0 оценок0% нашли этот документ полезным (0 голосов)
12 просмотров1 страница
the issue of ideology and how it can be often imposed even if unintentionally. There is always the element of overgeneralization in historicizing "facts". in other words, attribution of ideology is often more an act of fictionalizing than stating facts
the issue of ideology and how it can be often imposed even if unintentionally. There is always the element of overgeneralization in historicizing "facts". in other words, attribution of ideology is often more an act of fictionalizing than stating facts
the issue of ideology and how it can be often imposed even if unintentionally. There is always the element of overgeneralization in historicizing "facts". in other words, attribution of ideology is often more an act of fictionalizing than stating facts
Of course ideology is no alien thing, in fact, I did not
suggest that. On the contrary, one is never without any ideology. My point was that there must have been many ideological standpoints within those protests. Isn't it possible that many of those who protested (including workers) were actually ideologically in favor of capitalism? As I said in the last post, there are sources which suggest people under the erstwhile "communist regimes" often looked to the west as ideal and may have considered a transition from communist-party led dictatorship to what they perceived (or were made to believe) as liberal bourgeois democracy favorable. What do experiences with movements of the present history suggest? Take Hokkolorob for instance. As we know the "victors" get to write their version of history. Several years down the line, if the people at 365 Din have their way, Hokkolorob will become the symbol of "anarchy, indiscipline, thuggishness" and all that. If the leftist vanguards spearheading the movement have their way, the same will become the symbol of progressiveness, gender justice, democratic participation and all nice things one can imagine. Of course any sensible and honest observer of the movement will agree both are inappropriate generalizations. The reality was much more complex. Lots of gender regressiveness was there in the movement that was supposedly about gender justice, but there were gender progressive dimensions and tendencies. Besides, it is not always possible to pin certain tendencies to certain individuals or even groups or orgs. And Hokkolorob was "tiny" in comparison to the scale of protests in 1989 China ... imagine the complexities then.... so many divergent interests must have existed , contrary to the homogeneous "working class interest" because this class is anything but homogeneous... I may want "communism" (my ideology) but I may benefit from some neoliberal measures (my immediate interest) and hence may stand in momentary support of some market reform measure that I may stand to benefit from , also knowing fully well it may cause distress to others (my pragmatic stand) Besides, shall we call the worker wanting private investment so that they can get a job or increase their salary from 10k to 15k (let us assume, for instance, that some market reform allows for this to happen in that particular sector and reduces salaries in some others) "reactionary"? Or "pro-market reforms" for that matter? Not necessarily so. Interestingly, elites who enjoy the benefits of top layer govt or private sector jobs who dominate the vanguardist communist leadership will call themselves "revolutionary" and the former "reactionary". These are questions that bother me, and ones i wished to raise. I hope it makes more sense now.