LUXOR T E M P L E A N D T H E C U L T O F T H E ROYAL KA*

LA !V!V Y B E L L , I ' n i \ ~ ~ r . \ofi r C'liic,crgo

~~
Drtlicwrrtl ro /he ka
of Lahih Hahachi

BEc.AtlsE of its unique subject matter. Luxor Temple (fig. la-b) is perhaps the
least known major monument in the Theban area. Excavations begun there in 1885
were carried out sporadically until 1960. when the north face of the Pylon. the northeast corner of the Court of Ramesses 11, and the south end of the Avenue of Sphinxes
were revealed in their present state.
In 1966, Eberhard Otto wrote:

The original cult of the [temple] is u n k n o w n . . . [and] little is known about the special cult
form [of the Amon] of this temple or even about the meaning of the I.uxor festival itself. . . . The
high point of the religious life of Thebes was the Luxor [Opet] festival. . . [where] the connection between king and god experienced a n impressive demonstration. Very often the king himself
took part in the procession, and several kings were elected [by the god Amon-Re] during this
occasion: among others Hatshepsut and Horemheb. . . . [The] representation[s] of the festival
procession . . . give a general idea of the festival's progress, [but] they reveal very little about its
meaning. . . . [Wlhat exactly took place in the temple of Luxor'? The Egyptians remain silent.
The attempted explanations of modern scholars may all be right in parts. It remains doubtful,
however, whether any one of them has got to the bottom of the matter.'

O t t o concludes in desperation that ". . . we must consider the possibility that the
Egyptians themselves lost the true understanding of the festival in the course of time,"
and this is where the situation has remained down to the present day.
Progress in understanding the full significance of this temple has been seriously
hampered by the general lack of reliably published documentation on most of its
reliefs and inscriptions. U p to now, knowledge of Luxor Temple a t first hand has been
necessary to gain any appreciable insight into its inner workings. It is only after the
nine years that the Epigraphic Survey team has been working in Luxor Temple that
we are finally in a position t o be able t o present a completely new interpretation of
Luxor and its great annual festival, the Feast of Opet. We can now describe Luxor as
the temple dedicated t o the divine Egyptian ruler o r , more precisely, t o the cult of the

* Wherever possible I have uaed the standard

abbreviations found in Wolfgang Helck. Eberhard
Otto. a n d Wolfhart Westendorf, eds.. Lr.uiXo17 der.
k ' , q ~ ~ ~ ) r o l o ,(1.A')
~ i t , (Wiesbaden. 1975- ). vol. 4 .
pp. ix-xxx. Initial citations ofjournal articles include
[ J I t T 4 4 n o 4(1985)]
1985 The U n ~ \ e r s ~ of
t>Ch~cago
All r ~ g h t \r e a e r ~ e d
0022-2968 85 4404-0001$1 00

article titles; thereafter articles are cited by journal.

volume. and year only. I would like t o express my
sincere appreciation here for the tireless efforts of
Martha R. Bell and Katherine Roaich in the preparation of the typescript of this article on the IBM 308 1 D
mainframe at the University of Chicago Computing
Center using T R E A T I S E S C R I P T text formatter.
1 Otto. O.\iri\ L I H ,4
~ I I I L I I ~KLIII
:
LIII~
/71,;Ii,yo .T1urror7
(Munich. 1966). trans. Kate Boase-Ciriffiths. Eq111riur7
A r r ur7(/ r l ~ e('LI/I\ of O.\iri.\ ur7(/ i111io17 (hereafter
O\iri.\ ur7tl A17ion) (London. 1968). pp. 97-98. 100.

FIG. I .---a) Sketch-plan of Luxor Temple, drawn by W . Raymond .lohnaon: the temple precinct. after Porter
and Moas. Topoyraphic,al Bihliogrophj..

royal ka. Although much work remains t o be done in refining this statement, I believe
that it represents a major breakthrough in our understanding of the cult of the divine
king, even the very nature of kingship in the New Kingdom.

LLJXORTEMPLEA N D

THE

CULTOF

THE

ROYALKA

FIG. I.-b) Sketch-plan of L.uxor Temple. drawn by W . Raymond Johnson: detail of rooms south of the
Eighteenth-l)ynasty Portico, after Nelson, K ~ J IPkr17\
.
Sllowin,g Loc,urior7r of Tllrho17 G n > , ~ k
~~l'l'Ol'~tiOt75.

In a n attempt to better understand the details of the reliefs which the Epigraphic
Survey had recorded in the Tutankhamun Colonnade, and t o put them into their
proper perspective, we began t o examine the possible meaning of the Opet Festival in
the context of Luxor Temple as a whole. In 1980-81 we were contacted by Wolfgang
Helck, who invited us to contribute to the Lexikon c/er ~ ~ l p r o l o on
~ i the
e subject of
the "Opetfest," the "Luxor" entry already having been written by Paul 8arguet.*
William Murnane, who had been with the Luxor project from the beginning, and who
was also preparing his Perigrrin Glricie t o Aric,ier~t Egj3,t)r a t the time. agreed to
undertake this task. The result was encouraging and provided the first real focus for
our researches.' Murnane then turned his attention t o the reliefs of the Birth Room a t
the south of the temple. H e has now made hand-copies of the inscriptions in the Birth
Suite. Barque Vestibule. and Barque Sanctuary ( R o o m s XIII: XIV, V111. and XI; XII),
and has described their decoration in considerable detail.

During one of the many journeys which 1 made through the temple later that same
season, my eye was attracted to a n inscription on a n architrave in the Court of
Amenhotep I l l just to the south of the Colonnade. Its text had long been published,
but no great significance had ever been attached to it.4 Here Amenhotep 111 states that
he was "one who made monuments in Luxor ( ' l p t ) for the one who bore him,"
describing Luxor Temple as
his' place of justification (11,- r).' in which he becomes young again ((111,11./').the palace ( I,)
from which he goes forth in joy a t the ( p r o p e r ) time of his appearance ( a s king) (!I . f ' ) , his
r ~being in every face (i.e.. Lisible to e ~ e r y o n e ) ,the Lord of the T w o
t r a n s f o r m a t ~ o n s( ! i / ~ f')
Lands Nebmaatre (i.e.. Amenhotep 111).

By the end of the Epigraphic Survey's 1981-82 season. 1 had begun trying to associate
several distinctive features of the decoration of Luxor Temple. These include the
location in the First Court of named colossi of the deified Ramesses 11' (otherwise
known for this ruler in the Luxor area only at his mortuary temple): the fact that
Alexander the Great, who was considered a son of ~ e u s - ~ m m o n , \ e b u i l tthe barque
King Haremhab." J E A 39 (1953): 23; Donald B.
4 C.'r!i. 1V. 1683 1-4. For the economy of writing
&.ti.. pp. 3-27.
Redford. Ei,ql~r(~(~rirli
e ~ i d e n tin the spelling tits(/ \ \ I . ) . and in !ir ( t i h ) nh
r ~ t . 1 , s. ee Gardiner. EG. p. 52 (62): M.h ll. 138.18.
X Labib Habachi. 'eurure.\ of /lie D r i f i ~ ~ u ~ iof
oti
5 I take this suffix t o refer throughout t o the king.
) .A l K 5 (GliickR N I I I P \ \ ~I 1
\ (hereafter F ~ N I L I ~ PAI D
although b'illiam Murnane is equally convinced that
stadt. 1969). pp. 24-25.
it pertains t o Arnun. A n inscription of Seti I o n a n
F r a n ~ o i sDaurnas. L A 11. 474; Helck. 1.A 1. 132.
architrave of the Luxor Colonnade which calls
F o r differing Liews o n this question in Hellenistic
1.uxor Temple Arnun's "august chapel of justificah ~ s t o r y s. ee D. G . Hogarth. "Alexander in Egypt and
tion." 17itt.f i l ) \ ( i , r ) n ( 1 . 1 ) it.17-1?1'<I> (cf. Wh.
S o m e Consequences." J E A 2 (1915): 57-59 (this
Rrle,y\r. 1. 310.9). would seem t o support his vlew.
reference kindly called t o my attention by Martha R.
H o w e ~ e r . the justification involved is surely the
Bell): Edwyn Bevan. Tlir Ho~r\ca of Ptole1,71.: .4
king's as much as the god's. For Amenhotep Ill
H i t r o r l . of & I . / I /
urit/rr r/ir P / o l e t ? i u i ~D~ ~ , t i u \ r ~ ,
described a t I.uxor Temple as !ipr t,~riic,icr \c,11-ti?5'. (reprint ed.. Chicago. 1968). pp. 12-14 (this refersee 1't.X. IV. 1700.3: cf. 1698.17. Gi\en the close
ence kindly called t o my attention by Richard
association of king and god a t I.uxor. a clear
Jasnow); Robin I.ane Fox. Aleruntlei. tllr' G r ~ u r
distinction between them may not be possible. the
(London. 1973). pp. 200-18; A . B. Bosworth in
god's renewal being a c h i e ~ e dthrough the rebirth of
K. H. Kinrl. ed.. Grrrc.c, uticl /lie Eutrerti .\4et/i
the kingship d u r ~ n gthe coronation. jubilee. and Opet
rrrrurieon iri Anc.irti/ H i . \ r o r ~ . ~ nPtr/r l i i \ / o r ~S: t ~ r t / i r \
festivals: cf, below. n. 154. F o r the merging of king
Prr\erirrt/ ro Fririr: . S ~ I 7 u ~ ~ l i e r n ion
r 1 ~/lie
r O~~~u.\iori
and god. see Dieter Arnold. Der T e t i ~ l ) rtl/ r \ Kijni,y\
of hi\ Ei,yl~tierhBirrht/oi (Berlin and New York.
.\4~~17r~r/iore/1
1977). pp. 51-75 (this reference kindly called to
i,ori Deir el- Buliuri, vol. I . A r(,l~ireX
tlir
~ r r i t // Ie~ir~rri,q,
LOI.2. / l i e M.uri(/relief.\(/e\ S u t i l i t ~ r u r e ~ , my attention by Martha R. Bell): J . Grafton Milne.
AV 8 and I I ( M a i n / a m Rhein. 1974). vol. I . p. 73;
.Mi\(.. Grf~goriuriu,pp. 145-49: G. T . Griffith. ed..
vol. 2. pp. 32-33; see further L. Bell. .MPlun,qrc
A l e \ - ~ t i t / e /he
r
Gi.eo/: Tlir .\4uin Prohle1,7r (hereafter
.MoXIirur (hereafter .Me/. .MoXlirur: BdE. forth
A l e v u ~ i t / r rrlir Grrut (New York. 1966). pp. 151-58.
coming).
166 ( W . W. Tarn): pp. 179-87 ( 3 . P. V . D. Balsdon);
Jaroslav Cern)'. Coli1ti7unir1.,p . 35. quotes this
p. 240 (3. R. Hamilton); pp. 288-89 ( E . Badian): this
passage in his discussion of the term St-117 I , citing
anthology kindly called to rny attention by Martha R.
as parallels a hymn t o the Aten In which Akhetaten is
Bell. For the Alexander Romance. see Otto. O\iri.\
referred t o a s Akhenaten's St-117- I (in a context
ontl ,41,7ori, p. 98: Helck. L-i' 1. 132; Assmann in J a n
involving the H \ ~ . r - B t i h t i a) nd a n inscript~onon the
Assmann. Walter Burkert. and Fritr Stolr. F ~ i r i k
west face of the eastern obelisk at I.uxor extolling
.M1,/1105: Drei uI/(~rietitultiorien lint/ /.ei\r~iri,qeti
Ramesses I 1 a \ "one who makes benefactions for his
i.\(./ir Bricpiele. O B O 48 (Gottingen. 1962). pp. 3 1-33
father Arnun in the S t - I J I , 1" (see K. A. Kitchen.
(this reference kindly called t o my attention by
R U I J ~I t.i c ~ . rll.
. 599.6). For the Hic,r-hrihn, see further
Helen Jacquet); Hogarth. J E A 2 (1915): 56-57;
n. 100 below.
,
in Griffith. ed..
Bevan. Holr\r of P r o l r ~ ~p ~3:i ~Tarn
' For the range of this word's associations with the ilIe.rurit/er t l l r Grrtrr, p. [158]. For a n analysis of the
king. see Alan H Gardiner. "The Coronation of
description of the Siwa oracle itself. cee tern)' in
(/fa\

L r : x o ~TEMPLE
AND

TIIE

CULTOF THE ROYALKA

255

chapel at ~ u x o r . " 'leaving to his successors the renewal of the corresponding structure
at Karnak; and the fact that the cult place of the divine Roman emperors was situated
in the first vestibule ( R o o m V ) south of the Portico (the so-called hypostyle) of the
original temple.
During the course of our 1982-83 season, William Murnane and 1 and our chief
artist, W. Raymond Johnson. had the opportunity to discuss our work in a series of
informal seminars, held in Luxor Temple, with colleagues who included Klaus Baer,
Edward F. Wente, and Charles Van Siclen of the University of Chicago; Janusz
Karkowski, Jadwiga Lipinska, and several other members of the Polish-Egyptian
Archaeological Missions at Deir el-Bahari; Erik Hornung of the Basel Egyptological
Institute; Ricardo Caminos and Jiirgen Osing of the Egypt Exploration Society's
Wadi Shatt el-Rigal Project; Gerhard Haeny of the Swiss Institute; and F r a n ~ o i s e
Traunecker of the Franco-Egyptian Center at Karnak. The preparation and presentation of our material before such professional audiences helped us to refocus our ideas
and made us think very logically about all the possible implications of our discoveries;
we benefited tremendously from the critical comments, searching questions, encouragement, and suggestions of our listeners.
W. Murnane now relates the events depicted in the part of the temple studied by
him to the myth surrounding the succession of Horus (i.e., the king) to the place of his
father. He o r g a n i ~ e sthe motifs and themes of the decoration as follows: ( I ) concep
tion and birth of the divine king; (2) his acknowledgment by Amun and nurturing by
various goddesses; (3) his coronation; (4) his public recognition by the Ennead: (5) the
subsequent renewal of his powers by the celebration of his jubilee festival. He calls
attention to the prominence here of the goddesses who suckle the young king, and of
the Irrr~tnurc</-priestwho acts as intermediary before the Ennead. He further points out
the unity in the decoration of this part of the temple. and the reciprocal nature of the
offering ritual." whereby the gods grant honors to the king in return for the offerings
which he presents to them.
Concentrating my efforts in the 1982-83 season on the northern part of the temple.
I began my own investigation of the theological orientation of Luxor Temple by
pursuing the question of the role played by the deified king throughout the temple.
But it was only after the end of our season, when my wife Martha and I remained in
1-uxor (gradually closing down Chicago House through most of the month of May),
while I was preparing my annual report for the Egyptian Antiquities Organiration,
that the hypothesis presented here was developed fully. The theoretical framework
derived f r o m my study proved to be a perfect complement to Murnane's work in
the inner parts of the temple. The key to finding a pattern behind all our separate
observations was finally provided by my attempt to answer the nagging question of

Richard A . Parker. A Suite 0 r u c . l ~P u p ~ , r u \fro111

T l ~ r h ~in
. \ 1l1e BrooA11,rl Mlrtrurll (hereafter Suilt,
Rhode Island. 1962).
Oroc.le P o t ~ ~ . r u(Providence.
\)
p. 47.
I " Recent11 p u h l ~ \ h c dby Mahmud Ahd el-Raliq.
1
I ~ I ~ I I L I I I I ~T I
I
I I X I I A
~ I I I ~ / ~(/1,\
, I ~ \G I . I I \ \ ~ J1 /I1 I1 T C ~ I ~ I /I I, I( I,I /~I I I V O I ~ AL' 16

(Main1 a m Rheln. 1984).

I I See ti Hiclr. U.Zf ((;tr~.clitic,~.).
104: cl. .lean-('laude
Goyon In Rlchard f'arker. .lean 1-eclant. and .leanClaude (;o)on. TIlc, Etlillcc, (11 Tirllo~.c/tr 1 7 1 . ~lfct
Sa( i-c,il(.c~Xc,of hrri.rloh (hereafter I.ili/ii 1. O / Tirl~tr~.c/tr)
( l'ro\ idence and i.c>ndt>n.1979). p. 84.

L ~ J X OTEMPLE
R
AND

THE

CULTOF THE ROYALKA

257

although dynastic succession could sometimes be a real problem. to be sorted o u t only

after t h e d e a t h of o n e of t h e rival claimants. In each a n d every reign. t o be sure. b u t
especially when the legitimacy of a particular ruler might be open t o doubt, the highest
a u t h o r i t y which could b e invoked t o clarify the monarch's status is the device of the
royal ha: all genuine kings possess it: n o pretenders d o .
In a recent commentary o n Egyptian royal propaganda. 0 . D . Berlev has shed some
light o n the means used t o justify cases of extraordinary accession:
T h e n o r m is in the order o f things a n d therefore Loid of a n y interest a s a phenomenon. Quite
a n o t h e r matter is a n exception. . . . [l]t i h doubtlessly the exceptions that counted with the
Egyptians. . . . T h e exceptions a r e of t w o kinds: either t h e divine marriage takes place in the
King's family. but the child conceived is female. o r the S u n blesses with his choice the family of
;I c o m m o n e r o r e \ e n a foreigner.. . . T h e God's &ill. a s if d o r m a n t in the ordinary cases,
buddenly awake, a n d makes itself felt. In the case of 'Supreme Being. female'. . . the breach of
the routine must h a \ e been calculated. aimed a t s o l ~ i n gthe problems which a r e beyond the
power of t h e ordinary ( m a l e ) S u p r e m e Beings. In t h e case of a S u p r e m e Being born outside t h e
royal family expectations a r e still greater: such a deviation from the n o r m is only then conceivable when it has some o ~ e r w h e l m i n ga c h i e ~ e m e n t .something bordering o n a miracle. a s its
end.'

S o the reigns of Hatshepsut a n d H o r e m h e b a r e r a t i o n a l i ~ e da n d the ~ n i r a c u l o u sevents

attributed t o them explained.'"
However, it should not be forgotten that all reports of oracular nomination t o office
o r divine conception a n d birth were recorded only after they had manifested themselves
undeniably:'\uccession t o the throne was normally d e facto proof of legitimacy. O n
the o t h e r hand. T h u t m o s e Ill could nullify the legitimacy of Hatshepsut by denying
that the royal ka had, in fact. descended u p o n her2" ( h e was most vehement in smashing
her figures in the Birth Portico a t Deir el-Bahari). a n d s o the Nineteenth Dynasty
could simply ignore Akhenaten. Smenkhkare. T u t a n k h a m u n , a n d Eye. claiming the hu
had really fallen t o H o r e m h e b u p o n the death of Amenhotep I l l a n d counting the
1' Dwight W. Young. ed., Stuclie, Pre\rr7rec/ to
Hun, JuXoh P o l o t \ X ~(East Gloucester. Massachu-

setts. 1981). pp. 364-65.

' 8 For the use of rolal propaganda t o justify the
"anomalous" reigns of Hatshepsut and Horemheb.
see also J o h n Van Seters. I n Seurc,h of H i t t o q . :
Hi\ror~ogr.u/)hI in the At7c.r~ntWor/t/crncl thr Or!,qit7.\
of H1hlic.01H ~ . \ r o g(New
.
Haven a n d London. 1983).

pp. 174-76.
I v Hornung. The, Ot7r uncl the Mot71, p. 142 and
n. 119: cf. Jean 1.eclant. "Sur un contrepoids de
Menat a u nom d e Taharqa: Allaitement et 'apparition'royale.".Wt;l. )%furur..
BdE 32 (Cairo. 1961). p. 264.
For his defacement of the A-([-element in the
rebus of her name Maatkare, see U . Holscher,
Afet/inet Hohli I I . p. I3 ( f ~ g I. I); R . A. Schwaller d e
12ubic7. I.r\ Tt~n7plr.\cle KornaX (Paris. 1982). vol. 2.
pl. 106; D r i r el-Bahuri I. pls. 10-1 1. 11. pls. 33-37.
40.44-45: I l l . pls. 56.64. 85; IV. pl. 106; Kurt l.ange
and Max Hirmer. A,q~.l~rpn:
A r i . / i i t r X t ~ r r Pla.ctiA
M u l r r e i it7 (Ire, J u / ~ r r a ~ r t e n c l t ~5th
n , ed. (Munich.
1975). color pl. 16 ( o p p . fig. 127); Etienne tlrioton.

"Deux crhptogrammes de Senenmout." .4SAE 38

(1938): 239: Ludwig Borchardt. B e i t r t ~ eB/. 2. 1938.
p. 47. fig. 14 (this refernce kindly called t o my
attention by Charles Van Siclen). For a similar frie7e
~ r i t i n g the early f o r m of t h e prenomen of
Thutmose 111. rMt~-!7/)r-X:-R-.s ee Herbert Ricke.
Heirrugi, Bf. 3.1. 1939. pi. I b: cf. p. 34 (3): Ali
Radwan. "Der KBnigsname: Epigraphisches 7um
:ur
gottlichen Konigtum im Alten AgYpten." Stlrcl~tv~
oltu,q~~/)ticc.hen
k ~ r l t ~ (hereafter
rr.
SA K ) 2 ( 1975): 23 1
( D o k . 44); for the name ,kft1-!7/11--X
i - R . see Bertrand
n
.Jaeger. f i w i clc. c./u.\\i/icuiiot7 PI c / ~ r ~ t i oelf>.\
i ( . u r o h k ~ \ M~nXhf;/;l,err6
(Fribourg and Gottingen.
1982). p. 129: Jiirgen von Beckerath. H ~ t ~ f / t lhl rclpr
(
u,q\.l)ri\c,hen ~ i j r 7 i ~ . ~ r 7 c r t ~M
1 eAr Sl . 20 (Munich and
Berlin. 1984). p . 226. F o r the frieie writing the
prenomen of Amenhotep Ill in Luxor Temple, see
P
now Hellmut Hrunner. Die tiit/lri.hen R U L I ~ I (If,.\
I,tr.ror (hereafter 1.lr.ror). AV 18
Tete1.i I
(Main7 a m R h e ~ n ,1977). p. 18 and pls. 2-3. 9-16,
18-19. 22.

years of his reign accordingly:" to the victor the spoils and to the survivor the lia. The
common definition of "usurper." then, does not apply in the Egyptian context.
T h e king's k a is born with him. o r rather it is created when he is conceived. perfect
from the very beginning, flesh of god, and fully divine. F o r we see the infant k a
depicted as his double2' throughout the episodes23of the divine birth: and it accompanies him t o the grave, as we see in the tombs of Amenhotep 1 1 1 , ~ ~ u t a n k h a r n u n . ~ ~
and ~ ~ e The
. " representation of this k a is intended as proof of his divine origins2?and
sufficient evidence that he was predestined t o rule. But he actually becomes divine
only when he becomes one2Rwith the royal ka, when his human form is overtaken by
this immortal element, which flows through his whole being and dwells in it. This
happens a t the climax of the coronation ~ e r e m o n y . ~when
'
he assumes his rightful
place on the "Horus-throne of the living." According t o this formulation, the royal k a
represents the "dignity" or office of kingship,30 while the individual king is viewed as a
link in the chain of divine kingship which stretches back into the very dawn of
Egyptian history. As an incarnation of the royal ka, each king was ex qf;fic.io a god:3'
but the dual nature of the king is clear: embodiment of divinity while on the throne,
his own mortality inexorably overtakes him.
The transmission of the k a was achieved through the agency of Kamutef. the divine
progenitor par e ~ c e l l e n c e .Whereas
~~
the nature of Amun-Re is hidden within his
veiled naos during processions of his barque, even the body of Kamutef is visible to all

shade, see Bell. hIPI. .%-loXllrar (forthcoming).

21 Cf. Edward F. Wente and Charles C . Van
Another means of specifying that the king is actlng in
Siclen Ill. "A Chronology of the New Kingdom." in
his Xu-aspect is found on stelae showing the Vi/ier
Janet H. Johnson and Edward F. Wente. e d s .
Stut/ie\ in H o n o r of Gror,ye R. Hu,qhr.\ ~ J U ~ L I12.
N ~ I Paser following Ramesses I 1 carrying the standard of
the royal k u : Mario Tosi and Alessandro Roccati.
1977) (hereafter Fc Hlighe.\). S A O C 39 (Chicago.
Slrle r allre r / ~ i g r i r f rli
/ D r i r r l ,Metlitlo n -500011976). pp. 23 1-32.
r7.50262: Catalogo (/el ,MLI~IJOE g i ~ i o (11 Torino
-- S c h w e i t x r . M'e.\m t/rc Ku. p. 63: Jacobsohn.
Do,yti~ar/.\lhe Strllur7,q, pp. 57-58.
(hereafter S l r l r ) . Serie seconda-Collerioni. vol. I
(Turin. 1972). p 304 (50095): Deir r l MPilinrll
Deir el-Buhuri 11. pls. 46-55: 111. pl. 56:
(193-5-1940) 11. pls. I0 (foll. p. 78). 37 (foll, p. 183):
Brunner. Grhtrrl t/r\ GottXijt~i,q\,pls. 1 - 15.
?".D Ill. 78e; Friedrich Abitl, A'ijni,q lincl G o l l .
B M Sti,lue 9. pl. 40.1 (328).
A A 40 (Wiesbaden. 1984). p. 43, fig. 17.
?' Schweitrer. We.trn tlr.\ A'a, p. 58; Hornung. T h r
A k x a n d r e Piankoff. S / I ~ ~ I J P
pl.. \7;
, Trea.c~rrr.\01
One irtltl l h r .MNIII..p 142. Hans Goedicke. /.'Eq1./1
T~r1ur7Xhut1~tit1,
Exhibition Catalogue. M M A (New
tologir en 1979. A.\-rc /~rioriririre.\ ile rrl.hrrt1lr.c
York. 1976). p. 31: Ab1t7. K i j n i g tint1 G o t t , p. 84.
rr7 1979). Colloques interna(hereafter L'L:q~.l)tolo,qir
fig. 35.
tionaux du Centre Nationale d e la Recherche
2h Piankoff. "l.es Peintures dans la tombe d u roi
Sclentifique. no. 595 (Paris. 1982). vol. 2. p. 126.
A'i." M I > A I K 16 (1958): pl. 24; Abitz. Kijnig ~ i t ~ i l 30 Gardiner. "The Baptism of Pharaoh." J E A 36
Gotr, p. 88. fig 38.
(1950): 7 and n. 2; R . 0 . Faulkner, review of
2: Hermann Kees. O / ~ / P ~ I N Ip.
I : , 123.
1.. Greven. Der Ku in Throlo,yir ~ m t A'ijnr,y.~X~~lt
l
iler

2X Cf Schweitzer. M/e\en t/e.\ A'a, pp. 25. 52. An

kRtY)rrr i1r.c Allen Rrichrc (Gliickstadt. 1952). JE.4

unusual iconographic d e v ~ c eused to indicate the 41 (1955): 141. Herman te Velde auggests descrtbing
king's possession of the royal Xu is found in LD 111.
the Xa as "the personification of kingship" (personal
121a = Walter Wres7inski. AI/u.\ 11. pl. 162: Heinr~ch commun~cation.1984).
Schafer and Walter Andrae, Die Ktrt~.\ti/c,.c .4/trn
' I See, for example. Hornung. T h r O n r trntl rhr
Or/rnr.\ (Herlln. 1925). p. 372. where the inscription
M o t ~ t . , p. 142: most recently Kltchen. P/la~UO/l
!In/( I , ) & ' ( I ) appears beside a n
X i I I ( I . ) - \ I I . /n h 1~11.1.
T r i t r n i l ~ l ~ a n tpp.
. 174-75. 178: cf. Arthur Ilarby
open fan held above Horemheb carried in procession.
Nock. Z Y N N A O Z OEOZ, Harvard Studies in
Kees. O/!fer/at7z. p. 235. n. 98. points out that this
Classical Philology 41 ( C a m b r ~ d g e . Mass.. 1930).
label does not d e s c r ~ b ethe fan bearer following the
pp. 9, 14: Tarn in G r l f f ~ t hed..
.
Ale.\-utltler the Greirr.
klng's portable throne; Schwe~trer. U'e.\m c/e.\ K u , p. 154
p. 62, is troubled by the absence of a representation
Jacobsohn. L A 111. 308-9: idem. Dogtirar/.\~.hr
of the Xu here. F o r this fan as a symbol of the d i v ~ n e S t e l l ~ m gp. p. 57-58.
7,

I<L'XORTEMPLE
AND

THE

C I ~ L OF
T

THE

ROYALK 4

259

during the procession of his portable cult statue during the Min Festival. He is the
manifestation of Amun as the Theban Min. the p h j > s i c ~creator
~l
of the gods (at
Medinet Habu) and of the king and his ka (at Luxor); in him are united both Amun-Re
of Karnak and the Amun of ~ u x o r . "He is a self-generating fertility god, representing
both father and son at the same time, mysteriously reborn of a union with his wife,
who is thus really his own mother. This powerful imagery in Egyptian thought represents the concept of eternity. o r immortality, as evidenced in the regeneration of the
royal ka, shared by every ruler ever to sit upon the throne of ~ g y ~ t .In" effect. the
creator god constitutes the king's ka." Upon leaving Karnak at the beginning of the
Opet Festival. the procession first visited the shrine of Kamutef, situated just outside
the Mut Precinct south of the Tenth ~ y l o n . ' '
The association of the word k5 with another word, that for "bull," also k;. would
have been a natural one for the Egyptians who loved word-play. From the earliest
times the king is depicted as a "mighty bull," a n epithet used in every New Kingd o m ruler's Horus name-which is equivalent to his ka-name3'-from
the time of
Thutmose I on3' (with the exception of ~ a t s h e ~ s u t ) .The
" bull is further associated
with the ka in the very being of Kamutef himself, whose name means "Bull of his
Mother." The etymological relationship between the words ka and "bull" becomes
clear if ka is understood as "generative power,"" consistent with the "reproductive" or
"regenerative" connotations of their common root."
The king's ka assumes a position of extraordinary prominence throughout Luxor
Temple. The colossal seated figures of the deified Ramesses I 1 before the Pylon and at
the entrance to the Colonnade are clearly ka-statues. cult statues of the king as
embodiment of the royal A N . We must here acknowledge Labib Habachi's pioneering workJ2 in understanding the significance of these statues. It should be noted that
the colossus to the left of the entrance into the Colonnade provides a link with the
architrave inscription translated above; for it speaks of the king" as "living, renewed

"

Idem. L ) o g t ~ ~ u11r
~ / \S
[ ~ c ~ l l ~ i n ,pp.
q . 58. 15: [.A 111. 60.
Schweitfer. U'cj\rtl (I(,\ K(I, pp. 71 -72: Ricke. Br~trdqcj
' V a c o b s o h n . l ) o , q l ~ i a : r ~ c.Y/r~ll~rt~,q,
il~~
p 58: FrankBf. 3.2. 1954. p. 39; cf. /~Hlc,r. B,M (Gartlr17c~r). fort. K I I I , ~ . \ / ~ut?cl
I / > 111rj Got/\. p. 72: Schweitxr.
89 T h e main sanctuary of the Amun of I.uxor
U'c,\c,tl t l o Ko. p. 72: Kaplony. L.4 111. 276.
is the Opet-shrine (the 11ari111
o r "Secluded ApartjY Note that
some of the more unusual ritual
ments") located behind the Barque Sanctuary: now
Horus names attested for other New Kingdom rulers
published in Brunner. l.u.ror. In the New Kingdom. l ~ k e a i s ed o not contaln the k -II!II element; see
t h ~ sa rea was accessible through the Birth Vestibule further below.
( R o o m X I V ) . but the nature and extent of thi\ god's
SIPIILIIIR.
p. 58
Jacnbsohn. I)o,qt~ioti\l~hrj
i n ~ o l v e m e n tin the Opet Festiial i\ not bet clear.
4 ' W i t h X . "bull." a r i t t e n w ~ t h the phallus.
'4 In the text of the Min Festiial procession. as
compare the f e m i n ~ n e k t . " \ u l \ a " or "Lagina":
preseried in ,Metline/ fitrh~rIV. pl. 203. immediately
cf. Schwetifer. U'I'JPIIde,! KN. p. 20 and n. 3.
after the god has been extolled. the relgnlng monarch
Habachi. Frtrr~rrrc,pp. 17-20. 42. Cf. Jacobis glorified as the "living royal Xu" at the head of his sohn. I ) o , q ~ ~ i o /11e.
i \ l S t r l l ~ i t ~pp.
g , 57. n. 3: 60.
royal predecessors, the Kings of Upper Egypt and the
J 3 Schwaller d e Lubicf. LC' Trni/)le ilrj / ' H ~ ~ I I I I I ~ ~ :
Klngs of Lower Egypt.
A/>c'/ t l ~ r S ~ r t l u 1.o~ry.cor (hereafter Te111/>lrtlr
I5 Henri Frankfort. Kin,q.thi/)(1t1t1/he, Got/.\ (Chi~ ' H O I I I I I I ((,P) a r ~ s . 1957). \o1. 2. pl. 46c. For the
cago. 1948). p p 77-78: Goyon in Parker et al.. d e ~ f i e dSeti 1 addressed by his son and \ucce\.;or as
Etllfilr of Tohurc/(~,
pp. 72 and n. 36: 78. 85: cf. 77.
t1!1.11 111 11.1.11r17/)!../1
d u r ~ n gpurification rites conn. 62 See further Bell. Me/. ~Mo/il~/ur.
(forthcoming). ducted before a statue of him. see Harold Hayden
jh F o r the Kamutef s h r ~ n eand way station, qee
Nel\on and W ~ l l i a mJ Murnane. Tlzr G ~ ~ , (HI I . / I O Rlcke. B r i t r d ~ eBf. 3.2.
\ / t I r Hull o / kar17aX. \ol. I . pt. I. The U'oll Rrlirfc
j' S c h a e i t x r . U'ewt? tie.\ k u , pp. 25. 52. 55. Jacob(hereafter Nelson-Murnane. H ~ ~ / ) o c t \Hull).
~lr OIP
S / r l l ~ r ~ ~pp.
, q ,55-56: Kaplon).
sohn. L)i<q117ur1c(l1rj
106 (Chicago. 1981). pl. 48. For the Eye of Re

"

( m 3 ~ ' ~ ' . t and

i ) . rejuvenated (rnpy.ti)." The inscriptionu on the base of the statue to the
right of the entrance to the Colonnade refers to "the living royal ka" under the name
of " ~ e - o f - t h e - ~ u l e r sToday,
.~
these and two other colossi at Luxor Temple still
have the original representations of lunmutef-priests4h on the front of their bases;
unfortunately the surfaces of several others have long since flaked off, so it is now
impossible to determine whether they were originally so decorated o r not. KU-statues4'
and Iunmutef-priests are characteristic of royal mortuary temples, where the ka of the
deceased king was worshiped. The lunmutef in this context was a form of sem-priest,
usually thought of as a mortuary priest responsible for the cult of the royal ka;
symbolizing the eldest son and successor of the king, he is represented wearing a
leopard skin and having the side-lock of youth.4R
The king's barque itself is a familiar feature in the royal mortuary temples of
Dynasties XIX-XX. those of Seti I and Ramesses 11 and I 1 1 being the best known."
On two occasions the barque of Ramesses 111 is shown in procession during the
lifetime of the king.'' In both cases it is a . ~ e m - ~ r i e s twho
" attends the king's barque as
described as nh.rl nr:rt.r.rl rn/,r.rl nil R r nh In the
spell for presenting red cloth. see Alexandre Moret.
Ir Rir~rrlC/LIc , ~ ~ lc/i18in
r e iorrrnol~rren E ~ l . / ) r tlh/~rP.\
r
lec / ) ~ / ) I . ~ Lc/eI . \Berlin rr lec rr.rrrc ~ / LTet?r/)le
I
c/e Sc;ri
I(" a A h ~ , t l o \ (hereafter Rirrrel c/~r c.rrlrr t/il,in
io~rrnolirr),Annales d u Musee Guimet 14 (Paris.
1902). pp. 185-86: Auguste Mariette. Ah~,tio.c I
(Paris. 1869). p. 52.
44 K a 7 i m i e r ~Michatowski. Lo~rclcor(Paris. 1973).
fig. 34: Charles F. Nims. Thrhrc of rllr Phur(rol~,\
( L o n d o n and Toronto. 1965). p. 142 (fig. 69):
Habachi. Feor~rrrc.pp. 42. 19.
Inscriptions on the base of the colossal statue of
the deified Amenhotep I 1 1 south of the Tenth Pylon
at Karnak refer t o the royal X N of this king b] the
name "Montu-of-the-Rulers." I ~ r ~ i ~ i ~ u r e f - p r iare
ests
represented before the personified Horus name of
Amenhotep Ill on the front of the base. See Pierre
Clere et al.. "1.e Socle d u colosse oriental dress6
devant le Xr pyIBne de Karnak." h'orntrk 1: 1970-1972
(Cairo. 19751, figs. 6-9 (foll. p. 166). For the name
Montu-of-the-Rulers preserved on a fragment of the
s
see Habachi.
colossus which once stood o n t h ~ base.
Feor~rrc~c,p. 48: Schwaller de L u b ~ c z . Tcj~n/~lrcc/c,
h'ornoh. \ o l . I . p. 209 (fig. 135): Redford in Manfred
Gorg. ed.. Forlrcjc ( r r y ~ ~Ponre\:
e
Einr Fr.r.tr,qoh~f ~ i r
Ift~ll~,~rrr
Br~rnnrr.;igypten und Altes Testament 5
(Wiesbaden. 1983). pl. I l b , cf. p. 368, n. 15. The
location of this statue would put it at the northern
end of the Processional Way linking Luxor and
Karnak. Except at his mortuary temple(see Habachi.
F e u r u r t ~ \ . p . 48). n o o t h e r named colossi of
Amenhotep Ill are known in the Luxor area. For
Horemheb described a s the royal ko o n the base of
the companion (western) colossus at the Tenth
Pylon. see Gustave .lequier. L ilrc /lire( lure el lo
tlecororion elon.\ Ibnl.iennr &q.l./~rr: I.rc /e~,r/)lrc
~netn/)liire.\ 1,r r/iPhoin.\ e/t,.\ o r ~ , q ~ n r \ /(I . I - I , ~ ; ; ~
e l ~ - n o \ r ~(hereafter
e
L ' A r l l ~ i r r l r ~ r r rvol.
.
1) (Paris.

"

1920). pl. 80.4; Sean Capart and Marcelle Werbrouck.

Tliehr\: Tlrr G l o r ~o. f a Grcor Pa.\/ (Brussels. 1926):
Harguet. Trt,r/)le c/'Anlorl-Rd, pl. 34(H). For a
suppliant kneeling before a seated royal statue
a d o r ~ n gthe Xa of Ramesses I 1 as R -(n1.-)11&
'I!,
see
B.M Sreloc, 10. pl. 61 (64641: temp. Il!n XIX).
Jh F o r a fragment of the base of a colossal statue of
Amenhotep 1 1 1 on which the king is addresjed as the
royal X N by a I~rn~irrrrt~f.
see Alexandre Varille.
"Nouvelles listes geographiques d3Amenophls 111 a
Karnak." A S A E 36 (1936): 206-7 and pl. 3 ( I A ) .
found reused northeast of the Mut Temple at
Karnak. this fragment was moved there from Amenhotep Ill's mortuar] temple at Kom el-Heitan: see
Gerhard Haen!. Brilrugc, Bf. 11. 1981, p. 87. 'Vote
that .\e/rr-priestsdes~gnatedas "Horus-lunmutef" are
also represented on the front of the bases of the
seated colossi of Ramesses I 1 at the Great Temple of
Abu Simbel: see Silvio Curto. V~rhlcr:.\/aria cli LOIN
i\,il/u f a ~ ~ ~ l (hereafter
o\a
Vlrhio) (Novara. 1965).
figs. 193-94. 180-81. 184: H a b a c h ~ .Feurrrrr\, p. 3
(fig. 2); Crnrrr c/e D o ~ ~ r n i r n r o r ~rro nc / ' E / ~ ~ t l r.\lrr
.\
I'Hl\roirc, elc' 1'.4 rr rr ele lo C'i\.ilitorio~l tit, l'L:qli/~rt,
A n l i r n n r (Bulletin d'information publle par la
IIel6gat1on Permanente de la R . A . 0 , aupres d e
1'U.N.E.S.C 0.. 1959). pp. 6. 8-9: P,M VII. 100
(24-27)
4 7 Schwe~trer.U'c,.\rn elr\ Kci, pp. 86-90,
4X Herman te Velde. f.k' 111. 212-13 Specifically.
the I ~ r n ~ r ~ r rattends
rrf
t o "ceremonies of purification
and coronation. cult of the ka Images of the Ining
and dead king. r ~ t u a lof opening the mouth etc." In
short. the lunni~rrrfIS present officiating in affairs of
the ko.
Yelson. "The Identity of Amon-Re of Unitedwith-Eternity." J.I'E.7 1 (1942): 141-49; see further
Hell, MPI. Mokl~rcrr(forthcoming).
5') Nelson. JA'ES 1 (1942): 147. 150.
5 ' S o specifically identified a t Medinet Habu: the

"

L r l x o ~TEMPLE
AND

THE

CULTOF THE ROYALK,I

26 1

spokesman or interpreter for the cult image inside it, in precisely the position occupied
by the Prophets of the gods' barques in whose company it is represented. It is not
unreasonable to suppose that the royal barque contains a cult statue of the king's ka,
and the sem-priest here acts as the Iunmutef'does at Luxor, officiating on behalf of
the king's ka as his intermediary. When the barque of Tutankhamun appears in Luxor
~ e m ~ l ae full
, ~ complement
~
of four Prophets walks beside it, completely indistinguishable from the four who accompany each of the barques of the Theban Triad.
This is not surprising since the cult of the reigning king's ka during the celebration of
the Opet Festival was a n extremely elaborate affair. In this connection it should be
noted that at least two Prophets were attached to the cult of the deified Tutankhamun
at Faras in ~ u b i a and
~ ' that this king also had a barque there."
The reliefs in the Colonnade preserve for us the earliest known representations of a
royal barque contemporary with the reign of the king whose ka-image it contained."
Architectural considerations (to be presented below) make it probable that the lia of
Amenhotep 111 likewise appeared in its own barque at the Opet Festival. The earliest
textual reference to such a barque. however, is a mention of the "House of Nebmaatre
(i.e.. Amenhotep Ill)-in-the-Barque' at ~ m a r n a . " Amenhotep I11 was worshiped in

priest beside the royal barque at Karnak wears the

proper during Dynasty XIX. when their use was
\'/I-collar. which is associated elsewhere with the
extended to the mortuary cults of these rulers.
Excluding here those associated with the wellgarb of the sen^-priest. For this evidence, see BosseGriffiths. "The Memphite Stela of Merptah and
known cults of Amenhotep I and Ahmose-Nefertari.
the references are as follows: Georges Legrain.
Ptahmose," J E A 41 (1955): 59-63: to the Theban
examples add Meciinet Hahu IV. pl. 224 (a ~IJI-priest "Un Miracle d'Ahmes I"' a Abydos sous la regne de
accompanying the standard of Nefertem during the
Ramses 11." A S A E I6 (1916): 161-70 and pl. foll.
Sokar Festival procession). and James Edward
Totl~h.~.
p. 272 (Ahmose): Davies. T5r.o Ror~le\\it/c~
Quibell and Wilhelm Spiegelberg. Ranle.\\eu~t~, pl. 16 (Thutmose I); Georges Foucart. Tonlhe>.\
pl. 23.2-3. cf. p. 18 (38); the title .SIP?,? ( I . ) Skr occurs 1hPhait7r.v: NP(~ropo1e rle Ilird' Ahir't7-Nuga: Lr,
on one of the associated fragments (pl. 23.4).
tctt~lheaur/'A!tlon~t~o.\
(rot~lheaut i " 19). M IFAO 57
5 2 Walther Wolf. Da.\ .sc,hijne Fest r.017 Oper: Die
(Cairo. 1932). pl. 13 (Thutmose I l l ) . Charles Van
F<,.\rzug.\t/ar.\~ellung in? gro.clsm S i j u l i ~ n g a n ,t ~
/ t p~
.c
Siclen has very kindly pointed out t o me two
Tert1pel.c 1-on L-uksor (hereafter Schijnp Fe.sr r ~ ) n references to representations of the barque of
O p r r ) , Sieglin Exp. 5 (Leiprig, 193 1 ). pls. 1-2.
Amenhotep ll: P M V. 174: 11'. 428. The Elkab
53 Nina d e Garis Davies and Alan H. Gardiner.
temple of Amenhotep I 1 was enlarged by Ramesses I I.
Huy. p. 18 and pls. 14-15.
who may well have constructed a barque for the cult
54 Sanusz Karkowski. Faras V: The Pharaonic.
of his predecessor there. The Theban stele apparently
ln.\c.ri/>tion.s,fi.ortiFaras (hereafter Fara.s V) (Warsaw.
commemorates an oracular pronouncement of the
1981). pp. 1 15-16 (58).
Ramesside p e r ~ o d .The text given by Arthur E. P.
55The prototype of the royal barque is that
Weigall. "A Report on the Excavation of the Funeral
associated with the cult of the deified Sesostris Ill
Temple of Thoutmosis I l l a t Gurneh," A S A E 7
at Semna and Uronarti in Nubia. dating from
(1906): 132 (15). can be reconstructed as nh r i w t .
the time ofThutmose Ill: 1.D Ill. 48b-49a,49b. 50b.
': ( t ) - ~ / ) r b i ~ - R
! ? I' 5 ' - & r hr
~ hnt7 [ r ] ~ / l / [ n ..\~C,/ ~ J I[.C
- ] ,11i
51a-b; Dows Dunham and So7ef M. A. Sanssen.
S t - ] ~ J3 I' 1 HI<.I.[
. . . 171 3 ' - & ~ I I . ]cf.
: M'h. Be/e,y.\r.I I ,
Srttlno-Kun~tt?a.
pis. 17, 19. 22. 24: Van Siclen. The 495.7: Legrain. A S A E 16 (1916): 162: for the
C'hal)el of Se.so.\tri,s111 ar Uronarri (San Antonio,
unexpectedness of the form hnn, cf. i'erny's com
Texas. 1982). figs. 13-14 (foll. p. 30): this latter
mentary in Parker. Soitr, Oro<.le Papr.rlt\, p. 44 and
reference kindly called to my attention by C. Van
n. I .
Siclen. The form of this portable barque is derived
sh Fairman in Coif Ill, 200 (c) and pl. 85 (16). T o
directly from that of the contemporary royal river
the parallels cited by Dietrich Wildung. "Gottlichbarge. depicted in Deir el-Bahari V. pls. 122. 125; keitsstufen des Pharao." O L Z 68 (1973): 555. n. 3.
cf. VI. pl. 155 (boat standard); Pierre Lacau and
add Derr. p. 81; Kitchen. RUIJJ.1n.sc.r. l l . 749.13-15;
Henri Chevrier, Hat\he/~.sour,pl. 9 (171). The barques
Nelson. J N E S 1 (1942): 137 (fig. 22). 148-49.
of Dynasty XVlll kings were represented in Egypt

his temple a t solebs7and a t ~ e s e b i , " where he probably had his own portable barques.
When Tutankhamun (at Kawa and ~ a r a s and
) ~ ~later Ramesses I1 (at Gerf Hussein.
es-Sebua, ed-Derr, and Abu ~ i m b e l ) ~were
'
deified in Nubia during their lifetimes,
both had barques there.
Proceeding t o the back of the Portico a t the south of the Court of Amenhotep 111,
we find the three chapels where the divine barques rested within the temple proper
prior t o the culmination of the rites in the Sanctuary. While it is not yet possible t o
explain fully the major structural and functional modifications undergone by two of
these chapels (those intended for Amun and Khonsu) subsequent to the reign of
Amenhotep 111, the original deployment of the barques was the following: Rooms 1
(Khonsu) and I1 ( M u t ) on the east side are separated from Room I11 (Amun) on the
west. The asymmetry is striking and surely deliberate. But this arrangement leaves us
without a place for the sacred barque of Tutankhamun (or rather of Amenhotep 111,
assuming that he did indeed employ one for the transport of his ka-image during the
Opet Festival). Had it been intended to lodge the king's barque here, the space next t o
the Amun chapel ( R o o m IV: occupied only by a staircase t o the roof) could easily
have been designated for this purpose. But such a union with Amun would have been
premature a t this time. W. Murnane had previously noted the disappearance of the
king's barque from the reliefs representing Luxor Temple a t the south end of the
~ o l o n n a d e " and its complete absence from the procession depicted in the Barque
Vestibule ( R o o m VIII)." Even assuming, however, that the royal barque had already
dropped out of the procession before reaching this point, we would still require a
room in which t o stow it until it rejoined the procession for the return journey through
the temple back t o Karnak a t the conclusion of the Opet Festival.
A quick examination of the ground plan of Luxor Temple reveals that there is no
suitable candidate f o r this shrine anywhere t o the north of the Eighteenth Dynasty
Portico. Immediately behind the Mut and Khonsu chapels, however, is a n unexplained
chapel similar to them in size and design ( R o o m VI) opening off the Roman Vestibule
( R o o m V). This room would have served admirably to house the king's barque, a
possibility strengthened by a n examination of the decorative program of the reliefs in
the Roman Vestibule itself (see below). Unfortunately, since the walls of this small
chapel were rebuilt anciently and are undecorated, we can gain no further information
from it, apart from what we are able to deduce from its location.63Associated spatially
with the Mut and Khonsu chapels, it was a t some time connected directly t o the

1.D Ill. 84c. 85a. 87b-c. I IOk.

A. M . Blackman, "Preliminary Report on the
E x c a v a t ~ o n sat Sesebi. Northern Probince. AngloEgyptian Sudan. 1936-37."JM 23 (1937): 148-49;
for the correct reading of the king's name a s god. see
P M VII. 173
59 Ku\c.u 1. 3-4 and pl. 4; 11. pl. 72c; Karkowski.
Furu., C', pp. 28-29. 89-90. 1 15-16. 130-3 1. O n the
cults of Egyptian kings in Nubia and their deificat~on
as aspects of the royal Xu, see further Bell. .24r;/.
.Mokhlur (forthcoming).
57

58

h' See. In general, Habachi. F r u i i i r r \ , pp. 1-16.

43-44.
h ' Wolf. Sthiit7r Ft~ilci!,on O p r t , pls. 1-2.
h2 Schwaller de Lubic7. Trnl/,lr (It, I'Hott1tt7~.
vol. 2. pl. 31.
6' I a m unaware of any evidence for the former
existence of a staircase in this room: ibid.. pls. 12-14.
It does not appear in the plans of either Borchardt o r
Nelson; see Borchardt. "Zur Gesch~chtedes 1.uqsortempels." ZAS 34 (1896): pl. 7 (foll. p. 138): Nelson.
K e , Plun! Showing f.o~.utiot?\of T l ~ r h u nT r t i l ~ ~ l e
De(orutio11c.O1P 56 (Chicago. 1941). pl. 23.

LL'XORTEMPLE
AND

THE

CULTOF

THE

ROYALKA

263

Khonsu chapel by the opening of a communicating doorway between them.64 When

we recall that both Khonsu and the king were the sons of Amun-Re, the association of
their cult places a t Luxor would hardly be surprising. In the Greco-Roman mammisis
the personae of the king and the offspring of the divine family resident in each temple
are inextricably intertwined, with the god-child dominant, being represented in the
place where the young king is found in the Birth Room a t ~ u x o r With
. ~ ~ a slight shift
in emphasis, Luxor Temple could easily have served as the mammisi of Karnak
Temple. At Luxor, however, the position of the king completely overshadows that of
~ h o n s u and
; ~ ~ the absolute domination of the king's k a seems t o have remained
unchallenged there down into the Roman period.
The position of this chapel adjacent to the Birth Room ( R o o m XIII) lying just to
the south is highly suggestive. The association of chapels I and V1 with the Birth Suite
(Rooms XIII-XIV) would give us a n arrangement whereby most of the areas dedicated
primarily t o the king were placed on the left of the main axis. Exactly opposite the
entrance t o Chapel V1, and apparently oriented toward it, on the west side of the
R o m a n Vestibule, directly behind the Amun chapel, is a smaller chamber (Room V11).
Likewise of unknown function, and with none of the original decoration preserved, it
may be proposed with a fair degree of confidence that this was the chapel of the king's
ka-statue. In this way we may account for the evident disappearance of the royal
barque before the end of the Opet ritual.
The barques of Mut and Khonsu are depicted on the east wall of the vestibule
( R o o m VIII) before the Barque ~ a n c t u a r y . ~evidently
'
accompanying the barque of
Amun as far as the entrance to the Barque Sanctuary. Because there is but a single
shrine in the Sanctuary, on each side of which only the barque of Amun is depicted,
we may be reasonably sure that the barque of Amun alone proceeded beyond the
Barque Vestibule. The barques of Mut and Khonsu must have withdrawn to their
southern chapels, staying there near the king's barque during the concluding episodes
of the liturgy. It must have been the king's ha-statue rather :han his barque which was
ushered from the Roman Vestibule into the presence of Amun-Re, escorted by the
lunmutef-priest. The royal ka-figure follows the king in many scenes here; but just
inside the entrance to the Barque Vestibule is the representation of a n enshrined statue
of Amenhotep 111, followed by his k a with offerings presented before him (fig. 2)."
There would seem t o be little doubt that this is the actual ka-statue of the king on the
way toward its meeting with Amun-Re in the Barque Sanctuary.
T o return t o the decoration of the Roman Vestibule, a t the very top of the wall
above the entrance t o the room here described as the chapel of the king's barque are
h4 Presumably when the Khonsu barque had
already been relocated in the old Amun chapel
( R o o m Ill) by Ramesses 11; cf. Charles F. Nims.
"Places about Thebes."JYES 14 (1955): 118: Kitchen.
K U I U .11i\(r. ll. 628.1-7. T h e original entrance into
the old Khonsu chapel ( R o o m I) is now completely
blocked up. but it remained in use a t least into the
reign of Ramesses IV. a s is indicated by a study of
the pattern of the placement of his cartouches on the
columns of the Portico and the discovery of one of
his cartouches. partially visible behind the blocking

stones. in the thickness of the doorway to this chapel.

65 Franqois Daumas. L A 11. 465. 472-73.
66 Ibid.. 466.
h7 Schwaller de Luhicl. Te1,1/1/e
de / ' H o ~ , ~ t , \l oe .l . 2.
pl. 31.
h X Gayet. T ~ . I I I rlt,
/ I / Lo~r.ror,
~
pl. 34: cf. Arnold.
U'ut~rlrrlie/,p . 52. F o r two seated statues of Amenhotep 111 sharing offerings with Mut. see Ciayet.
Te111l1lr( It, I . o ~ ~ . r opls.
r . 25-26 ( M u t Barque Chapel.
Room 11). 70 (Birth Room. Room XIII).

liu-force." Likewise the ram's h o r n curving across his cheek is often found with
representations of deified kings," a n d may also be taken generally t o signify their
~n-as~ect.~~
This ram's horn takes us back t o t h e C o u r t of Ramesses 11. At the rear of t h e A m u n
chapel in the triple barque shrine. there a r e t w o niches. o n e recessed into each side
wall. T h e y have representations of Ramesses 11 o n their walls. a s well a s / ~ r / l t ~ ~ r t t ~ f '
8 1 Cf. Barguet. A S A E 5 I (1951):21I. Aldred. JEA
55 (1969): 75 and n . 5, in discussing the representation ofThutn1ose Ill seated in a kiosk in the tomb of
Rekhmire. presents evidence that the ute/-crown is
here associated with Re, rather than Osiris: ref.
i:rX. IV. 1277.17. 1286.13. for the ure/ called the
,!fit.- R'; cf. Aldred. AXhenuren untl h'efertirf (Lon
don. 1973). p. 100 (no. 14): this reference kindlk called
t o m ) attention by Martha R. Bell. For theuref-crown
associated with Re in the context of the coronation
o r the celebration ofjubilees, see Lacau and Chevrier.
Hur.\hel~cour,pl. l l ( 178) and p. 249: Metliner Huhir
V. pl. 291: VI. pl. 460; Chic. O r . Inst. photo 5283
(north face of the west wing of Pylon Vlll at Karnak.
temp. Ramesses Ill). The near identity of this solar
uref-crown and the htnhtn-crown I S indicated in
Metlit?er Huhu VIII. pl. 612. where the htnhtii-crown
shown worn by Ramesses Ill is referred t o in line 13
of the accompanying text with a hieroglyph in the
form of the solar (ire/: F o r a writing of the
denominatibe \ e r b i l l determined with the h t ~ i h t n crown (temp. Ramesses 11). see Abubakr. K n ~ n e n .
p. 15(k) and n. I: ref. Mariette. Ahj.c/o\ I, p. 52.29).
84 T o the examples cited by Wildung. O L Z 68
(1973): 551-52. and idem, 6 ~ 1 p r i u t Surnrv,
7
pp. 2-1 I .
add Howard Carter a n d Percy E. Newberry. The
Totnh of Thournib.\i.\ I V (Westminster. 1904). pl. 9
( I ) ; Karol Myiliwiec. Srutliet? :urn GOII Arur?i.
kol. I , Die heili,qen Tiere (lev Arum. H A B 5
(Hildeshein~. 1978). pl. 52 (fig. 121); Torgny SabeSoderbergh. Four Eighteenth f?~,t?u\t,~,
Tornhv, P T T
I (Oxford. 1957). pl. 31: Blackman. J E A 23 (1937):
149. n. I (describing the deified Amenhotep Ill a t
Sesebi a s depicted in the same way he is a t Soleb):
Amice M . Calverley a n d Alan H . Gardiner.
Ah~,clo.cIV, p1. 78: Prisse d'Avennes. Monurnentc
< q ~ p r i a n \ : Bus-relief\, peinturr.\, in\c,ril)rion.\. etc..,
tl bpr>.s lec tle.s.\in.ceuh(.ure.\ s u r lev lieuu (Paris. 1847).
pl. 30 = J. Gardner Wilkinson, The hlat7ner.c anti
C'u\tom.s of the At?c.ienr Eg~,l~tiut?.\,
e d . Samuel Birch
(London. 1878). vol. 3. pl. 64 (foll, p. 370) = L.D Ill
132n (detail). For Ramesses I1 in the Great Temple at
Abu Simbel, see Habachi. Feature.\, pls. 2a = Curto.
Nuhru. 313 (fig. 232) = Christian Leblanc. "Le Culte
rendu a u x colosses 'osiriaques' durant le Noucel
Empire." B I F A O 82 (1982): pl. 56a (foll. p. 31 I ) =
S . Donadoni. H. el-Achirie. C . Leblanc (vol. I ) , and
Fouad Abdel Haniid (vol. 2), Gruncl Tenil~lec1;lhou
Sic11he1: Ler SulIe.\ tlu trh.\or .cutl, CS. Centre d'Etudes
et de Documentation sur I'Ancienne Egypte (Pari,.
1975). vol. I . pls. 14. 59; vol. 2, pl. 6: 3 = Wreszinski,

Arlu.\ 11. pl. 180 = ILouis-A. Chribtophe. AhoirSitnhel er /i;l~ol~i;c~

tie .\u tlii.oir~.c~t
rr (Brussels. 1965).
pl. foll. p. 208: 4a-b; Wreslinski. Alluc 11. pl. 179;
LII 111. 191h. The aegis of the barque of Seti I. as
represented by Ramesses 11 in the Hall of Barques
( R o o m Z) of the Seti Temple a t Abydos. also
displays this ram's horn: unnumbered Chicago House
print of a n unpublished Calverley photograph:
cf. A. R . L l a \ ~ d , A Guicle t o Rrli,qioii.c Rirlrul trr
Ah~.tlo.\(Warminster. 1981). p. 152 (East Wall). For
Amenhotep Ill apparentlh wearing the ram's horn in
h ~ destroked
s
temple on Elephantine, see Dcj\( r i l ~ r i o t ~ .
AnriyuirP\. bol. I. pl. 36.2-3; this reference called to
my attention by W. Rakmond Johnson. Note.
however. that this detail is not shown in Vivant
Llenon. C'o~.u,yrtIut7, lu Huc\r er la Hultre &y.l;r~rr
(Paris. 1802). pl. 128.4: nor in Thomas Young.
Hiero,ql~.l~i~ic~\
(1-ondon. 1823-28). pl. 60.
X 5 In Theban T o m b 131 (Amenuser). T h u t ~ n o s eIll
is represented seated in a kiosk, wearlng both
the solar urel-crown and the ram's horns of Amun.
accompanied by the royal Xu: D a v ~ e s"The
.
Egyptian
E x p e d i t ~ o n 1925-1926." HM.MA 21 (1926): pt. 2
for December 1926. p. 7. fig. 3 = M M A photo
7.1273. The presence of the royal Xtr when the
king appears in a kiosk is also specified elsewhere:
Save-Soderbergh. I.i~irrEi,yhrernrh f ? ~ n u \ r l .T o r ~ ~ h \ .
P T T I (Oxford, 1957). pl. I (Hatshepsut): LlaLies.
ReXh-tn-Rc', pl. 13 (T Ill): Theban T o m b 85
(Amenemhab) = M M A photo 7.2575 ( T Ill)
Kad wan. Dur.\rc~lllrti,ytie, re,yieret7clet1 Kijni,qc. M A S
21 (Berlin. 1969). pl. 6 ( A Il) (this reference called to
my attention by Peter Ller Manuelian): Llavies.
Tot~rhcof Tit'o Offic.~ul\,pl. I I ( T IV): Theban T o m b
63 (Sebkhotp) = M M A photo T.2767 ( T IV):
Kadwan. f l ~ r \ t e l l ~ o i , pls.
q , 1 1 - 12: Lee also M MA
photo T . 2816 ( T IV); 1.D Ill. 55a-b (Thutmose 111
offering before the deified Sesostris Ill). Aldred.
J E A 55 (1969): 73, referring t o representations of the
emhrined Amenhotep 111 in the tombs of Khaemhet.
Kheruef, and Amenemhet-Surero. says that "there is
little d o u b t that the e\ent in question was a 5tate
appearance of the Pharaoh during ceremonies that
marked his varlous jubilees. when he received his
officials in audience." There seems t o be n o doubt
that the intent of this m o t ~ fwas t o represent the full
measure of the king's d i ~ i n i t yas a manifestation of
the royal Xu. F o r the significance of one of the
gestures of the courtier5 In scenes of this tkpe. the
pointing of the h w - f a n . see Bell. .2lel. .ZIoXhrtrr
(forthcoming)

270

J O I ~ K ~OF
A LN E ~ EASTFRY
R
ST[ DIES

priests.xh Undoubtedly the king's ku was adored here." with small Xu-statues of the
ruler placed in the niches." A t the back of the left niche Ramesses I 1 is depicted
(fig. 5) wearing t h e curved ram's horn." T h e head of a statue of a Hellenistic king ( o r
g o d ) wearing a c r o w n with this distinctive ram's horn is t o be found in the C a i r o
~ u s e u m . " ' T h e wearing of the curved ram's horn. depicted c o m n ~ o n l yo n coins. was
a d o p t e d in the Hellenistic world a s a token of the divinity of Alexander the Great after
his conquest of Egypt." These h o r n s have long been correctly associated with the god
Amun." but their symbolism a s a sign of possession of the royal kn has never been
traced back t o its origin.y3 Alexander's activities in L u x o r undoubtedly reflect a n
awareness t h a t his legitimacy a s a n Egyptian ruler depended o n his formal acceptance
there by A m u n - R e d u r i n g the Opet Festival. T h e Xu-statues of Ramesses I 1 in the
niches of the Triple Shrine a t L u x o r function as intermediaries in forwarding his
subjects' pleas t o Amun:'" inscriptions in t h e Triple Shrine speak of it a s a place "of
riot? (Oxford. 195X). no. 12: Bengt Julius Peterson.
Xh Donadoni.
"1-e Petit remple rarnesside de
e
und Stelenfragmente aus StockLouqsor." Blrllerit? (11, IN So(.iPrh c l ' h ~ ~ ~ p t o l o g i e". ~ g y ~ t i s c hStelen
holrner Sammlungen." Ol~ucc.~rlu
Athrt?ier~t/ci.
bol. 9.
Get7e1.e(hereafter B S E G ) 7 ( 1982): 13-14.
Skrifter utgivna a v S\enska lnstitutet i Athen. 4".
8: In the corresponding structure built by Seti 11 at
vol. 15 (I-und, 1969). p. 1 10. fig. 18: o I l e M 2596: B M
Karnak. o n e of the statues is addressed by the
Strlue 7. pl. 27 (279): unpublished representation in
l u n r ? ~ ~ r taes/ the libing royal ku of this ruler: see
the Outer Hypostyle of the Seti Temple at Abydos.
Che\ rier and Drioton. LP T e t ~ ~ lre/~o.\oir
~le
cle Seri I 1
west wall. between the chapels of Amun-Ke and Kei, k'urnuk (Cairo. 1940). p. 33 and fig. 3: Kitchen.
Horakhty (personal observation. 19x3). The ram's
rot?^. !n.\cr. IV. 256. 15-16.
horn is also attested of Thoth and Osirii: Gijnther
KX Donadoni. BSEG 7 (19x2): 14.
Roeder. tferr~7opolir.pl. 64 (this reference kindl!
K9 Wildung. C ~ ~ , l ) / iSaint\,
u t ~ p. 8.
9') ('G 693: cited in lnge Hofrnann. .Sr~rtlirt?: U ~ I I
called t o m! attention b! W. Raymond .lohnson);
Anthes. , W D A l K 12 (1943): pls. 10-1 1 (cljc~tl-pillar):
ri7r1.oiticc.lirn k'iinigrun7 (Brussel,. 1971). p. 47. See
M M A photo 7.1712 (Th.T.65: Irniseba).
further Borchardt, .Sruturti untl .Srururttc~ti i.on
Hofmann. Srutlic~t?z1rti7 ri7c~roiri\c~henKijnr,yKoniget? unti P r i \ ~ u t I e ~ r r pt.
e ~ ~3, (Berlin. 1930). p. 37.
run7. pp. 46-47, assumes that the Kushite rulers of
A parallel is t o be found In CG3802I (temp. Dynasty
Dynasty X X V served a s Alexander', models in the
X X X o r early Ptolemaic). uninscribed, and likewise
representing either Arnun-Re o r a king a s Amun-Re);
matter of wearing the ram's horn.
see Bodil Hornemann. T1pc.c of Anc.iet?r Eg.~y)fi(it?
" Surely a t times other than when the barque of
S r u t ~ i o r ~\ol.
, . I (Copenhagen. 1951). pl. 165.
Arnun was res~dentthere during festi~als. For the
royal Xu, perionified in Ramesses I I and Merneptah.
9 ' Margarete Bieber. "The Portraits of Alexander
Philo
the Great." Pro(.eedit~g\ of rlie Ar?~et-i(.ut~
acting as intermediary between a n official and a god
\o/>hi(ol Soc.irt i . ( P A P S ) 9 3 ( 1949): 388-90. 397
at Gebel es-Silsila. see Rosellini. .Lfot?tin~twri~ I e l
(fig. 12). 405-8 (figs. 34-37. 41. 45): this reference
( u l t o . pl. 32.4 (for the epithet of Ptah, read nh
kindly called t o my attention by Martha R Bell:
r i ~ ' ( I ) : Kitchen, Run,. In\i.r. 111. 48.6. reads t7h pr:
Schweiti-er. U'etm cir.s Ku, p. 72, reads nh ~ I ( I , ) .
Bevan. Holrtr of Pro1eti1.1.pp. 7. xxii; Alfred R.
Bellinger. t\
tu i - \ on / / i f ('o/na,qe of .4 1r.rundc~1.
rlir
understand~ngthis god as the royal ha of Ramesses 11;
Greut, The American Numismatic Society. Numiscf. below, n. 216 (for a variant of this genre of scene.
matic Studies no. l l (New York. 1963). pp. 86-87
in w h ~ c hthe same Vitier [.\Yr-rnl)r]also adores Ptah
and pl. 2.4.5 (this reference kindly called t o my
through the intermediary of the royal Xu, see
attention by Robert M. Whiting): Tlir Seurc./i for
Catherine Chadefaud. Lr.5 Srurue\ porre-ensrignec
Alrrut?tler: An E.u/ii/~iriot?,Exhibition Catalogue:
[ISXO- 1085 ur7unrJ. C.]:S i ~ n r f i
(Ic'I ' C ? J . ~utic.ic9nne
II~
totion P I i r l ~ ~ r l i o tc1un.c
?
lc9 r.ulre clu k'u ro,l,ul
National Gallery of Art. Washington. D.C. (Boston.
1980). pp. 107-8 (nos. 17-18): Hogarth. .lEA 2
[hereafter Srururt porrr~-m.trigt?c.(1[Paris, 19821.
(1915): 58. Tarn in Griffith. ed.. AIerontk~rrhr Greor,
pp. 121 [PE M.31. 144): 1.L) Ill. 200a. c; Jeanp. 175. interprets the fact that Alexander "never put
F r a n ~ o i sC hampollion. M o n . 11, pi. 114 = Rosellini.
his own head o n his coinagewassignifying that he d ~ d ,b'otiut~~etili
.\ro~.iti.p i. 120.1 (for the texts framing
not regard h~mself a, a god: cf. Milne. ,211\(. this scene see Kitchen. Rot11. I n \ ( t-. IV. 73.5- 1 1):
G r r ~ o r i u n u p, p. 147-48: O G r ~ f f i t hp, p. 13- 14.
Farouk Gomaa. Cha~t?ln.e\f,:
Soht? Ra1?7\e.\' 11. un(l
y 2 See Nelson-Murnane. H i y ~ o \ g . l eH r ~ l l ,pl. 36 =
\
Chuer?~wrte).
H o h e ~ . l ) r ~ r t riwn
r r M r n ~ l ) h i(hereafter
Rlk' 11. pl. ROC: Tosi a n d Roccati. Srelr, p. 302
A A 27 (Wiesbaden. 1973). p. 130 (fig. 30a). W . Mur
(50092): C'ernq. Ex.lpr~ut?Stelur~in rlir NunXe.\ (;)l/ei.nane has now called attention to the ram-headed

"

making supplication a n d of hearing petitions."" indicating that the people were sometimes allowed t o a p p r o a c h the chapels with appeals t o the gods."'The colossal hu
statues of Ramesses l l served the same way:" a n d the portable barques. including that
of the king. could also b e approached during festival processions f o r submitting questions t o them for oracular responses.'h

standards (int/rt, ?/).\I.)depicted flanking the falsed o o r a t the rear of the Amun chapel in the Triple
S h r ~ n oe f Ramesses I1 a t Luxor Temple, pointing out
their role a s intermediaries in forwarding petitions to
Amun: Murnane. :\I&/. .MoXlirur (forthcoming). The
double false-door found here and in other Kamesside
barque sanctuaries signals the presence of both king
and god in these shrines. stressing their unity: Haeny.
ReirrBxe Bf. 9, 1970. p. 91, n. 55: L A V. 570; and the
standard itself is associated with the royal Xu. espeHelmut S a t ~ i n g e r ,"Iler
cially its transmission
heil~geS t a b als Kraftquelle des Konigs: Versuch einer
Funktionsbestimmung der agyptischen StabtragerStatuen." J o l ~ r h ~ r t /cl6.r
i
titrn\rliicrori\t./lp Srri,rriihr/l,qrn in U'ien, bol. 77 (Vienna, 198 1). pp. 9-43 (this
reference called t o my attention by Christian Loeben);
Chadefaud. Sruruec /)orrc-erl.\ei,~ni.(,cf, ibid.. /.A V.
1224-32-apparently here specify~ng Amun-Re a s
constituting the king's Lo. The i)zt/rt, .C/)\I, of (nl.)
Ramesses I11 a t Medinet Habu receiked a n extra
portlon of offerings o n the d a y of the coronation
feast: Nelson in MbrX iti U'etrrrn Theha\ 1931-33.
O I C I8 (Chicago. 1934). pp. 48-50; Ifetlinat H o h ~ r
Ill. pls. 150.530. 152.591. Clearlq related to this is the
rite of presenting the ram-headed standard before
the enthroned Osorkon 11 during the coronation
ceremonies a t his jubilee, along with a sphinx
representing Atum as the royal Xu: Naville. Fe,ri~,crlHall, pls. 1-2: Barguet. AS,4E 51 (1951): 213:cf. 210.
fig. 7 and n. I; o n the king in his Xu-aspect \isuali/ed
as a sphinx, see Bell. \/PI. MoXhrur (forthcoming).
F o r the nrtl~i-staffinterpreted as the Xu in parallel
of
texts from Dqnasty X X . see Parker et al.. E~li/ii.c>
T u I I N I . ~pl.
~ ,35 (A52 840). and p. 44 with n. 40.
" C f . Kitchen. Roiir. In.\i.i-. 11. 616.3.16; 617.1.
These texts complement one another and are both t o
be reconstructed a s \ I \rinih sr_lni \pr\i.r n ( w r ) ri!r.>t,
r./nlr. The traces following \nin/i in 616.3 fit .\c/ni
perfectly (personal collation. 1983); cf. Mahmud
Abd el-Rarik. "The Iledicatory and Building Texts
o f Ramesses I 1 in I-uxor Temple. 11: Interpretation."
./FA 661 (1975): 134.
9h Nims in Prot,c2c2~liti&\
of 111e TMrnt.1.- Tlirrtl Iilrarno/ir)nol ('r)ii,qre\ o/ Orieritali~r,,C'oiiihriclqe -7/.\r?h'//i AIIRU\I.1954 (1-ondon, 1956). p. 80; this reference k ~ n d l ycalled t o my attention by Edward F.
Wente. F o r this formula in other public areas of
temples, o r associated with d ~ v i n e barques, see
Kitchen. Roni. 1ti.cc.r.l I. 607.14- I5 (inscription adjacent t o the "People's Gate" on the east of the Court
of Kamesses ll at Luxor Temple. wherebq the
-

populace gained access t o the court during festibals:

see further below. n. 128); Helck. DIP Riru~Itl(rr\ r e l l ~ r t ~ t11~\
g ~ t ~Rorrre\\eutii.\. kol. I (hereafter Riruoltlorcrelluti~aii), A A 25 (Wiesbaden. 1972). p. 153;
this reference kindly called t o my attention by
Edward F. Wente: see Chic. Or. Inst. photo 5180.
collated by me. 1983 (marginal text beneath a
representation of a barque procession: read '\I' \r~i?r/i
,(_/,)I
\ / ) ~ I I .[ti(
I I r t . ~ ) ]1111.11. rrin/rl): U'b, B~~legsr.
IV.
104.15 = 166.4 (inscription in Staircase V in the
Abydos Temple of Ramesses 11. collated by me.
1983: for a reference t o the cult image of Ramesses I 1
in his barque in the continuation of this text. cf. Wh,
Bel(y\r. 111. 14.15; however. the aegis at both the
prow and stern of t h ~ sbarque is clearly humanheaded and wears the solar ore/-crown: collated by
me. 1983); .21et/lnar Hahtr l l I . pl. 18 1 A: this reference
kindly called t o my attention by Edward F . Wente
(marginal inscription on the western exterior wall:
read \1 \IIIN/I .sr_Inr \prw[/ ii( I , \ I . I ) ] riiir~t,' [r/)ilr]):
Claude Traunecker. F r a n ~ o i s eLe Saout. and Oli\ ier
Masson, Lo C'/~ul)rllr~ l l i , h T , r i 6
. \ tiarriuL. Memoires
d u Centre Franco-Egqptien d'Etude des temples de
Karnak 2 (Paris. 1981). 101. 2. p. 110 (fig. 12.3).
p. 115 (i) (inscription of Akoris on one of the
polygonal columns erected around the Barque
Sanctuary of the Small Temple at M e d ~ n e tHabu).
9' Wildung. 0I.Z 68 (1973): 553. 564: idem.
cq~,/)riunSo~tit.\,pp. 13. 28. It is interesting to note
that the largest statues found in Egypt (at Abu
Simbel. the Ramesseum. and the Colossi of Memnon)
are of deified kings, rather than nonhuman dibinities.
as though their function is t o con\ey to the viewer
the impression that the union of king and godhead
had created a superdeity on earth. Schweitrer. K'e,rii
~Ie.5 Kc!. p. 53. notes that the colossus of Amen
hotep 111 south of the Tenth Pylon at Karnak (for
the references. see n. 45 a b o ~ e )is described as a n
"image" o r "likeness" (I\I,I) of Amun-Re. F o r r~1.r
specifqing the king as the "(exact) likeness" of the sun
god as his earthly representative. see Hornung. "Der
Mensch als 'Rild Gottes' in ~ g y ~ t e n .in" Oswald
Loret7. ed.. Die Gorrehi~tihil~llii./IXrii
tlec Mcn.,t~lir~ii
(Munich, 1967). pp. 144-45, 152; Wildung, "Kamses,
die grol3e Sonne ~ g y ~ t e n s ZA.5
. " 99 (1972-73): 39.
The Colossi of M r m n o n are each referred t o as a rrt.1
< ( I ) .Habachi. B~irr?j,qt~
B/. l I . 1981. p. 44. fig. 7: so
also the named colossus of Ramesses I 1 before the
1-uxor Pqlon: Kitchen. Rotn. In.,c.r. 11. 629.7.
98 C'erni. in Parker. Suirc Orut.lc, Pu/)~,ruc.pp. 36.
40.42-43.

applied at Luxor generally t o the Eighteenth Dynasty temple from the Portico t o the
Barque ~ a n c t u a r y " ' or. more narrowly, t o the First Vestibule itself. where the king's
barque and ka-statue probably resided.
In 1965 Charles F. Nims described the cult place of the divine Roman emperors a t
Luxor ~ e m ~ l e as
" ' follows:
T h e c e n t r a l d o o r w a y [ f r o m t h e P o r t i c o of t h e temple proper] gave access t o a n eight c o l u m n e d
hall, w i t h a n o t h e r wide d o o r w a y in t h e o p p o s i t e wall. W h e n t h e R o m a n s m a d e t h e I.uxor
T e m p l e t h e c e n t r e of a ( ~ ~ . t f r ~ ot lhie, s o u t h e r n d o o r w a y was blocked with a n a p s e . Before this
w a s a c a n o p y resting o n f o u r pillars. t w o of which still remain: u n d e r this c a n o p y o n c e s t o o d a
s t a t u e of t h e e m p e r o r . P a i n t e d o n t h e walls of t h e a p s e were t h e figures of t h e t w o Augusti a n d
t h e t w o C a e s a r s of t h e e n d of t h e third c e n t u r y A . D . . p a r t s of which a r e still visible. T h i s hall was
t h e s a n c t u a r y of t h e imperial cult a n d t h e .soc~rlhr~~~
f o r t h e s t a n d a r d s of t h e R o m a n legion w h o s e
heroes were s h o w n o n t h e painted plaster surface c o v e r i n g t h e p h a r a o n i c reliefs. It w a s in this
very s a n c t u a r y thlit Diocletian a n d M a x i m i n I h i a c o m m a n d e d C h r i s t i a n s t o m a k e sacrifices t o
t h e di\,ine emperor."'

The real nature of this unique monument has been obscured by its common misidentification a s a Coptic Church, a n error unfortunately perpetuated even in the standard
Topographical Bibliography of Porter and MOSS."' The Romans' selection of this part
of the temple for the worship of the divine emperors was surely deliberate, motivated
by awareness of the 1500-year-long tradition of its association with the cult of the
divine king.lI6 That the Romans cut off direct access to the Amun sanctuary beyond,
however, signifies that the source of the emperors' divinity was now different from
that of the Egyptian king."'
The socle upon which the whole of Luxor Temple rests south of the Court of
Amenhotep 111 delineates the earliest phase of the construction of Amenhotep 111 and

(1983): 130. n. 101; 132; for the ' h at Karnak as the

place where the king is born to Mut or Werrhekau.
and nurtured by them. see Otto. Topogrul~hir.
pp. 25-26; cf. Michel Gitton. "Le Palais de Karnak."
BlFAO 74 ( 1974): 63; this last reference kindly called
to my attention by Labib Habachi. For further
relevant examples, see Kitchen. Rot~l. Ir7cc.r. I.
220.6-7 (ref. Karnak); 11. 616.1 .I5 (containing
references t o a n ' b at Luxor). An unpublished
architrave inscription in the Colonnade of Luxor
Temple describes Seti I as "one whom Werthekau
nurtured (rrzn) in the Palace (:/I) of Karnak." In
Brunner. Gehurt c/r\ Gorrhiini,q\, pl. 14, the childking is acknowledged by Amun-Re at 1.uxor. saying.
"My son of my body. my beloved. Nebmaatre, whom
I have made of my (own) flesh, one together with me
in the midst of the Palace ('11): I have given to you all
life and dominion. you appearing as King of Upper
and Lower Egypt upon the throne of Horus. May
you be in joy with your Xu, like Re." Brunner. p. 26.
n. 5. considers the possible identity of this Palace
with the Magistrates' Chamber.
"2 After my initial research into this question,
William Murnane pointed out to me the existence of

a Xhekrr-frie7e at the top of the walls of both rooms

of the Coronation Suite (Rooms XIII-XIV). sug
gesting that this decoration served to designate this
part of the temple specifically as the "Palace": cf.
Gardiner. EG, pp. 494 (0 I I ) . 543 (Aa 30). for the
hieroglyph used in writing the word 11. However, he
has since noted this frie7e in the Portico. and I have
also found it in Room XXII: see Brunner. L~r.uor.
p. 19 and pl. 31; cf. pl. 30 (reconstruction).
[ I 7 Barguet. L A 111. 1104.
' I 4 Nims. T/lehe\ of rlle P/~araoh.\,p. 128. For the
original publication of this material. see U . Monneret
de Villard. "The Temple of the Imperial Cult at
Luxor," Arc.l~aeologia or W~.\r~r~llanrou\
Truc,fs Rt,lorir7g ro Anriyuir~,95 (Oxford. 1953). pp. 85-105.
115 P.V 11'. 320.
116 Cf. Daumas. L A 11. 474.
I l 7 Nevertheless. the construction of a secondary
entrance giving access to the south end of the temple
from the east indicates the continuance of some
Amun rituals here. For the architectural modifications t o I-uxor Temple during the Roman period. see
Jean-Claude Golvin and Michel Reddci, .MIFA0
(forthcoming).

L ~ J X OTEMPLE
R
AND

THE

CULTOF

THE

ROYALK,4

275

marks the limits of the sacred precinct."8 Thus the approach of the king's subjects
would have been restricted t o the area north of the Portico, where Amenhotep 111 later
constructed his Court. If this is the Maru, "Viewing lace,""^ which Amenhotep 111
speaks of in his great building i n ~ c r i ~ t i o n then
, " ~ he depicts this court12' as a "place of
receiving the revenues of all countries and the delivery . . . of the dues of all lands,"
picturing himself in the midst of it a s "Re of the Nine ~ o w s " " ' (putting him clearly
into a relationship with foreigner^).'^' The Maru seems t o be a place where the divine
king's power is made manifest. In fact, Amenhotep 111 describes a great public spectacle, a sort of royal review a t which even foreign representatives vie with each other in
the splendor of their offerings of silver, gold, semi-precious stones, cattle, flowers, and
wine. One is reminded of the representations of the Opet Festival procession in the
Court of Ramesses 11"%nd the procession of the mineral regions bringing their riches
t o the temple,'2s as well as the sacrifices depicted a t small kiosks a s the barques are
carried in and out of the temple in the reliefs of the ~ o l o n n a d e . " ' Inscriptions on the
pilasters projecting slightly into the Court a t the east'" and west corners of the Portico
boast that "all lands and all countries are a t the feet of this perfect god (the king)
whom all the gods love and all the rekhjset (the king's subjects) adore, that they might
live." The occurrence of this rekhjset iormula here tends t o confirm the admission of
the populace t o this place.'28
"referring t o international relations." hee D a ~ i d
1-orton. The J ~ r r i t l i t a lT r r r n i n o l o ~o/
~. l n ~ i ~ r ~ i ~ r i o r ~ t ~ l
Relariorlc rn L:.:q~.l~rian
Te.\-rc r h r o i g h I).I.II. .Y L'lll
(Baltimore and London. 1974). p. 9. Additional
references include Champollion. MOII. IV. pl. 302 =
p. 19.
Rosellini. Monu~nerlri croric.1, pl. 59 = The Epi1 1 ' Alexander Badawy. "Maru-Aten: Pleasure
graphic Survey. Thi, Battlr Reliefi of Kin,? Srr I , I.
Resort o r Temple'?." JE.4 42 (1956): 58-64: cf.
O I P 107 (Chicago. forthcoming); .Metliner Huh11 I.
Helck. L A l l . 378-80. See now Beatrix Gesslerpl. 11.1 1; 11. pls. 105.6. 120A.5. 120B.3: V. pl. 316.21:
I 6hr. Die heili,yer~Seer1 u,y~,/~ric(,/ier
Terri~;l,eI,
HAB
VI. pl. 365.9: VII. pl. 557.6: VIII. pl. 606.13: R l K ll.
21 (Hildesheim. 1983). pp. 187-89. At Amarna.
the S L ~ , ( I . ) ~ -isR 'associated with the . M - r n , - 1117: 011' 35 (Chicago. 1936). pl. 120.4. See Gomaa.
t ' a ~ r m a nin C o A 111. 201 (c-e): for the significance of
C h u e r ~ ~ ~ t ~p.
ete
130
, (fig. 30a) for the deified Merneptah. operating in his La-aspect. called "The
the "Sunshade of Re." see Bell. WPI. MoXhrar
(forthcoming).
Mighty Bull. Re o f t h e Nine Bows."
'20 i ' r k . IV. 1651.7-1652.9.
' 2 3 F o r the representation of foreigners associated
with the use of this epithet. see Davies-Gardiner.
121 See Rainer Stadelmann. "Tempel und TempelHul.. pl. 27: Schwaller de I.ubic7. T e n i l ~ l r \ tit,
namen In Theben-Ost und -West." W D A l K 34
(1978): 179. T h e most recent discussions of the
Karnuk. vol. 2. pl. 407: LL) 111. 120-21; Champol
.I-laru's location have relied o n the implications
lion. Mon. IV. pl. 302 = Rosellini. .Morlu~ni,nti
of the sense of the compound preposition h/t-br-n( 1,)
.ctoric,i, pl. 59; Weclinet Hahu I. pl. I l(.l I); 11. pls.
for placjng this structure outside Luxor toward the
105(.61. 120A(.5). 1208(.3); VIII. pl. 606(.13): R l K
north: Lise Manniche in I.'Egi,/;l,rolo:ir ell 1979. I I . pl. 120(.4). In Wrcliner Hahu VI, pl. 365.9.
vol. 2, pp. 271 -73; this reference kindly called t o my
Ramesses Ill is addressed this way with reference t o
foreign lands bowing in submission through fear of
attention by Richard F a u i n i : Christiane WalletLebrun. " H f i - / ~ rd a n s les textes de construction."
him. ( I n .Mrtliner Huhu V , pl. 316.21, he is s o
G.M 58 (1982): 75-94.
addressed by Thoth as Amun crowns him with the
I ? ? Cf. Hornung. The One ant/ the .Morn,. p. 140.
solar trre/,)
n. 108: the present example ( l ' r k . IV. 1652.8). one
1 2 4 1-eclant. "La 'Mascarade' des boeufs gras et le

from the reign of Thutmose IV ( ( I r k . IV. 1013.1 I = triomphe de I'Egypte." . M D A l K 14 (1956): figs. 7-8.

Annelies a n d Artur Brack. L1u.s Grab c1e.c. Tjununi:

Il5 Kitchen, Rurrr. 111c(,r.ll. 61 7.7-621.14.

Thehen .Vr. 74. AV 19 [Mainr a m Rhein, 19771.

,
1-2.

Wolf. Sc./iijne Fe.tr \,on O l ~ e rpls.

29a). and another dating
pp. 39. 83 and pls. 28a
1 2 7 Cf. Gayet, Te~n/)le
tle Lou.\-or, p. 4 1 .

f r o m the time of Tutankhamun ( l ' r k . IV. 2071.4) all

Nims in Prot r r t l i r l ~ c .of rhi, T\t.erlr I,-Tliirtl

antedate the examples cited there. For this epithet

I r ~ r e r r ~ a l i o n uCor1grec.c
l

of Orii,r~rulitrc.p. 80: idem.

Georges Daressy. .\;oric e r ~l;l,l~c.uri\,e
tlec ruirlec
Te111/)lecle Lu.ror (Cairo. 1893). p. 5 1 ; Barguet.
1.k' Ill. 1 103: Schwaller de Lubic7. Ter11l11etlr
~ ' H O I I I I Ivol.
I ~ . 2. pl. 13: Haeny. B e i r r i i ~ rBf. 9. 1970.
118

ilir

If we leave the crowds outside and withdraw to the vestibule before the Barque
Sanctuary, we can follow the king's transformations as he draws nearer and nearer the
god. In the uppermost register (below the "frieze") o n the west wall of this chamber,
we find a very revealing sequence of reliefs.'29 First the king, accompanied by a kafigure. runs before Amun-Min-by this ritual exercise"' the strength of his ka is
enhanced o r intensified. Next the king. his ka-power renewed. presents offerings before
Amun-Re-the measure of his near unity with the royal ka now indicated by the fact
that the first three names of his titulary. his Horus. Two Ladies. and Golden names.
are all the ka-name; the king goes on t o erect the shnt-pole before Amun-Min, being
described as "in a joyful state together with his ka." Finally he kneels as Horus before
Amun-Re t o receive the khepresh (blue) crown (the only crown mentioned specifically
by Horemheb in his coronation text)."' while the I~tnmurqf-priestmediates1" before

Colonnade of Hatshepsut's Temple a t Deir elBahri." J E A 66 (1980): 57 (fig. 2). 64 (fig. 7). 66-67
(fig. 8): I.esrek llabrowski. "The Main Hypostyle
Hall of the Temple of Hatshepsut a t lleir el-Bahri."
JEA 56 (1970): pl. 50.3 (foll. p. 102). The oldest
example of the formula is found associated with a
figure of the enthroned Nebhepetre Mentuhotep
from the Sanctuary of the Eleventh Dynasty Temple
Haou-Nebout I
(\~i/te)."B IFAO 48 (1949):
a t lleir el-Bahari: Arnold, Der Tr.nlpel rle.5 Kiinig~
1.ot1 Lleir 6.1- Bahari I I. AV I I (Main?
137: (2) o n several fragments from the sixth ( ~ o u t h - ,Wr~ntuhoti~/)
a m Rhein. 1974). p. 6 (color photo) and pls. 10. 12.
ernmost) way station for the barque of Amun which
58a. Ramesses ll also uses the formula a t the
Hatshepsut erected along the Processional Way
Ramesseum and in his Abydos Temple: cf. Helck.
linking Karnak and Luxor. reused by Ramesses I 1 in
R i r u a l r / a r . \ t e l l u ~ ~ , vul.
y ~ ~ ~I ~
. ,pp. 7 1. 80 (collated by
the construction of the Triple Shrine. and identified
by me in April of 1983 (frie7es of adoring rb~.t-birds me. 1983): Abd el-Hamid Zayed. "Miscellaneous
Notes I.: S o m e Variations of the rhi1.r Symbol."
alternate with kneeling male figures. probably to be
A S A E 5 7 (1962): 115-18 (collated by me. 1983). F o r
identified as I J ' I . in association with th: motifs of the
other occurrences. see LD Ill. 49a-b. 50b-51a:
union of the two lands. . \ I , T ? - ~ ~ L I : I , , and the submisCaminos. The .h'e~~,-Kin,ytloni
Tet,il~le.\o f Buhetl 11.
sion of the Nine Bows): cf. F. W. von Bissing. "Uber
ASE 34 (London. 1974). pl. 57: l'rk. IV. 1358.12:
die Kapelle im Hof Ramesses I1 im Tempel von
Vercoutter. BIFAO48 (1949): 131. XlV iE (= pl. 2.1.
1,uxor." Ac.ta Oriet~talia8 (1930): 147; and (3) in the
foll. p . 196). gS: George A. Reisner. "The Barkal
decoration of the "People's Gate" o n the east of the
Temples in 1916." JEA 5 (1918): 102 (fig. 1) =
Court of Ramesses 11: cf. Abd el-Ra7ik. "The llediDunham. The BarXal Tr.rnl~le.\ (Boston. 1970).
catory and Building Texts of Ramesses I 1 in Luxor
pp. 17(2). 19 (fig. 5): Legrain. "Au pyl6ne d'HarmTemple. I: T h e Texts." JEA 60 (1974): 149 (5B): for
habi a Karnak (X' pyl6ne):'
A S A E 14 (1914):
the name of this doorway. cf. Nims. J,VES 14 (1955):
42 = Vercoutter. BIFAO48 (1949): 138 (collated by
117 and n. 74. ( I n the unpublished decoration of the
me. 1983): IMetlit~et Hnhu 1. pl. 43.28: Edouard
exterior of this doorway. the kneeling male figures
Naville. Fi.\ti~,ul-Hall, pl. 6.
a r e identified a s v!i),r [S] and p't [N]: personal
observation. 1983.) When the Court of Amenhotep
12' Gayet. Ti>~nplr.tle Lou.ror, pls. 53-54: the
Ill was enclosed by the construction of the Colonsequence of the individual scenes from north t o south
nade. access t o it was restricted. and the Court of
is not clear from Gayet's presentation: they actually
Ramesses 11. incorporating the old Hatshepsut barque
run in order from fig. 102 through fig. 98.
station. became the public area of the temple.
' 3 0 Dietrich Wiedemann. L A 111. 939-40.
Hatshepsut also employs this formula at Karnak and
131 Gardiner. JEA 39 (1953): 27-28.
For the
Deir el-Bahari: Lacau-Chevrier. Har\hep.\orit, p. 44
Xhupre.th-crown associated with the coronation. see
(fig. 10). pp. 265-67 and pls. 13
17. 23. 24: D ~ i r I.eclant. ,%!PI. Mar.. 266-67. n. l l ; W. V. Davies.
el-Bnhari 111. pl. 85; IV. pl. 110 = Battiscombe
"The Origin of the Blue Crown." JEA 68 (1982):
Gunn. "Inscriptions from the Step Pyramid Site."
75-76.
A S A E 26 (1926): 187 = A E O 1. 102*; V. pl. 129;
132 Gardiner. JEA 39 (1953): 26-27; Schweitzer.
Wi..\iw tie\ KO, p. 58. Cf. I.acau-Chevrier. Hat\hc.l~
Karkowski. Deir el-Bahavi 1968-1972 (Warsaw.
1979). p. 36: cf. Z. Wysocki. "The Upper Court
\out, pl. I I
T/1ehe.\ o f the Pharaoh.\. 108. This ri>kh).etformula is
found elsewhere in association with portable barques
and other appearances o r manifestations of the king
o r a god. At Luxor it is repeated three places: ( I ) o n
the base of the second column from the west (at the
left of the entrance t o the A m u n chapel) o n the
portico of the Triple Shrine: cf. .I. Vercoutter. "Les

z)

rising sun, on the same side a s the Birth Suite), a s the living royal ka. It is most
instructive to note that the ka-name following the titles King of Upper and Lower
Egypt and S o n of Re is never written in a cartouche.14' This would serve only to
particularize o r personalize the representation.14' But it is not the legitimization of a
particular king's reign which is intended here; the temple can function in this respect
for any and all kings.
The representations of the divine conception and birth of Hatshepsut, Amenhotep Ill,
and Ramesses 11 are most unusual documents in their rarity.143Why are they not
found in every royal mortuary temple? And why are they found a t all in Luxor
'Temple, which is not a funerary temple?'44 The answer t o both these questions may be
that the scenes a t Luxor, which were a n integral part of Amenhotep 111's design for
the temple of the living ka, were indeed felt t o depict the transmission of the royal ka
in such generic terms as t o serve for nearly every king ever to come onto the throne of
Egypt. In a n y case, t o be acknowledged a s the legitimate royal heir of Amenhotep 111,
and later Ramesses 11, could only have enhanced the position of a n y of their less
illustrious successors. Luxor Temple thus seems t o have been the mythological and
theological power base of the reigning monarch from the New Kingdom onwards.
The enduring success of Luxor Temple a s a cult place of the living king's ka rests in
the fact that individual identity is suppressed in its ritual: the monarch grows into the
unique ka which is shared by all the kings of Egypt and has been handed on from ruler
t o ruler since the creation of the universe. In contrast, the ka of the deceased king1" is
manifested in its own special temple.146

143 F o r the general treatment of this genre. see

York, 1977). p. I I. F o r a related arrangement of the

Brunner. Grhurr tie, Gorrkiit7i,q.\: for the reliefs of

king's names in the corresponding dedication inscripRamesses 11. see further G A. Gaballa. "New Evi-

tion o n the south of the exterior wall of the Montu

dence o n the Birth of Pharaoh." Or. n.s. 36 (1967):

Temple a t Karnak North, see Karnak I , pls. 30-34:

cf. L'1.X. IV. 1669.6-1670.14. Here we find the ordl299-304 and pls 63-65: Habachi. "La Reine Touy.

Femme d e Sethi I. et ses proches parents inconnus."

nary full titulary of A m e n h o t e p l l l (west side)

opposed t o a n unusual titulary (east side) containing
RtlE 2 1 ( 1969): 28-39.

1" Despite the recent suggestion of Donadoni.

names which are elsewhere unattested for this king.

BSEG 7 (1982): 14-15.

T h e \ignificance of these variant names w ~ l l be

discussed below.
' 4 Adored as a n aspect of Amun-Re: see Bell.

.If;/. .MoXhrur (forthcoming).

141 F o r examples of throne names. however.
1" The practical question here is where was the
wrltten in cartouches and placed o n Xu-standards.
living king's barque normally lodged'? For it could
see Schweitler. WCJ\P~I
(I?\ Ka, p. 60: Radwan.
"Amenophis Ill.. dargestellt und angerufen als 0si:is
have been kept in Luxor Temple during the king's
MD.4 I K 29 (1973): 7 I . n. 5 and pl. 27b.
reign and moved t o the king's mortuary temple only
(1t~Ill7-11/r~')."
upon his death, o r it could have resided normally in
' 4 2 For the original usage of the cartouche to write
the king's profane b ~ r t hname (nomen), see Peter
the royal mortuary temple. visiting the east bank
only t o join the barques of Amun. M u t . and Khonsu
Kaplony. I.A I l l . 610; for the antithesis of the kufor festival processions. The celebration of the cult of
name and the monarch's individuality. cf. L A Ill.
the living monarch in his mortuary temple has been
276-77: Nock. Harvard Studies 41. pp. 9. 14 For the
dealt with by Nelson. J!VES 1 (1942): 145-46. 150.
names of deified kings not written in cartouches. see
Hermann Grapow. Wir, tlir ulren A , y ~ , ~ ~ 5ith
r r ~ r 15 1. Nelson's difficulty with the identif~cationof the
u17rr~tIe1r~t7,~ 1 \ei e 5ic.h ,qrii\\rrt~U I I ~wir \it, 17711- cult image in the king's barque now seems illusory:
r~it7uncIer \11ruc./iet7, pt. 2. A P A W . Jahrgang 1940. the status of the king apropos of h ~ manifestation
s
In
phil.-hist. KI.. no. I2 (Berlin. 1940). pp. 53-56: see
the barque is not materially affected by whether he is
further Bell. Mr;l. Mokhrur (forthcoming): t o the
alive o r dead but is determined by the fact that he is
references c ~ t e d there. add Calverley-Gardiner.
there. and always shall be. a n aspect of the eternal
Aht.tloc Ill. pl. 13.
royal Xu. The need t o change the cult image inside

L ~ J X OTEMPLE
R
AND

THE

C ~ J LOF
T

THE

ROYALKA

28 1

But the king still has o n e more astonishing transformation yet t o undergo. which we
a r e privileged t o witness. At the south end of the west wall of the Barque ~ a n c t u a r y . l ~ '
he s t a n d s before the open d o o r s of t h e shrine of t h e b a r q u e of A m u n , extending his
hand inside f o r the presentation of incense a n d elaborate floral bouquets (fig. 9). T h u s
the king c o m e s directly into the presence of the god. whose glory is instantly reflected
back o n t o him. This time he is endowed with a full titulary containing three unique
names. H e has become the Horus: Mighty Bull. Monumental (i.e.. "abounding in
monuments") a n d Divine (Mnrc,.~.iVlr_~>);
T w o Ladies: Great of Monuments and Divine
of Appearances; Golden One: Fashioner of the Shrines of Amun. W h o Provides f o r
their Offering Tables. At s o m e point the H o r u s n a m e seems t o have been carefully
erased. b u t it is obvious that the king has taken o n a whole new a n d distinct persona
here in his intimate relationship t o A m u n .
But just what has happened t o h i m ? At the climax of the offering ritual. the god has
diverted the benefit of the offerings o n t o the king; the many pious a n d beneficial acts
which the king has performed f o r the sake of the god a r e reflected in each of the
new names. T h e choice of the particular offerings which a r e the immediate instruments
of the king's apotheosis has hardly been left t o chance. T h e opposite wall shows
the king in the prior episode of the cult.'" hailing ( n d - h r ) the god by pouring out
pure water in front of him: t h u s he himself has presumably become purified before
the g o d . But the culmination of the ritual o n the west wall is celebrated with "incense"
( s ~ L I a. )n d "(fresh) flowers" ( r n l ~ ~ . r ) . 'By
4 9 paronomasia,l5" this is what the king receives
in his turn: "being made a god" (.snlrr). a s well a s "becoming young (again)" (1.np.i.)
a n d enjoying m a n y more "years" (r17/>rt~t).'~'
T h u s the epithet "divine" (nl~.,i,)
figures

the barque after the mortal ruler's death should not

have arisen. any more than it would have seemed
necessary t o take down his colossal Xu-statues at
I.uxor. Karnak. o r in Nubia; cf. Habachi. Brirra,ye
Bf 1 1 . 1981. p. 48. See further Alexander M.
Badawy. "Aberrations about Akhenaten." ZAS 99
(1973): 66: "The worship of royal statues during the
lifetime of the king they represented does not imply a
worship of the king himself. Indeed some of the kings
as Amenhotep Ill at Soleb o r Ramses 11 at Thebes
worship their own images. These statues were therefore sacred entities with divine attributes superior t o
those of the king. One can perhaps think of the statue
as embodying the deif~edconcept of kingship."
14' Cf. Jequier, I.ilrc~l7irec~rur.e
I , pl. 69.
148 Schwaller d e Lubicr. Te177plt~ cle I'Ho177nlc..
vol. 2. pls. 68-69; cf. pls. 100-101. In Room V of the
Seti I Qurna Temple. the king hailing Amun-Re with
pure water (E). alternates with the lu17177uref'offering
tnlr before Seti I ( W ) : see Christophe. "La Salle V d u
temple d e Sethi le' i Gournah." BIF.40 49 (1950):
121-30.
149 In the Q u r n a Temple. Ramesses I 1 is shown
offering both incense and fresh flowers before the
barque of A m u n - R e carried in procession: L D Ill.
150a.
150 See ~ ~ H i e rBM(Gurc1mer).
.
82. 92. The most
elaborate example of a New Kingdom paronomastic

offering ritual is perhaps that of the presentation

of green cloth f ~ u n dmost fully in pBr,rlin 1. 3055
( A m u n ) XXIX.2-5 = Moret. Rirurl tlu c.ulre cli1,in
iour17u!irr, p. 184. Calverley-Gardiner. .4hl,t/oc 11.
pls. 12. 19. 27; cf. Mariette. Ahl,cloc I. p. 53. The
phonetic and semantic combinations and permutations developed here are truly phenomenal.
151 Above the stern of the divine barque, behind
the naos. we read rl1.1. . . rrlr /7/711 111 rn1111.r/?I. $1 H r
I! 11 177 (171,-)cn.r-h1r
1111 R': see Chic. Or. Inst. photo
9418; o n the opposite wall. associated with the water
rite performed before the barque. we read ( / I . ~ ( . n.X
I)
/7h,c 117 r17l))c.r (behind the naos): Schwaller de
Lubic7. Te11711let/e I'Ho1?71?ic~,
vol. 2. pl. 101. For the
presentation of millions of years linked t o becoming
young again. cf. L'rX. IV. 1753.18-20; Gayet. Te171/1lc,
t/e I.ou.vor, pl. I0 (fig. 59); see also Bengt Birkstam in
Sture Brunnsaker and ~ a n s - A k eNordstrbm. Fro117
rl7r G u \ t u ~ , i u n u tCollt~c,rion\
,~
in U/)/I\U/U.1974. Acta
Universitatis Upsaliensis. Boreas. Uppsala Studies in
Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civililatlons 6 (hereafter Boreu, 6 ) (Uppsala. 1974).
pp. 19-24. F o r the presentation of fresh flowers
linked to the achievement of millions of years.
cf. Brunner. Lu-ror, pl. 59 (XVII 25c.2-4); Gayet.
Ter77l1le c/e I.ou.ror, pls. 3-6 (figs. 1 1 . 14- 15. 19. 23.
26. 28-32.39).

L I I X O RTEMPLEA N D

THE

CI.LTOF THE ROYALKA

283

prominently in the king's special names,l" while the theme of rejuvenation.Ii' now
familiar in t h e texts of the architrake a n d ku-statue considered earlier. a s well a s the
intent of the dikine suckling ritual, is carried forward. This scene is followed irnmediately by the coronation. with the white crown affixed (east side) then the red crown
(west side).Ii4
This scene clearly refers t o Episode 18 of the Ritual of A m e n h o t e p I."' which
is equivalent t o Section 21 of the Berlin service-book."h the incense rite."? Inasmuch
a s the intent of the Ritual is t o identify the reigning monarch with his divine ances1%
I ii)
tors. a n allusion t o it a t L u x o r Temple is hardly surprising. T h e earliest kersion
of t h e text of the incense rite known t o m e occurs o n a n offering table inscribed
f o r A m e n h o t e p ill."" but its origins lie in Spell 200 of the Pyramid ~ e x t s . ' T~ h' e
F o r Amenhotep I 1 1 given the epithets triri.
the Opet-shrtne. see Brunner. l.~r.\-(ir.
pl. 77.14: for thi\ king described as t 1 i t . i . I! I I I . , see
Haenq. Bt~trrd,yc~
Bf. I I. 1981. p. 84 (fig. 13. [In).
15' For queens from Hatshepsut through Mut
r u y a described as relubenated. r11/11.r/,see L)c2ir 1.iBtil~ortIV. pl. 115: Brunner. tirhlrrt c/e\ (;ottAiit7iy\.
pl 7: T h e Epigraphic S u r ~ e y Tllr,
.
Totiih of A'llrrlrr~f:
TIicho~i 7i11?1/1IY? (hereafter Kllc'rlrrf). O I P 102
(Chicago. 1979). pls. 9. 49. 56: Geoffre) Thorndike
\ o l I.
Uartin. Tlirz Ro~,cilTot?ih (11 El- At?~cir~icr,
.ZSE 35 (London. 1974). p. 88. fig. 711: 11abies.
Ruti~o.\r,,pl. 33; ,4111crrr1crVI. pl. 27.1. 13: 1!. Bouriant.
C i . 1,egrain. and G . Jequier. .Motiirtilenr\ polrr \er\,ir
u i ~ l l l ( l 1<Ill
~ i lllrl~(1;'Ilotloll ell ~yi,/Ile,,\ 0 l . I .
1 2 5
7?1ttlhe\ (le A'hri~ri/crtr~r~ou.
M l
F A O X (Cairo. 1903).
pl. I : Aldred. Akhe11e1tet7 (lnd .l't'/erriti (London.
1973). p . 102 (no. 16) = Maj Sandman. G;-I\frotii
rllr 7itt1e of ,4hll(~t1tiri,t7,BAe 8 (Brus,els. 1938).
p. 156.6; Smith a n d Redford. A T P I, pl. 3.2;
Tr~,crc~rrrc
o f 7irrcrr1Ahcr11irtl(New York. 1976). pl. 7
( n o . 9): El Mallakh and Brackman. Tlir, Go/(/ of
7irrur1Al1utii~rt1.p l. 140: Howard Carter. 7irt.cit7A/7.
41iiet7. \01. 3 (1.ondon. 1933). pl. 79A (collated b)
me in the Cairo Museum. 1985): Habachi. Relt'21
(1969): 36 (fig. 7). The eldest daughter of King
Herihor. s h o u n following her mother Nodjrnet in the
performance of a rite before the goddess Mut. is also
~ ~ I / I I\ .r Il hI . t ~ :K/lo/~\lrI , pl. 28. For
de\ignated ~I!I.~I
the deified Ahmose-Nefertari called II!I.I~~ / I / I / . Iree
I,
R I K I. pl. 5 I B. l)i,~r el .\f(;tlit~el~(1927). p, 17.
fig. 12 = i'ernj.. "LC Culte d'ArnCnophi, I" cher les
ouvrlerh de la necropole thebaine." H l F A O 21
(1927): pl. 6.1 (foll. p. 203): 1.L) Ill. 199 e ( T h . T . 23);
i.11~: Ir,.\
Bernadctte Letellier. l*r ['ie cl~ro~itltr~rlt~c~
crrri\citi\ tlc' Pl1(1rtiot1. Exhibition Catalogue. Musee\
de Met? (1978). p. 92 ( n o . 126 = Louvre N 470); for
the d e i f ~ e dQueen Ahhotep 11. wife of Amenhotep 1.
see Kosellini. .Won. .\torici, pl. 29.1 = Champollion.
.Motl.. \ o l . 2. pl. 153.3 ( T h . T . A.IX).
I i 4 Frankfort. A'it7,y\lit/1 ut7(1 rllr tiotl\, p. 107.
calls attention t o the hymn to the red crown of
1.ouer Eg)pt personified as the godde,s Werthekau
in connection with the coronation d e x r i b e d in
P I , - 195c: ". . . o n e phrase spoken by the king
15'

I ~ I ~ I I ( I , in

indicates that the coronation. his assumption of

roqalty. is like a rebirth o r kingl) power and. at the
same time. a rebirth of the goddess ( ' a h e n thou art
n e a and qoung')"--(r)tti ( ~ t . r ) . (1)t.t1/1\t.rr
t~
(for the
~ e r b a lforms. tee Elmar Edel. .4itd,y. Grutiirt~., I.
p. 279 [581]).
155 Nelson. "Certain
Reliefs at Karnak a n d
Medinet Habu and the Ritual of Amenophis I."
J.VESX (1949): 201-6. 221, 343-45; Da\,id. Rc'li,yir~lr,
Riruul or ,.l/,i,tlo\ kc 1300 H. C'.) (Warminster. 1973).
pp. 146-50.230-33.
I s h Temp. Rarnese, IX; /~Bc,riitl 1. 3055 ( A m u n )
V11.9-V111.5: 3014
3053 ( M u t ) V1.3-8: Moret.
Rir1rr.l tiir ~irlrt,ciil,~n~ o i r r t ~ t t l ~pp.
r r , 77-78.
15' The f o l l o w ~ n gtext has been reconstructed b)
compari\on of the extant ~ e r s i o n sof this rite: 1r1r
\t1!r: 11 \ti!r
ti 11 \r.~-n!r 11 $11 . \ t r k \ t i 1r1-Hr I P L
\ & P \ i \ t If/.\ \/..\
\ t i V!l/ll 1 r L /1rtr 111 ,V!l/l I 1.5 !\I
//I- 11
117~1-/7rA \t1!r t t ~ c l - l l ~ k\ t ~ l r(\ai,. tiir)
/tic/-ITPA t ? ~ t i - ~ tI , ~r ~ I bt.1
I
l r 1 - H ~/1c/n(.1) 111. ti1 r1i.L
/III,l, ti( I ) /I e l ti( I ) \tlLr ~llLr1~ll(~i)111 1.tl.L /Ilt,l ti( 1 , )
5t1~r~ i i ( t t)1.k tt.r-Hr 11 ,stir\ 1r.A \!I ~t.t-Hr~ I , . LFor
. the
pod's aroma as a n indication of the di\ine presence.
see Hornung. 7'1ic' O ~ i rcrt1(1 tlir .2lar11.. pp. 131-34.
For t?~ti-\t.r.see Faulkner. P1.r.. 36 a n d n. 2: idem.
T/7e .Ati(.ii,t~t~ : ~ I ~ / I C'off111
/ I o I ~ Tc,.\-/\ I 1 (Warminster.
1977). p. 153. n. 5 (ref. ('7' VI. 1 2 2 ~ ) c; f. I+'h 11.
79.6-8. The significant varlant tI!r in place of $111~
occurs in C3.1 1. Excerpt\ from this rite occur
el\euhere in the Ritual of Amenhotep I: / ~ H ~ c j B.\I
r.
Ic'crt-el~t~rr).
pl 53 ( R t . 7.5): Ernesta Bacchi. I1 1.11~ru1r
tli AI?I(,~~/I(I//IC
I, t'ubblica7ioni egittologiche del R.
Museo di Torino 6 (Turln. 1942). X11. 4-5.
1 % See Bell. .Me;/. .2loAh/crr (forthcoming).
1s' Cf. Da\id. Reli,yioir\ Ri/ircrlcrr .Ahl,clo\,p. 147:
86 and n. 4.
/)Hir>r.H M Itiurcl~~irr),
I h 0 Mrs. I.. Murra) Thriepland in (.o.A Ill. 233-35
and pl,. 107.1 1. 108.
I h ' Nelson. J V E S 8 (1949): 221. n. 51. The
beginning of this ,pel1 (PI,,-. 116a) reads: 117c_l-/l~A
.it~[rtt7~1-/1rAit1-t1lr lt~c_l-/irkt i i t ~ - ~ t1ti11
, r \:,I Hr, The
word play of this text. where irllr is balanced b)
it7-111r. "god's brother." is extremely helpful In
elucidating the meaning of its New Kingdom descendant. This spell occurs in the contest of the Opening

text normally occurs in conjunction with the depiction of a n incense offering; but o u r
first real insight into this rite is gained f r o m the only instance in which the incense is
absent.''' where Ramesses 111 is shown pouring o u t water before ~ e - ~ 0 r a k h t y . l ~ '
In t h e chapel of t h e deified Seti I in t h e Osiris Complex a t ~ b y d o s . ' ~Horus
'
pours
o u t water over t h e king. in a gesture linked by t h e accompanying recitations t o
t h e Opening of t h e M o u t h ceremony. N o incense is involved. but the inscription
a b o v e Horus declares "Pure is King Menmaatre, given life. for he (i.e.. Horus) has
deified (st~~,.r.t~:f)"'
him (i.e.. Seti I ) with his own eye; pure is his body a n d divineIhhis
his image."lh7 T h u s it is t h e Eye of H o r u s itself which deifies the king, symbolized by
but not necessarily restricted t o the particular agency of the incense offering.
T h e deification of Seti I t h r o u g h t h e incense rite of t h e Ritual of Amenhotep I
is also depicted in his chapel in t h e Osiris Complex a t ~ b y d o s ' " a n d in the Hypostyle
Hall a t ~ a r n a k . ' " h he rite is repeated three times a t Abydos before various deities.17('
a s well a s in connection with the sacred emblem of 0siris.17' Since the divinity of
these gods a n d the holiness of this standard were not in question in these representations. t h e effect of t h e rite here must be t o s u m m o n t h e relevant deities t o t a k e u p
temporary residence in particular cult statues o r fetishes. T h e performance of the rite
before the king would therefore designate him a divine manifestation; hence its use in
the G r e a t T e m p l e a t A b u Simbel. where it is repeated four times'72 before t h e barques
of Ramesses 11 deified a s A m u n - R c a n d ~ e - ~ o r a k h t y .In' ~the
' progress of the Ritual
of A m e n h o t e p I . it is precisely between t h e performance of the .wl,-r-rite a n d the
following offering list that a n a b r u p t transition occurs. which perplexed Gardiner:I7"
T h e first seven sections into which I have divided the text a r e preserved in C alone. and
six of them read for all t h e world like a ritual composed o n behalf of king 1)jeserkarE . i . r .
Arnenophis I . Except in o n e single passage ( C I . 2) the god Arnun is not mentioned. In the
seventh section ( C 4 . 1-12) there is a pu77ling change. Throughout the recitation5 belonging t o
the banquet the recipient addressed is not 1)jeserkare . but Arniin. . . . Again. the sudden change

of the Mouth Ritual. with the Horus eye here

my attention by Edward F. Wente.

associated with a n offering of ir7fr. "incense." For the

IhhTaking *tlrr/ as a n error for r7lr1.orr ~ ~ rfor
r ; the

corresponding text in the New Kingdom versions of

form with gemination. see Gardiner. EG, p. 352. n. 13
the Opening of the Mouth Ritual. see Otto. .ll~itrtl- (439): cf. also L'rI,. IV. 340.5 (rirrr.\) = 141.4 (rl/rr.f).
i j f f r ~ u r ~ g t r i r ~I.r oI l1 1-17; ll. 108-10 ( S c r ~ 4p 7 ~ 6 1 ) .
167 For tit^\^,. "cult image." see further Bell. .Me/.
In Scene 6c-d we find word play between strfr(\~.).A .IloX/r/ar (forthcoming).
and .o7\t..A trfrrt,: ibid.. 1. 16-17; 11. 49-50.
168 Calverley-Gardiner. Ahi tloc 111. pl. 40.
' 6 2 .llrtlirlrr H o h ~ IV.
i pl. 242A.
'6' See now Nelson-Murnane. Hil~oc!i,lr Hall I.
16' Nelson. J Y E S X (1949): 221. commenting that
pl. 42.
this scene "shows Ramesses I 1 1 pouring a libation.
170 Calverley-Gardiner. .Ahi.clo.c IV. pls. 47 ( R e not burning incense." declares that it is "typical of
Horakhty. as in the Medinet Habu example). 48
the carelessness in detail with which temple reliefs in
(twice: Osiris and Amun-Re).
this later period were sometimes composed."
171 Ibid.. I. pls. 10-1 1.
IhValverley-Gardiner. 4/11.(/o.cIll. pl. 35.
172 Habachi. Fratlirrc, pp. 4-6. figs. 3-5 (this refer16s U'h IV. 180.3. knows orfrr, "to deify." used of
ence kindly called t o my attention by 1,abib Habachi)
the king only at Edfu Temple. However. M.% IV.
= e rn$ and Edel. 4ho~i-Sinrhrl:Sollr.\ ir7rlrirurec.
180.5. cites its use in regard t o sacred animals in the
tr.rte.c lrierogIj~~~hiq~ir(.
CS. Centre de l>ocumentatime of Ramesses 11: see now Kitchen. Rot?i. 1n.cc.r. 11.
tion Egyptologique (Paris. 1959). H27. H31. M5:
370.6-7: this reference obtained from Meeks. A r ~ r ~ l r M3 = f.0,Te.v/ V. 141.
vol. 3. p. 260; for this text. see
Ir.~ic~ogro/)/7iq~ir,
173 See Bell. .Zll/. Moklrtar (forthcoming).
Siegfried Moren7. "Zur VergRttlichung in Agypten."
174 PHirr. B Zf IGarclir7rr), 101 -2.
Z 2 S 8 4 ( 1959): 134 (8); this reference kindly called t o

f r o m 11jeserkar.E to Amiin in the offering-list'of C4. 1-12 is well-nigh inexplicable without the
hypothesis t h a t in the first six sections the n a m e D-jeserkare has been substituted for the n a m e
of .4mCin in o n e o r more of his forms.

In the end. Gardiner is forced t o consider the possibility "that Amen-Re' and
Qjeserkare' could have been blended into a single personage in the Egyptian
imagination. . . ."Ii' In fact, the transformation of the king into a god is effected
through t h e agency of the incense rite: Amenhotep I Ramesses I 1 goes into the
ceremony a n d A m u n - R e c o m e s o u t a t the end of i t . Likewise a t L u x o r Temple,
Amenhotep 111 emerges deified from the Barque Sanctuary after a n incense ritual.
A m e n h o t e p Ill's a d o p t i o n of new names after his union with A m u n - R e during the
O p e t Festival has parallels elsewhere. S o m e unusual variants of royal names have
significance in connection with the celebration of jubilee festivals: this is the case not
only f o r T h u t m o s e 1 1 1 ' ~a n~d Ramesses 1 1 , ' ~but
~ for Amenhotep 111"' a s well. O n t h e
occasion of his first jubilee,17' A m e n h o t e p 111 took the special names Horus: Mighty
Bull. W h o ~ r o c l a i m s l " '( \ i , h r u ) Jubilees, a n d T w o Ladies: W h o Appears in the White
C r o w n and Assumes ( r ~ % y . \ t) he Red Crown: o n his third jubileelxl we also find Horus:
Mighty Bull. W h o Assumes Jubilees. O n a white faience box lid from ~ a r n a k , ' ~ '
associated with t h e celebration of o n e of his jubilees,''' this king becomes Horus:
Ibid.. 102.
PrX. IV. 598.9-600.15.
I?' Marianne Eaton-Krauss. 1.k' V. I I I. n. 2: see
also \ o n Beckerath. LA' 111. 551.
""he
most recent collection of the names of
Amenhotep I 1 1 is that published by \ o n Beckerath.
H o t ~ c l h u ~tlrr
~ ha,y1/1ticc~hrr7
A'ijtli,qct1~1~r,1.
pp. 85-86.
229-30.
"9 K l l r r ~ r r f :p l. 26. Yote that his usual Horus
name also appears twice in the texts of the jubilee
kiosk
I")
More likely than "Who Repeats Jubilees"
(unless in anticipation of the repet~tion).since this is
a name assoc~ated with the first jubilee. F o r this
problem. see Aldred. JEA 55 (1969): 73. n. 7.
I X 1 A'herurf, pl. 49. Here we find the three Horus
names of Amenhotep Ill in the kiosk. Reference
should be made here t o the accumulation of Horus
names attested for Seti I at h ~ Abydos
s
Temple. For
this k ~ n gappearing with eight separate Horus names
written simultaneously. see Calberley-Gardiner.
,4hl,clo.\ 11. pl. 35: cf. pl. 32 = Mariette. .Ah~,tlo\I .
pl. 33 (the king's barque chapel). See further
Calberley-Gardiner. .Ahi.(lo\, IV. pls. 53-55 (six
Horus names in the thicknesses of the entrances into
the Second Hypostyle Hall, o n the axes of the se\en
barque chapels located at the back of this hall): I.
pl. 36: 11. pls. 40-41 ( f i \ e separate Horus names on
each side of the thicknesses of the doorways of the
reLen barque chapels); Ill. pl. 18 ( f i \ e different
Horus names in the thicknesses of the doorway
between the Osiris Chapel and the Inner Osiris Hall:
Marirtte. Ah~,tlocI. pls.42 (six Horus names in
Corridor X , the Gallery of the Lists). 49b-c (fi\e
Horus names in Stairway Y. the Corridor of the
175
"6

Bull). Most of the% names conslst of nothing other

than elements of the full ~ e r s i o n so l t h e usual Horus.
T w o Ladies. a n d Golden names of Seti I. 1.ikewise.
seven H o r u r names of Seti I are found in his Qurna
Temple. written in the thicknesses of the doorway of
the Amun Ramesses I barque chapel: Chic. Or. Inst.
photos 82241s). 8223(N: mostly destroyed). For three
different Horus names of Rarnesses 11 in the thicknesses of the doorways of chapels in his Abydos
Temple. see Mariette. Ah,tloc 11. pl. 20a-d =
Kitchen. Rattl. Ir7cc.1..11. 546.9-548.6; for Ramesses I 1
with three Horus names at Karnak. see NelsonMurnane. H i p o c l ~ l r H a l l I . pl. 7 (this reference
kindly called to my attention by William Murnane):
for nine and fibe Horus names of this king on two
statues from Heracleopolis. see Kitchen. Rat~i.
Itl\(,r. 11. 501.3-11: l'hilippus Miller. "A Statue of
Ramesses I 1 in the Ilni\ersity Museum. t'hiladel
phia." ./E4 25 (1939): pl. 3 (foll. p. 4). At I.uxor
Temple itself. the dorsal pillar of the head of the
colossus of Ramesses I1 now set up before the east
wing of the t'ylon contains two parallel Horus
names: Muhammad Abdul-Qader Muhammad. "Preliminary Report on the Excavations Carried O u t in
the Temple of 1-uxor. Seasons 1958-1959 and
1959-1960." ,4S,4E 60 (1968): pl. 53 (foll. p. 279).
F o r Merneptah with two Horus names o n a lintel
from his palace at Mitrahina. see C. C. Edgar. "A
Building of Merenptah at Mit Rahineh." A S 4 E 15
(1915): 102 = Kitchen. Ratn Iti.\c,r. IV. 54.16-55.1.
I X 2 (.'rX. IV. 1748.17-1749.1.

In3 Cf. Hayes. "Minor .Art and Family History in

the Reign of Amun-Hotpe Ill." BZf.MA 6 (1948):

276. The word "jubilees" is pl~rrcil in both its

occurrences on this piece. and the sign taken as 1/11.

Image of Re, Pre-eminent O n e of t h e T w o Lands; T w o Ladies: ~ a d i a n t l ' h fAppearances a n d G r e a t of Majesty: Golden One: Flourishing of Kas. Goodly of Years. Lord
of Jubilees. In t h e surviving inscriptions o n the back of a fragmentary statue representing A m e n h o t e p 111 with his d a u g h t e r Isis, the king is called Horus: Mighty Bull,
W h o Appears with ~ u b i l e e s . ' ~ T" h e names of A m e n h o t e p I 1 1 otherwise exhibit a n
unusual range of variation: in his t o m b l x 5 his lirr is named Horus: Replete ( / ) , . I ) of
Appearances; a t ~ o l e b he
' ~is~worshiped a s Horus: Mighty Bull, Imposing of Eminence
( . s h r n , f ? ~ ~ )Horus:
; ' ~ ~ W h o Assumes the White Crown. Beloved of Heliopolis; Horus:
Enduring of Years, A b o u n d i n g in Festivals: T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes Laws a n d
Unites the T w o Lands; Golden One: Radiant of Transformations ( t ~ / ~ r \ t .Great
).
of
Miracles; Golden One: (Celebrating) Hundreds-of-Thousands of ~ e s t i v a l s . Like
' ~ ~ unto
Re: o n a r a m found a t Gebel ~ a r k a l ' ~(originally
'
f r o m the temple of ~ o l e b ) . ' " h e is
also called Golden One: Protector of the Gods. W h o Fashions their Majesties; o n his
Leningrad sphinxes'" (originally from his mortuary temple),!" he is extolled as T w o
Ladies: G r e a t of T e r r o r in Every Foreign Land: Golden One: W h o Tramples the
Tribesmen a n d Seizes their Land; Golden One: W h o Smites the (eastern) Bedouin and
S u b d u e s t h e Libyans; Golden One: Bull of the Kings, W h o S u b d u e s the Nine Bows;
o n a statue discovered a t ~ r m a n t . ' " originally f r o m his mortuary temple. I94 he is
f o u n d a s T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes ~ a w s l " a n d Effects Plans; Golden One: Great
of M o n u m e n t s and Great of Miracles in the House of A m u n o n the West of Thebes: in
the M o n t u ~ e m ~ l ehe" appears
~
a s Horus: [Mighty Bull,] Beloved of [ A m u n (?)I; T w o
Ladies: W h o Unites the T w o Lands a n d Sustains i-learts: Golden O n e : S o n of A m u n .
W h o is Satisfied (only) with T r u t h . This catalogue of n a m e forms would not be
complete without reference t o the Colossi of M e m n o n . Both statuesly7 a r e called
"Nebmaatre ( A m e n h o t e p 111)-is-the-Ruler-of-Rulers"; a n d the complete back pillar of
the southern colossus'yXpreserves f o r us the names Horus: Mighty Bull, Ruler-of-theRulers; T w o Ladies: Great of M o n u m e n t s Owing t o his Strength. W h o Brings the

by both Hayes and Helck ( PrX. IV. 1749.4) is

certainly / I \ / : see the photograph published by Hayes.
T h u s the label accompanying this particular titulary
announces "the appearance of the king with jubilees.
the f a ~ o r e done. the likeness of Re when he arises."
F o r Amenhotep I11 a s "lord of the jubilee, great of
fabors" o n document sealings from Malqata, see
Hayes. "Inscriptions from the Palace of Amen
hotep Ill.".lVflS 10 (1951 ): 174. fig. 31 (S.25-26).
I X V o r radiance as a sign of the presence of a
deity. see Hornung. Tlir Otie cir~tltlir ma ti^', p. 134.
IX"
B. \ a n d e Walle. "La f'rincesse Isis. fille et
epouse d3Amenophis 111." CcIE43 (1968): 43. fig. 2.
1x5 1-L) 111. 78e.
1x6 1.L) Ill. 83a ( I . 4-7).
' X 7 S o also von Beckerath. Lk' 111. 550; for the
pattern of this construction. see Wh 1. 575.8-1 I. T h e
Two Ladies name of Arnenhotep 11 begins Wtr-f 21t.
( S O von Beckerath, L A 111, 550; Hornung, ~ . 1,4 203,
reads W.\,.:f-:~ c , ~ t , ) .
1X"ee
Hayes. J V E S 10 (1951): 175, fig. 32 (S.72),
for Amenhotep 111 with this epithet on document

sealings from Malqata.

1x9 ( Z X . IV. 1751.13.

"0 Reisner. Z , ~ S
6 6 (1931 ): 81 (6-10).

I y 1 E. V. Tcherelob. l~'rtrr7iX d r r ~ , ! i riclorii

i
1949. 1

[27] (Moscow. 1949). pp. 94-98: M. Mat'e and

V. Pa\ lob. Pcrt,7iat!iiX i itk~rt.tt1.aclre~.tie,yoF:gil~rcr

I , t?i~r:ricrXh S o ! ~ r ~ ~ t X o ,S
yo i u : ~ ~
(Moicow.

1958).
figs. 44-45: cf. L R 11. 322. The hand-copie5 published in L'rX. IV. 1747.4-17. are incomplete.
"2 P.M 11'. 453-54.
19' ('r.k. IV. 1758.5-6.
I y 4 Spiegelberg. Rrc 7i.a~.20. 1898. p. 49.
I y 5 Spiegelberg's copy indicates that the damaged
text given at the beginning of ( ' r X . IV. 1758.5.
originally contained nothing other than the usual
~~:
T w o Ladies name of Amenhotep Ill. S t ~ i ! i - l i l the
hand copy in L;rX. IV is misleading in this regard.
1 % Prk. IV. 1669.8-10.
I y 7 Habachi. BeitrB,yr Bf. I I . 1981. p. 47: idem.
F r u ~ ~ r r r p.
c , 48.

I y X Idem. Beirru~eBf. I I . 1981. p. 44. fig. 7.

LLJXOR
T EMPLEA N D

THE

CLJLTOF THE ROYALKA

287

Lower Egyptian Heliopolis t o the Upper Egyptian Heliopolis (i.e.. Thebes); Golden
One: W h o Magnifies his Mansion of Eternity.
But t h e architraves of t h e Eighteenth Dynasty Portico a t L u x o r ~ e m p l e " ' present
t o us by f a r the greatest variety of names of Amenhotep 111. Most a r e derived from
the normal titulary2"" by the addition of various epithets, but some a r e genuinely
unique. Here we encounter Horus: Mighty Bull. S h a r p of Horns. Whose A r m is N o t
Opposed in Any Land: Horus: Mighty Bull. W h o Appears in T r u t h , King Radiant of
Transformations like the O n e W h o Created Him: Horus: Mighty Bull, W h o Appears
in T r u t h , A b o u n d i n g in Monuments. W h o Effects M o n u m e n t s t o (his) Justification
(\\'17-,11:r)201(var.: W h o Effects M o n u m e n t s in Karnak); T w o Ladies: Beloved Like
A m u n - R e ; T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes Laws like the Lord of Thebes: T w o Ladies:
W h o Establishes Laws a n d Pacifies the T w o Lands. Radiant of Transformations
When he Appears (ti'":/') a s the Horizon Dweller (var.: Radiant of Transformations in
All Lands: W h o Performs Great Miracles in Luxor): Golden O n e : Great of Strength,
G r e a t of M o n u m e n t s a n d Miracles in the House of his Father Amun-Re; Golden One:
G r e a t of Strength. W h o Smites the Asiatics. ~ a d i a n t : " ' and Beloved like A m u n (var.:
Archer Mighty of A r m s like the Lord of Thebes).
A remarkable private m o n u m e n t contains a n o t h e r eccentric H o r u s name of
A m e n h o t e p 111. once m o r e clearly opposed t o the usual form of his Horus name.'"' A
sandstone lintel f r o m T h e b a n T o m b 139'"' shows symmetrically arranged figures of
the owner of the t o m b . Pairi. a d o r i n g a centrally located pair of cartouches of
A m e n h o t e p 111. Flanking the cartouches o n either side. t w o different Horus names
a p p e a r : o n t h e left we find Mighty Bull. W h o Appears in Thebes; o n the right.
however. is the singular Mighty Bull. Majestic O n e of the T w o Lands. As noted by the
editor. H . R . all.^"' t h o u g h not explained by him. Pairi wears a wig a n d is dressed in
secular g a r b before Amenhotep's c o m m o n Horus name; before the unique name. his
head is shorn. a n d he wears the leopard skin of the I~rn/~lrrtc~/:
or .sr~~l-~riest.'"~
T h e distribution of these distinctive names in b o t h funerary a n d nonfunerary contexts. a n d the fact that the funerary examples include the king's k a in his t o m b
a n d a t least o n e of t h e colossal ku-statues in his mortuary temple. taken together
with the L u x o r evidence. indicate that we a r e t o understand these names as all applied
The copies published in ( ' r l . IV. 1696.11705.12. were collated by Richard Jasnow for the
Epigraphic Survey in 1981-82. while I made a
complete photographic record of the architrave texts
themselves.
1"" Care has been taken t o present only the names
which are unquestionably included in part of the
formal titulary. excluding the many other epithets
which are also applied t o the king here.
?"I 1.e.. who achieves justification through (his)
monuments.
"I? Cf. OrX. IV. 1699.1. 1700.7: Helck's restoration
of [ ! l / ) r l < . ]in each of these cases is t o be rejected. The
gaps which now exist a t this point in the architrake
inscriptions containing this name are largely the
result of the s h ~ f t i n gof the columns supporting these
a r c h i t r a ~ e s( personal observation. 1984): the gaps are
now filled with modern concrete.

203 F o r other monurne~ria containing similarly

disposed double titularies. see Drir el .MPt/inr/l
X X I , pl. 9.2 (lintel of Ramesses 11: for the restoration of the damaged name. cf. LL) 111. 194. where
He W h o Curbs the Foreign Lands occurs a s
Ramesses 11's Xu-name in a triumphal scene of
smiting prisoners before Ptah-Tatenen a t Abu
Simbel: Habachi. "Sethos 1's Devotion t o Seth and
~ k a r ~ s . " z I00
k ' ~(1974): 97 (fig. 2). 98 (barque stand
of Seti I): Kitchen. RUI?I.I n s t r . 1. 235.3-7 (altar of
Seti I: cited bq Habachi. ZAS 100: 99-100).
2oQB.M Srelue 7. pl. 7 ( I 182). In the facing text. the
king is described as "great of majesty in all lands."
205 Ibid.. p. 6.
E \ e n if it were here intended primarily t o show
Pairi in two different guises. the coordination with
the two names of Amenhotep I 1 1 is nekertheless
surelq deliberate.

t o manifestations of t h e royal k a . Indeed. we know that the king. a s a scion of the

creator god. could possess a plurality of kas.'"' Each unique name of the king must
express a special relationship between him a n d the god; each must represent a different
aspect of t h e royal kri; a n d most. if not all. must have been associated with individual
La-statues. Several of the names of A m e n h o t e p 111 a t Soleb a r e linked directly with
o n e o r a n o t h e r statue (hnt\,)208
of his there. Before leaving this subject it remains only
t o a d d that T u t a n k h a m u n is given a t least a unique Golden n a m e in a damaged
inscription o n the back of a g r o u p statue found a t his cult place at ~ a r a s : ~ ' W
) ' ho
Assumes the Crowns of his Father R e ( a s opposed t o the usual W h o Assumes the
Crowns and Satisfies the ~ o d s ) : ' " ' the damaged T w o Ladies name preceding this
could be restored"' a s something like [Splendid Egg of] the Universal Lord; at his cult
place a t ~ a w a " ' he is called Golden One: Ruler of T r u t h . W h o Satisfies the Gods: in
the inscriptions of some fragmentary reliefs found reused a t Heliopolis, he is the Golden
One: W h o Assumes the Crowns a n d Unites the T w o Lands [in Heliopolis]
and
a ceremonial cubit rod f r o m ~ h u r o b ' " calls him T w o Ladies: Great One of the Palace
( ' h ) (in) the House of A m u n .
It is fortunate that s o many major elements of the theological system of L u x o r
Temple a r e preserved t o us intact. allowing us a rare insight into the functioning of a n
ancient Egyptian temple. T h e temple dates basically t o a single period (from the end of
Dynasty X V l l l through early Dynasty XIX). and its rites seem t o be largely mono-

?"' Frankfort. Kirlg.\hil~

ut7tl /lie Go(/\. pp. 74-75;
object t o the mortuarq temple. see P.M 11'. 452. Note
H e l ~ n e rRinggren. U'orc/antl U'i.\t/o117:Srut/ie.\ in the
that in the speech of Amun-Re t o Amenhotep 111 o n
of' Dr\.rne Quulirre\ arlcl b-u.'urlc~rrorl\ the great stele behind the Colossi of Memnon, the
H~~~o.sruri:urion
god tells the k ~ n g"You are my son . . . who came
in rhr, Arlc.icrlr .Veur Eu\t (Lund. 1947). pp. 38-44;
S c h w e ~ t r e r . We\en (/e\ KO. pp. 29-30. 73-78 (for
forth from mq limbs, my image (I_lnr~.r)
whom I
Ramesses 111 offering before six of the Xus of Re, see
placed upon earth": Haeny. Br>irrijse Bf: 1 I . 1981.
now :Ileclinrt H u h u VI. pls. 418-20): Kaplonq. [.A
folding plate 5b (19); cf. (Irk. IV. 1676.1-2. The
111. 276: J o h n A . Wilson in Co171l)urari\,eStutlict irl
inscription on the dorsal pillar of the named colossal
Soc,ier,~,uric/ H i t r o r ~ . v, ol. 1 (1958-59) (The Hague,
statue of Ramesses I 1 in his court at Luxor Temple
1959). p. 396: this last reference kindly called t o my
describes it as a I_lnr~,
1t.r; Habachi.
p. 19.
attention bq William Murnane. F o r references t o the
fig. 13 = Kitchen. RUIII. In5c.r. 11. 630.13. For this
XUS of Hatshepsut in the texts of her Birth Portico.
word used in reference t o the cult statue of the deif~ed
see Drirrl-Buliuri l l . pls. 47. 53 (= OrX. IV. 230.15);
Rames4es I 1 at es-Sebua and Aksha (Serra West), see
cf. also L'rX. IV. 255.14. For a mention of the
Kitchen. RUIII.111.sc.r.l l . 738.5-1 1; 774.8-1 I; L D Ill.
plurality of the XUS of Amenhotep 111 in the Birth
191 m
Henri de Contenson. AX.\lia I: Lo hotiliy~rc.
Room at Luxor. see Brunner. Geh~irrtie, GorrXijr~i,yc, c.hrr;rirvne (Paris. 1966). pl. 3.5 ( t h ~ latter
s
reference
pl. 5: X -(~r.).f'nhw,.
kindly called t o my attention by Charles Van Siclen):
208 1.11 111. 85a. 87a; l'rk. IV. 1748.8-9. 1750.5.
cf. Vercoutter. "Preliminary Report o n the ExcavaFor I_lnr~,specifying
the king as a physical manifestations a t Aksha by the Franco-Argentine Archaeologitlon o r image of (his father) the sun god, see
cal Expedition." K u \ h 10 (1962). pl. 32a (foll. p. 112);
hheir (It>\ Habachi. Fr~urure\,p. 16
Hornung in Loretz, ed.. I1ir. Gorrr~hr~r~hiltllic
.Men.\~lim,pp. 134-35. 152: cf. Wildung. ZAS 99
?OY UrX. IV. 2044.12.
(1972-73): 39. In a Xu-chapel called "United-with2") Von Beckerath. [.A 111. 550. reads this name a s
P t a h V a t Memphis, a named statue of Amenhotep 111.
; ~ I ~ I - I I I now
~ H , corrected:
:
though it were RIIIII-!I I I ~ , S
presumably representing the king a s Ptah. is desigsee idem. Hurlt1huc.h c1t.r ij,y~.l~risc
her7 K ( i n i ~ t n u r i ~ e n .
nated a s a I_lrlr( 1,): UrX. IV. 1793.13-1801.5: for the
p. 88. n. 12.
411 1 n( I . ) / h171r. n7 r r l l ~ w a
, ~s a Xu-chapel. see Haeny.
" 1 Karkowski. Furas C', 128 ( x
4).
L ' E ~ ~ p r o l o f i ei en 1979, vol. 1 . pp. 1 1 1-16. Cf. also a
1 ' 2 M. F. Laming Macadam. Ku~r.u11. 33 (fig. 5).
statuette from this king's mortuarq temple: Samuel
?l?"aressy.
"La Tombe d'un Mnevis de Ramses
Birch. C a r a l o ~ u e of' rlir Col!r~ctior~ of E ~ ~ . l ) r i u n I I , " A S A E 1 8 (1919): 205. This referencecalled t o my
At7tiyuirie\ U I Alnw'~(,XCucrlr. (London. 1880). p. 57
attention bq Marianne Eaton-Krauss.
(496) = (Irk. IV. 1960.3-4: for the attribution of this
2 ' V / l u h ~ r rKahun
~,
ut7tl Glrroh, pl. 24.12.

LUXOR

TEMPLE
A N D THE CULTOF THE ROYALKA

289

thematic. T h e progression of the representations is consistent throughout the temple.

a n d the explicit statements of the accompanying texts explain many details which a r e
only alluded t o o r found in isolation elsewhere. T o summarize o u r findings: L u x o r
Temple was the premier national shrine dedicated t o the cult of the living, divine ruler;
when the king approaches the god reverentially performing the rituals of the Opet
Festival, his k u is renewed o r restored, a n d his right t o rule is reconfirmed. T h e k a
symbolizes t h e legitimacy of his inheritance; a n d during the festival. evidence that he
possesses the royal ku a n d t h a t it resides in him-that he is the living royal ka-is
displayed in the symbolic re-enactment of his divine conception and birth. his acknowledgment by A m u n - R e a n d recognition by the Ennead. his coronation, a n d the proclamation of his kri-name.
T h e occurrence of special names in conjunction with both the royal jubilee"' a n d
the renewal of the king's kcr d u r i n g the O p e t Festival brings us t o the close interrelationship of the t w o celebrations. L u x o r Temple was the site of the great a n n u a l royal
renewal. whereas t h e heh-.sed, o r 30-year jubilee (usually performed a t Memphis but
held by A m e n h o t e p 111 a t Thebes) m a r k s the inauguration of a new era2" o r cycle in
the king's reign. Both celebrations center around the monarch's possession of the royal
a n d both signal his achievement of a new ritual status. expressed in part by his
214 A great proliferation of royal names frequently
p r e s e r ~ e dhalf of a rose granite pillar, which prohablq
occurs on obelisks. normally erected in associa
came originally from Heliopolis: CG 17025 =
tion with the celebration of jubilee festivals as
Kitchen. Rutrl. In\c,r. IV. 31.1-13. The shape of this
symbols of the union of the king with the sun
object tells us that it is not a n obelisk. and its
god: cf. Habachi. Oheli.\X\, pp. 9-1 I (with special
inscriptions call it specifically a "pillar" (rwn). The
reference t o the Luxor obelisks of Ramesses 11); Karl
t\r,n-pillar is a variant of the obelisk, a solar emblem.
Martin. 1.2IV. 542: Christiane M. Zivie. "Les Rites
symboliring regeneration, often erected in connecd'krection de I'obelisque et d u pilier loun." Honltion with the celebration of a jubilee: Zivie in
iiia,qe\ u lu triPlrloire clc. Serge Sounc~rorl1927-1976,
H O I ~ I I ~ I Serge
U ~ C \Sounrron. pp. 488-97. Zibie points
~ o l I. (hereafter Hot,ltrlugr.\ Serge S u ~ m r r o n ) .BdE
out that whereas the obelisk is associated with Re o r
81 (Paris. 1979). pp. 494-95. F o r the multiplicity of
Re-Horakhty. the 1r1.n-pillar is associated with Atum.
names of individual kings found on single obelisks
She has determined that the earliest reference to. and
and pairs of obelisks, see ('rX. IV. 92.13-94.8
representation of. the erection of the 1\r.t7-pillardates
(Thutmose I: for a tabular presentation of the texts
t o the reign of Ramesses 11, but she saqs that there
on this obelisk. see Rolf Gundlach in Manfred Gorg
are n o known examples of actual /w,rl-pillars
and Edgar Pusch. eds.. Fe.cr\thri/r Elriior Eclc~l. preserbed. In addition t o the Merneptah pillar.
Agqpten und Altes Testament I [Bamberg. 19791.
h o w e ~ e r . one might question whether the Abgig
p. 221 [pl. I]): 583.12-585.17. 586.1-587.16. 589.16
"obelisk" of Sesostris I ( L D 11. 119) is not really

592.3. 592.4-594.2. 641.14-643.1 (Thutmose 111); another ~w,n-pillar.

Ora7io Marucchi. Gli oheli.vc,hi egiziani cli Roniu

? I 5 Aldred. JEA 55 (1969): 75.

( R o m e . 1898). pls. 3-4 = Kitchen. Rotii. Irlcc,r. I.

"6 F o r Ramesses 11 inboked as a royal ha, along

118.1-120.10 (Seti I): ll. 408.5-428.5 (Ramesses ll

with the gods Sobek. Ptah-Tatenen. and Ptah "the

a t Pi-Ramesse). 476.1-484.4 (Ramesses I I at HelioGreat Nun." probably on the occasion of his fourth

polis). 598.1-605.1 (Ramesses ll a t Luxor): V. jubilee. see Gomaa. C l ~ o e r i i ~ r ~ r p.

t e ,128

(fig. 28):
287.13-16 (Ramesses 111: cf. .lames F. R o m a n o in
Kitchen. Rrr~i,. In.\c.r. 11. 392.5-16. Both Barguet.
C o r a l o , ~ u r .Exhibition Catalogue: The Luxor MuA S A E 51 (1951): 212. and Schweitzer. Wc.\en tlec
seum of Ancient Egyptian Art [Cairo. 19791. p. 158
Ku, p. 72. n. 24. understand these gods a s consti[242]; this object kindlq called t o mq attention by
tuting the royal Xu of Ramesses 11. rather than
William Murnane); VI. 31.9-32.15 (Ramesses lV
stressing Ramesses 11's own dibinity in his union
surcharges o n the obelisk of Thutmose I). F o r "the
with the royal Xu; see now also Schlogl, Der Go11
apotheosis of the king identifying him with the sunTo~enerl. O B O 29 (Fribourg and Gottingen. 1980).
god"as the "culminating point in the traditional Sedpp. 62-63. For the jubilee a s the renewal of the
fest~bal."see Wente and Van Siclen in Fc Hugllrs.
coronation, with the divine king's rebirth accom
p. 221; cf. Birkstam. Boreos 6. p. 22. Four different
plished through the celebration of the jubilee festival.
Horus names of Merneptah a r e also found o n the
see S c h w e ~ t l e r . U'c>.\en tie.! Ko, p. 57: Wente. Fc

17

taking a new name.- and hence a new identity. as yet another aspect of the royal k ~ .
But the renewal of the divine kingship is only one aspect of the Opet Festival. For
Luxor Temple was first and foremost a creation site and as such had a primary role t o
play in the grand d r a m a of the cyclical regeneration of Amun-Re himself. The god's
rejuvenation was achieved through his return t o the very place. even the exact moment.
of creation at ~ u x o r ; " ' and
~ the triumph over chaos represented by the annual rebirth
of the kingship ensured Amun's own re-creation. The two miracles are inextricablb
intertwined in the celebration of the Opet Festival.
Although the design of the temple and its decoration were largely realized by
Amenhotep I l l , it may actually be to Hatshepsut that we owe the development of
much of the theological system of Luxor. She was, after all, the first to depict the
miracle of her divine conception and birth as ruler designate, she was the first to stress
the role of the goddess Mut in the Theban ~ r i a d , "and
~ hers is the earliest representation of the Opet Festival procession.2'9 She seems t o have emphasized Luxor Temple
generally, having embellished the Processional Way between Karnak and Luxor with
n o fewer than six way stations for the barque of ~ m u n . ' ~She
' undoubtedly promoted
the celebration of the festival during her reign. One may venture that the colossal
Osiride figures of the deified2'' queen (all bearing the name Hatshepsut-is-the-Beloved
o f - ~ m u n ) ' " which are shown standing outside the way stationsn3 are rojral ka-statues.
Her Horus name, Powerful of Kris, is extraordinary, in that she was the only New
Kingdom ruler t o include a direct reference to the ka2" in this part of her titulary;
Wil\on, pp. 90-91: Birkstam. Borru\ 6. pp. 19-24.
28-29. William Murnane has also called my attention t o a n inscription of Ramesses I1 o n the faqade of
the Colonnade a t 1-uxor Temple. publi\hed bq him:
\ee "The Sed Festikal: A Problem in Historical
Method." .MDAIK 37 (1981): 375. in which AmunRe says t o the king: ~rn..Xhhn,-ctl ~r./lnl.l:h h r ~ , ' - c i l
rn1x.X ,111 I ' h (collated by me. 1984): rt7/)1 is written
with only the sign A 17. F o r Ramesses VI rejuvenated. wearing the lunar disk and crescent. while
r e c e i ~ i n g"the jubilees of Re." see Abdel-A7iz Saleh.
Ert,o\,orions or Heliopoli~: Atlc,~etlrt21/11ion Ounii.
vol. 2 (Cairo. 1983). p. 79 (fig. 27) and pl. 64A. For
the lunar disk and crescent linked t o the motif of the
jubilee. cf. Vi\i Laurent-Tackholm. Furuo, hlon7s1er
(Stockholm. 1951). p. 14 (ceremonial shield from the
tomb of Tutankhamun).
? I 7 See Birkstam. Borruc 6, p. 20: cf. Daressy.
"l.'Obelisque de Qaha." AS.4E 19 (1920): 131-34.
? 1 7 W o r the sun's rebirth by returning to the $11
r p l , the "first occasion." see Hornung. Thr Onc, ant/
rhe .I.Iot7.1,.pp. 161-62. For Luxor Temple a s "the
precise location of the primordial event" (Wente's
translation in Khon5u I , p. 28 [ref. pl. 53.6-71).
referred t o in connection with Amun-Re's \i\it t o
L.uxorduring the Opet Festival. see L'rX. lV. 1709.13
( L u x o r socle inscription. temp. Amenhotep 111);
2040.14 ( L u x o r Colonnade, temp. Tutankharnun);
R I K 11, pl.90.4. 10-11; Khot7.c~ 1, pl. 21.18-19.
Three unpublished architrake inscriptions at Luxor
also refer t o this temple a s .I./ ~ ~ I ( I n. (I1)1 ) '/I 1/11.

(twice in the Colonnade. temp. Sety I; to be

published bq The Epigraphic S u r ~ e y )and
. \ I . / 'r7(1,1)
$ 1 1 ~[rl~.\,]
(Court of Amenhotep 111. Kelson number G
126: copy by Richard .Ja\now). For Rame\ses 11's
con\tructions a t L.uxor Temple dexribed as vtuated
"on the proper ground. ( i n ) the precinct of the
primordial event." see Abd el-Ra7ik. JE.4 60 (1974):
t71r1, hIl: : ( I ) !I( I , / ) $11//I( I ).
I47 (3B): / ~ .LIW
r
2 ' 8 Te Velde. 1.A IV. 246-48.
"9 Lacau-Chevrier. Hor.\hc,/~\o~~r,
nl. 7
2:" Sims. J.\'t'S 14 ( 1955): 1 14.
? ? I Haeny. L'Cq~prolo,yic~
L'17 1979, kol. I . p. 115:
Leblanc. Bib-A0 82 2 1982): 303-4. See also Kitchen.
RUIII.Incc,r. ll. 607.12 (marginal text in the Court of
Rame\\e\ I 1 at Luxor Temple). where a n Osiride
statue is one of the determinatlves used In writing the
plural of the word I_ltlr~.
??? A ruler de\cribed a \ b e l o ~ e dof a god becomes
a form of that god: see Bell. :llr;l. :lloXhrar (forthcoming).
22"Lacau-Chevrier. Ho~tllr,l).\o~rr,
pl. 7: 1-eblanc.
B I h A O 82 (1982): pls. 50-53 (loll, p. 31 I). O n e o f
the actual Osiride \tatues of the queen from the
Luxor way station ha\ recently been identified by
Leblanc. ibid.. pp. 301-2 and pls. 53A. 55.
224 Schweitzer. U'r,\en t1c.s KO, p. 55: Kaplony.
L.4 Ill. 276. Perhaps this means wa\ dexised t o a\oid
the logical a h u r d i t y of calling the queen a X : t1!71.
"mighty bull." S o t e . however. that K -n!lr W:cr-X H
is one of the s p e c ~ a lHoru\ names of Seti I in the
doorway of the Horus barque chapel at Abydos:

by this particular choice she seems to be making a statement about her possession
of the royal k a in more than one manifestation. Given the unusual circumstances
of her accession t o the throne, it is understandable that the proof of her legitimacy,
afforded by the celebration of the Opet Festival, would have been one of the priorities
of her reign.
We have also begun to pursue the implications of o u r discoveries a t Luxor for the
development of the Amarna heresy. Not only did Akhenaten elevate the Aten to the
position of chief deity, but he actively suppressed the worship of all other gods (except
Re and Atum, whom he saw as manifestations of the Aten)."' At the same time, he
elevated the role of the living king t o that of sole intermediary with the god. He
insisted on exclusivity not only for the god but also for himself a s the god's representative on earth. In his iconoclasm, he restricted the avenues of access to the god practically t o his own person.2" The god has no Prophet (!lm-tz_rr) except the king."'
whereas the living king now has his own ~ r o ~ h e t . ' "It is difficult to tell when the Aten
is acting and when the king is acting; the two merge into one another to a n astonishing
degree."?' Although all this can be understood against the background of the trends we
have already seen in the reign of Amenhotep 111, Akhenaten seems to have pushed the
idea of the unity of king and god too far. The success of the king's cult a t Luxor, we
have said, may have been due t o its generalization in regard t o the identity of the
reigning monarch (he is the temporal manifestation of the divine ka); the cult of
Akhenaten and the Aten may have been too specific and particular.
Charles F. ~ i m s ~ has
' " already observed that the figures of the royal ka a t 1-uxor
Temple were hacked out by Akhenaten's agents.'" Given the divine nature of the ka,
its erasure appears perfectly n o r r n a ~ . ' ~In
' nearly every instance when the ka-figure is
represented.233it has been hacked out. leaving only the symbolic arms supporting the
Callerleh-Gardiner. A h ~ , t / o1.\ pl. 16. Se\erthele\\.
this statement is \till kalid in regard t o the usual
Ia6\ecular") Horus names of the rulers of the New
Kingdom ( t h o \ e assumed at the time of their
coronation. a s opposed to subsequent "ceremon~al"
names).
2:'
For Atum. w e Myqliwiec. L ' t k ~ , / ~ r o l o , qc.11
c,
I Y 7 Y . kol. 2. pp. 285-89: see also Brunner. I.trror,
pl. 188a-b.
22h Hornung. T171, O t 7 ~u11t1 I ~ P.Manj.. p. 248:
Badawq. Zk'S99 ( 1973): 67-68: Assmann. Surc~irlur,~:
.Jullrh~rc11 fiir C'~~rl~t~r.\ol,yi,\(
hi<.h/e23 (Freiburg and
Munich. 1972). p . 123 ( t h k reference kindl) called t o
my attention by William hlurnane). see also Steffen
Wenig. 1.A' 1. 216. For the role of the other members
o f the royal family ap intermed~ariesin the cult of the
Aten. see Aldred. "Trad~tion and Rebolution In the
Art of the XVIIlth Dqnast)." in Denise SchmandtHesserat. ed., l ~ , ~ / ~ ~ o c&I,/]!
. r o l ( M a l ~ b u California.
.
1978). p. 58.
'2' Ramadan Saad in i
lT P I , p. 73: Redford. "The
Sun-Disc In Akhenaten'p Program: Its W o r s h ~ pand
4ntecedents. 11," JA RCE 17 (1980): 28.
2 2 X S a l e d Tawfik in .A T P I, p. 97: Wenig. 1.k' I.
217.
?'?' H ~ r k s t a m ,Boriw\ 6 , p. 27. Redford. ./.A RCE 17

(1980): 25-26: el'. Aldrcd. . I X / ~ ~ J I ~ ~PIlc11.ooi7

I I ~ , I ~ : of
E ~ , I / J I - - A \t,\i. S1trc11.(London. 1968). p. 185: idem
In Schmandt-Bes\erat. ed.. 11~11~rorroI
&q~,j)r,p . 57.
Cl'.. in general. Nock. Harkard Studie4 41. p. 12:
". . . the clo\e assoc~ationof the king in official belief
with the god\. and the frequent identifications of him
and his ancestors with particular deities. make it
imposs~blet o know sometimes whether he and the
god in question were treated as separate entities." See
further Bell. .Mil. .Mo!il7rar (forthcoming).
2'" Nims. T/rrhc,c of rl~c.Pllac.uoh\. p. 128.
For Akhenaten's defacements at L.uxor Temple
in general, see Rrunner. Ltr.ror, pp. 20-22.
2" Noticing Tome \ariation In the extent to which
the defacement of the rolal Xu was c a r r ~ e dout by
Akhenaten's agents at Luxor Temple. however.
W . Raymond John5on encouraged me t o undertake
a survey of the problem.
?'' A few examples seem t o habe e ~ c a p e dthe chisel
altogether; noteworthy is the fact that the figures of
the roqal Xu represented aa a n infant in the dibine
b ~ r t hreliefs a r e not mutilated. In some other cases.
the Xu-figure. Pa-arms. and Xa-name are all erased
(cf. fig. 2 above). presumably bq error. since Akhenaten certainly would not have wiphed t o deprive hip
father of the royal Xu

ka-name o n its head. Consistent with this, when the abstract ka-arms alone a r e represented o n a s t a n d a r d , these a r e untouched.234T h u s Akhenaten's real intention may
simply have been t o deny a n y separation between the royal k a a n d the person of the
king. In fact, the k a is not represented a t A m a r n a ; in the fully developed theology of
Akhenaten, it seems that the king himself is the royal ka,235rather than being merely
temporarily united with it. Since the very existence of Amun-Re: Kamutef had been
denied, a n d his physical role was not appropriate t o the immaterial, celestial Aten, a
basic reinterpretation of the mechanism of transmission of the royal k a was necessary.
Having excluded every other possibility, we a r e left with only the king himself. a s the
Aten incarnate. t o be t h e agent for the transmission of ~ e g i t i m a c y . " ~If this hypothesis
is correct. we ha\.e in this doctrine one of the fundamental innovations of the reign,
a n d we c a n well appreciate that it would have been re-iected later as one of Akhenaten's
many e x c e ~ s e s . ' ~ '
O n e final controversial topic o n which o u r findings seem t o impinge is the question of Akhenaten's T h e b a n jubilee. O n the surface, the preparations f o r this jubilee
seem fairly standard: its ceremonies probably included the erection of a n obelisk a t
~ a r n a k : " a~n d even fundamental changes in the ruler's names o n the occasion of a
jubilee seem t o be normal."' w h a t is still striking. however. is Akhenaten's timing of
the event. Since we now have t w o plausible explanations f o r Hatshepsut's celebration
o f a jubilee in year 16 of her joint reign with T h u t m o s e 111.'~" the most glaring
exception remaining t o the 30-year principle is Akhenaten's o w n celebration a r o u n d
his fourth regnal year."' O n e should not be completely surprised a t the radical
proposal which comes t o mind: if ( 1 ) the royal jubilee is defined as the thirtieth
anniversary of the appearance of the god-king o n earth;'42 ( 2 ) "it is probable that
A m e n h o t e p IV's Karnak Sed-festival was a joint festival of the king a n d the god":247

? j 4 F o r this motif in the reign of Amenhotep IV.

Pee ti'hrrurf: pl. 9 .
23' This statement is not intended t o deny the tenet
that the creator Aten now c o n ~ t i t u t e dthe king's Xu.
See further Bell, .2fPI. .2foX/lrar (forthcoming).
2 i h Had Akhenaten had a male child as h e ~ to
r the
throne. Instead of only daughters. the short-term
chances for the success of his new theologq might
have been somewhat greater.
2" Kedford, J A R C E 17 (1980): 26. r~ghtlypoints
out that the mortal monarch'\ assumption of his own
personal godhood would habe been self-defeating:
"To aver that one i.\ deitq 1s a n ultimate and
~ m p o s ~ i b step:
l e there is n o t h ~ n gleft to imagine. the
d o o r i~ closed t o speculation. It places the embodlment of the Ideal before men'^ eqes. where its
imperfections are plain t o Pee."
?jX
Cf. Jean Lauffra),. "La Colonnade-propylee
occidentale d e Karnak dite 'Kiosque d e Taharqa'et
ses a b o r d ~ . " Ki.ri7i 20 (1970): 117. 118 (fig 6);
Kamadaan S a ad and Claude Traunecker. " T e x t e ~et
reliefs mis a u jour dans la grande cour d u temple de
Karnak (1969)."ibid.. pp. 171-72: Redford In ilTP I.
pl. 34.3: cf. p. 79. The photograph published in
Schwaller de Lubic7. Trti7/1lr\ tlr KrrrnoX, vol. I .

p. 207 (fig 132). is reber~ed(checked bq me at the

~ i t e .1984); see Barguet. Trtii/~lrlI;lri7on- Ri.. pl. 35H.
?"Cf. Assmann. l..i 1, 527: on Akhenaten's
Karnak jubilee. see further Redford. J A R C E 17
i 1980). 3 1 . n. 206.
Wente and Van S ~ c l e nin F\ H~r,yhr\,pp. 22021. 225-27: cf. Wente in James E. H a r r ~ s and
Edward t.. Wente. i l n X - R r r ~.Arlo\ of'rl7r Ro,l,rrl
.Munrn7irs (hereafter .Y-Ra\, ilrlrrc) (Chicago and
1-ondon, 1980). pp. 248-49.
2" Wente and Van Siclen. F\ Hu,ylli,\, p. 220. For
cr~ticism of this date. see Kedford. "Studies on
Akhenaten at the be^. 11: A Report o n the Work of
the Akhenaten Temple Project of the lfniver~ity
Museum. T h e Ilnivers~tyof Pennsqlvania. for the
Year 1973-4," J A R C E 12 (1975): 13. n. 9.
A Atatus normallq ach~evedthrough the efficacy
of the coronation rites. I habe been greatly assisted
by the suggestions of Martha R. Bell in the formulation of t h ~ sdefinition.
Wente and Van Siclen, F\ Hu,yhr\. p. 221:
cf. Kedford. J A R C E 17 (1980): 25: "The first \t/
festibal . . . was not only the jubilee of the king, but
of the Disc a5 well": A ~ ~ m a n Sorc~rl~rrll
n.
23. p. 119
and n. 41.

'"

I>~:XOR
TEMPLE
AND

THE

CULTOF

THE

293

ROYALK,4

and (3) "the similarity of the monarch's birth t o the daily birth of the Disc is insisted
rr24J .
1s it not logical, within the framework of Akhenaton's thought. that the
upon,
celebration marked his own thirtieth birthday?"" A reign of 17 years. including a
two-year coregency with Amenhotep 1 1 1 , ' ~ ' gives a result completely compatible with
Wente's estimates of Akhenaten's age at death as 46-x years maximum. or 26 x -I- y
at the time of his j ~ b i l e e . " ~
We have been reminded repeatedly throughout this study that the role of the ka in
the Egyptian kingship is a n extremely complex one. with many obscure facets. Thus
we can readily understand how such a n eminent scholar as J o h n A. Wilson, my own
first professor in Egyptology a t the University of Chicago, could have written of the
Egyptian king that

the k a was not his political or immortal or mystical body. a s over against his natural body. The
k a of each individual king was born with him, and when he died he went t o join his ka in the
realm of the dead. Thus the k a was no perpetual and continuous Presence. which was the same
being for Ramses I. 11. and 1 1 1 . ~ ~ -

In this statement. which he penned in his review of Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's
Two Bodies; A Study in Mediae\)al Political Theologj, (Princeton, 1957), 1 believe
Wilson clearly has been shown wrong. Nevertheless, it is to his great credit, and a n
indication of the scope of his scholarship. that he is the only Egyptologist, t o the best
of my knowledge, ever to have commented on this book a t all.
I "discovered" the work of Kantorowicz while I was preparing a lecture on the royal
ka for presentation a t the Oriental Institute in July 1983; a t that time it occurred to me
that the system of Egyptian kingship which I was describing seemed t o bear a striking
resemblance to many elements of an old European doctrine regarding the special
status of the reigning monarch. Searching through the University of Chicago library
and the several bookstores on o r near the campus. I came upon The King? Two
Bodies.
Ever mindful of Wilson's precaution that "the analogy from the ancient Orient
is still valuable, in contrast rather than congruity. as a warning rather than a n
i l l ~ m i n a n t , " 1~ immediately
~~
found case after case in which the Europeans had
grappled with the same problems which the Egyptians had also faced more than three
millennia earlier. This fact should not be particularly surprising; there are certain
common issues associated with the various theories of monarchical government and
some basic questions which naturally recur concerning the person of the monarch and
his abilities t o perform the superhuman tasks which so often confront him. If we in the
relatively young field of Egyptology can be assisted in our attempt t o understand the
Egyptian tradition of kingship, and the doctrine of the royal ka, by familiarity with the
analytical techniques evolved in the long-established discipline of European political
ZJ4 Redford. J A R C E 17 (1980): 25: cf. Assmann.
bid.. p. 123.
244.i This same idea ha5 now also been e x p r e ~ s e dby
J I>. Ray: review of Ilonald H Kedford. AXllet~rrtrn:
Tllr Hrrrr11 kin^ (Princeton. 1984). G.M 86 (1985):
86-87.
2" Wente and Van Siclen. F.5 Hughrc. p. 230. For
criticism of this proposed maximum length for the

coregency. see K ~ t c h e n ' r~eview of F\ H~rc,+,

in

Serapi\: Tllr A t ~ r r i ( . u nJournrrl of' E x ~ , / ~ t o l o g4

\ .

(1977-78): 71
24h H a r r l ~
and Wente. X - R U I .Atlo,, pp. 255-56.
24. Wilson, Cot17/1urrrri1~r
Srlrtlir, in So(.irrl, rrrtcl
Hi5ror1,.vol. 1 (1958-59). p. 396
248 I b ~ d . p
. . 395