REFLECTIONS OF PICENS IMPACT IN THE KVARNER BAY

MARTINA BLEI

The purpose of this study is to illustrate the reections

of Picens impact in the Kvarner Bay through the impact
of jewellery and the specics of its context in the folk costume of the local population, depending on the trends or
universal phenomena, mediation or commerce.
Kvarner is the area of the northern Adriatic coast between the Istrian peninsula, with mountain Uka in the
west and Velebit in the east. In the western part of the bay
are the islands of Cres and Loinj, and in the eastern Krk,
Rab and northern part of the island of Pag, with the associated smaller island groups (Fig. 1). Kvarner has a distinctive geo-strategic position as the Adriatic Sea as well as the
Mediterranean Sea is penetrating the most in the European
land. The islands guard the coast and at the same time provide a horizontal, as well as vertical, communication within the bay, which implies the ultimate control of the sea
routes. Archaeological works in that area have been conducted since the 19th century. However, a small number of
literature and systematic studies is currently available.1
According to the more or less successful interpretations
so far, Kvarner has been considered a part of the cultural
group of the Liburnians of the late Bronze and Iron Age
(Fig. 1).2 The Liburnians were known as the masters of the
sea, with well-developed skills of shipbuilding and seafar-

The most important works are those of Carlo Marchesetti (1903;

1924), ime Batovi (1965; 1976; 1987), Fulvia Lo Schiavo
(1970) and Dunja Glogovi (1989, 2002).
Batovi 1976: 11-94; Sui 1981: 117-118; Batovi 1987: 339-340;
ae 1988: 79-80; Katii 1995: 183-193; Starac 2000: 7.

ARCHEOLOGIA DI FRONTIERA 6 - 2007

Fig. 1. The position of the Kvarner Bay with general see routs
in the Adriatic basin.

109

Fig. 2. Map of possible three trade routs through the Kvarner

Bay and the positions of the necropolises.

ing. Thanks to the expansion of economy by the principle

by the sea, with the sea and from the sea, the trade activity had developed, but so did the activities of piracy and
plundering.3 The role of the mediators enabled them to
communicate and interact with the neighbouring and overseas cultural groups. Amongst other things, an intensive
and direct contact with the Picenes has been well known for
a long time, and even proven on some examples with great
certainty.4 However, the area of Kvarner gives a somewhat
different image than the one of the middle Liburnian area.
The situation in Kvarner varied both ethnically and geopolitically, as well as strategically and transitionally (Fig. 1).

ae 1984: 8-15; Zaninovi 1988: 44-45; Katii 1995: 192-193;

Starac 2000: 16-17; ae 2005: 169-180; also Mihovili 2005: 93107.
Sui 1953: 71-97; Batovi 1976: 11-94; Peroni 1976: 95-115;
Katii 1995: 193, 205-208; Starac 2000: 9-10.

No doubt, Kvarner is an area brimming with economic

contacts and cultural currents, mostly due to its geographic position, but the terrain as well. As mentioned earlier,
Kvarner has a coastal and insular area, both connected and
mutually inseparable, but separate and independent at the
same time. That is the very reason why an ethnic group that
inhabited the area has not been clearly dened until today.
The fact that it is impossible to gather new ndings fast
is enhanced by the inadequate level of exploration with
a large number of lacunas, which, once completed, will
probably or certainly alter the existing image of the topic.
Naturally, certain circumstances of the ndings depended
on the relationship of political forces at the time, especially
on the sea, as well as in the inland (Fig. 1). For example,
the theory of the Liburnian supremacy on the sea during
the early Iron Age is widely accepted. Or, the assumptions
of the Iapodian dominance in the whole area of the Kvarner coastline during the late Iron Age are justied. However, completely opposite hypotheses are being supported.5
Furthermore, material ndings that supersede the borders
of tribal communities and are a part of a universal trend
or possibility, trade or other means of communication are
not always the best support when examining ethnic communities.
It is a well-known fact that Kvarner has been a place
where the communication and mediatory paths of goods
and cultural impulses intertwined as early as the late Bronze
Age. However, adopting the cultural trends and inuences
from the wider Mediterranean area usually resulted in typical expression of the Caput Adriae area.6 Developing into
full Iron Age that system became a more solid network,
but also continued the trend of transforming and adapting
the adopted to ones own taste, with clear traditional or
even conservative approaches. Still, the more prominent

Alfldy 1965: 40, 61; Wilkes 1969: 158; Sui 1970: 707; ae 1988:
83-84; ae 1991: 64-65; Starac 2000: 7-15; Blei 2001: 68-75,
with all the available literature and historical sources.
6
Glogovi 1989: 45; Blei 2001: 68-69; Mihovili 2002: 499-513;
ae 2005: 171.

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110

A cura di Mitja Gutin, Peter Ettel e Maurizio Buora

import indicated that more solid liaisons with Italy were

established especially the Picenes and the south of Italy,
Balkan, and south-eastern Pre-Alps region cultural circle
in particular.
Distribution of certain objects, the repertoire of ndings
in general, as well as the logic of what was the most natural communication route, indicate three completely certain
means of trade via Kvarner: 1) from Aquileia and Posoje
across Notranjska (Inner Carniola) and Okra, 2) from Dolenjska (Lower Carniola) across Vinica, i.e. Colapian and
Iapodian territory, and 3) of course, via sea, with Picenes
as mediators, later Spina, across the islands of Kvarner,
Loinj-Cres-Krk (Fig. 2).7 That route could have been part
of a very important mediatory route from the largest and
the most developed manufacturing centres of Italy at the
time, towards the Iapodian territory that was very fond of
Greek and Italian products.8 Kvarner became the place of
constant trade of semi-products and products, a transitory
fairground where most various forms of cultural gatherings
took place. In Kvarner existed one of the biggest Adriatic
fairgrounds of the time Osor/Apsorus (Cres), and judging
by the type of ndings, such was the southern part of island
Krk, (Krk, Punat and Baka) and then island Rab (Fig. 2).
There it was possible to trade towards Iapodian mainland,
across the Velebit coastline, but vice versa as well, form
the continent towards the islands. Many authors agree
with this, supporting the data of ancient written sources.9
Of particular importance is the route of inter-insular trajectory, related to a well-known ow of the goods via the
so-called outward sea route, which went directly across
Osor.10 This has been often used to explain the presence,
and absence, of certain ndings in Kvarner. Therefore, it
is interesting to note that certain material ndings do not
7
8

10

Blei 2004: 96; Palavestra 2006: 60-61, Fig. 32; Blei 2007.
Balen-Letuni 2004: 238-244, 257, Fig. 26, Cat. 35.3-35.8; Raunig
2004: 175-185, T. XXXII-XXXIII; Bakari 2006: 76-78; also
Palavestra 2006: 47-49, Fig. 21-25; Negroni Catacchio 1976: 37-46.
Wilkes 1969: 4; Sui 1981: 226; ae 1991: 64-66; Zaninovi 1988:
53-54; ae 2005: 178-180.
Zaninovi 2005: 16-19; Blei 2007.

ARCHEOLOGIA DI FRONTIERA 6 - 2007

Fig. 3. Map of the distributions of the two-part serpentine

bulae. variant 1 (Klaenica), variant 2 (Osor),
(added to Batovi 1976 and Glogovi 1988).

cross the borders of the insular zone, in accordance with

the present status of examinations. They are maintained as
direct results of import designed for further distribution,
without any tendencies to become part of folk costume that
the locals would adopt. Direct individual contact should
not be underestimated here, nor the effects had that piracy
and plundering activities of the local seamen.
This is obvious in the example of two-part serpentine
bulae (Fig. 3), known in Picenum as the element of the
1st phase, i.e. end of the 10th and 9th century.11 A direct
import from the Italic grounds is the bula from Osor (Fig.
11

Lollini 1976: 122-125, Fig. 2: 1, 3; Pare 1998: 322-326, Abb. 13:

17, Tab. 2.

111

Fig. 4. Map of the diffusion of the types of pins with conical

head (added to Gutin 1973 and Carancini 1975).

3), as well as somewhat older bula type from Klaenica.

Furthermore, in the inner part of the bay, in Garica (Krk),
Griane (Fig. 3) or Novalja (Pag),12 are the examples of
bulae of so-called Adriatic koin.13 However, they clearly
suggest the features of older traditions, Urneeld culture
especially, in the way (e.g. type and style) the adopted motive was transformed, with the emphasis on the type of
12

13

Osor: Marchesetti 1924: 143, Fig. 17; Klaenica: Brunmid 1901:

54, Tab. I: 5; Garica: Drechsler-Bii 1962: Tab. I: 1; Griane:
Ljubi 1889: Tab. 10: 36; Novalja: Batovi 1973: Tab. CIII: 2; also
Lo Schiavo 1970: 441-442, Tav. XXIX: 7-10; Glogovi 1988: 5-18,
K. 1; Glogovi 2002: 76: Nr. 355-358, 362-363A.
For Italy see also: Merhart 1942: 4-5, Taf. 2; Kilian 1971: 224, Abb.
3; Peroni 1976: 108; and works of: D Ercole 1977: Tav. 33: B 345;
Tocco 1978: 96-98, Fig. 4c; Eles Masi 1985: Nr. 2126, 2128, 21312132; 2133, 2135-2138; D Agostino, Gastaldi 1988: Fig. 57: 3, 149:
3; Salzani 1991: 125; Peroni 1992: 13-15; Pare 1998: 314, Abb. 9:
20, 23-24, 27; Cosentino 1999: 186, Kat. 5; Mangani 2003: 298,
Tav. VII: e. Only one such bula with a spiral disc on the foot, as a
direct import from Italy, has been found in France dip. Giura, while
the bula with a oval shaped disc are somewhat more common;
Adam 1992: 383, Fig. 6: J, Fig. 8. There is also one such bula
with a oval shaped disc documented in Bulgaria; Gergova 1987: Nr.
234.

pins.14 Similar goes for the pins with disc-shaped and proled head, noted on Gromaica (Rab) and on Klaenica.15
Typologically comparable ndings can be traced with the
Liburnians16 and Picenian,17 but no doubt in the cultural circle of Bologna I (IB)18. According to the above described,
bula and pin from Klaenica are most probably a consequence of the same import or contact from the Italic coast.
Furthermore, the pins of Sirolo type belong here,19 which
also represent Adriatic koin, 9th and 8th century, according to Renato Peroni.20 Only two examples of that type are
known, from Osor and Cres,21 but unfortunately, without
a more specic context of nding. Pins with twisted neck,
type 1, according to Maa Sakara Suevi, but a variety
with little horns, have been found, typical of the southern
part of Istria, on Karst, in Liburnia and in Picenum.22
Certain ndings of folk costume which are result of the
Adriatic koin trend, have been documented both in insular and coastal area. Interaction of inuences and cultural
inows from continental parts of the Pre-Alps region is obvious, as was typical of the universal changes of the end of
the 9th and 8th century. Thanks to this mixture of pressures
the things remained longer in use, as clothing objects or
in some other cult or spiritual expression. Such are various types and forms of pins with conical head typical of

14
15

16
17

18

19
20
21

22

Glogovi 1988: 8-10; Hiller 1991: 79-82, Abb. 24.

Gromaica: Mateji 1968: 75, T. VIII: 3; Klaenica: Brunmid
1901: T. 1: 1b; also Glogovi 1989: 10-11, Tab. 6: 4, 5.
Batovi 1973: T. CI: 4; Batovi 1980: 47, T. VI.
Ancona and P. S. Elpidio: Carancini 1975: Nr. 1968, 1970; Pare
1998: 325-326.
Carancini 1975: Nr. 275: 1902, 1904, 1918; Trachsel 2004: 226,
Abb. 134; see different chronology by Pare 1998: 310-311, Abb. 7.
Carancini 1975: Nr. 255: 1867, 1868: Lollini 1976: Fig. 1.
Peroni 1973: 74, Tav. 23: 16.
Osor: Glogovi 1989: 11, T. 7: 9; Cres: unpublished: Creski muzej,
Cres.
Sakara Suevi 2004: 18-20; Pare 1998, Abb. 13: 9. Pins type Sirolo
from the areas of Lika and Bosnia do not belong to this group; see
proposition of typology Lucentini in this volume.

Piceni ed Europa. Atti del convegno.

112

A cura di Mitja Gutin, Peter Ettel e Maurizio Buora

the end of the HaB2/3 and the HaC1 horizon,23 and multiheaded pins of various kinds from the 8th and 7th century,
during the horizon HaC1/C2.24 Conical-headed pins of P.
S. Elpidio type, after Carancini, are known only from Osor
and Nin,25 and have not been noted in littoral area yet (Fig.
4). They are very exceptional and diverse, while the examples from the southeast Pre-Alps region are typical of
the early Iron Age26 as well as in Este IIB phase.27 Conicalheaded pins of the Vadena type, after Carancini, have been
found in the continental, as well as in the littoral region
of the Kvarner Bay (Fig. 4).28 They can be found beyond
Istria,29 across the Liburnian - Iapodian territory to the PreAlps region, and they are typical for Este IIA phase.30 They
could have reached Kvarner in somewhat altered forms via
Karst, as well as sea routes. Pin of the Caprara type, after Carancini, is, so far, known only from Klaenica. It is
also a possible result of the Italic inuence, especially from
Bologna cultural circle,31 via southeast Pre-Alps region
(Fig. 4). Multi-headed pins of the Este type, Redipuglia
type, after Carancini, or multi-headed pins with a trumpetshaped terminal are typical of the littoral Kvarner region

23

24

25

26

27
28

29
30

31

Carancini 1975: Nr. 273; Gutin 1973: 468-477; Teran, Trampu

1975: 419-420; Poganik 2002: 46, 49, Sl. 32a: Type II, Var. 2b, Sl.
32d: Type VIII, Var. 1, 2; Teran 2002: 88; Trachsel 2004: 226-227,
265, Abb. 134, 164.
Carancini 1975: Nr. 291-292, 111D; Teran, Trampu 1975: 420421; Poganik 2002: 47-48, Sl. 32 b: Type III, 32 c. Type V; Teran
2002: 89.
Glogovi 1989: 10, T. 7: 1-4; Hiller 1991: 210-212, Abb. 66, Taf.
12: 121; per example: Carancini 1975: Nr. 2091.
Gutin 1973: 468-470; Gabrovec 1983: 66-69, T. XII: 2; Teran
2002: 88-89; Sakara Suevi 2004: 21.
Trachsel 2004: Abb. 140: 11.
Osor: Glogovi 1989: T. 6: 1; Gromaica: Matjei 1968: T. IX: 3-4;
Rijeka: Glogovi 1989: T. 6: 6; Blei 2003: 197, Kat. XVIII: 80.
Gabrovec-Mihovili 1987: T. XXXI: 11.
Gutin 1973: 468, K. 2, Carancini 1975: Nr. 268-274, T. 111:B-C;
Gutin 1979: T. 17: 1-5, 48: 18; Gabrovec 1983: 66, Sl. 8: 4; Hiller
1991: Taf. 30: 345; Teran 2002: 88-89; Trachsel 2004: Abb. 134;
see also Pare 1998: 322, Abb 12.
Klaenica: Brunmid 1901: T. 1: 1a; Glogovi 1989: 10, T. 6: 3;
Carancini 1975: Nr. 2100; Trachsel 2004: Abb. 134: 26-27.

ARCHEOLOGIA DI FRONTIERA 6 - 2007

Fig. 5. Distributions of types of multi-headed pins: Type

Redipuglia, Multi-headed pin with a trumpet-shaped
terminal (all from Rijeka) (according to Carancini 1975
and Glogovi 1989).

(Fig. 5),32 and are characteristic for Bologna IIIA I IIIB

phase.33 Their presence can also be found in other regions
such as Istria, St. Lucija, Notranjska and Dolenjska (Fig.
5).34 Some examples are made of iron plate,35 originating
from the cultural circle of Dolenjska, and are well-known
from the necropolises of Istria.36
Widely spread is also the spectacle bula, dened in
several types, according to Glogovi, also documented in
the entire area of Kvarner.37 They occur individually or often in composition with other objects of costume (Fig. 6).
As they belong to the 2nd phase in Picenum, they occur
32

33

34

35
36
37

Rijeka: Glogovi 1989: 12-13, T. 8: 1-4; Osor: Marchesetti 1924:

145, Tav. 22; Vrbnik: unpublished, Sakralna zbirka Desetinec;
Blei 2003: 201-202, Kat. XVIII/81-85.
Pare 1998: 322, Abb. 12; Trachsel 2004: 266-268, Abb. 140: 30-31;
141, 165.
Mihovili 2001: 80; Teran, Lo Schiavo, Trampu-Orel 1984: T. 1D:
1, 14G: 1, 37G, 56:580A, etc; Teran 2002: 89; Dular 2003: 109-116,
118, Sl. 58: 8-9, 60: 7, 12; 66: 17; Sakara Suevi 2004: 22; Tecco
Hvala et al. 2004: T. 49: B3, see also Teran 1990: T. 63: 10.
Rijeka: Glogovi 1989: T. 8: 3; Blei 2003: Kat. XVIII: 82-83.
Mihovili 2001: 79-80, Sl. 64.
Glogovi 2003: 129-132, 171-178, 204, 214, 224.

113

Aleksandar Palavestra.40 The closest and the most numerous analogies can be found on Iapodian territory41 and in
Liburnia,42 even if extremely solid parallels can be drawn
with the graves of Este, Ca Morta and Bologna, Benacci
Caprara, and of course in Picenum (Fig. 6).43 These bulae,
according to numerous authors, are considered to be typical jewellery region of the so-called Adriatic koin, as well
as their frequent ndings with the spectacle bulae, e.g. of
the Iapodians or Picenians.44 Nevertheless, to make things
less typical, the Osor type bula comes into picture. Even
though its genesis can be traced with condence from the
known Italic types of bula a disco,45 Osor type bula consist of two parts, which will be absent at its Picenian variety
of this bula consist of one part.46 Osor type bula is typical luxurious jewellery only of the insular Kvarner region
and part of Liburnia.47 On all bulae amber polygonal pearl
was added on the long leg, which is not the case with the
other local subtype of the same bula from Punat (Krk).48
It is important to mention that all three types of bulae are
present in the joint composition only in Zaton where the
40

41

Fig. 6. Map of distribution of the spectacle bula in composition

with the bow bula with an amber pearl on the bow
(added to Batovi 1976 and Glogovi 2003).

42

43

much later than in the eastern Adriatic coast.38 That is why

they were believed to be the work of the Balkan masters
and that they were transported via sea routes.39 However,
only in the insular area, i.e. Osor, they can be found in a
composition with bow bulae with amber pearl on the bow,
identied in two types according to Dunja Glogovi and

44

45

46

47
38
39

Lollini 1976: 129, Fig. 4: 6; Lucentini 1999: 128, 258.

Sui 1953, 89-97, Sl. 6; Lo Schiavo 1970: 442; Teran 2000: 37-40,
Abb. 84; Glogovi 2003: 54-55.

48

Osor: Mladin 1960: T. 8: 1, 2, 5; T. 9: 2-3; Glogovi 2003: Nr. 256-259,

274, 294; Palavestra 1993: 64, 213; Palavestra 2006: 46, Fig. 17.
Kompolje, Prozor, Vrebac, or iroka kula: Drechsler-Bii 1958:
38, T. 3: 18, 29; Drechsler-Bii 1961: T. III: 9, T. V: 8; DrechslerBii 1966: Y83: 7; Drechsler-Bii 1987: 402; Hiller 1991: 94-97;
Bakari 2006: Cat. 122-137; see also Temann 2001: 42-47, Taf.
2:12.
Nin, Zaton: Stare 1970: Pl. 1: 2; Lo Schiavo 1970: 431, 482, Tav.
XXVI: 2, 5; Batovi 1962: Y36: 2; Batovi 1965: Abb. 15: 9-15;
Batovi 1968: Pl. 10: 1; 11: 1, 2; 12; Batovi 1976: 63, C. 6.
Eles Masi 1985: Nr. 686, 687; Tovoli 1989: T. 32: 19, T. 56: 2932; Trachsel 2004: Abb. 135: 18; in Bologna IIB phase; Negroni
Catacchio 2003: 465-467, Fig. 6.
Novilara: Fondo Molaroni, grave 70: Beinhauer 1985: Taf. 18D,
19A; see also f. n. 41.
Merhart 1942: Abb. 1, Taf. 2; also Trachsel 2004: 198-218, Abb.
127, 134.
Batovi 1976: K. 3; Peroni 1976: 108-109; Hiller 1991: 53-56, Abb.
17; Lucentini 1999: 258, Kat. 478; see Lucentini in this volume.
Marchesetti 1924: Fig. 8; Mladin 1960: 219, 222, T. 13; Glogovi
1982: 74-84, T. 2-4; Glogovi 2003: Nr. 335-342.
Lo Schiavo 1970: 424, Tav. XXII: 1; Glogovi 2003: Nr. 348; Mader
2005: 434, Fig. 3.

Piceni ed Europa. Atti del convegno.

114

A cura di Mitja Gutin, Peter Ettel e Maurizio Buora

famous and identical bula of the Osor type is.49 So, this
particular local feature in costume became prominent. It
was adopted at rst, but otherwise it is a typical part of the
jewellery of the Adriatic basin in the horizon HaC1/C2,
i.e. Liburnia II phase. It is certain that Osor had a jewellery
workshop, and its goods could have easily arrived at Zaton
by commercial, mediatory or exogamy ways. Besides, the
use of that bula could have a much longer range, as far
as 6th-5th century.50 In addition, amber in its oval, round
or at pearls with various perforations has been noted in
5 out of a total of 7 tumuli in Osor only in female and
children graves (as dened by A. Palavestra). Some of the
pearl types have their direct analogies with the necklaces
from Krk and Grobnik or Kastav,51 which can be compared
to the ones in Picenum.52 The said types belong mostly to
the context of the Ha D2/3.
Fibulae that reex clear exchange of goods via external sea route, that is, the direct contact by trade, mediation
or other with the Italic area are leech-shaped bula and
boat-shaped bula with two knobs on the bow. A leechshaped bula is atypical of Liburnia, as well as Kvarner.
The nding from Osor is a transitive form of bula in
the direction of the real leech-shaped bula, which can
be traced in Estenian IIB/IIC and Bologna IIA cultural
circle.53 A boat-shaped bula with two knobs on the bow
is known from Osor, Liburnia,54 but found also in nearby
49
50

51

52

53

54

Batovi 1965: Abb. 14; Glogovi 2003: Nr. 344.

If we consider its presence with the bulae of the Baka type in Nin,
grave 3 (Glogovi 1982: 82-84; Glogovi 2003: 72, Nr. 343).
Krk: Glogovi 1989: T. 43: 4; Grobnik: Blei 2004: 94, T. 9: 7.1;
Kastav: Blei 2002: 117-119, T. 12: 15.1-15.2.
Novilara, Fondo Molaroni, grave 14: Beinhauer 1985: Taf. 7: A, 9192; or Roccanova: Strong 1966: 90; Buri-Matijai 1990: 67, T.
2, T. 3: 5-6; us-Rukoni 1981: 7-9; Palavestra 1993: 226; Negroni
Catacchio 2003: Fig. 1, 3; Palavestra 2006: 46-49.
Glogovi 1989: 29-30, T. 26: 2; It has been found in Nin as well:
Batovi 1968: Tab. 17; Glogovi 2003: Nr. 407; Trachsel 2004:
Abb. 135: 224, 140: 233.
Osor: Glogovi 1989: T. 26: 1; Kolan: Batovi 1973: T. CIV:10;
Nin: Batovi 1968: Tab. XV; Zaton: Batovi 1962: Y38:6; also
Batovi 1987: 364, Sl. 20: 10; Glogovi 2003: Nr. 435-467A.

ARCHEOLOGIA DI FRONTIERA 6 - 2007

Fig. 7. The boat shaped bula with three knobs on the bow
from Bakar, Type 2 and his distributions (according to
Ogrin 1998).

Istria,55 Iapodian territory56 and in Picenum.57 In the area

of St. Lucija, as well as in the wider region of the Pre-Alps
area, they indicate the turn of the 7th century, St. Lucija
Ic2.58 As this bula does not belong to the said divisions,
55

56

57

58

Mihovili 2001: G I-12., Tab. 22: 6, 16-17; Glogovi 2003: Nr. 453456.
Drechsler-Bii 1987: 404, Sl. 23:7, Tab. XLIV: 2-4, 6-7; Temann
2001: 50-52, Abb. 19, 20, Taf. 1: 10.
Beinhauer 1985: Taf. 31: 458, 112: 1246, 132: 1467, 155: 1747;
Eles Masi 1985: Nr. 136, 138, 140; Lollini 1976: Fig. 6: 2; Seidel
2006: 58-65; Piceno IIIA.
Teran, Trampu 1975: 436; Teran, Lo Schiavo, Trampu-Orel 1984:
T. 16A: 2, 129A: 6, 135B: 3 etc; also Prelonik in this volume.

115

it too reects direct contact with the Italic coast. However, the examples of the opposite contact via cultural
circles of the areas of St. Lucija and Notranjska or Iapodian territory are a imitation of marjeta type bula from
Jurjevo59 or the appearance of the boat-shaped bula with
three knobs on the bow in Bakar, type Grottazzolina60 or
Type 2 after Marija Ogrin (Fig. 7), which occur by the
end of the 7th century and last well into the 6th century,
during the Piceno IVA phase.61 The boat-shaped bula
with three knobs on the bow is a famous part of the folk
costume on the Iapodian territory, as well as with the Istrians, a bit less present with the Liburnians,62 but by all
means typical of the folk costume of the Picenes in the
middle and southern Italy.63 It is probable that it reached
Bakar via Dolenjska or sea route by the mediation of the
Picenes (Fig. 7).
The proto Certosa bula with a pearl on its leg is a
phenomenon typical of the wider Adriatic basin in 2/2 7th
and in the 6th century.64 Therefore, we can nd them in
the necropolises of Kastav, Rijeka, Gromaica and Osor,65
59

60

61

62

63
64

65

Teak-Gregl 1984: 3-5, Sl. 1; After Dunja Glogovi it is leechshaped fibula type, variant B; Glogovi 2003: 87-88, Nr. 412; for
the marjeta type fibulae see Teran 1990: K. 16; Teran 2000: 4243, Abb. 87.
Bakar: unpublished, Pomorski i povijesni muzej Hrvatskog primorja
Rijeka. For Type Grottazzolina see: Lo Schiavo 1970: 437; Egg
1996: Abb. 118; Ogrin 1998: 118.
Lollini 1976: 140, Fig. 11; Ogrin 1998: 119, Sl. 26; probably belongs
to her type 2d.
Drechsler-Bii 1987: 406, Sl. 24: 15, Tab. XLIV: 12, 15; Hiller
1991: 106-109, Abb. 32; Balen-Letuni 2004: 238, Cat. 50.2;
Mihovili 2001: Tab. 22: 3 (G. I-12), 39: 1, 55: 1-5; Glogovi 2003:
Nr. 476; 99-100; From Novalja, Dabovi stanovi (Pag), boat-shaped
bula with three knobs on the bow (Batovi 1973: Tav. 103: 3) that
belongs to the type Brezje, according to Markus Egg (Egg 1996:
Kat. 150, Abb. 118, 202-215); see also Lollini 1976: Fig. 11; 18;
Prelonik in this volume.
Egg 1996: 202-209.
Gutin, Knic 1975: 472, K. 1, T. 4:8; Teran 1977: 381; Batovi
1976: K. 8; Peroni 1976: 96-97.
Kastav: Blei 2002: 106-107, T. 2: 1.2; Rijeka: Blei 2003:
106; Blei 2003: Kat. XVIII/15; Osor: Glogovi 2002: Nr. 532,
Gromaica: Mateji 1968: Tab. IX: 2; Glogovi 2003: Nr. 524.

as well as in all the neighbouring cultural groups of the

Kvarner region,66 and are well dated in Picenum, IVA and
B phases, same as in Apulia (Fig. 8).67 Judging by their
diffusion, they were transferred via sea, so it is possible
that this is the origin of the proto Certosa bula from Osor,
and via overland routes, linked to the specimens of Rijeka
and Kastav, mostly inuenced by the groups of Pre-Alps
cultural circle.68
Bow bula with a C sectioned leg and a bird head terminal from Krk is also witness to a series of dynamic and
intertwined relationships and specic liaisons, present
throughout the 6th century. The chart of its spread at Biba
Teran69 points to wider contacts, where the Kvarner islands, with the maritime and commercial connections, held
a very important role.
Another famous form of Adriatic bula developed from
the proto Certosa bula it is the Baka type, again thanks
to the sea routes that connected coasts of the Adriatic Sea
(Fig. 8).70 Present in the Balkan and in the middle and
southern Italy,71 it shows that it had probably developed in
Italy from the bulae of the proto Certosa type with a pearl
on its leg, under the strong inuence of the Hellenistic artistic achievements of the 3rd/2nd centuries.72
As shown, Osor as the southernmost port of Kvarner
was a part of an extremely important external sea route
(Fig. 2).73 At the same time, it was the rst barrier and sea
66

Mihovili 2001: 91; Temann 2001: 52-54; Glogovi 2003: 119-122,

Nr. 533-555.
67
Peroni 1973: Fig. 21: 1; Fogolari 1975: 101, Fig. 8: 6; Lollini 1976:
140, Fig. 11; Peroni 1976: Fig. 1/1.
68
Blei 2003: 203-205.
69
Krk: Lo Schiavo 1970: Tav. XXII: 2; Teran 1990: 142, K. 18; After
Gundula Hiller it is leech-shaped bula type; Hiller 1991: 94, Abb.
29; for Sala Consilina: Geniere 1968: 285, Taf. 13: 6; for Nesactium:
Mihovili 2001: Tab. 55: 7-10; for Nin: Hiller 1991: Taf. 34: 374
70
Lo Schiavo 1970: K. 6; Batovi 1974: 189-190; Batovi 1976: K. 9;
Blei 2002: 114-115, T. 3: 1.5.1.-1.5.3; 4; 5; 6; 7.
71
Picenum, Abruzzi, Basilicata, Campania: Fogolari 1975: 101, Fig. 8:
6; Lollini 1976: 140-143, Fig. 11.
72
Guzzo 1972: 47, T. 12: 7; Teran 1977: 381; Blei 2003: 203-205.
73
Katii 1995: 185-186; Zaninovi 2005: 16-19.

Piceni ed Europa. Atti del convegno.

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A cura di Mitja Gutin, Peter Ettel e Maurizio Buora

control point. That is why it had such an important role

as a big trading transfer of goods, both as mediator and
distributor, and as a centre that used elements of universal
trends and made them typical of local costume. Osor as
such bears the most similarity with the Liburnian and Picenian cultural circle. The open question is and remains the
nature of relationship itself. Did the seamen from Picenum
transport the goods directly to Osor, and then act as mediators with other communities in the northern Adriatic? Or
was that famous connection direct between the Picenes and
Liburnians, between Liburnians and Osor? The link in the
inner part of the bay is a bit more certain. It stretched from
the rst north-western rocks of the islands of Pag and Rab,
and southern part of the island of Krk. The channel of Krk
provided a fast and transit route on the way to the coastal
area below Velebit and then via Iapodian territory, naturally, with local seamen or noble men as mediators. However,
the contact was surely made by direct and well-determined
overland routes between Liburnians and Iapodes, but also
via inner sea routes, from Liburnia to the coastal line of
Velebit and the bay of Rijeka, which was undoubtedly a region of sea trade of dangerous Iapodes (Fig. 1). Whichever the case, material legacy of the rest of Kvarner in its
north speaks volumes of the intensive interaction and cultural and social inuences from the Italic world, via southeastern Pre-Alps region.74 Furthermore, a strong feeling
of conservatism is present towards new or unknown. If a
motive was adopted, or a product even, especially a part of
a costume, it usually reected traditional method of manufacturing, adjusted to the local needs, using the methods
of deeply rooted tradition. In the end, I would like to re-

74

Fig. 8. Maps of diffusion of the proto Certosa bulae (Kastav)

and the Baka type bulae (Osor) (added to Batovi
1976).

turn to the beginning! Taken into consideration the present

situation of archaeological level of exploration, as well as
the possibilities of its interpretation, the Picenian inuence
in Kvarner is obvious as indirect and mediatory, identied
mostly in its insular region. Stronger interaction or mutual
inuence, as known among neighbouring cultural groups,
is not plausible.
From this brief review one may conclude that, besides
the commercial activities there were numerous intellectual relations between communities and within a wider
cultural circle that were not discussed in this article. One
thing is certain these relations were not at all simple or
linear, but on the contrary, very complex and dynamic,
and conducted according to hierarchical social principles
of their times.

Gutin 1987: 46-55; Blei 2004: 89-90, 94.

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117

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A cura di Mitja Gutin, Peter Ettel e Maurizio Buora