Movements Aff Wave 2

#AllLivesMatter

2AC / 1AC Now is the Key Time

The status quo movement is shifting towards
#AllLivesMatter and away from #BlackLivesMatter This
is an imposition of post-racial politics that acts as an
erasure of racial violence and hollows out the movement
only a recentering #BlackLivesMatter in the campaign is
key to prevent this shift
Arielle Newton, Editor-in-Chief December 1, 2014 WHAT YOU MEAN BY
#ALLLIVESMATTER http://blackmillennials.com/2014/12/01/what-you-meanby-alllivesmatter/
Perhaps the most infuriating adaptation is #AllLivesMatter, a
whitewashed faux sentiment that co-opts the crux of this growing
racial justice movement. Id imagine that when people tweet and post using #AllLivesMatter, theyre
trying to project an understanding that everyone should be treated with decency and respect.

#AllLivesMatter is a capture of colorblindness that goes against the

purpose of #BlackLivesMatter.

As Black Americans in the racial justice struggle and promoters of

the roots embedded in #BlackLivesMatter, we already know and agree that all lives matter. But we also know that

injustices stemming from police brutality and the conglomerate

criminal justice system, does not marginalize against all lives but
Black lives,

almost

exclusively . Every 28 hours, a Black person is killed by police or vigilantes. Black

people are trapped in prisons at alarming rates. Black people are less likely to graduate from college, but are more likely
to graduate with over $25,000 in student loan debt. Black people are more likely to suffer from HIV, diabetes, and other
serious health issues. The socioeconomic ills are widespread and numerous in the Black community. And despite the
hardships that we face, we recognize that our ills are not happenstance or coincidence. Theyre the product of elaborate
designs instituted by white supremacy and patriarchy. Our hardships stem from institutional racismthe policies and

When we say #BlackLivesMatter,

we are speaking about the unique hardships that the Black
community faces. We are speaking directly about a heritage that remains intact despite racist violence
directed at us. To say #AllLivesMatter is an affront to Black heritage,
people, and culture and does nothing but take away from the potent
practices that purposely disadvantage Black communities.

truth that the Black existence deserves ample recognition.

Arthur ChuYes,

all lives matter in ideology. But all lives dont matter in practice. Should society and history tell us, Black lives dont
matter. When the murder of an unarmed teenager goes unpunished, and is further justified, all lives dont matter. When a
white man shoots up a movie theater, kills 12 people, terrorizes a nation, and is still alive all lives dont matter.

#AllLivesMatter is a cheap attempt to neutralize the fact that certain

injustices and brutality are experienced by those with darkened skin .
Please do not reshape the narrative in attempt to remain colorblind.

Now is the Key time mobilization of the movement is key

to counter media re-framing of the #BlackLivesMatter
Movement
William Lynch Vice President, New Business Initiatives LLC : 01/08/ 2015
Stop Slandering 'Black Lives Matter' http://www.huffingtonpost.com/-williamlynch-iii/stop-slandering-black-lives-matter_b_6437730.html

On December 20, New York City suffered an incredible tragedy: Depraved, cowardly madman Ismaaiyl
Brinsley murdered NYPD officers Rafael Ramos and Wenjian Liu. There is not a scintilla of justification for
Brinsley's actions, and it shall always be a sad chapter of our city's history. However, what has concerned

folks are attempting to coopt this tragedy to

slander the Black Lives Matter movement and quash any attempt at
me and many others is that some

reforms or accountability. Patrolmen's Benevolent Association

president Patrick Lynch (no relation to me) was quick to blame seemingly all critics of law
enforcement when he declared, "There's blood on many hands tonight." He then called for an end
to the Black Lives Matter movement when he said, "It must not go on, it cannot be
tolerated." Fraternal Order of Police national president Chuck
Canterbury gave a similar response, imploring us to end criticism of
law enforcement officers and regard their work as performed perfectly: "Enough is enough.
There's nothing wrong with the way cops do their jobs that won't be fixed when politicians suck it up and

The
editorial board at the New York Post also came down hard on
demonstrators and critics of law enforcement in reaction to the two murdered officers:
attack the problems that breed poverty and crime." (Granted, I give him props for that last part.)

Clearly, the protesters -- egged on by politicians and professional activists -- have engaged in a warped
campaign to fuel anger at cops. Even before Saturday's slaying of these officers, some protesters had
become violent and attacked cops. "What do we want? Dead cops! When do we want it? Now!" some
chanted last week. Now they've got their wish. Less than two days later the editorial board was at it
again:

For weeks, our elites have validated the "anger" of the

protesters who have been taking over streets, bridges and tunnels. However, the Black
Lives Matter movement has always been overwhelmingly committed
to nonviolence. This started back in August at the time of the "We Will Not Go Back" march, which I
helped organize with my friend Al Sharpton, along with several labor unions. In the days leading to the
march, Sharpton penned a blog post on The Huffington Post expressing his support for police and for
nonviolence: The moment we lose our pledge to a non-violent movement, we become part of what we
claim to be fighting. Do not allow this to happen; we must remain dedicated to a higher moral
commitment. ... As I have often stated, not all police officers are bad. In fact, I believe most of them truly
are doing their best to protect people and reduce crime. The reverend reiterated this at the August rally:
We are not here to cause violence. ... We are not against police. Most police do their job. But those that
break the law must be held accountable. ... We are for police. This was not simply empty rhetoric: There
was not a single arrest at the August march. Nor were there any incidents at last month's Harlem vigil,
whose scope was expanded to also be a vigil for the murdered cops. At the event, participants politely
obliged with the requests of NYPD officers, who reciprocated with thank-yous. During the vigil event, one
speaker proclaimed, "We're not anti-police; we're anti-police-brutality. Every cop isn't bad." And, for those
of you who gripe that black folks ignore the issue of crime among ourselves, during the service following
the vigil, Eric Garner's nephew gave a speech declaring, "I truly believe that when anybody gets murdered,

the news
media has been hard at work tracking down the handful of
protesters and others who did or even wrote something violent in
order to stereotype the entire Black Lives Matter movement as violent.
And when there isn't something, the news media has resorted to
doctoring footage to make it look like a protester is calling for killing police when she was
by a police officer or by one of our kind, we should take the same stance." Nevertheless,

actually protesting peacefully. The Post has been at the forefront of this tactic. For example, a columnist
wrote an op-ed entitled, "Thought those anti-cop [sic] protesters were peaceful? Think again." He goes on
to cite a single violent incident in which Eric Linsker attempted to throw a garbage can and then attacked
two cops trying to arrest him, while a few other protesters intervened physically. I do not condone this
action, but nevertheless this columnist apparently could only find one incident involving violence. And the
Post's own video of the incident shows, by my count, seven or eight people being physical, where the
physicality is mostly tugging at the officers trying to detain one person. Moreover, Linsker's attorney later
described the attempted throwing of the garbage can as being that he picked up a garbage can, then put it

this single incident was enough for the

Post to typify the entire demonstration as violent by using the
headline "Poet accused of assaulting cops during 'peaceful' protest ,"
down at the behest of police. However,

as opposed to something more accurate like "Poet accused of assaulting cops during otherwise peaceful
protest." The same columnist also pointed to video of a few dozen protesters calling for dead cops, albeit
while engaging in a nonviolent march. A quick glance of the video shows a few dozen people, maybe 40
tops, which he somehow estimates it to be "hundreds if not thousands." Based on this evidence, the
columnist declares, "Let's make believe that only an itsy-bitsy handful of those anti-police protesters
disrupting the city are hell-bent on mayhem." That statement is quite ironic because, although I was never
that good at math, by my calculations about 50 people out of thousands actually is an itsy-bitsy handful.
And when editorial boards and Patrick Lynch are lambasting critics of law enforcement, they may want to
take note of the number of conservative commentators who denounced the grand jury decision in the Eric

Garner case. This includes FOX News commentators Charles Krauthammer and Andrew Napolitano, who
respectively called the decision not to indict as "totally incomprehensible" and "a grievous wrong." That
might have made for some awkward moments at the holiday party of the News Corporation, which owns
the Post and FOX News, if anyone at the paper's editorial board bumped into Krauthammer or Napolitano,
considering that the board implied their co-workers are among the "elites" who "validated the 'anger' of

But you know what? Let's do an

intellectual exercise and take as fact that the Black Lives Matter
movement is violent based on the Post's standards. Now, let's apply
that logic consistently. How about sports fans who loot and riot after
games, whether their team wins or loses? Last year, fans at the University of Arizona rioted and
the protesters" and helped incite Ramos' and Liu's murders.

attacked police after their basketball team lost in the March Madness tournament. This past October, fans
at West Virginia University "celebrated" their football team's upset victory over Baylor by setting fires and
damaging property. Even worse, one person was actually killed in a soccer riot in Spain last November, as
reported by the Post. But did the paper accompany the article with an op-ed entitled, "Thought sports
fans were peaceful? Think again"? Have there been calls for all sporting events to be held in empty
arenas? Or that no one should ever again peacefully celebrate or lament the outcome of a sporting event?
The next time a New York sports franchise wins a championship (God willing), will the Post publish an

Let's also apply this logic to typify law

enforcement officers based on the actions of a few. New York Magazine
editorial saying we not have a victory parade?

compiled a list of comments in response to Garner's murder. These comments were posted on the police
message boards Thee RANT and PoliceOne. Both message boards require users to provide documentation
in order to be verified as police officers before they can post. Here are some of the lowlights of message
board postings by verified law enforcement officers in response to Garner's homicide. All spelling and
grammatical mistakes in the original: Tough shit and too damn bad. I guess it's the best thing for his
tribe. He probably never worked a legit job. They city will pay off the family and they will be in Nigggaaa
heaven for the rest of their lives!! If the fat fuk just put his hands behind his back none of this would have
escalated into what it did. The cities of America are held hostage by the strong-arm tactics of the
savages After the grand jury decided not to indict Officer Pantaleo, forum users expressed similar
sentiments: I WILL DO EVERYTHING IN MY POWER TO KEEP MY 2 SONS FROM EVER, EVER BEING LEOS
[law enforcement officers]...I will not let my sons be sacraficed for ungrateful, spoiled, hateful animals.
Thank the good Lord it happened in the Isle of Staten where there are still some working class white folks.
F u c k Black America, their equal or worse than whites, when speaking of Racism... F u c k Diversity, it's
not working and never will work...Diversity only accomplishes one thing, Lazy, Dumb idiots who don't care
about any Position they attain, You Listening Mr. President ? And this, ahem, insensitivity is not limited to
message boards. There was also this police charity event in California last month, hosted by retired LAPD
officer Joe Myers, with an estimated 25 to 30 LAPD officers in attendance. The event included a
performance by former federal investigator Gary Fishell, who mocked Michael Brown's death with a song
parody of "Bad, Bad Leroy Brown" where "Michael" replaced "Leroy." Reportedly no one at the event voiced
any objection to the song, whose lyrics included the following: And Michael looked like some old Swiss
cheese His brain was splattered on the floor And he's dead, dead Michael Brown Deadest man in the
whole damn town So is all of this conclusive evidence that all law enforcement officers are racist? Of
course not. Because this all adds up to a handful of disparate anecdotes from a minute fraction of police.
And that's exactly my point: Do not characterize any broad cross-section of people -- be it cops, protesters,
or anyone else -- based on cherry picking what a few of them do or say. You know what? I'll hold my nose
and empathize with the Post a little bit. I hope their editors and columnists are slandering the Black Lives
Matter movement because somewhere deep, deep down inside they think it's for a good end, misguided
though it may be. Heck, I'll even concede that Patrick Lynch's job is to advocate for his membership, not to

But we cannot and will not allow any smears to

quash the movement to end excessive force by a small percentage of
law enforcement officers. This is a critical juncture , one where folks
are more vocal than ever before about criminal justice reform, and
the horrific murders of two NYPD officers must not be a strawman
for ending any type of reform. We've gained too much momentum to
be polite or strive for accuracy.

let that happen.

#AllLivesMatter is Bad
#AllLivesMatter is an erasure of racial justice from the
movement
Julia Craven Staff Reporter, The Huffington Post, Updated: 01/25/ 2015

Please Stop Telling Me That All Lives Matter 11/25/2014 11:43 pm EST
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/julia-craven/please-stop-telling-meth_b_6223072.html
When I say "Black lives matter," it is because this nation has a tendency to say otherwise. Racial
discrimination does affect all minorities but police brutality , at such
excessive rates,

28 hrs,

does not . A black person is killed extrajudicially every

and Black men between ages 19 and 25 are the group most at risk to be gunned down by

police. Based on data from the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, young Blacks are 4.5 times more
likely to be killed by police than any other age or racial group. African-Americans have comprised 26
percent of police shootings though we only makeup 13 percent of the U.S. population, based on data
spanning from 1999 to 2011. In the 108 days since Mike Brown was killed by Darren Wilson and left on
display in the middle of the street for four and a half hours, at least seven Black males have been shot and
killed by law enforcement officers.

Officers are provided the unrestricted right

to use force at their discretion

-- and will not hesitate to do so --

and Black

bodies are more susceptible to greeting the business end of those

state-issued firearms. Multiple factors such as clothing, location
and individual behavior determine who gets stopped by the police
and when, according to Jack Glaser, an associate professor at University of California-Berkeley's

Goldman School of Public Policy. "The way the process works ... is if you take two equivalent people -- a
young white man and a young black man -- who are dressed identically, the black man would still have a
greater chance of being stopped," Glaser said. "And it's because his race is a basis of suspicion and it
interacts with those other qualities in a way that makes them all seem more suspicious because it biases
the judgment of everything." Granted, extrajudicial killings have dropped 70 percent in the last 40 to 50
years. Nearly 100 young black men were killed annually by police in the late 1960s, and these young men
also comprised 25 percent of police killings between 1968 and 1974. Shootings fell to 35 per year in the
2000s though the risk is still higher for Black Americans than it is for whites, Latinos and Asians. My people
are killed at 2.8 times the rate of white non-Latinos and 4.3 times the rate of Asians. I say all of this to
say, though it has become less prevalent, police brutality has never affected another racial group like it
affects us. Race brings on individual issues for each minority group.

Saying "all lives

matter" causes erasure of the differing disparities each group faces.

Saying "all lives matter" is nothing more than you centering and
inserting yourself within a very emotional and personal situation
without any empathy or respect . Saying "all lives matter" is unnecessary:
"#AllLivesMatter

because I don't see race

" Erasure is not progressive. This isn't something to be
proud of. rosemary l'trangre (@whoisroseama) November 25, 2014 Non-black kids aren't being
killed like black kids are. Of course I'd be just as pissed if cops were gunning down white kids. Duh, but
they aren't. White assailants can litter movie theaters and bodies with bullets from automatic weapons and
be apprehended alive but black kids can't jaywalk or have toy guns in open carry states? There is
seemingly no justice for Black life in America. An unarmed Black body can be gunned down without
sufficient reasoning and left in the middle of the street on display for hours -- just like victims of lynching.
Strange fruit still hangs from our nations poplar trees. Lynching underwent a technological revolution. It

Police brutality is a BLACK

issue. This is not an ill afflicting all Americans, but that does not
mean you cannot stand in solidarity with us. But standing with us
does not mean telling us how we should feel about our community's
marginalization. Standing with us means being with us in solidarity
evolved from nooses to guns and broken necks to bullet wounds.

without being upset that this is for OUR PEOPLE

-- and wanting recognition for

yours in this very specific context.

#AllLivesMatter prioritizes white lives over black lives

this is an erasure of difference that hollows out the
movement
Nazar Aljassar | Mar 24 2015 Stop saying All Lives Matter
http://www.cavalierdaily.com/article/2015/03/aljassar-stop-saying-all-livesmatter

When I march in protest with my peers and say black lives matter, I do so because there is no shortage
of Americans who believe that black lives are disposable.

The wanton use of excessive

force by police officers against young black males is welldocumented : despite comprising 13 percent of the national
population, black Americans are victims of roughly one in four police
shootings. In our own community, we have seen one of our black students, Martese Johnson,
bloodied by Virginia Alcoholic Beverage Control agents whose racial biases, implicit or explicit, likely
affected their ill disposition towards him and even if they didnt in this instance, the possibility of
prejudice alone illustrates just how heavily race hangs over the heads of those who regularly run into
racism. I say black lives matter because America has declared open season against young black males,

I am embittered by disrespectful University students who insist

on replacing black lives matter with all lives matter. All lives
and

matter masquerades as a good-natured mantra that unites

different communities against injustice and all of its manifestations ;
beneath a superficial level, it is an insensitive appropriation of a
phrase created by black Americans in search of solidarity

following the

tragedies that have befallen young black males. A friend explained it to me as analogous to an individual
approaching a charity bake sale for cancer and imploring the organizers to consider the struggles that

Those who say all lives matter hijack an expression

that affirms black lives in a world where cultural and institutional
practices disadvantage them. These individuals subsume struggles
specific to black Americans under a broader, whitewashed vision for
equality and racial colorblindness that is more palatable to nonblack Americans. I dont mean to accuse all who have said all lives matter of co-opting a
phrase that does not belong to them. Those who say all lives matter may not be
aware of the implications of those words and may have just picked
up the phrase from social media, unlike those who pretend racism in
law enforcement does not exist. The latter are the kind of people who say that they
other patients face.

dont see race, the kind of people who rear their ugly heads each time a black body bears the brunt of

These are the people who drown out black voices through
whitewashing; by saying all lives matter, they create a more
sanitized view of social inequalities. Expressing the slogan that
emerged from the shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson as all
lives matter places non-black Americans at the center of a tragedy
that does not bear any consequences for them. All lives matter
violence.

diminishes the racial element of the issues that permeate the

American criminal justice system. The application of justice in our
nation is unequal, so it only makes sense that we direct our concern
towards affirming the value of black lives. Since this country's founding the law

has been used to protect the life, liberty, and property of white men, yet that same law has been warped
and manipulated to disenfranchise black people from those basic rights, University NAACP Chapter
President Vj Jenkins said. While [some white men and women] see the police and see safety, a person to
call to for aid, so many of my people see the lessons history has taught them. They see Brown v.
Mississippi where police officers hung a man by a tree and beat him until he confessed to a crime he did
not commit. Injustices associated with law enforcement affect all, but black Americans are by far the
greatest victims. It would be dishonest to neglect differences in the way black and non-black bodies are
treated by American institutions.

The very fact that certain people are able to

ignore racial disparities and declare that all lives matter

demonstrates that not all lives matter the same . According to Jenkins, [Black
Americans] have been brutalized in a manner not befitting of wild animals. History has told us that our

I would love to live in a racially colorblind world where

all lives matter. But this world does not exist. Race matters, and so
for as long as injustice threatens justice, I will choose the side of the
oppressed. For as long as strange fruit continues to hang from
Americas poplar trees, I will assert that black lives matter.
lives mean nothing.

AT: But You Are White / Kick White People Out

Thats Irrelevant It is not a question of whether or not
white individuals can ally with social movements its only
a question of whether they re-center the discussion
around themselves like the #AllLivesMatter movement
Christian Piatt 02/15/2015 The Death of Jordan Baker and Why "All Lives
Matter" Isn't Enough

"All lives matter." So why is this

inappropriate? There are a number of reasons, actually. First , these cries are direct
responses to the loss of black lives. It's a nonviolent corporate response to power that
Rather than "Black lives matter," they argue, we should say

was wielded violently. It's a response to a judicial system that historically incarcerates black men at a rate

It's a response of a
community conditioned to fear the very ones sworn to protect them .
staggeringly higher than their white counterparts, for the same crimes.

Such grief, despair and helplessness demands a response from within us. WE MATTER is a call to be
recognized, valued and cared for.

Second , there is no implication in the phrase

"Black lives matter" that they matter any more than any other lives.
it's a response to a societal phenomenon that seems, if without
words, to say those black lives matter less . It's a call to nonviolent
Rather,

resistance , in the spirit of King, Gandhi, and even Jesus. Third , the co-opting of
"Black lives matter" into "All lives matter" touches a deep historical
nerve, of which those with racial privilege may not be aware . But as the old
saying goes, ignorance is no excuse. Granted, the practice of slavery by means of force is no longer legal
in our culture, but it has not stopped the dominant culture from taking valuable contributions to American
society and co-opting it, adapting it and quite often profiting greatly from it. From science and literature to

So it's understandable if
African-Americans bristle at the perhaps well-intended desire of
others to change their call for equality and justice into something
broader, and therefore, absent of it's particular potency for the
the arts and entertainment, the pattern is well established.

situation at hand. Rather than resisting or trying to change such cries, there is an
opportunity for those of us in historically privileged and powerful
positions in the culture to listen, learn and better understand the
longing behind the words. The responsibility is on us to help make
room for such voices, to help amplify them and to use what power
and privilege we have to exact the kind of change that , ultimately
would lead to a society in which chants as "Black lives matter"
would no longer be necessary.

White allies are good as long as they arent central

features of the movement
Julie Walker is a New York-based freelance journalist March 17 2015

#BlackLivesMatter Founders: Please Stop Co-opting Our Hashtag

http://www.theroot.com/articles/culture/2015/03/_blacklivesmatter_founders_
please_stop_co_opting_our_hashtag.html

Meanwhile, Garza said she is looking for more white co-conspirators to help
with unification efforts. I think we spend a lot of time figuring out how to
move white people, and just because of the social power dynamics, I dont
think that were best positioned to do that, Garza said. I think other white
folks who are invested in dismantling systems of oppression are best
positioned to engage with other white people.

#BlackLivesMatter

AT: It Will Be Coopted

Cooptation is Irrelevant Adding more voices is key to
raising awareness, even if some of them are initially
disingenuous
Theodore R. Johnson is a writer, doctoral candidate, and former White
House Fellow. December 12 2014 Don't Let "Black Lives Matter" Become

Another Ice Bucket Challenge

http://www.newrepublic.com/article/120575/black-lives-matter-i-cant-breatheare-not-next-ice-bucket-challenge
"I Cant Breathe" is not a promotional tool. " Black Lives Matter" is not a motto .
"Hands Up, Dont Shoot" is not an advertising catchphrase. These declaratives are pleas
for justice. And die-ins and traffic-defying protests are serious
political actions, not merely photo ops. The movement is not for sale or to win
popularity contests. It was inevitable that Black Lives Matter, once it became
widespread, would attract people who simply want to be a part of a
social movement, whatever it may be. But even these bandwagon activists
can be leveraged. The ice bucket challenge, after all, brought in
$115 million for the ALS Association. Black Lives Matter is less
about raising money than raising awareness, continuing the debate,
and demanding action. Even if the movement's less committed
participants are effectively free advertising, their presence can
widen support . It's a truism of civil disobedience that sometimes
quantity is a more persuasive argument than reason. But the most important
characteristic is always purity of conviction.

Impact Cards

Sexton
Jared Sexton 2010 (The Curtain of the Sky: An Introduction in Critical
Sociology 36; 11. Jared Sexton, Associate Professor of African-American
studied and Critical Theory at the UC-Irvine mob)
To suffer the loss of political sovereignty, the exploitation of labor, the
dispossession of land and resources is deplorable; yet, we might say
in this light that to suffer colonization is unenviable unless one is
enslaved. One may not be free, but one is at least not enslaved. More
simply, we might say of the colonized: you may lose your motherland, but you will
not lose your mother (Hartman 2007). The latter condition, the social death
under which kinship is denied entirely by the force of law, is
reserved for the natal alienation and genealogical isolation
characterizing slavery. Here is Orlando Patterson, from his encyclopedic 1982 Slavery and
Social Death: I prefer the term natal alienation because it goes directly to the
heart of what is critical in the slaves forced alienation , the loss of
ties of birth in both ascending and descending generations. It also has the
important nuance of a loss of native status, of deracination. It was this alienation of
the slave from all formal, legally enforceable ties of blood, and from any attachment to groups or
localities other than those chosen for him [sic] by the master, that gave the relation of slavery its peculiar

The slave was the ultimate human tool, as imprintable

and as disposable as the master wished. And this was true, at least in theory, of all
slaves, no matter how elevated. (Patterson 1982: 78) True even if elevated by the income
and formal education of the mythic American middle class, the celebrity of a Hollywood icon,
or the political position of the so-called Leader of the Free World .4 The
alienation and isolation of the slave is not only vertical, canceling
ties to past and future generations and rendering thereby the notion
of descendants of slaves as a strict oxymoron . It is also a horizontal
prohibition, canceling ties to the slaves contemporaries as well.
Reduced to a tool, the deracination of the slave, as Mannoni and Fanon each
note in their turn, is total, more fundamental even than the displacement of
the colonized, whose status obtains in a network of persecuted
human relations rather than in a collection or dispersal of a class of things.
value to the master.

Crucially, this total deracination is strictly correlative to the absolute submission mandated by [slave] law
discussed rigorously in Saidiya Hartmans 1997 Scenes of Subjection: the slave estate is the most perfect
example of the space of purely formal obedience defining the jurisdictional field of sovereignty (Agamben
2000). Because the forced submission of the slave is absolute, any signs whatsoever of reasoning
intent and rationality are [is] recognizedsolely in the context of criminal liability. That is, the slaves will
[is] acknowledged only as it [is] prohibited or punished (Hartman 1997: 82, emphasis added). A criminal

erstwhile human
capacities construed as indices of culpability before the law, even
the potentiality of slave resistance is rendered illegitimate and
illegible a priori. The disqualification of black resistance by the logic of racial slavery is not
will, a criminal reasoning, a criminal intent, a criminal rationality: with these

unrelated to the longstanding cross-racial phenomenon in which the white bourgeois and proletarian
revolutions on both sides of the Atlantic can allegorize themselves as revolts against slavery, while the
hemispheric black struggle against actually existing slavery cannot authorize itself literally in those same
terms. The latter must code itself as the apotheosis of the French and American revolutions (with their
themes of Judeo-Christian deliverance) or, later, the Russian and Chinese revolutions (with their themes of
secular messianic transformation)or, later still, the broad anti-colonial movements in Africa, Asia, and Latin

One of
defining features of contemporary political and intellectual culture

America of the mid-20th century (with their themes of indigenous reclamation and renaissance).5
the

remains this metaphoric transfer that appropriates black suffering

as the template for non-black grievances, while it misrecognizes the
singularity of black struggles against racial slavery and what Loc Wacquant
calls its functional surrogates or what Hartman terms its afterlife. Put differently,
the occult presence of racial slavery continues to haunt our political
imagination: nowhere, but nevertheless everywhere, a dead time
which never arrives and does not stop arriving (Marriott 2007: xxi). Hartmans
notion of slaverys afterlife and Wacquants theorization of slaverys functional surrogates are two

we are still very

much within the crisis of language of thinking and feeling, seeing
and hearing that slavery provokes. Both scholars challenge the optimistic idea of a
productive recent attempts to name the interminable terror of slavery, but

residual legacy of slavery, precisely because it requires the untenable demarcation of an historic end in
Emancipation. The relations of slavery live on, Hartman might say, after the death knell of formal abolition,

The functions of the chattel

system are largely maintained, Wacquant might say, despite the efforts of
Reconstruction, preserved in surrogate institutional form under Jim Crow,
the ghetto, and the prison. Slavery lives on, it survives, despite the grand attempts
mutating into the burdened individuality of freedom.

on its institutional life forged by the international movements against slavery, segregation and mass

what if slavery does not die, as it were, because

it is immortal, but rather because it is non-mortal, because it has
never lived, at least not in the psychic life of power? What if the source of slaverys
longevity is not its resilience in the face of opposition, but the
obscurity of its existence? Not the accumulation of its political
capital, but the illegibility of its grammar ? On this account, for those that
bear the mark of slavery the trace of blackness to speak is to
sound off without foundation, to appear as a ghost on the threshold
of the visible world, a spook retaining (only) the negative capacity to
absent the presence, or negate the will to presence, of every claim to
human being, even perhaps the fugitive movement of stolen life
imprisonment (Davis 2003). But

explored masterfully by Fred Moten (2008). We might rethink as well the very fruitful notion of fugitive
justice that shapes the prize-winning 2005 special issue of Representations on Redress. Co-editors
Saidiya Hartman and Stephen Best are posing the right question: How does one compensate for centuries
of violence that have as their consequence the impossibility of restoring a prior existence, of giving back
what was taken, of repairing what was broken? (Hartman and Best 2005: 2)That is to say, they are
thinking about the question of slavery in terms of the incomplete nature of abolition, the contemporary
predicament of freedom (2005: 5, emphasis added). Yet, the notion subsequently developed of a fugitive
life lived in loss spanning the split difference between grievance and grief, remedy and redress, law and
justice, hope and resignation relies nonetheless on an outside, however improbable or impossible, as the
space of possibility, of movement, of life. Returning to our schematization of Fanon, we can say that the
outside is a concept embedded in the problmatique of colonization and its imaginary topography, indeed,
the fact that it can imagine topographically at all.But, even if the freedom dreams of the black radical
imagination do conjure images of place (and to do here does not imply that one can in either sense of the
latter word: able or permitted); what both the fact of blackness and the lived experience of the black name
for us, in their discrepant registers, is an anti-black world for which there is no outside. The language of
race developed in the modern period and in the context of the slave trade (Hartman 2007: 5). And if that
context is our context and that context is the world, then this is the principal insight revealed by the

Humans
do not live under conditions of equality in the modern world . In fact,
modernity is, to a large degree, marked by societies structured in
dominance: [hetero]patriarchy and white supremacy, settler colonialism
and extra-territorial conquest, imperialist warfare and genocide, class
struggle and the international division of labor. Yet, for Wilderson, there is
a qualitative difference, an ontological one, between the
inferiorization or dehumanization of the masses of people in Asiain
America and the islands of the sea, including the colonization of their land and
resources, the exploitation of their labor and even their
contemporary predicament of freedom: there is no such thing as a fugitive slave. To be sure,

extermination in whole or in part, and the singular commodification

of human being pursued under racial slavery, that structure of
gratuitous violence in which bodies are rendered as flesh to be
accumulated and exchanged.

AT: Terrorism Disad

Terror Talk
Terrorism is an irresolvable antagonism--the attempt to
eradicate evil and prop up an Empire of the good causes
terrorism to spring up elsewhere
Baudrillard 01, JEAN BAUDRILLARD - THE SPIRIT OF TERRORISM TRANSLATED BY DR.
RACHEL BLOUL LE MONDE November 2, 2001http://www.egs.edu/faculty/jean-baudrillard/articles/the-spirit-ofterrorism/

it is the entire system that, by its internal fragility, helps the initial action. The more the
system is globally concentrated to constitute ultimately only one network, the more it
becomes vulnerable at a single point (already one little Filipino hacker has succeeded, with his laptop, to launch the I love you virus that
In a way,

wrecked entire networks). Here, eighteen ( dix-huit in the text) kamikazes, through the absolute arm that is death multiplied by technological efficiency, start a global

When the situation is thus monopolized by global power, when one deals with this
formidable condensation of all functions through technocratic machinery and absolute
ideological hegemony (pensee unique), what other way is there, than a terrorist reversal of
the situation (literally 'transfer of situation': am I too influenced by early translation as 'reversal'?)? It is the system
itself that has created the objective conditions for this brutal distortion. By taking all the
cards to itself, it forces the Other to change the rules of the game . And the new rules are ferocious,
because the stakes are ferocious. To a system whose excess of power creates an unsolvable challenge,
terrorists respond by a definitive act that is also unanswerable . Terrorism is an act that
reintroduces an irreducible singularity in a generalized exchange system. Any singularity
(whether species, individual or culture), which has paid with its death for the setting up of a global
circuit dominated by a single power, is avenged today by this terrorist situational transfer.
Terror against terror -- there is no more ideology behind all that. We are now far from ideology and politics. No ideology, no cause, not even an
Islamic cause, can account for the energy which feeds terror. It (energy) does not aim anymore
to change the world, it aims (as any heresy in its time) to radicalize it through sacrifice, while the
system aims to realize (the world) through force. Terrorism, like virus, is everywhere.
Immersed globally, terrorism, like the shadow of any system of domination, is ready
everywhere to emerge as a double agent. There is no boundary to define it; it is in the very
core of this culture that fights it - and the visible schism (and hatred) that opposes, on a global level, the
exploited and the underdeveloped against the Western world, is secretly linked to the
internal fracture of the dominant system. The latter can face any visible antagonism. But
with terrorism -- and its viral structure --, as if every domination apparatus were creating its own antibody, the chemistry of its own disappearance; against this
almost automatic reversal of its own puissance, the system is powerless. And terrorism is the shockwave of this
silent reversal. Thus, it is no shock of civilizations, of religions, and it goes much beyond Islam
and America, on which one attempts to focus the conflict to give the illusion of a visible
conflict and of an attainable solution (through force). It certainly is a fundamental antagonism,
but one which shows, through the spectrum of America (which maybe by itself the epicentre but not the embodiment
of globalization) and through the spectrum of Islam (which is conversely not the embodiment of terrorism),
triumphant globalization fighting with itself. In this way it is indeed a World War, not the
third one, but the fourth and only truly World War, as it has as stakes globalization itself. The first two World
catastrophic process.

Wars were classic wars. The first ended European supremacy and the colonial era. The second ended Nazism. The third, which did happen, as a dissuasive Cold War, ended
communism. From one war to the other, one went further each time toward a unique world order. Today the latter, virtually accomplished, is confronted by antagonistic forces,
diffused in the very heart of the global, in all its actual convulsions. Fractal war in which all cells, all singularities revolt as antibodies do. It is a conflict so unfathomable that, from

It
is that which haunts every global order, every hegemonic domination; -if Islam dominated
the world, terrorism would fight against it. For it is the world itself which resists
domination.Terrorism is immoral. The event of the World Trade Center, this symbolic challenge is immoral, and it answers a globalization that is immoral. Then let us
time to time, one must preserve the idea of war through spectacular productions such as the Gulf (production) and today Afghanistan's. But the fourth World War is elsewhere.

be immoral ourselves and, if we want to understand something, let us go somewhat beyond Good and Evil. As we have, for once, an event that challenges not only morals, but
every interpretation, let us try to have the intelligence of Evil. The crucial point is precisely there: in this total counter-meaning to Good and Evil in Western philosophy, the

We naively believe that the progress of the Good, its rise in all domains
(sciences, techniques, democracy, human rights) correspond to a defeat of Evil. Nobody seems to
understand that Good and Evil rise simultaneously, and in the same movement. The triumph of the
One does not produce the erasure of the Other. Metaphysically, one considers Evil as an accident, but this axiom, embedded in all
manichean fights of Good against Evil, is illusory. Good does not reduce Evil, nor vice-versa: there are both
irreducible, and inextricable from each other. In fact, Good could defeat Evil only by renouncing
itself, as by appropriating a global power monopoly, it creates a response of proportional
violence.
philosophy of Enlightenment.

AT: CPs

Bilgin
their process counterplan cant capture the performative
critique of the 1AC. Our criticism is a pre-requisite to
preventing policy failure focusing solely on policy
solutions leads to blowback and turns their offense
Bilgin 4 (Pinar Bilgin is a Professor of International Relations at Bilkent
University, 2004, Regional Security in the Middle East p. 203-207)

Chapter 6 began by presenting a critical security perspective on thinking about the future. Here I utilised Beck's argument
regarding 'threats to the future to make two interrelated points. First,

it was argued that it is only by

thinking and writing about the future that one could raise actors' awareness
as to 'threats to the future', what future outcomes may result, and what needs to be done in order to
prevent them. Second, the chapter suggested that, as knowledge about the future both shapes and constrains practices,

an uncritical adoption of existing "knowledge produced by

prevailing discourses - those that have been complicit in perpetuating regional insecurity in
the Middle East -could in itself be construed as a 'threat to the future'
thereby helping constitute the future,

Indeed, given the conception of theory .adopted by students of critical approaches to security (that theory is constitutive
of the 'reality' it seeks to explain) it is vital that its proponents do not limit their thinking to 'desired' futures, but also
criticise existing knowledge about the future that informs actors' practices in an often unthinking manner. The latter task
was taken up in the following section of the chapter, which looked at other plausible futures and their potential practical
implications within the Middle Eastern context. These were globalisation, fragmentation, 'clash of civilizations' and
democratic peace. It was argued that those who present the future of world politics as one of increasing globalisation treat
the search for regional security as a side effect of increasing liberalisation and integration of production and finance As a
result, these approaches sideline issues such as the perpetuation of global inequality by the very, same processes. The
chapter further argued that both approaches gloss over the stuctural relationships between different parts of the world,

state building, democratisation and security maintenance in one part of the

world depends (to a certain extent) on keeping other parts of the world non-democratic and
insecure. The literature on globalisafion as well as democratic peace neglects
issues such as the emphasis US policy-makers have put on encouraging 'lowintensity democracies' in the Middle East or the issue of arms transfers between
and how

North America, Western Europe and the Middle East.

This chapter also looked at Huntington's vision of he future as a 'clash of cvilizations, and that of Kaplan as coming

'problem-solvng' approach to world politics, by

overlooking the ways in which human agency has been complicit in creating
the dynamics he has identified, has failed to see how human agency may again
intervene to alter them.
anarchy. It was argued that Kaplan's

Huntingtons thesis was criticized for adopting a similar fatalistic attitude (as well as his failure to understand the fluid character of civlisations and

the porous nature of the boundaries between them). It was argued that both fai1 to reflect upon the potential constitutive effects of their own theorisizing.
Following an evaluation of other futures, Chapter 6 turned to the theme of 'desired' futures, and presented a preliminary inquiry into whether there exists a potential for the creation of a security community in the
Middle East. Adopting the three-tier framework developed by Adler and Barnett as a checklist to assess the potential for the creation of a security community, the chapter pointed to the conditions that could indeed
be viewed as conducive for such a development to take place. It was further argued that the very same conditions that could be viewed as propelling regional actors to look towards each other (such as the end of
the Cold War, interaction of world markets and global warming) could also be viewed as pushing them further apart from each other. In order for such factors to propel regional actors to towards each other, as Adler
and Barnett expect them to do, actors would need to be presented with an alternative reading of their situation- a reading informed by an alternative conception of security, which shows them as victims of regional
securityrather than each other. The chapter noted that this would require the security community approach developed by Adler and Barnett to be reworked from a critical perspective by adopting a broadened
and deepened conception of security and by paying more attention to the agency of non-state actors and the mutually constitutive relationship between theory and practice.
Part Ill, therefore, tried to further the aims of the book by presenting critical perspective on thinking about the futures of regional security, and a critique of other plausible future scenarios. Part III also considered
whether unfulfilled potential exists in the Middle East for a security community to be created. Drawing upon the argument developed in Parts I and II, which sought to point to unfulfilled potential in regional politics,
it was argued that there indeed is some potential in terms of material and human resources that could be tapped to create a security community in this of all regions. Indeed, even the very act of investigating the
potential for the creation of a security community constitutes a first step towards its creation by way of pointing to unfulfilled potential immanent in regional politics and emphasising the problems that would have
to be addressed on the way.
A security community may be formed by community-minded agents who agree to pool their resources to address security problems by adopting cooperative security practices. The creation of a security community
does not require the pre-existence of physical, linguistic or cultural ties among potential members. ~ Deutsch and his colleagues emphasised, security communities may have humble origins. Actors' willingness to
work together to form a community may constitute the necessary conditions initially required to form a security community. Getting the potential members to view regional insecurity itself rather than each other as

Non-state actors such as intellectuals, who are in a

mutually interactive relationship with social movements, could also play
crucial roles in helping construct identities that cross physical and
psychological borders.
Emphasising the mutually interactive relationship between intellectuals and social movements should not be taken
to suggest that the only way for intellectuals to make a change is to get directly involved in political action. They can
also intervene by prodding a critique of the existing situation, calling attention to what future outcomes
the threats to their security, in turn, could generate this willingness.

may result if necessary action is not taken at present, and by pointing to potential for change immanent in regional

Students of security could help create the political space for alternative agents of
security to take action by presenting appropriate critiques. It should be emphasised however that
such thinking should be anchored in the potential immanent in world politics.. The hope is that non-state actors
politics.

(who may or may not be aware of their potential to make a change)

may constitute themselves as

agents

of security, when presented with an alternative reading of their situation .

Thinking about the future becomes even more crucial once theory is conceptualised as constitutive of the 'reality' it seeks

our ideas about the future - our conjectures and prognoses

-have a self-constitutive potential. What the students of Cold War Security Studies consider
as a more 'realistic' picture of the future becomes 'real' through practice , albeit under
circumstances inherited from the past. Thinking about what a 'desired' future would look
like is significant for the very same reason; that is, in order to be able to turn
it into a 'reality' through adopting emancipatory practices . For, having a~ vision of a .....
to respond to. In other words,

'desired' future empowers people(s) in the present.

Presenting pictures of what a 'desired' future might look like, and

approach as the start of a path that

pointing to the security community

could take us from an insecure past to a more secure future is not to suggest that the creation of a security community is the

most likely outcome. On the contrary, the dyanics pointed to throughout the book indicate that there exists a potential for descent into chaos if no action is taken to prevent militarisation and fragmentation of
societies, and the marginalisation of peoples as well as economies in an increasingly globalizing world. However, these dynamics exist as threats to the future' to use Beck's terminology; and only by thinking and
writing about them that can one mobilise preventive action to be taken ill file present. Viewed as such, critical approaches present not an 'optimistic', but a more 'realistic' picture of the future. Considering how the
'realism' of Cold War Security Studies failed not only when judged by its own standards, by failing to provide an adequate explanation of the world 'out there', but also when judged by the standards of Critical
approaches, as it was argued, it could be concluded that there is a need for more 'realistic' approaches to regional security in theory and practice.
The foregoing suggests three broad conclusions. First, Cold War Security Studies did not present file 'realistic' picture it purported to provide. On the contrary, the pro-status quo leanings of the Cold War security
discourse failed to allow for (let alone foresee) changes such as the end of the Cold War, dissolution of some states and integration of some others. Second, notwithstanding the important inroads critical approaches

critical approaches
offer a fuller or more adequate picture of security in different parts of the world (including the
Middle East). Cold War Security Studies is limited not only because of its narrow (militaryfocused), pro-status quo and state-centific (if not statist) approach to security in theory and
practice, but also because of its objectivist conception of theory and the theory/practice
relationship that obscured the mutually constitutive relationship between
them. Students of critical approaches have sought to challenge Cold War
Security Studies, its claim to knowledge and its hold over securitypractices by
pointing to the mutually constitutive relationship between theory and
practice anal revealing how the Cold War security discourse has been
complicit in constituting (in)security in different parts of the world. The ways
in which the Cold War security discourse helped constitute the 'Middle East' by way of
representing it as a region, and contributed to regional insecurity in the Middle East by
shaping security practices, is exemplative of the argument that 'theories do not leave
the world untouched'.
to security made in file post-Cold War era, much traditionalist thinking remains and maintains its grip over the security practices of many actors. Third,

The implication of these conclusions for practice is that becoming aware of the 'politics behind the geographical
specification of politics' and exploring the relationship between (inventing) regions and (conceptions and practices of)
security helps reveal the role human agency has played in the past and could play in the future. An alternative approach
to security, that of critical approaches to security, could inform alternative (emancipatory) practices thereby helping
constitute a new region in the form of a security community. It should be noted, however, that to argue that 'everything is
socially constructed' or that 'all approaches have normative concerns embedded in them' is a significant first step that

As long as people rely on traditional practices

security discourse - which remains prevalent in the post-Cold War era - they help
constitute a 'reality' in line with the tenets of 'realist' Cold War Security
Studies. This is why seeking to address evolving crises through traditional practices whilst leaving a critical security
perspective to be adopted for the long-term will not work. For, traditionalist thinking and practices,
by helping shape the 'reality' 'out there', foreclose the political space
necessary for emancipatory practices to be adopted by multiple actors at numerous
levels. Hence the need for the adoption of a critical perspective that
emphasises the roles human agency has played in the past and could play in the
future in shaping what human beings choose to call 'reality'. Generating such an awareness of
the potentialities of human agency could enable one to begin thinking
differently about regional security in different parts of the world whilst
remaining sensitive to regional actors' multiple and contending conceptions
of security, what they view as referent(s) and how they think security should
be sought in different parts of the world.
does not by itself help one adopt emancipatory practices.
shaped by the Cold War

After decades of statist, military-focused and zero-sum thinking and practices that privileged the security of some whilst
marginalising the security of others,

the time has come for all those interested in security in the Middle East to

decide whether they want to be agents of a world view that produces more of the same,
thereby contributing towards a 'threat to the future', or of alternative futures that
try to address the multiple dimensions of regional insecurity . The choice is not one
between presenting a more 'optimistic' or 'pessimistic' vision of the future, but between stumbling into the future
expecting more of the same, or stepping into a future equipped with a perspective that not only has a conception of a
'desired' futu#e but is also cognisant of 'threats to the future .

Movements Neg

#BlackLivesMatter

Already Been Coopted

#BlackLivesMatter has already been coopted there is no
impact to the movement
Arielle Newton, Editor-in-Chief December 1, 2014 WHAT YOU MEAN BY
#ALLLIVESMATTER http://blackmillennials.com/2014/12/01/what-you-meanby-alllivesmatter/

Following the death of Trayvon Martin, three self-identified Black queer women created #BlackLivesMatter.
Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi gave birth a social media call to action, where people from
all demographics and walks of life hone in on the obvious truth that the criminalization of Blackness is
entertained as just and acceptable. Alicia Garza penned A Herstory of

the #BlackLivesMatter
has been

Movement. In it, she poignantly showcases how the labor of Black LGBTQ women

shamelessly hijacked by others who promote various adaptations

and recreations of the necessary hashtag. Garza details how a number of
organizations curtailed the herstory behind #BlackLivesMatter, and
instead used some form of the expression without giving credit.
Straight men, unintentionally or intentionally, have taken the work
of queer Black women and erased our contributions. Perhaps if we were the
charismatic Black men many are rallying around these days, it would have been a different story, but

being Black queer women in this society (and apparently within these
movements) tends to equal invisibility and non-relevancy .

#BlackLivesMatter Cant Grow Reappropriation of the

hashtag will dissipate the movement
Julie Walker is a New York-based freelance journalist March 17 2015

#BlackLivesMatter Founders: Please Stop Co-opting Our Hashtag

http://www.theroot.com/articles/culture/2015/03/_blacklivesmatter_founders_
please_stop_co_opting_our_hashtag.html
The founders of #BlackLivesMatter are grateful that their message
has been picked up by so many people as a rallying cry, but they
want other groups that use the essence of the name, such as
#MuslimLivesMatter and #LatinoLivesMatter, to find their own slogans. At a South by
Southwest panel discussion, What #BlackLivesMatter Teaches Us About Solidarity, Alicia Garza and Opal
Tometi said they were concerned about the dilution of their message. Not to say their lives dont matter,

weve been in a society that continues to

marginalize black faces, and so we dont want to see this kind of
reappropriation and co-optation of #BlackLivesMatter as a hashtag .
Tometi told the audience, but

Instead, they urged other marginalized groups to create something new and unique that
#BlackLivesMatter would, in turn, support. Tometi, the executive director of the Black Alliance for Just
Immigration, and Garza, the special-projects director of the National Domestic Workers Alliance (along with
Patrisse Cullors, who was not at SXSW), created the national organization #BlackLivesMatter in 2012 after
the shooting death of Trayvon Martin in Florida by George Zimmerman. Tometi said the hashtag became

The
became an opportunity to engage others in the fight. Now
the pair are using it to encourage diverse communities to come together, but Garza said its a
complicated effort. I dont think we can have deep solidarity without
a galvanizing way of articulating who we are and the value that we do actually have.

hashtag

also

addressing the question of race , she said. In this country, especially in the last 10 to
15 years, I think there has been a real push towards people of color

coming together, and what happens is that black folks get erased
from the conversation.

No Impact to #BlackLivesMatter If the thesis of white

supremacy is true, it will stop the radical potential of the
movement
By Naji Mujahid, on May 5th, 2015 Black Lives Matter Slogan Is
Understandable, But Is it Strong Enough?
http://www.grassrootsdc.org/2015/05/black-lives-matter-slogan-isunderstandable-but-is-it-strong-enough/

I heard someone use the term BLM today in reference to Black Lives Matter. For a quick moment I was
confused because When I heard BLM, I thought of the Black Liberation Movement. It made me think of
the passive language being used recently. Like Hands Up, Dont Shoot! Although I never liked it, I opted
not to criticize this publicly because it was organic and speaking to the frustration of this current
generation of activists. However, to me, Black

Lives Matter sounds like whining

and Hands Up, Dont Shoot! sounds like surrender. I commend people for
their actions and voices during this time, but I encourage people to be mindful of their choice of words.

The slogan Black Lives Matter , while true , is weak . Its a plea for
recognition . Its an appeal of the powerless to the conscience of the
powerful. Weve been down this road before. White supremacy doesnt have a
conscience. Therefore, Black Lives Matter is a call that falls on deaf
ears . Hence, for instance, the counter-slogan of All Lives Matter which only serves to dilute the
message. The Black Liberation Movement was not a plea or an appeal. It was an action of selfdetermination. Its power came not from the society at-large recognizing its existence or legitimacy, but
from the commitment of those involved, no matter how few, to fight for freedom within a society that has
been consistent in its pathological racism. The limits of tyrants are proscribed by the endurance of those
whom they oppress If we ever get free from the oppressions and wrongs heaped upon us, we must pay
for their removal. We must do this by labor, by suffering, by sacrifice, and if needs be, by our lives and the
lives of others. Frederick Douglas In many ways,

history seems to be repeating

itself. The urban rebellions of the 60s which eventually gave rise to
the Black Liberation Movement were all sparked by police brutality.
However, the BLM was eventually attacked, co-opted, and derailed.
There is a lot to learn from in the history of the last 50 years of our
struggle (really, the last 250 years). Way too much to adequately address in this small space. So this

small note is just a caution to be deliberate, mindful, and strategic in how the demands and concerns of
the current manifestation of the struggle are articulated. This is in no way meant to diminish the work that
has recently been done.

#BlackLivesMatter Will be coopted takes out the aff

Theodore R. Johnson is a writer, doctoral candidate, and former White
House Fellow. December 12 2014 Don't Let "Black Lives Matter" Become
Another Ice Bucket Challenge
http://www.newrepublic.com/article/120575/black-lives-matter-i-cant-breatheare-not-next-ice-bucket-challenge
Over the weekend, Samuel L. Jackson recorded a call to action in support of the Black Lives Matter
movement, which is protesting aggressive policing of black people. The actor, in a video posted to his
Facebook page and has since been shared more than 68,000 times, sang a short song ("We ain't gonna
stop 'til people are free") and challenged others to post videos of their doing the same. Specifically, he
directed his message at all you celebrities out there who poured ice water on your head, a reference to

As more and more people join

the movement that emphatically declares the sanctity of black life ,
its mission is at risk of losing intensity . The righteous tools of

the ALS ice bucket challenge that went viral this summer.

protest are steadily being co-opted by the social-media masses,

wherein popularity supplants solidarity as the motivation for some
participants. At the height of the ice bucket craze, a high school
classmate dared me to subject myself to the freezing baptism. The challenge was an ingenious
promotional tool employed (but not invented) by the nonprofit ALS Association to raise money for research
into Lou Gehrigs disease. I accepted my friend's dare, and told him I would double his donation toward

did the
challenge because it was popular, not to support some disease.
Similarly, today there are countless videos of people congressional members
and staff, suburban high school students, and even people in other countries walking with their
hands up or staging die-ins on our television screens . Professional athletes
combating amyotrophic lateral sclerosis. He had no clue what I was talking about. He

and celebrities have donned t-shirts emblazoned with the last words of Eric Garner, an unarmed black man

The rapid spread of

#BlackLivesMatter, built by a new generation of activists rather than
legacy civil rights leaders, is nothing short of revolutionary . With only the
choked to death by a police officer for selling cigarettes: I Cant Breathe.

power of their message, strength of conviction, and social media, these young black leaders have
innovated and pioneered a new form of grassroots movement, the likes of which our nation has never
seen. The movement has ignited a national debate about how our society generally, and police specifically,
treat young black Americans. The resulting virality is not entirely a curse. I do not doubt the sincerity of

with their attention comes

those who look to personally profit from the momentum of the
movement. And we must be certain to guard against the dilution of the core message by pop-culture.
Black Lives Matter has caught the eye of some who are detached
suppliers at best, and disingenuous profiteers at worst. Looking to
meet the demand of protesters who want to be clothed in the
movements mantras, countless vendors are selling I Cant
Breathe t-shirts. Most of these sellers are not donating proceeds to
the movement or any other charity, and it turns out some of the
shirts were created in inhumane workshops in Haiti. Once again, black
the athletes and celebrities who have joined the cause. But

suffering is being commoditized.

Counter-Terrorism Advantage

Aff Solvency

Too Much Intel

Fusion Centers emphasis on data collection creates a
need in the haystack scenario that makes the
identification and prevention of terror threats impossible
reverting to old anti-terror methods is key
WashingtonsBlog May 7, 2015 by NSA Admits It Collects Too MUCH
Info to Stop Terror Attacks
http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2015/05/nsa-admits-it-collects-too-muchinfo-to-stop-terror-attacks.html
Top security experts agree that mass surveillance is ineffective
and

actually

makes us MORE vulnerable to terrorism. For example, the

former head of the NSAs global intelligence gathering operations

Bill Binney says that the mass surveillance INTERFERES with the
governments ability to catch bad guys , and that the government
failed to stop 9/11, the Boston Bombing, the Texas shootings and
other terror attacks is because it was overwhelmed with data from
mass surveillance on Americans. Binney told Washingtons Blog: A good deal of the failure is, in
my opinion, due to bulk data. So, I am calling all these attacks a result of Data bulk failure. Too much data
and too many people for the 10-20 thousand analysts to follow.

Simple

as that. Especially when they make word match pulls (like Google) and get dumps of data selected from close to 4 billion
people. This is the same problem NSA had before 9/11. They had data that could
have prevented 9/11 but did not know they had it in their data bases. This back then when the bulk collection was not
going on.

Now the problem is orders of magnitude greater . Result, its harder to

succeed. Expect more of the same from our deluded government that thinks more data improves possibilities of success.
All this bulk data collection and storage does give law enforcement a great capability to retroactively analyze anyone they
want. But, of course,that data cannot be used in court since it was not acquired with a warrant. Binney and other highlevel NSA whistleblowers noted last year: On December 26, for example, The Wall Street Journal published a lengthy
front-page article, quoting NSAs former Senior Technical Director William Binney (undersigned) and former chief of NSAs
SIGINT Automation Research Center Edward Loomis (undersigned) warning that NSA is drowning in useless data lacking
adequate privacy provisions, to the point where it cannot conduct effective terrorist-related surveillance and analysis. A
recently disclosed internal NSA briefing document corroborates the drowning, with the embarrassing admission, in

collection has been outpacing NSAs ability to ingest,

process, and store data let alone analyze the take. Indeed, the pro-spying NSA
chief and NSA technicians admitted that the NSA was drowning in too much data 3 months before 9/11: In an
interview, Air Force Lt. Gen. Michael Hayden, the NSAs director suggested that
access isnt the problem. Rather, he said, the sheer volume and variety
of todays communications means theres simply too much out
there, and its too hard to understand. *** What we got was a blast
of digital bits, like a fire hydrant spraying you in the face , says one former
NSA technician with knowledge of the project. It was the classic needle-in-the-haystack
pursuit, except here the haystack starts out huge and grows by the
second, the former technician says. NSAs computers simply werent equipped to sort through so much data flying
at them so fast. And see this. If more traditional anti-terror efforts had been
bureaucratize, that NSA

used, these terror plots would have been stopped.

AT: The Plan Causes Turf Wars

The Argument that the plan results in turf wars
between intelligence agencies is a non-starter - there are
procedures in place for intel sharing on legitimate threats
its only a question of whether or not we can process that
information
by WashingtonsBlog in an interview with Thomas Drake, former senior NSA
executive, June 13, 2014 Senior NSA Executive DEMOLISHES Intelligence
Agencies Excuse for 9/11 http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2014/06/seniornsa-manager-demolishes-intelligence-agencies-excuse-911.html
The U.S. government pretended that 9/11 was unforeseeable. But
overwhelming evidence shows that 9/11 was foreseeable . Indeed, Al Qaeda crashing
planes into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon was itself foreseeable. The fallback government position is
that the problem was that intelligence agencies were prohibited by
law from sharing intelligence, because there was a Chinese Wall
put up between agencies focusing on foreign and domestic threats. Washingtons Blog spoke
with senior NSA executive Thomas Drake about this claim. 9/11 was Drakes first
day on the job at the NSA. Drake was tasked with investigating what intelligence NSA had on the 9/11 plot, in order to document that 9/11 wasnt NSAs fault. However,
Drake discovered that NSA had a lot of information on the hijackers, and could have stopped 9/11 had it shared its data with other intelligence agencies. Drakes NSA
bosses didnt like that answer, so they removed Drake from his task of being the NSAs investigator and spokesman regarding 9/11. Heres what Drake told us.

A lot of people blame a Chinese Wall between foreign

intelligence activities and domestic intelligence activities for not
sharing the pre-9/11 data. THOMAS DRAKE: That is a completely false wall.
It was essentially to protect the status quo, or what they call equities. Its not true at all.
WASHINGTONS BLOG: Was it a turf war? THOMAS DRAKE: Yes, its partly that. People have this idea that the
government is all powerful, all-knowing, and everybody is in league with each other. Thats not true. In fact
WASHINGTONS BLOG:

in this space you more often than not find agencies at war with each other, effectively. Such that NSA is at war with Congress to keep them in the dark about what
theyre really doing. I have knowledge, you dont. Information is power. If I give it to you, then Im giving away my power, and Im not going to do it! Information is a
currency. Why would I give you my money. And I dont know what youre going to do with it. I dont know how youre going to spend it. I dont know how youre going to
invest it. You may convert it, because money is fungible. Information is far more fungible even than traditional definitions of money. Ive never accepted the premise or
the arguments. Im aware that [9/11 Commissioner] Jamie Gorelick [who has potential conflicts of interest in the subject matter], for example, is a well-known defender
who kept saying that the wall was there when, in fact, there wasnt a wall. And we had special procedures where you had known ways to go through the wall when it

It is true that in terms of separation between

[domestic] law enforcement and normal causal chain of evidence,
and information that was collected for intelligence purposes. But
thats not a wall as much as its due process. Remember, whats now used is parallel construction.
was necessary. Heres the hypocrisy

[Background.] So, what was the wall again? Intelligence is always carefully vetted for that reason. But if youre talking U.S. domestic law, U.S. judicial process, due

If you believed that the intelligence

rose to the level someone who has a U.S. person was involved in
acts or planning to harm the United States, then the wall disappears , and
there are actual procedures for that. When youre dealing with U.S.
persons, then you had these procedures in which you could actually
present [evidence for the need to target terrorists or other actual bad guys.] That was the whole thing
with the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. WASHINGTONS BLOG: If theyre actual bad guys, then you
can go after them. THOMAS DRAKE: Yes! And you had mechanisms where you
actually end up putting them on trial. You have mechanisms where
you can introduce that as evidence. It wasnt like, Oh, we cant tell anybody. Thats the reason they didnt want to
process, you couldnt just take [raw] intelligence. But heres the kicker

tell anybody because theyre actually abusing the system. There isnt a wall its because theres due process. With foreign intelligence, we had standing
procedures. Weve tried bad people in Article III courts. You didnt have to do the rendition stuff. And you dont have to be a U.S. citizen to be put on trial.

Terror Attacks Coming

Coming in a New Year

Nuclear Terror in a Year They Have the Means and
Motivation
PressTV 25 2015 Foreign Policy Mon May 25, 2015 ISIL planning nuclear

attack inside US next year: Report

http://www.presstv.ir/Detail/2015/05/25/412751/ISIL-nuclear-attack-US-nextyear-report
The ISIL terrorist group claims that it has enough money to buy a
nuclear weapon from Pakistan and carry out an attack inside the
United States next year. The group said in an article in its English-language online magazine Dabiq
that the weapon could be smuggled into the United States via its southern
border with Mexico. British journalist John Cantlie wrote in the article ISIL has billions
of dollars in the bank, so they call on their wilayah (Province) in
Pakistan to purchase a nuclear device through weapons dealers with
links to corrupt officials in the region. The weapon is then
transported overland until it makes it to Libya, where the mujahidin
move it south to Nigeria, the journalist said. He added that drug shipments
from Columbia bound for Europe pass through West Africa, so
moving other types of contraband from East to West is just as
possible. Cantlie continued the weapon and accompanying radicals would then move up through
Central America and Mexico before entering the US. "From there it's a quick hop
through a smuggling tunnel and hey presto, they're mingling with
another 12 million 'illegal' aliens in America with a nuclear bomb in
the trunk," he wrote. "Perhaps such a scenario is far-fetched but it's the sum of all fears for Western
intelligence agencies and it's infinitely more possible today than it was just
one year ago , Cantlie said.

Fissile Material

Terrorists Already Have the Material

Lawless Zones in Iraq Makes Acquisition Likely
Adam Kredo September 5, 2014 U.S. Fears ISIL Smuggling Nuclear and
Radioactive Materials http://freebeacon.com/national-security/u-s-fears-isilsmuggling-nuclear-and-radioactive-materials/

U.S. and Iraqi authorities have jointly ramped up their efforts to prevent terrorists from acquiring nuclear
and radioactive materials as concerns mount that Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL or ISIS) is

ISIL now controls

about half of Iraq, potentially giving it access to some low-level
radioactive and radiological materials, according to a State Department official.
The threat has been deemed critical by the U.S. State Department,
seeking to recover these sensitive materials and use them in a terror attack.

which announced on Wednesday that it had inked a new deal with Baghdad to ramp up joint efforts to
detect and recover sensitive nuclear materials before ISIL and other terrorist entities can get to them.
While the United States currently has no evidence that ISIL has yet to locate these types of materials,

lawless areas under the groups control could be

used as a new smuggling route by rogue actors.
there are concerns that

They Already Have Radiological Material Stolen From

Iraqi University
Adam Kredo September 5, 2014 U.S. Fears ISIL Smuggling Nuclear and
Radioactive Materials http://freebeacon.com/national-security/u-s-fears-isilsmuggling-nuclear-and-radioactive-materials/
Yet there is evidence that terrorists stole some nuclear materials in
Iraq earlier this year. Iraqi officials revealed to the United Nations in July
that insurgents had seized uranium that was being used for research
purposes at an academic institution in the northern part of the
country. Nearly 90 pounds of low-level uranium was stolen from
Iraqs Mosul University by terrorist groups, Iraqs U.N. ambassador was quoted
as saying at the time by Reuters. Terrorist groups have seized control of
nuclear material at the sites that came out of the control of the
state, Iraqi Ambassador Mohamed Ali Alhakim wrote in a letter claiming that these material could be
used in manufacturing weapons of mass destruction, according to Reuters.

AT: Cant Get it Out of Iraq

Stealing Fissile Material Would Be Easy
Adam Kredo September 5, 2014 U.S. Fears ISIL Smuggling Nuclear and
Radioactive Materials http://freebeacon.com/national-security/u-s-fears-isilsmuggling-nuclear-and-radioactive-materials/
The concern is that sensitive materials could be smuggled outside of Iraq
and potentially used by extremists. Theres always a concern about
radiological or radioactive sources, said a State Department official who would only
discuss the issue on background. While the United States is not aware of any cases of
these types of material being smuggled out of the country thus far, ISIL could
potentially use radioactive materials found in hospitals and some
medical devices to create a crude bomb, the official said.

Undiscovered Routes Make Smuggling Successful

Adam Kredo September 5, 2014 U.S. Fears ISIL Smuggling Nuclear and
Radioactive Materials http://freebeacon.com/national-security/u-s-fears-isilsmuggling-nuclear-and-radioactive-materials/
Concern about these materials slipping into the wrong hands seems
to have become more pressing for the United States and Iraq in recent months as
ISIL gains control of more Iraqi territory, mainly in the northern and
central parts of the country, including Mosul and Falluja. There are some
concerns about the rule of law and security control in parts of the
country, that they cant necessarily control whats going through theyre territory,
[and] suddenly, even though we havent seen radioactive or nuclear smuggling, theres a
concern that if youre a smuggler from the Middle East, or from the
Caucasus, or Central Asia, youd have a new smuggling route you
might want to avail yourself of, according to the State Department official.