
in Bucharest in late 1940, three main factions existed:
the group gathered around Horia Sima, a dynamic local

This political alignment was obviously favorable to


the surviving legionnaires. Ion Gigurtu's government,
formed July 4, 1940, was the rst to include a Legion
member, but by the time the movement achieved any formal power, most of its leadership was already dead: Horia Sima, a strong anti-Semite who had become the nominal leader of the movement after Codreanus murder, was

5
one of the few prominent legionnaires to survive the car- ferent sides in Romania with the SS supporting the Iron
nage of the preceding years.
Guard while the military and the Auswrtiges Amt supported General Antonescu. Baron Otto von Bolschwing
of the SS who was stationed at the German embassy in
Bucharest played a major role in smuggling arms for the
4 In power
Iron Guard.[36]
On September 4, 1940, the Legion formed a tense alliance with General (later Marshal) Ion Antonescu. Using
popular outrage at Romania being forced to return a large
block of land as a result of the Second Vienna Award, the
alliance forced the abdication of Carol II in favour of his
son Michael, and leaned even more strongly toward the
Axis. (Romania would formally join the Axis in June
1941.) Romania was proclaimed a "National Legionary
State, with the Legion as the countrys only legal party.
As part of the deal, Antonescu was named the Legions
honorary leader, while Sima became deputy premier.
Once in power, from September 14, 1940, until January 21, 1941, the Legion ratcheted up the level of already harsh anti-Semitic legislation and pursued, with impunity, a campaign of pogroms and of political assassinations. On the 27th November 1940 more than 60 former dignitaries or ocials were executed in Jilava prison
while awaiting trial; historian and former prime minister Nicolae Iorga and economic theorist Virgil Madgearu,
also a former government minister, were assassinated the
following day. Assassination attempts on the lives of
former Prime Ministers and Carol supporters Constantin
Argetoianu, Gu Ttrescu and Ion Gigurtu were also
carried out, but failed, as the before mentioned politicians
were freed from the hands of the Legionary Police and put
under military protection.

Failure and destruction

Main article:
pogrom

Legionnaires rebellion and Bucharest

Once in power Sima and Antonescu quarreled bitterly.


Sima demanded that the government follow the 'legionary
spirit', and all major oces be held by legionaries. Other
groups were to be dissolved. Economic policy, said
Sima, should be coordinated closely with Germany. Antonescu rejected the demands and was alarmed by the
Iron Guards death squads. The issue was who would rule
Romania, and was not really ideological; the dierences
between Sima and Antonescu were more of a degree
rather of kind. Sima overplayed his hand. On January 24,
1941, after securing approval in person from Hitler, and
with support of the Romanian army and other political
leaders, Antonescu moved in. The Guard started a lastditch coup attempt but in a three-day civil war, Antonescu
won decisively with support from the Romanian and German armies.[35] During the run-up to the coup attempt,
dierent factions of the German government backed dif-

During the crisis members of the Iron Guard instigated a


deadly pogrom in Bucharest. Particularly gruesome was
the murder of dozens of Jewish civilians in the Bucharest
slaughterhouse. The perpetrators hung the Jews from
meat hooks, then mutilated and killed them in a vicious parody of kosher slaughtering practices.[37][38] The
American ambassador to Romania Franklin Mott Gunther who toured the meat-packing plant where the Jews
were slaughtered with the placards reading Kosher meat
on them reported back to Washington: Sixty Jewish
corpses were discovered on the hooks used for carcasses.
They were all skinned....and the quantity of blood about
was evidence that they had been skinned alive.[39] Gunther wrote he was especially shocked that one of the Jewish victims hanging on the meat hooks was a 5-year-old
girl.[40] Sima and other legionnaires were helped by the
Germans to escape to Germany. During the rebellion
and pogrom, the Iron Guard killed 125 Jews and 30 soldiers died in the confrontation with the rebels. Following it, the Iron Guard movement was banned and 9,000
of its members were imprisoned. On 22 June 1941, the
Iron Guards imprisoned in Iai since January by the Antonescu regime were released from prison and organized
and armed by the police as part of the preparations for
the Iai pogrom.[41] When it came to killing Jews, the
Antonescu regime and the Iron Guard were capable of
nding common ground despite the failed coup in January 1941. When the pogrom began in Iai on 27 June
1941, the Iron Guards armed with crow-bars and knives
played a prominent role in leading the mobs that slaughtered Jews on the streets of Iai in one of the most bloodiest pogroms ever in Europe.[42] In the period between
1944-47 Romania had a coalition government in which
the Communists played a leading, but not yet dominant
role. Journalist Edward Behr claimed that in early 1947,
a secret agreement was signed by the leaders of the exiled Iron Guard in displaced persons (DP) camps in Germany and Austria and the Romanian Communist Party,
under which the all of the Iron Guards in the DP camps
except for those accused of the murder of Communists
could return home to Romania in exchange for which the
former Iron Guards would work as thugs to terrorize the
anti-communist opposition as part of the plans for the ultimate Communist take-over of Romania.[43] Behr further claimed that in the months after the non-aggression
pact between the Communists and the Legion, thousands of Iron Guards returned to Romania where they
played a prominent role working for the Interior Ministry in breaking opposition to the emerging Communist
dictatorship.[44]

7 NOTES

5.1

Legacy

The name Garda de Fier is also used by a small, Romanian nationalist group, active in the post-communist
era.

[8] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin
Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
2003 page 66.
[9] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, Gen-

der and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin


There are also another contemporary far-right organizaPassmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
tions in Romania, such as Pentru Patrie (For the Father2003 page 66.
land) and Noua Dreapt (The New Right). Considering
themselves the heir apparent to the Iron Guard, Noua [10] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, GenDreapt embraces legionnairism and has a personality
der and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin
cult for Corneliu Codreanu but they also use the celtic
Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
cross, which is not associated with legionnairism.
2003 page 66.

Since the 1970s Mircea Eliade, a prominent historian of [11] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, Genreligion, ction writer and philosopher who was a profesder and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin
Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
sor at the University of Chicago, has been criticized for
2003 page 70.
having supported the Iron Guard in the 1930s.

See also
Iron Guard death squads
National Legionary State
Valerian Trifa

Notes

[1] Payne, Stanley G. (1995). A History of Fascism, 1914


1945. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 394.
[2] For greenshirts see, for example, R.G. Waldeck, Athene
Palace, University of Chicago Press eBook (2013), ISBN
022608647X, p.182. Originally published 1942.
[3] Totul pentru ar" is translated as Everything for the Fatherland in "Colliers Encyclopedia" material that is now
incorporated into "Encarta" as a sidebar (1938: Rumania)
and in the "Encyclopdia Britannica" article Iron Guard;
the International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania uses Everything for the Motherland in the Englishlanguage version of its November 11, 2004 Final Report
(PDF). (All retrieved 6 Dec 2005.). Archived 2009-1031.
[4] Payne, Stanley G. (1995). A History of Fascism 1914
1945 Madison: University of Wisconsin Press (pages
277289) ISBN 0-299-14874-2
[5] Codreanu, Corneliu Zelea (1936). Echipa morii [Death
Squad]. Pentru legionari [For the Legionaries] (PDF) (in
Romanian). Retrieved 15 January 2013.
[6] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin
Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
2003 page 77.
[7] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin
Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
2003 page 70.

[12] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin
Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
2003 page 67.
[13] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin
Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
2003 page 67.
[14] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin
Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
2003 pages 6768.
[15] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin
Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
2003 pages 6768.
[16] Bucur, Maria Romania pages 5778 from Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 19191945 edited by Kevin
Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
2003 page 71.
[17] Ioanid, The Sacralised Politics of the Romanian Iron
Guard.
[18] Hugh Seton-Watson, The East European Revolution,
Methuen & Co. London, 1950, p. 84
[19] Crampton, Richard Eastern Europe in the Twentieth
Century-And After, London: Routledge, 1997 page 115.
[20] Crampton, Richard Eastern Europe in the Twentieth
Century-And After, London: Routledge, 1997 page 115.
[21] Crampton, Richard Eastern Europe in the Twentieth
Century-And After, London: Routledge, 1997 page 115.
[22] Crampton, Richard Eastern Europe in the Twentieth
Century-And After, London: Routledge, 1997 page 115.
[23] Ancel, Jean Antonescu and the Jews pages 463479
from The Holocaust and History The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Reexamined edited by
Michael Berenbaum and Abraham Peck, Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1999 page 463.

[24] Ancel, Jean Antonescu and the Jews pages 463479


from The Holocaust and History The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Reexamined edited by
Michael Berenbaum and Abraham Peck, Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1999 page 463.
[25] Ancel, Jean Antonescu and the Jews pages 463479
from The Holocaust and History The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Reexamined edited by
Michael Berenbaum and Abraham Peck, Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1999 page 464.
[26] Crampton, Richard Eastern Europe in the Twentieth
Century-And After, London: Routledge, 1997 page 115.
[27] Crampton, Richard Eastern Europe in the Twentieth
Century-And After, London: Routledge, 1997 page 115.
[28] Crampton, Richard Eastern Europe in the Twentieth
Century-And After, London: Routledge, 1997 page 114.
[29] Volovici, Nationalist Ideology, p. 98, citing N. Cainic,
Ortodoxie i etnocraie, pp. 1624)

[42] Ioanid, Radu The Holocaust in Romania: The Iasi


Pogrom of June 1941 pages 119-148 from Contemporary
European History, Volume 2, Issue # 2, July 1993 pages
130
[43] Behr, Edward Kiss the Hand You Cannot Bite, New York:
Villard Books, 1991 page 111.
[44] Behr, Edward Kiss the Hand You Cannot Bite, New York:
Villard Books, 1991 page 111.

8 References
Chioveanu, Mihai. Faces of Fascism, by (University
of Bucharest, 2005, Chapter 5: The Case of Romanian Fascism, ISBN 973-737-110-0).
Coogan, Kevin. Dreamer of the Day: Francis
Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International
(Autonomedia, 1999, ISBN 1-57027-039-2).

[30] Haynes, Rebecca German Historians and the Romanian


National Legionary State 1940-41 pages 676-683 from
The Slavonic and East European Review Volume 71, Issue
# 4, October 1993 page 681.

Ioanid, Radu. The Sacralised Politics of the Romanian Iron Guard, Totalitarian Movements & Political Religions, Volume 5, Number 3 (Winter 2004),
pp. 419453.

[31] Haynes, Rebecca German Historians and the Romanian


National Legionary State 1940-41 pages 676-683 from
The Slavonic and East European Review Volume 71, Issue
# 4, October 1993 page 681.

Ioanid, Radu.
The Sword of the Archangel,
(Columbia University Press, 1990, ISBN 0-88033189-5).

[32] Iordachi, p.39

Iordachi, Constantin. Charisma, Religion, and Ideology: Romanias Interwar Legion of the Archangel
Michael, in John R. Lampe, Mark Mazower (eds.),
Ideologies and National Identities: The Case of
Twentieth-century Southeastern Europe, Central European University Press, Budapest, 2004

[33] Haynes, Rebecca German Historians and the Romanian


National Legionary State 1940-41 pages 676-683 from
The Slavonic and East European Review Volume 71, Issue
# 4, October 1993 page 681.
[34] Haynes, Rebecca German Historians and the Romanian
National Legionary State 1940-41 pages 676-683 from
The Slavonic and East European Review Volume 71, Issue
# 4, October 1993 page 681.
[35] Keith Hitchins, Rumania, 18661947 (1994) pp 45769
[36] Simpson, Christopher Blowback Americas Recruitment of
Nazis and its Eects on the Cold War, New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1988 page 255.
[37] Holocaust Encyclopedia.
[38] New Order, Time magazine, Feb 10, 1941.
[39] Simpson, Christopher Blowback Americas Recruitment of
Nazis and its Eects on the Cold War, New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1988 page 255.
[40] Simpson, Christopher Blowback Americas Recruitment of
Nazis and its Eects on the Cold War, New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1988 page 255.
[41] Ioanid, Radu The Holocaust in Romania: The Iasi
Pogrom of June 1941 pages 119-148 from Contemporary European History, Volume 2, Issue # 2, July 1993
page 124

Nagy-Talavera, Nicholas M.The Green Shirts and


the Others: A History of Fascism in Hungary and
Rumania by (Hoover Institution Press, 1970).
Payne, Stanley G.Fascism: Comparison and Denition, pg. 115118 (University of Wisconsin Press,
1980, ISBN 0-299-08060-9).
Ronnett, Alexander E. The Legionary Movement
Loyola University Press, 1974; second edition
published as Romanian Nationalism: The Legionary Movement by Romanian-American National Congress, 1995, ISBN 0-8294-0232-2).
Sima, Horia The History of the Legionary Movement, (Legionary Press, 1995, ISBN 1-899627-014).
Thompson, Keith M. Codreanu and the Iron Guard
(2010)
Volovici, Leon. Nationalist Ideology and Antisemitism: The Case of Romanian Intellectuals in the
1930s, by, Pergamon Press, Oxford, 1991.

9
Weber, Eugen. Romania in The European Right:
A Historical Prole edited by Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber (University of California Press, 1965)
Weber, Eugen. The Men of the Archangel in International Fascism: New Thoughts and Approaches
edited by George L. Mosse (SAGE Publications,
1979, ISBN 0-8039-9842-2 and ISBN 0-80399843-0 [Pbk]).

8.1

Primary sources

Fascism (Oxford Readers) edited by Roger Grin,


Part III, A., xi. Romania, pg 219222 (Oxford
University Press, 1995, ISBN 0-19-289249-5).
The Suicide of Europe: Memoirs of Prince Michael
Sturdza by Mihail R. Sturdza (American Opinion
Books, 1968, ISBN 0-88279-214-8).
Troy Southgate, From Lightning: Corneliu Codreanu, Horia Sima and the Story of the Romanian
Iron Guard (Black Front Press, 2016).

8.2

In German

Heinen, Armin. Die Legion Erzengel Michael in


Rumnien, (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1986,
ISBN 978-3-486-53101-5) one of the major historical contribution to the study of the Romanian
Iron Guard.
Totok, William. Rechtsradikalismus und Revisionismus in Rumnien (I-VII), in: Halbjahresschrift fr sdosteuropische Geschichte Literatur und
Politik, 1316(20012004).

External links
Inuential Sicilian Traditionalist rightist Julius
Evola's analysis of the Iron Guard: The Tragedy of
the Romanian Iron Guard: Codreanu
Website about the Iron Guard, produced as a class
project at Claremont College. Essays on that site
provide a detailed picture of the growth of the
Iron Guard and the legionary movement, the cultural aspects of the movement, and the involvement
of the Iron Guard in the Holocaust, as well as a
year-by-year chronology of the Iron Guard, its antecedent groups and rival fascist and proto-fascist
movements, beginning in 1910.
Facing the Past. Information on the Holocaust in
Romania, including the role of the Iron Guard, from
a report commissioned and accepted by the Romanian government.

EXTERNAL LINKS

An untold footnote to World War II. An aborted


1945 mission of the Aromanian Iron Guardists in
Greece.

10
10.1

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses


Text

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