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German Studies Review 38.1 (2015): 135150 2015 by The German Studies Association.
136
so much), and who in the early 1980s were overwhelmed by images of nuclear and
environmental destruction, the Lacanian sharpening provided both an explanation
for their misery and the desperate hope that beyond the realm of the symbolic and the
imaginaryin the interaction (not relation!) of bodies formerly known as sexthere
might be a realm of unspeakable freedom.
Friedrich Kittler had published, in 1977, the first fully Lacanian analysis of a literary oeuvre, and in the process touched upon the famously disturbed life of its author,
Conrad Ferdinand Meyer. Here, as in other early works, mental illness is understood
as a consequence of, and as a silent protest against, symbolic processes that escape
the grasp of the speaking subject. Mental illness indicates that formationBildungis
always also irreparable deformation in the service of a bourgeois society that demands
of its citizens anticipatory obedience to the symbolic fixity of sexual and social roles.
The success of the modern state consists in its ability to make its biological and its
ideological reproduction coincide by pairing the civil servant with the nurturing
mother, each supplementing the others lack. This interpretive paradigm dominates
Kittlers analyses of the romantic paradigm shift around 1800, culminating in the
first part of the Aufschreibesysteme 1800/1900.
In hindsight it is clear how much this position owed not only to Lacan but also to
Michel Foucault, and Kittler later reflected at length on Foucaults influence, and on
what he perceived as his shortcomings. It is less clear what influence the Lacanian
Left had on Kittler. Flix Guattari, most prominently, had anticipated and radicalized
the diagnosis that the nuclear family is irredeemably pathogenic and a conduit of
state control; his strangely worded analyses had made LAnti-Oedipe (German 1974)
such an exotic and irresistible book. But how did Guattari make it into the discourse
of German Literaturwissenschaft to which Kittler still belonged?
A seminal figure in this transmission was Rudolf Heinz, a professor of philosophy
at the University of Dsseldorf and a practicing psychiatrist and analyst in nearby
Wuppertal. He lecturedin the evening, when the university was emptyon SchizoAnalysis and Pathognostik, and had, beyond his circle of students, a discernable
influence on the burgeoning punk scene in the Ratinger Hof, and on such fabled
advertising agencies like GGK. Jochen Hrisch, who belonged to the stellar group of
assistants that Herbert Anton had brought to Dsseldorfaside from Hrisch: HansGeorg Pott, Gerhard Kurz, and Manfred Frankwas a member of Heinzs circle in
Wuppertal and will have brought Pathognostik to Kittlers attention. A material trace
of this attention are Kittlers remarks on and in a novel, Echo (1990), by Heinzs wife
Heide and their daughter Melanie.
The importance of Rudolf Heinzs thought and practice for Kittlers own path
cannot be measured by quotations or any other standard metric of influence. To a
large extent this is due to the fact that Heinzs writings are infuriatingly convoluted,
self-obsessed, and so full of neologisms and puns that no one would dare to quote
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The innocence of the Greek gods casts its light also on the meaning, or rather on the
meaninglessness, of sexual relations. Lacan had famously declared, and Heinz had
extensively argued, that sexual relations do not exist, and this has been one of Kittlers
most enduring and, in a way, most endearing themes. It runs through such early essays
as Autorschaft und Liebe (Austreibung des Geistes aus den Geisteswissenschaften.
Paderborn 1980, 142173) or Writing into the Wind, Bettina (GLYPH. Textual
Studies 7 [1980], 3269) and then became a central concern in the latest tomes.
Pathognostik, by the way, is still alive and, so to speak, kicking. After some
Lacan-style troubles with revisionists and heretics, Pathognostik.org reconstituted
itself this November 2014. I was gratified to notice that its charter, Rudolf Heinzs
text Pathognostische Prospektiven http://pathognostik.org/images/content/upload
/files/pathognostische_prospektiven.pdf is as fascinating and as unintelligible as his
lectures 35 years ago.
Helmut Muller-Sievers, University of Colorado, Boulder
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electric jolt): Through all his limbs there went a shock like electricity; he quivered
in his inmost heart (Hoffmann, Ernst Theodor Amadeus. Tales of E.T.A. Hoffmann.
Ed. and trans. Leonard J. Kent and Elizabeth C. Knight. Chicago, 1969, 18). This
electrifying shock was conducted not only through romantic blue-flower-like eyes,
it also came out of a scientific field new and en vogue at the timegalvanism. In
galvanisms close circuiting of electricity and physiology romantic physicist Johann
Wilhelm Ritter had detected something new. Experimenting with the brand-new
Voltaic pile and its continuous current Ritter sensed this shock ... to be much
more penetrating and inward than the previously known electrical shocks of the
same strength (Versuche und Bemerkungen ber den Galvanismus, Annalen der
Physik. Vol. 7.4 [1801]: 448). So the new flowing electricity was a true romantic force
and produced Innerlichkeit.
But romanticisms scientific foundations also reveal themselves in particular ways
through writing. According to Kittler, Anselmus, on his way to become a romantic
poet, only needed to learn how the voice that was originally Nature can be made
into a book (Discourse Networks. Stanford, 1992, 80), a transformation quite
practically in action in the sciences at the time. In Serpentinas fathers library the
student encounters different versions of books of nature and meets his decisive test,
when father Lindhorst leads him to the room where Bhagavad-Gitas masters await
us (Hoffmann 59): he is to duplicate certain works which are written in strange
characters. Pulling a leaf from a palm tree that turns out to be a roll of parchment
Lindhorst spreads it before Anselmus who was more than a little struck by these
singular intertwined characters (60).
This originary script, the mythic beginning of all writing (Discourse Networks
85) is a text coming directly from nature. Lindhorsts claim that the plant- and
animal-hieroglyphics ... constitute a text in Sanskrit gives the parchment in Kittlers
reading the same status as the handwritten text of Nostradamus in Faust, which is a
foreign-language text and a revelation of Nature (85). What Kittler neglects in this
comparison is the fact that Nostradamus wrote in Latin letters. So while the content
may have seemed foreign to some, every (European) copyist could have transcribed
the texts without much trouble. Anselmuss test piece, on the other hand, contained
twisted strokes of ... foreign characters that remained ciphers to all but the most
advanced readers. The oscillation between a foreign culture and a foreign Nature
(85) connects Hoffmanns Sanskrit characters much more to Egyptian hieroglyphs
(not deciphered until 1822) and simultaneously to hieroglyphs of nature that captivated Hoffmanns contemporaries.
Poet and mining engineer Friedrich von Hardenberg, better known as Novalis,
described these incomprehensible but infinitely alluring signs, this Great Cipher
code of nature in the opening passage of his Die Lehrlinge zu Sais as these wunderliche Figuren ..., die zu jener groen Chiffernschrift zu gehren scheinen, die
140
man berall, auf Flgeln, Eierschalen ... auf berhrten und gestrichenen Scheiben
von Pech und Glas ... erblickt (Schriften. Vol. 1. Stuttgart, 1960, 79). These ciphers
created by nature precede the educational structures of the Aufschreibesystem 1800
that Kittler had identified. Nature did not (only) make another write, sheas The
Woman (Discourse Networks 25)wrote herself.
This self-writing of nature was first encountered and described in a preromantic
laboratory in Gttingen. Georg Christoph Lichtenberg found in 1777 dust formations
on the surface of his electrophore, a state-of-the-art electrical device, that were soon
called after him Lichtenberg figures. They brought a new visual dimension to the
field of electrical research that was crucial for the scientific community as it aided
electricitys transformation from a curiosity into a technology. But beyond that,
Novalis, Ritter, and their fellow romantics found a different meaning in this magic
inscription. Especially since another scientist, Ernst F.F. Chladni, had produced
sound figures that were directly inspired by Lichtenbergs but shared with them
primarily the concept of a self-inscription of nonhuman nature, the understanding
of the hieroglyphic figures as a secret language of nature began to disseminate. The
perception of the figures as THE language of nature that humans just dont have the
senses to comprehendanymore, or not yetcan be found in many of the romantic
texts. These hieroglyphs allegedly imprinted through nature itself resemble pure
writing in a Derridean sense, where there doesnt exist any [known] linguistic sign
before writing (Of Grammatology. Baltimore, 1976, 14). Ritter though wanted to find,
or at least search for die Ur-oder Naturschrift auf elektrischem Wege (Fragmente
aus dem Nachlasse eines jungen Physikers. Hanau, 1984, 269), and his attempts at
deciphering figures for that purpose resemble Anselmuss training quite closely. With
that in mind Kittlers analysis of the construct of the originary text, which has no
basis in the real (Discourse Networks 86) may need some revision as this originary
romantic text comes directly from nature and seems to have been constituted exactly
by the real.
Antje Pfannkuchen, Dickinson College
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formation emergent in Germany over the past two hundred years (Winthrop-Young,
Kittler and the Media. Cambridge, UK, 2011, 23). In reacting to the arguments and
institutions with which he grew up, Kittler recast basic patterns of thought and gave
rise to new ones. Greece and Germany, the universities of Bildung and modern science, oral speech and the printed word, technocrats and poets, cinema and psychoanalysis, war and lovethese are just a few of Kittlers most basic concerns, and is this
not part of our home turf as Germanists? As Kittler often pointed out, the reworking
of habits of body and mind evidences recursive structuresrecursive procedures refer
back to themselves as part of their operation. At their best, Kittlers media histories
encourage reflection on how our material and mental habitsincluding those we
activate as scholarsare inextricably linked to the media we use. Kittler thereby also
prompts us to reconsider the German lineages of our theoretical and institutional
formations and their suitability for addressing issues that call out for understanding.
The style of media-discourse analysis pioneered by Kittler identifies cultural technologies that epitomize the media systems of given historical periods. Recent studies
in this vein that speak broadly to Germanists include Bernard Siegert on the postal
system (Relays. Stanford, 1999), Cornelia Vismann on files (Files. Stanford, 2008),
Markus Krajewski on the servant/server (Der Diener. Frankfurt, 2010), and Helmut
Mller-Sievers on kinematics (The Cylinder. Berkeley, 2010). As with Kittler, these
studies attend to material, medial operations and they de-emphasize the subject as any
sort of prime historical mover. These works are often animated by a tension between
a Foucault-inspired emphasis on media-technological breaks (1800/1900/2000) and
narratives of recursive continuity between historical media systems. In the case of
the latter, it has become increasingly common to show how related medial functions
operate across different epochs. Krajewskis comparison of the early modern servant
and the twenty-first-century server is a good example of this, and Kittlers late work
likewise links computing and rock music to ancient Greek mathematics and religious
ritual. But even with an idea of recursive continuity, these media histories nonetheless
tend to foreground moments of game-changing transformation rather than noninnovative repetition, despite the fact that most historical uses of media are utterly
precedented. After a while, stories about the emergence of the new get repetitive
(though this is clearly not a problem affecting media studies alone). It is not difficult
to imagine alternative narratives that foreground untimely or anachronistic medial
practices: reading Latin sermons in the nineteenth century rather than German
poetry; sending handwritten letters rather than emails; listening to the radio while
having access to the digital cloud. At their best, though, Kittler and his students have
cleared ground for a variety of medial historiographies (the title of an influential
recent Graduiertenkolleg based in Weimar, Erfurt, and Jena), for they have made
the question of how cultural technologies influence meaning-making indispensible
for any present or future Kulturwissenschaft.
I personally have learned a great deal from Kittlers attention to educational
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opponents. In fact, less than two years later Deep Blue became the first machine to
win a game against the reigning world champion. Gary Kasparov went on to win the
match. Yet his victory, widely seen as a victory for humanity, was short-lived. A heavily
upgraded Deep Blue beat him in the rematch the following year.
Unlike Kittler, his respondent at the Stanford conference, Terry Winograd, an
eminent computer scientist, was not prepared to level the difference between man
and machine and, by extension, between the two cultures as unceremoniously as Kittler. After all, he insisted, the game may look the same, but the inside of the players
is different: the grandmaster relies on his intuition, whereas the machine evaluates
an enormous number of possible constellations before making its move. Predictably,
Kittler was not impressed with this argument and countered with a Turing question
of sorts: was it not the case that this difference was irrelevant to the task at hand
namely, winning the game?
Perhaps the disagreement between Kittler and Winograd was just a misunderstanding. When Winograd compared the grandmasters intuition to the computational
raw power of the machine, he most likely resorted to this manner of speaking in
order to avoid connectionist language. Connectionism, with its notions of parallel
distributed processing and neural networks had become a formidable opponent of his
own brand of Artificial Intelligence, which, by contrast, refused to consider thought
as an inexplicable emergent property of complex and therefore fuzzy occurrences.
Winograd insisted on the necessity to specify the processa demand that was at
least not incompatible with Kittlers views. Yet for Kittler, talk of the grandmasters
intuition recalled such fraught terms as genius and creativity, including the
corresponding constructs of interiority that were irrelevant for playing the game.
Another victory for the machines, then? Or better yet, for apparatuses and
dispositifs, the actual objects of Kittlers inquiries? Foucault had presented history
as a sequence of specific intertwinements of knowledge and power under changing
discursive conditions, which he analyzed with a historians eye for the telling detail
and a philosophers knack for conceptual generalization. Kittlers book became an
indispensible manual, precisely because it managed to stick more closely with the
phenomena of writing and literature, and analyze them by means of a reading practice
that, in the wake of Derrida and Lacan, was attentive to the materiality of the letter.
Most often, Kittler zeroed in on the intricacies of particular passages and eventually
combined these meticulous readings into panoramas that laid bare the operations
of the corresponding discourse networks and their representational regimes. In
simultaneously bypassing the hermeneutic unit of the work at the micro- and the
macro-level of the text and reading across a wide range of literary and nonliterary
genres, Kittler outflanked and infuriated not only traditional literary scholars, but also
intellectual historians and the occasional cultural anthropologist. Moreover, many of
his readings, fragmentary as they were, left an indelible impression. Could one ever
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and every of his essays and books. And yet, while Kittleralways en enfant terrible
at heartwas never shy to confront given tropes and conventions of scholarly work,
his mode of media philosophy often left little room and reason for other scholars to
carry out further work. As Kittlers work uncovered hidden causalities, foundations,
grounds, and frameworks, his sparkling intellect and ingenuity tended to consume
entire fields of study at once. The lasting strength of Kittlers media philosophy was
in offering unsettling answers to self-imposed and often counterintuitive queries. It
was not in asking open questions others could pick up and convert into productive
research agendas.
What in the wake of Kittlers media philosophy has come to be known as German
media theory describes a style of theorizing that, however perceptive and thoughtful
in its findings, often shows little tolerance for the idiosyncrasies of symbolic material
and the ambivalences of historical practices. It prefers to think through the technological structure of hardware configuration, to think of technology itself as a mode of
or analogy to thought, rather than to engage and map the messiness of the archives.
I cannot entirely resist to attribute todays somewhat dire state of German media
studies in North America to this particular effort of philosophizing modern media.
While the study of film and film history has invigorated German Studies in North
America since the 1980s and has moved the entire field into new directions, littleif
any work at allis done today that bears any resemblance to the scholarship of American scholars such as Alexander Galloway, Lisa Gitelman, Matthew Kirschenbaum,
Katherine Hayles, and Jonathan Sterne, that is, scholars whose theoretically inflected
work on the history of animated images, textual documents, digital storage devices,
electronic writing, and sound compression combines intricate textual analyses with
profound insights about the material frameworks of cultural production, dissemination, reception, and storage. It is as if German Studies in North America, stunned by
the gravity of German media philosophy, largely lacks what it might take to explore
media history and archeology without wanting to reduce each phenomenon to the
operations of technology itself. Kittler himself can and should not be faulted for the
remarkable failure of North American German Studies to be in productive conversations with some of the best scholarship produced by media historians and theorists
today. But any continued effort to emulate Kittlers media philosophy today tends to
isolate scholarship on German media culture rather than to connect it to innovative
trends in other quarters of the academyand this at a time, as Kittler would not
dispute, when little matters more than research on the interface of culture, media,
and technology. There is plenty of space to keep writing after Kittlereven if much
of that writing might be done for us by the invisible work of algorithms, circuitry, and
silicon behind the windows of our screens.
Lutz Koepnick, Vanderbilt University