Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
much homogeneity between the three provinces. Except for the late years of
Italian rule (1935 until World War II), Tripolitania (pop. 800,000), Cyrenaica
(pop. 300,000) and Fezzan (pop. 40,000) have never been jointly administered.
Even the U.N. is not sure that such an anemic child can survive. Because the
big powers could not agree among themselves on the future of the former
Italian colony, the U.N.'s little nations, led by impatient Arabs and the Latin
Americans, in 1949 slipped through a resolution which decreed independence
no later than Jan. 1, 1952.
A roly-poly Dutchman named Adrian Pelt left his job as Assistant Secretary
General of the U.N. to become U.N. Commissioner in Libya, took a staff of
experts to work with him. A provisional assembly of 60 Libyans20 from each
provincemeeting under the U.N.'s wing, decided that the country should be a
federal monarchy, drafted its constitution, and planned elections. Without
argument, the assembly settled on a KingSayid Mohammed Idris el Mahdi el
Senussi, Emir of Cyrenaica, spiritual and political leader of the devout and
powerful Moslem Order of the Senussiya, and in his own right the strongest
personality in Libya.
A scholarly, fine-boned Arab of 62, who wears the blue robes of a Bedouin
monarch and speaks in a high, thin voice, King Idris I led his Senussi
tribesmen in two wars against the Italians, now uses a converted Italian
barracks near Benghazi as his palace. He trusts the West, and privately refers
to the seven-nation Arab League as "an alliance of weaknesses." But
recognizing Libya's kinship with the rest of the Moslem world, he plans to join
the Arab League. "If anybody ever succeeds in cementing this country
together," says an English veteran of Libya, "it will be the King. The cement is
Islamthese people really believe and live Islam." (The first daub of cement: a
royal decree establishing two capitals, the main one in Tripoli, and the second
in Benghazi to allay Cyrenaican fears of Tripoli.)
Full of Beans. After a year of working with the King and his contagiously
optimistic ministers, even some of the pessimistic foreigners in Libya have
become more hopeful. "There's a chance for real democracy here," says Pelt. "I
think they can make a go of itthe Libyans are full of beans and ready to try."
Actually, in independence the Libyans will be getting more outside help and
guidance than they got as a colony. The British, who hope to be Libya's big
brother, have provided scores of civil servants to staff the government, are
putting up some $6,000,000 to get things going (as opposed to $1,000,000
from the U.S.) and to underwrite Libya's annual budget deficit. The French left
experts behind in Fezzan, and are giving the province $500,000 a year.
Libya's attraction for the U.S., Britain and France is chiefly strategic. Britain
and France will be allowed to keep garrisons in Libya, and the U.S. its big
Wheelus Field bomber base near Tripoli. But Libya's new leaders have shown
that they do not want to be bottle-fed forever. "So far, they have made
encouraging progress because they've asked for advice as well as aid," says a
Western diplomat.
As the day of istiqlal approached last week, the government prepared for it with
a sort of dazed reverence. The ministers scuttled between the two capitals in a
borrowed U.N. plane, to arrange a three-day celebration. Someone got the loan
of a U.S. howitzer for a 101-shot salute, then found an old Turk who thought
he knew how to fire it. A team of G.I. technicians visited the King in his daggerhung study, to record his independence proclamation for broadcast. The King
patiently reread the speech four times and then, when it was played back on a
wire recorder, widened his eyes and giggled.
The common Arab in the bazaars of Tripoli or among the Fezzan sand dunes
seemed not quite sure of what was happening. But just as he has always had a
word for independence, he has one for things not quite understandable. The
word is inshalla, and it means: "As God wills it."