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Capacits cognitives,
reprsentations visuelles du message
et naissance de l'criture en Egypte
Eric CRUBEZY
Rsum
Pour cetiains gyptologues ou linguistes l'criture serait appame btusquement en Egypte. Pour
des chercheurs relevant des neurosciences elle aurait certainement t prcde d'une phase de
maturation car c'est une volution cognitive majeure de l'homme. Nous avons test cette dernire hypothse dans le cadre de l'tude de la ncropole prdynastique d'Adama. Il apparat que de
nombreuses offrandes et la faon dont elles taient mises en place aux cts du cadavre renvoient
directement aux donnes biologiques (ge, sexe, pathologie) et culturelles (mobilier hautement
symbolique) du dfunt. Elles permettent de soupomter une pense analytique patiicnlirement
aiguise dans deux domaines celui de l'lite et celui du portrait. Le passage du pOlirait aux idogrammes semble se placer dans une volution linaire; les phonogrammes seraient appatus dans
le devoir de prcision du portrait au nom propre, cristallis par le pouvoir royal et le pharaon.
ERIC CRUBEZY
Capacits cognitives,
reprsentations visuelles du message
et naissance de l'criture en Egypte
Eric CRUBEZY
Introduction
Vers la fin du IVe millnaire avant J.-C., l'criture apparat en Egypte. Restreinte initialement
de courtes notations, elle va se dvelopper mais il faut attendre la Ve dynastie au cours du
Ille millnaire avant J.-C., pour qu'apparaissent de vritables enchanements avec des relations
prdicatives explicites et des phrases complexes. En quelques sicles, le nombre d'informations encodes symboliquement est devenu trs consquent passant de quelques notations brves de vritables uvres littraires: (i) Certains considraient qu'elle tait soudaine, qu'elle
s'tait dveloppe "spontanment" (Desroches-Noblecourt, 1982) d'un seul coup, "sans ttonnements prliminaires" (Amiet, 1982) et que les Egyptiens avaient peut-tre mis au point leur
propre systme d'criture sous l'influx de stimulus extrieurs, sumrien notamment (Diamond,
2000) ; (ii) d'autres (in Donald, 1999), considrant que l'criture relve d'une volution cognitive de l'homme, pensaient qu'elle avait d connatre une longue tape de maturation. En effet,
en dehors de toute hypothse sur l'volution cognitive chez Homo sapiens sapiens, l'criture
correspond une invention visuosymbolique mettant en jeu un type de mmoire qui n'existait
pas avant elle, ou du moins qui n'tait pas dvelopp ce point: la mmoire externe (Donald,
1999). Cette mmoire externe ne permet pas seulement de changer le mode de la cOlmnunication entre hommes, elle transforme fondamentalement "la propre qualit de ses messages, la
faon de les voir et de les recevoir, la manire de penser" (Bottro, 1982).
L'criture, cette nouvelle manire de penser (Bottro, 1982) ou ce changement d'architecture
crbrale (Donald, 1999) permit un nouveau type d'activit intellectuelle de se dvelopper
fond sur l'analyse, l'abstraction, la dduction (Bottro, 1982). Face cette constatation, deux
questions se posent: comment et pourquoi en est-on arriv l'invention de l'criture? Cela
revient en fait "retourner" l'argumentation de J.Bottro et suivre l'hypothse de M. Donald
(1999) : pour inventer l'criture, il fallait que l'activit intellectuelle fonde notamment sur
l'abstraction et la dduction se soit mise en place avant elle. Une fois, ces structures en place,
une impulsion forte aurait pu amener l'invention en question. Si le telme "forte" est retenu c'est
que tout porte croire que le changement d'architecture crbrale s'est certainement produit
plusieurs fois dans l'histoire des civilisations mais que rares furent celles o il dboucha sur
l'invention de l'criture.
Des dcouvertes rcentes (Crubzy 1999, Crubzy et a1.,sp) nous permettent de suggrer que
l'encodage visuosymbolique tait trs ancien en Egypte et que ds le dbut de Nagada II il intressait le domaine funraire, celui des lites notamment. Cet encodage dboucha sur des logos
dgags du dessin qui dmontrent que le problme de l'criture en Egypte fut de passer des
logo grammes l'criture phontique. Ces donnes, qui permettent de mieux saisir comment on
arriva l'criture, confrontes aux travaux de Vernus (1993) sur l'importance du pouvoir royal,
qui pounait correspondre la fameuse "impulsion forte" signale plus haut, pelmettent d'aborder la question du pourquoi.
Capacits cognitives,
reprsentations visuelles du message
et naissance de l'criture en Egypte
Capacits cognitives,
reprsentations visuelles du message
et naissance de l'criture en Egypte
Eric CRUBEZY
Nous prsenterons successivement quelques donnes rcentes sur les capacits cognitives et la
mmoire externe, nous reprendrons ensuite les dcouvertes rcentes sur l'encodage visuosymbolique et l'abstraction, nous terminerons enfin sur le pourquoi de l'criture.
ERIC CRUBEZY
ERIC CRUBEZY
diffrentes poques.
10
Capacits cognitives,
reprsentations visuelles du message
et naissance de l'criture en Egypte
ERIC CRUBEZY
11
tait ne.
Conclusions
Remerciements
Ce travail est le fmit d'une longue collaboration au
sein de l'quipe d'Adama qui relve de l'IFAO. Les
12
Capacits cognitives.
reprsentations visuelles du message
et naissance de l'criture en Egypte
Cognitive capacities,
visual representations of a message
and the invention of writing in Egypt
Eric CRUBEZY
Introductiou
Writing appearcd in Egypt towards the cnd the IV millennium B.C. Initially restricted to short inscriptions, writing did develop, but it wasn't until the fifth dynasty during the III millcm1um B.C. that a real
series of recognizable predicative relationships and complex sentences appeared. Over a span of a few
hundred ycars, the amount of symbolically coded information developed considerably, evolving from
a few short inscriptions to full-fledged literary works : (i) Certain researchcrs maintain that writing
appeared ail of a sudden and developed " spontaneously " (Desroches-Noblecourt, 1982) ail at once, "
without prcliminary trial and error " (Amiet, 1982) and that the Egyptians may have developed their
own system of writing under the influence of othcr civilizations, notably the Sumerians (Diamond,
2000). (ii) Other researchers (in Donald, 1999) believe that writing underwent a long process of development. Indeed, without adhering to a special hypothesis concerning the evolution of the congnitive
pro cesses of Homo sapiens sapiens, writing corresponds to a visual-symbolic invention using a type of
memory that didn't exist before, or which at least was not as devcloped : the externalmem01y (Donald,
1999). This externalmemory not only allowed a modification in the method of communication between
humans but it fundamentally transformed " the inherent quality of the messages, the means of undcrstanding them and receiving them as weil as the way of thinking " (Bottro, 1982).
Writing, this new way of thinking (Bottro, 1982) or this modification of cerebral architecture (Donald,
1999) allowcd the development of a new type of intellectuel activity based on analysis, abstraction and
deduction (Bottro, 1982). Owing to this, two questions must be asked : how and why was writing
invented ? These qucstions would tend to " reverse" J. Bottro's arguments and follow the hypothesis
ofM. Donald (1999) : to invent writing, there was necessarily a preceding intellectual activity notably
bascd on abstraction and dcduction. Once these thought pro cesses were in place, a powerful impetus
may have stimulatcd the invention of writing. If the term " powerful " impetus is used to explain this
development it is because important modifications in the cerebral architecture occurred several times
in the history of civilizations, but they rarely led to the invention of writing.
Recent discoveries (Crubzy, 1999, Crubzy et al.,sp) allow us to suggest that visual-symbolic code
systems were very old in Egypt and that they involved funerary practises, most notably of the elite, at
the beginning of Naqada II. This system of codes brought about logos separated from the drawings
which shows that the problem ofwriting in Egypt was the evolution from logograms to phonetic writing. This data, which cnables us to better undcrstand how writing was invented, compared to the
research published by Vernus (1993) on the importance of royal power which in turn might correspond
to the famous " powerful " impetus mentioned above, leads us to ask the question ofwhy writing was
invented.
We will first of all present some recent data concerning cognitive capacities and externalmemory, then
we will focus on recent discoveries in the field of visual-symbolic code systems and abstraction and
finally on the reason why writing was invented.
14
Capacits cognitives,
reprsentations visuelles du message
et naissance de l'criture en Egypte
Cognitive capacities,
visual representations of a message
and the invention of writing in Egypt
Eric CRUBEZY
Abstract
For some Egyptologists or linguists, the invention of writing in Egypt appeared a11 of a sudden. For
neuroscientists, it was certainly preceded by a phase of development because it implies a major evolution of the cognitive senses of humans. We have tested this last hypothesis using data from the
Predynastic cemetely of Adama. It appears that the nature, distribution and arrangcment of
funerary offerings is directly associated to the biological (age, sex, pathology) and cultural (symbolic
artifacts) status of the deceased. This leads us to believe that a very sharp sense of analytical thinking
existed concerning the elite and the portrait. The evolution from the portrait to the ideogram seems to
have been linear; phonograms are more speeific of the transition from the portrait to the proper naine
defined by royal power and the pharaoh
ERIC CRUBEZY
13
ERIC CRUBEZY
15
For humans in the 21 st century, writing is a succession of organized signs, arranged according to a particular syntaxical pattern, which transmits without
ambiguity - at least in its simplest form - a message.
Two types ofwriting arc traditionally known; that of
ideograms and that of phonograms with a possibility
of mixing the two. Contrary to oral cultures which
arc Im'gely based on the subjects' biologicalmemory,
the invention of images, symbols, ideograms and
then writing led humans to concentrate their memoIy on the identification, the comprehension and interpretation of an external group of symbols. According
to certain researehers (Donald, 1999) the cerebral
architecture must have radically ehanged. This H
architectural H modification is not due to macroscopic anatomy (the ancestors of Predynastie peoples
had the mental ability to read and write), but it is probably due to the physiological organization of the
brain which allows remarkable capacities of adaptation.
as
Recent experiments in medical imagely would suggest capacities of cerebral adaptation in tenns of
adaptation to sign code systems. For example, the
linguistic function used by the hearing-disabled who
communicate with sign language affects vast regions
of the brain, and even the visual-sensorial cortex.
(Kennedy and Dehay, 2001) The activity of their
right hemisphere is not due to the absence ofhearing,
but simply to the adaptation due to the acquisition of
signlanguage. Another example of the complex re1ationship between writing, reading and the encoding
of sounds are recent studies of dyslexia. Slow and
vely Imprecise reading is one of the most frequent
symptoms of dyslexia. The frequency of dyslexia
varies from one counhy to the next. Vp until the
1990s, dyslexia was interpreted as a consequence of
psychological difficulties within the family and/or in
relation to teachers. But in fact, studies using positron cameras (which enable a stndy of cerebral aetivity in real timc) have shown that a zone of the left
temporal lobe is less active in dyslexie subjects than
subjects without dyslexia. In this zone, the visual
code is transformed into an auditive code and the
information of the letters read is transformed into
phonological information, i.e. a sound. The lesion
results from interferenee in the migration of neurons
du ring the formation of the brain. The number of
dyslexic subjects in each counhy depends on the
phonological difficulty of the language. In French
and English, the same sound is represented by
16
11
11
or
Il
you
11
or
11
Capacits cognitives,
reprsentations visuelles du message
et naissance de ,'criture en Egypte
preceded the invention ofvisual and analogieal symbols. These representations werc different from the
well-known cave paintings in the valley before the
Predynastic period, or from the figurative and nonfigurative representations found in nearly all civiIizations at different periods.
Archo-Nil n 11 - 2001
ERIC CRUBEZY
17
18
association is perfectly understood. The same message engraved in stone would beeome a hieroglyph.
Discussion
The interpretations of the areheologieal excavations
at Adama suggest, in many cases, the capacity of
analytieal thought proccsses. ln the case of the
deformed vessels, ideas that are nonnally expressed
with language, were visually transmitted. These
ideas, symbolized with a system of metaphores, were
diseovered in a funerary eontext and seem espeeially
evident in two cases: those eoneerning the elite and
eoncerning the portrait. The question that must be
asked is if this way of thinking brought about hieroglyphie wriling.
Egyptian hieroglyphs were phonetie and eonsonontal
; vowels were not represented. The relation between
the oral and written symbol was very eomplex. In
hieroglyphics, there are markers of funetions, mlcs
of gender, of order, etc. whieh form a puzzle for a
modern written-Ianguage reader. Many of the se
preestablished relations formed a code system in a
strietly visual or graphie mode and had nothing in
common with the spoken word. The phonetic link is
often organized aecording to the principle of a rebus
: from the visual sign to the meaning then to the
sound. The phoneme cannot be read until the symbol
has been understood. For some researehers (Donald,
1999) this would prove the visual autonomy of the
hieroglyphic sign. Aceording to him, " hieroglyphic
writing was, in the beginning, an endeavor to visualIy represent a message and not to represent sounds
associated with a narrative version of the same message". If this assertion were shared by alllinguists,
there would be no doubt that hieroglyphies are Iinked
to the thought processes suggested by the tombs at
Adama.
If the signification of hieroglyphs often precedes
phonetie decoding instead of following it, as M.
Donald (1999) suggests, there are exceptions whieh
are contraly to this theOlY, or at least in that of the"
linear evolution " whieh we pointed out. At the same
time, this restriction eould be eliminated by a study
of the first hieroglyphies. Indeed, the reeent dise overies of the Uj tomb at Abydos (Dreyer, 1992) show
that writing appeared in approximately 3 200 B.C. ln
this sense, il is direetly assoeiated to the royal funetion. As P. Ve11lus (1993) suggests, it eould be linked
to the " desire to portray the person oeeupying a
funetion by graphieally setting down his name ". In
this way, thanks to the" miracle" of the written word
Capacits cognitives,
reprsentations visuelles du message
et naissance de l'criture en Egypte
of Homo sapiens sapiens. The challenge is considerable. The invention of writing is certainly the most
noteworthy biological and cultural development
since the appearance of modern man 100 000 years
ago.
sions and ta T. Janin and B. Midant Reynes for data obtai!lcd on site.
Conclusions
ERIC CRUBEZY
19
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