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Early career exit from teaching has reached epidemic proportions (Ewing and
Manuel 2005). Our interest in the phenomenon was sparked by the similarity in
attrition rates between three continents. In recent years nearly half the graduating
teachers in North America (Centre for Innovative Thought 2006; Clandinin,
Downey, and Huber 2009), the UK (Rudow 1999), Europe and Hong Kong
(Kyriacou 2001; Santavirta, Solovieva, and Theorell 2007) and Australia (Ewing
and Manuel 2005; Riley 2011; Skilbeck and Connell 2003) ll positions vacated by
teachers who have left with less than ve years experience. While there is some
localised variation in attrition rates, particularly in Canada, in general the rate of loss
to the profession in many countries is around 4050% over the ve years post entry.
On current trends, nearly one in every two of these new teachers will also follow
their predecessors out of the profession in relatively quick time (Ravitch 2011).
A number of reasons for high levels of attrition have been provided. One of the
most common arguments is poor teacher education (National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education 201012; Skilbeck and Connell 2003). However, these
reports come mainly from the US and may mean that the problem of pre-service
education is only an issue there. Others include: burnout (Goddard and Goddard
2006; Korthagen 2004; Maslach 2003; Maslach and Leiter 2008); lack of support
for new teachers (Centre for Innovative Thought 2006), and working conditions
(Cochran-Smith and Zeichner 2005). Working conditions tend to be further broken
*Corresponding authors. Emails: andrea.gallant@deakin.edu.au, philip.riley@acu.edu.au
2014 Teacher Development
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Dufeld (2006) found pre-service teachers who had positive experiences used
words like nice, welcoming and supportive (172). Therefore, carefully examining
new teachers language may reveal clues about attrition. Dufeld found success
followed pre-service teachers feeling they were treated as equals and when trust
underpinned collegial relationships. Experienced teachers could prevent a positive
experience by not responding to the intern and even by actively making the experience difcult for them (Dufeld 2006, 176).
Dufelds work supports common sense: all teachers need support and respond
more favourably to supportive work environments. However, this is a complex
rather than simple conclusion to draw from the research. Support offered to teachers
at any stage of their career needs to be dynamic and on-going. Dynamic support is
reected in the argument that the type and degree of support is likely to change
564
depending on career stage (Gallant 2013; Gallant and Riley 2013; Huberman,
Grounauer, and Marti 1993). The need for acute support is reected in Day and
Gus ndings (2009; see also Gu and Day 2007) that the individual and systemic
support offered at times of challenge is crucial to long-term wellbeing and teachers
ability to sustain motivation and enthusiasm. After reviewing the literature we came
to the view that early exit indicators may be the level of perceived support, or lack
of support, for the development of an identity as teacher, through examination of the
leavers language choices. These would be mediated by how the teachers positioned
themselves. In essence we were searching for evidence of person-environment t.
Aim of the study
The aim of the research was to discover what nine beginning teachers required to
remain in the classroom. We looked for the presence or absence of elements identied in the literature. These were:
conditions for success (Dufeld 2006);
being welcome
trust
being treated as equals
emotional support (Hobson, Giannakaki, and Chambers 2009);
how new teachers positioned themselves (Huisman, Singer, and Catapano
2010).
We were keen to distinguish between affective, collegial support and positive working conditions once teachers had entered schools from technical knowledge acquired
during pre-service education that could be attributed to poor teacher preparation. A
lack of technical knowledge (about the what and how of teaching) has been viewed
as an attrition contributor (Darling-Hammond 2003). And, a meta-analysis of
34 teacher attrition studies found that attrition was higher in schools with a lack of
collaboration, teacher networking, and administrative support (Borman and
Dowling 2008, 396).
Methodology
A phenomenological approach was chosen as the existing literature appears blame
orientated. For example, as outlined above, the blame for attrition has focussed on
individuals or programs; lack of resilience or poor levels of training. This runs the
risk of oversimplifying the complex phenomenon of attrition through the theoretical
ltering of information. When the focus is a theoretical binary, such as early career
teachers having enough or not enough resilience, or adequate versus inadequate
training, important other information may be overlooked. For these reasons we
chose phenomenology as it is more exploratory. Phenomenology allows the complexity of interrelated issues to become apparent and explored. Without discounting
existing explanations, we were interested to discover how participants made sense of
teaching experiences and the language they used to explain them (Husserl 1980).
Our analysis was focussed on the language of common collective experiences.
Language positions people and it shows how they position themselves.
Phenomenology assumes that we do not know why the phenomenon occurs and
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The nine participants could very easily have been described as among the best
and brightest candidates from their pre-service cohorts. One was the top student in
her nal year and the others were within the top 10% of their cohorts. They were
drawn from four different universities in greater Melbourne. Six completed a oneyear Post Graduate Diploma of Education, two undertook a four-year double-degree,
and one completed a four-year Bachelor of Education degree. All were relatively
satised with their pre-service education and felt they had the necessary technical
knowledge to begin teaching, but all expected that they would be learning a great
deal about how to teach from their more experienced colleagues.
They entered a wide variety of environments. Four went into schools with long
histories and stable staff structures. Four entered schools that also had long histories,
but without stable leadership. One entered a newly merged school on a greeneld
site. Two began life as on-going, full-time teachers, four on short-term, one-year
contracts, and two decided to begin their professional life as relieving teachers,
employed for single days or short periods by a number of schools. Six of the participants were primary teachers, and three were secondary (see Table 1). Our aim in the
following section is to provide enough detail to give the reader a sense of the
individuals and illustrate the variety of issues they identied as causal. Not all
participants data can be presented owing to space; however, those selected are representative of their peers experiences. The headings that appear reect experiences
of commonality among the participants as we grappled to distil the essence of their
leaving experiences.
Essence: arrested development
The data are presented under subthemes that broadly reect the developmental
stages of the leaving process. As the participants awareness of school functioning
changed with their growing experience of it, so did their expectations of key players,
including themselves. The data are presented in such a way that we hope captures
this development and provides a structure for the reader to engage with the
narratives.
Pre-service education
Providing a context is important to allow readers the insights that distinguish the
commonality across participants. In this section participants describe their
pre-service education and their readiness to begin teaching.
Table 1. Participant demographic information.
Name
Pre-service
Tanya
Robert
James
Sarah
Teri
Julie
Emily
Lisa
Daniella
Grad. Dip.
Grad. Dip.
Grad. Dip.
BEd
BA/BEd
BEd
Grad. Dip.
Grad. Dip.
Grad. Dip.
School type
Ed.
Ed.
Ed.
Ed.
Ed.
Ed.
Sec
Sec
Prim
Prim
Sec
Prim
Prim
Prim
Prim
No. of schools
Years service
1
2
Relief
1
1
2
1
Relief
2
2
5
4
3
3
3
3
3
5
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Sarah recalled:
the university course was good. I enjoyed it. It was challenging and hard but I did
enjoy it and I think it did get me ready.
For Julie:
[university teachers] taught critically, and at times that frustrated the hell out of me
because they spent a lot of the time teaching you what not to do. [insisting we
should be] making up your own mind, becoming your own teacher which I liked, but
towards the end I got very frustrated [I said to them] Id like some suggestions.
you dont have to worry about brainwashing me but Id like some practical suggestions
and I felt like sometimes we didnt get that.
What stood out for James was the lecturers teaching style as role modelling:
it is truly present with me every day. I felt that my atypical and fairly radical thoughts
(about life and education) were unacceptable until I attended [lecturer]s classes. I now
feel a strong sense of condence about my ideals.
The conditions that emerged from all participants data were perceptions of being
trusted to think, encouragement to develop while feeling emotionally supported. The
participants collective keywords were of growth or progress. Participants felt they
were ready and prepared to teach. Although Robert suggested that:
the only criticism I have of the system at University, [is] they didnt teach us how
to deal with dysfunctional administrations. And thats what created a lot of the
clashes that I had with the system.
For Daniella:
I found my lecturers, the content and my fellow students to be inspiring and exciting. I
did perceive some political difculties through some of the lecturers comments, but I
didnt pay much attention to this until I became a classroom teacher.
Perceptions of teaching
What became evident in all narratives was the mismatch between participants ideals
and expectations of teaching and the reality of the school setting. They saw themselves as change agents and teaching as both meaningful and social construction.
The keywords reect positioning themselves as part of something expansive; participating actively in educating societys next generation. They also reveal a global
perspective.
Emily emphasised how she:
really believed that through education I could help build a better future and perhaps
ignite some social change in our complicated world.
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As for Daniella:
I travelled through the developing world after my DipEd, and found myself becoming
more convinced of my path and plight as a teacher as I considered the role of education in both the local and global societies.
These data seem to conrm Hardys (1999) assertion that optimism and disillusionment would be evident in the stories.
The personal nature of the beginning teachers experiences (e.g. school placements,
personal biographies) suggests that impressions about teaching could range from those
of disillusionment to those of optimism, and that the type of support provided in
schools would not necessarily underpin their beliefs about teaching or extend them professionally. (Hardy 1999, 109)
All the participants expressed a desire to make a better future through education.
However, this broad ideal of improvement was underspecied in the narratives.
After examining perceptions of preparation we began to look at what was occurring
for the participants once they began teaching. In all cases, their internal ideals of
classroom teacher as change agent were challenged by the reality of life in the
schools entered. We were left to wonder about how much their ideals had been
examined and/or challenged during their pre-service and practicum experience.
Perceptions of leadership
All participants identied a lack of emotional support from school leadership. Lack
of support occurred as a consequence of (a) leadership migration, a feature of some
schools, where the average length of a principals tenure may be only one year; (b)
lack of trust, awareness of the other, and empathy. The keywords for the second
consideration reect positive self-esteem being prevented, and educational ideals
being obstructed, hindered and/or checked.
Leadership migration
When Tanya rst started, she felt the support of leadership and really appreciated
the impact that this had on her and others around her. However, this level of support
was not sustained. As she recalled:
[My faculty head] was fantastic for all of us, but at the time unfortunately, she was
head of all the PE [physical education] and sport and so about halfway through the
year one of the other people took on the sport part. Things started to change. In the
two years I was there we had four different principals.
Sarah (like Tanya) started teaching in a school that provided leadership support that
she found very important as a beginning teacher. Sarah reected how:
there were two [Assistant Principals] because it was quite large and they were both male
and one of them left and he was a lovely, lovely, lovely, supportive man but he left.
Lisas narrative captures the extremes of leadership migration as part of her schools
history and current situation:
There had been a stream of principals come and go through the school over the past
15 or 20 years. Every new principal resigned after a year or eighteen months. It was a
similar narrative for assistant principals.
570
Tanyas response shows she felt a lack of trust from the coordinator towards staff. The
sense of being equal among peers and respected was also missing from her account.
In an attempt to take control of her teaching career, Julie changed schools assuming
that she had begun in an atypical environment. Her account provides insights into
how signicant positive conditions and leadership support affected her.
Julie (at rst school):
I had an initial meeting with the three principals and [the senior principal] let rip at
me. She went off! She told me how bad my teaching was. She accused me of making my students ill by making them anxious.
Julies account illustrates the emotional support and conditions for her success set
by school leaders. She recalls a principal who noticed her need for support, stepped
in, consulted with about how he should help and then carried out those actions.
Julies account in this setting reects her growing condence.
In contrast to this, Teri described her principals way of dealing with an incident
involving one student injuring another in class:
[the principal]s way of operation was to come down and tell my home group that
[teacher X] and I were being stood down, pending investigation because [the principal]
knew how much the kids cared for us. [She did not intend to actually stand us down, just
frighten the kids] I dont know what she thought. I still dont know what she thought
And that happened on more than one occasion. It happened to other teachers.
Lisa described the lack of support, graphically describing a staff meeting that she
and both the principal and assistant principal knew would be difcult because of
timetable changes to give students time to rehearse for the upcoming school musical.
After the meeting she reported:
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The assistant principal was also very apologetic that he hadnt supported me enough
during the meeting. The principal was the one, to my mind, who should have supported me when I was under attack, and he hadnt, even though he had led me to
believe before the meeting that he would. I think it was just that we expected a storm
and got a hurricane, and they werent ready for it.
Teri recalled how, when she began teaching, the principal actively moved against
certain teachers:
Wed lost one staff member in the rst year who had a falling out with the principal
and we lost two other teachers, both along those lines.
The participants experiences show that the leadership often failed to provide emotional support or the conditions they needed for their success. Analysis of the key
words indicates how their development was hindered or in more serious cases
stopped.
Sarah later revealed the communication to her following her reaction to being placed
in such a situation was:
Deal with it yourself. Figure out your own strategies. And I was trying to come up
with my own strategies, but I was looking to my experienced peers and leaders in the
school to support me, and they were sort of saying Oh well, if you cant handle it then
thats sort of it. they didnt know what to do so they just pretended I wasnt there.
Sarahs professional development was being arrested by the expectations placed her
as a second year out teacher. All participants reported being given very difcult classes, and sometimes roles that experienced teachers didnt want. Taking on difcult
roles early in their careers is recognised as being a contributing block to their experiences of success (Cochran-Smith and Zeichner 2005).
As Robert explained:
they offered me a one year contract. And then in my second year there [on a second
one-year contract] there was no one that wanted to be a Year 8 assistant coordinator.
So the coordinator asked me and I said OK, ne. They had me teaching a year
11/12 [ICT] course that Ive never taught before no laptop, no functioning network,
trying to teach two of these courses. I also had a year 10 who didnt want to do
anything so they were just chucked into a class as a child-minding exercise. So I had
to deal with that . I was in tears and it was just like, what am I doing?
572
For Teri, team teaching didnt lessen her load but increased it, as she explained:
I was doing something like 70 hours just correction and because of the nature of team
teaching it also meant that Id see every book [80]. I was burnt out and angry a lot.
We found keyword evidence of unrealistic expectations and a lack of emotional support for these early career leavers in every narrative. The feelings of loneliness, isolation, lack of offers of expert suggestions, support and resources appeared in all
their accounts. They also reect how participants were being positioned: in
unwanted roles that required expertise they did not have.
Self-positioning
The analysis uncovered an internal conict among participants arising from how
others positioned them and how they positioned themselves.
James explained how he was being positioned:
Education is a production line. There is no time for critical thinking in the classroom
and there is certainly no time for genuine exploration and play. I was told by the
Deputy Principal not to waste time on philosophical questions that children cannot
afford to think about [while preparing for literacy and numeracy tests]. Id happily
undertake the challenging workload if I thought I was doing something worthwhile.
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Emily stated:
The public school was so bogged down in reporting and testing that it seemed like I
did more of that than actually educating.
A further element across all the experiences reects how signicant school culture
can be in setting the conditions for success.
School culture
A positive school culture reects conditions for success and emotional support and
is one that activates and encourages staff professional development. One of the conditions for pre-service teachers success is feeling able to ask questions and have
them engaged with receptively by staff (Dufeld 2006). From the narratives this was
very important. They saw collegial dialogue as fundamental to their growth.
When reecting on her experience, Julie highlighted:
I reckon what put the school off me was that I asked a lot of questions. I was genuinely like, Well Ill do this if you tell me why youre doing it, like if youve got a
good reason for doing it Ill do it but I dont understand why youre doing it. Can you
explain it to me? I was expected to just follow suit and do exactly what my mentor
told me to, exactly what the school told me to. I was really not expected to experiment
or try anything new.
For Lisa and Robert, the conict was personal and on-going. Lisa highlighted how:
Being in that school was like living in a state of siege. I couldnt do anything without
coming under attack or having obstacles put in my way. It was exhausting and demoralising. It made every simple little thing into a problem that took energy and time to
deal with, and then was unlikely to be resolved anyway.
For Robert:
[a teacher colleague] made my life a misery... in a really subtle way nothing was
said to my face, it was just all rumours and innuendo. I came to work and all my stuff
thrown out of the ofce. All my personal stuff and my work was all there in the hallway. And I said Whats going on? The coordinator said, Theres another teacher
coming in next year and we want her to come in now. I went to the assistant principal and he couldnt believe it and basically came with me and made them put all my
stuff back [but nothing really changed].
574
The keywords in their attrition narratives signify how their professional development
was being arrested by school culture. There was little evidence of conditions for
success or emotional support.
Tanya takes a more pragmatic view, outlining how over time she realised:
I wanted to do something else but it helped that school wasnt the most enjoyable place
to be.
Robert felt beleaguered by the small team he worked closely with and was eventually worn down:
thats what they did to me; they stacked me up [with extra administrative work]. So
that was the nal [straw].
James narrative reveals the decision is painful, and harked back to the clash with
his entry ideals:
My decision to leave education was difcult to make and caused me high stress and
genuine sorrow. I chose to leave education because I believe that the child is dead in
western culture. There are countless reasons why I believe that the child is dead: viewing children as future economic assets.
While Teri still has a desire to teach, her leaving process is continuing:
[an expert teacher who left her school after one and a half terms] said, I cant believe
that youre here. She emailed me at some stage [later] and said, you know, youre
going to burn out and youre going to leave teaching and youve got to get out. I
would be devastated to think that I wouldnt go back but I wont go back [to a similar
school set-up].
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Julie would like to return. Her leaving also remains in process. She generally
enjoyed her teaching in a remote location, but missed her friends and family and
decided to return to the city. The remote school:
comparatively was a breath of fresh air because I had a lot more independence, I got to
try so many things. Im not condent that I can nd a school that I would be happy
in [in the city]. I want to go back and try to be a better teacher, now that I feel I have a
better understanding of what would make a good teacher, but Im a bit scared to be
honest. I dont want to be forced, pigeonholed into teaching one way.
Discussion
The major nding of this study was that early career exit from teaching is a drawnout process. A number of previous studies have described the optimistic beginning
teacher who changes into a disillusioned leaver (Beauchamp and Thomas 2009;
Centre for Innovative Thought 2006; Cochran-Smith and Zeichner 2005; Goddard
and Goddard 2006; Hong 2010; Korthagen 2004; Maslach 2003; OConnor 2008;
Steffy 2000). However, the process of moving from one to the other has remained
under-described. This study identied four key elements that describe the complex
process of attrition: entry, early experiences, pre-exit and exit. All participants
entered teaching optimistically: condent about what they would contribute, positive
about their own on-going development and hoping to make a difference in young
peoples lives. Their early experiences reected blocked growth and their progress
prevented. This we labelled arrested development. This has not been outlined in the
literature to date and represents the contribution of this study to the attrition literature. The pre-exit phase of leaving involved considerable sense of disillusionment.
The participants felt let down by leadership and/or veteran colleagues and lost any
expectation of things improving.
Analysing the participants language led to the discovery of the missing element between their initial optimism, disillusionment and exit as arrested development (see Appendix 1). This nding extends Day and Gus (2009) contention that
attrition is a process not an event. For these participants the critical time period in
which the wearing-down took place was two to two and a half years of service,
and the eventual decision to leave was reported as being able to grow again. Our
nding that the essence of the stories was arrested development is based on two
key elements of each narrative: lack of emotional support, and school cultures that
impede growth.
Lack of emotional support from leaders
The presence or absence of emotional support for these new teachers appears to
have had a powerful and lasting impact. All nine narratives revealed that adequate
emotional support during times of professional or personal challenge was not
provided. This negatively affected their personal sense of wellbeing and self-esteem
as beginning teachers. Lack of support was attributed to leadership migration, or
lack of trust and empathy displayed by leaders. Participants valued leaders who provided emotional support and mourned its loss when those leaders left the school and
were not replaced by equally supportive substitutes. Lack of emotional support led
to feelings of isolation.
576
School culture
School cultures, as tacit rule books, set the conditions for success and prescribe
acceptable levels of emotional support and emotional labour (Johnson et al. 2005;
Zapf et al. 1999). For these early leavers, the cultures also determined how they perceived tting into the school community. Their reports indicated that the conditions
for success were not present. They reported not feeling welcome, not tting in and
noted a lack of sharing of veterans expertise and practice, adding to feelings of
inadequacy and exclusion. All participants identied the schools they entered as
places of conict, often nding themselves in conict with other staff, sometimes
without knowing how or why this had occurred. A contributing factor to the process
of leaving was a negative school culture where the new teachers perceived that too
much emphasis on improving test results prevented time for other educative experiences. All participants had positioned themselves as change agents. This positioning
was obstructed in every one of their school settings. Each rejected what they felt
was an over-emphasis on uniformity and conformity. This suggests that the entry
ideals were difcult to translate into daily actions aimed at achieving the broad goal
of change.
These ndings support Botterys (2003, 188) argument that an emerging unhappiness within schools based on increasing accountability and lack of individual
autonomy generates a crisis of morale, recruitment and retention.
Conclusions
The participants enjoyed engaging with ideas and teaching practice during their preservice education, and especially enjoyed undergoing this process with their cohort
peers, people they felt they could genuinely explore the meaning of teaching with.
However, on entry into schools they found that the level of collegial support they
had become used to was missing. Our analysis of the language each one used to
describe their process of leaving suggests to us that the missing element in their
leaving was arrested development. They each reported that the schools they entered
did not foster their growth as teachers or as individuals, and that this was an unexpected cost that led to an overwhelming sense of disillusionment. Returning to
growth, as a direct result of choosing to leave, permeated all the narratives. This
interpretation of data has many implications for the way in which new teachers are
inducted into schools and raises more questions about why some teachers stay and
become veterans under the same conditions. We believe this might be fertile ground
for future research aimed at providing a suite of induction, support and professional
learning opportunities for all teachers that builds on Manuel and Hughes (2006)
notion of teaching as facilitating as opposed to arresting personal and professional
development.
We have suggested the concept of arrested development as a useful way to
explore existing data repositories and as a focus for new qualitative studies into
the issue. A phenomenological approach uncovered new ways of describing some
of the issues involved in early career attrition and might lead to expanded theorising about the problem in future research projects. While we do not draw any
further conclusions from the data reported here, revising previous datasets, particularly from the UK and the US, may prove useful in conrming or setting aside
these ndings.
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577
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Early Experiences
Arrested
(blocked, prevented)
Development
(growth, progress, advance)
Pre-Exit
Disillusionment
(lack of expectation,
let down)
Exit
Acceptance
Becoming your own teacher
Better future
Build
Change
Condence
Create
Creativity
Desire
Difference
Enjoy a Challenge
Experiment
Explain
Fine
Freedom to step out
Genuine
Get in (to educate)
Good (work)
Guidance
Helped
Ignite (social change)
Lovely
Meaningful
Own mind
Personal
Questioning
Rapport
Reason
Relate
Respected
See, do education
Steer
Fit (I didnt)
Attack
Obstacles
Battled
Siege
Demoralising
Difcult
Apathy
Stood down
Deal(s)
Critical
Thinking (lack of)
(principal) Went off
Resolved (un)
Conformity
Innuendo
Embroiled
Stack with workload
By myself (isolation)
Care (lack of)
Dysfunctional
Rumours
Problem
Politics
Spite
Ripped into
Falling out
Manipulation
Clashes
Condescending
Separate
Time (wasted) (no time
to)
Tight (closed community)
Rude
Unknown
Accused
Complaining
Chucked, threw
(possessions)
Emotion (lack of, Robot)
Workload gigantic
Enjoyment (lack of)
Inspired (not)
Angry
Tears
Anxious
Bad
Hurricane
Storm
At sea
Aoat
Sank
Bogged down
Down
Lost
Misery
Losing energy
Feeling down
Low self-esteem
Exhausting
Slog
Tough
Fade away
Coping (not)
Ill
Burnt out
Wrought
Final
Finished
Supportive
Tactful
Trotting (Petras et al. 2008)
Trust
Understand
Wanted
Worthwhile
Excitement
Fun