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Historical Background
The party began as the country's vehicle for independence through the building of a modern
nation-state and through the advocacy of efficient self-rule, It dominated the Philippine
Assembly (19071916), the Philippine Legislature (19161935), and the pre-war years of the
Commonwealth of the Philippines (19351941). During the Japanese Occupation, political
parties were replaced by the Kapisanan sa Paglilingkod sa Bagong Pilipinas (KALIBAPI). By
the second half of the century, the party was one of the main political contenders for leadership
in the country, in competition with the Liberals and the Progressives, during the decades between
the devastation of World War II and the violent suppression of partisan politics of the Marcos
dictatorship. In 1978, in a throwback to the Japanese Occupation, political parties were asked to
merge into the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan although the Nacionalistas preferred to go into
hibernation. Eventually, the party was revived during the late 1980s and early 1990s by the
Laurel family which has dominated the Party since the 1950s. The Nacionalista Party is now
being led by party president Manuel Villar, former Senator, and has fielded three candidates
(Cayetano, Marcos and Trillanes) in the upcoming 2016 Philippine Elections. Two of the other
present parties, the Liberal Party and the Nationalist People's Coalition are breakaways from the
Nacionalista Party.
II. Branches of the Nacionalista Party
Election
Number of
votes
Share of
Seats won
votes
Seats
after
Outcome of election
1916
22 / 24
1919
21 / 24
Won
1922
15 / 24
1925
14 / 24
Won
1928
24 / 24
Won
1931
22 / 24
Won
1934
7 / 24
Lost
1941
24 / 24
Won
1946
7,454,074
41.2%
7 / 16
15 / 24
Lost
1947
10,114,453
45.0%
1/8
8 / 24
Lost
1949
8,900,568
36.6%
0/8
4 / 24
Lost
1951
13,266,643
59.1%
9/9
12 / 24
Won
1953
9,813,166
39.8%
5/8
13 / 24
Won
Election
Number of
votes
Share of
Seats won
votes
Seats
after
Outcome of election
1955
17,319,389
67.6%
9/9
21 / 24
Won
1957
13,273,945
47.2%
6/8
20 / 24
Won
1959
17,160,618
50.1%
5/8
19 / 24
Won
1961
17,834,477
45.1%
2/8
13 / 24
Won
1963
22,983,457
50.2%
4/8
11 / 24
Lost
1965
21,619,502
43.8%
5/8
11 / 24
Won
1967
30,704,100
62.8%
6/8
16 / 24
Won
1969
32,726,305
60.8%
6/8
18 / 24
Won
1971
24,819,175
42.6%
3/8
16 / 24
Won
1987
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
1992
14,499,923
5.3%
0 / 24
0 / 24
Lost
1995
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
Election
Number of
votes
Share of
Seats won
votes
Seats
after
Outcome of election
1998
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
2001
770,647
0.3%
0 / 13
0 / 24
Lost
2004
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
2007
27,125,724
10.1%
2 / 12
3 / 24
Nacionalista-led coalition
2010
49,585,503
16.7%
3 / 12
4 / 24
2013
45,100,266
15.3%
3 / 12
5 / 24
Liberal-led coalition
Seats
Outcome of election
1907
32 / 80
Won
1909
62 / 81
Won
1912
62 / 81
Won
1916
75 / 90
Won
1919
83 / 90
Won
Election
Seats
Outcome of election
1922
64 / 93
1925
64 / 92
Won
1928
71 / 94
Won
1931
66 / 94
Won
1934
89 / 92
1935
83 / 89
Won
1938
98 / 98
Won
1941
95 / 98
Won
1946
908,740
37.84%
35 / 98
Lost
1949
1,178,402
34.05%
33 / 100
Lost
1953
1,930,367
47.30%
31 / 102
Lost
1957
2,948,409
61.18%
82 / 102
Won
1961
3,923,390
61.02%
74 / 104
Won
Election
Seats
Outcome of election
1965
3,028,224
41.76%
38 / 104
Lost
1969
4,590,374
80.00%
88 / 110
Won
1978
688,130
0.33%
0 / 165
Lost
2 / 183
Lost
1984
1987
1,444,399
7.19%
4 / 200
1992
730,696
3.92%
4 / 199
Lakas-NUCD-UMDP-led coalition
1995
153,088
0.79%
1 / 204
Lakas-NUCD-UMDP-led coalition
1998
4,412
0.02%
0 / 245
2001
N/A
N/A
N/A
2004
2 / 237
Lakas-CMD-led coalition
2007
11 / 271
Lakas-CMD-led coalition
2010
3,872,637
11.35%
25 / 287
Liberal-led coalition
2013
2,340,994
8.49%
17 / 292
Liberal-led coalition
VII.
A. Filipino Nationalism
Filipino nationalism began with an upsurge of patriotic sentiments and nationalistic ideals in
the 1800s Philippines that came as a consequence of more than three centuries of Spanish rule.
This served as the backbone of the first nationalist revolution in Asia, the Philippine Revolution
of 1896, and continues up to this day. These nationalistic sentiments have led to a wide-ranging
campaign for political, social, and economic freedom in the Philippines.
B. Conservatism
Conservatism is a political doctrine that emphasizes the value of traditional institutions and
practices. Some conservatives seek to preserve things as they are, emphasizing stability and
continuity, while others, called reactionaries, oppose modernism and seek a return to "the way
things were". The term, historically associated with right-wing politics, has since been used to
describe a wide range of views. There is no single set of policies that are universally regarded as
conservative, because the meaning of conservatism depends on what is considered traditional in
a given place and time.
C. Social Conservatism
Social conservatism is a group of political ideologies centered on preserving traditional
beliefs, attitudes and philosophy, in the face of social progressivism. The aims of social
conservatism vary from organisation to organisation, and from country to country. Thus, there
are really no policies or positions that could be considered universal among social conservatives.
There are, however, a number of general principles to which at least a majority of social
conservatives adhere.
D. Economic Liberalism
Economic liberalism is the ideological belief in organizing the economy on individualist and
voluntarist lines, meaning that the greatest possible number of economic decisions is made by
individuals and not by collective institutions or organizations. It includes a spectrum of different
economic policies, such as freedom of movement, but it is always based on strong support for a
market economy and private property in the means of production.
VIII.
The Nacionalista Party of the Philippines tries to ensure that the Filipino People Comes first.
One of the most notable motto of the Nacionalistas is Ang Bayan Higit sa Lahat, which is the
members guiding principle of its leaders.
IX.
No traditional politician nowadays will profess to be part of the Left or the Right. Instead,
when asked about ideology, they often claim to hew to the so-called "center," which means
basically whatever they want it to mean. Just because a politician claims to be centrist or nonideological doesn't mean he's not ideological though. That just means he prefers to mask his
ideology, which is arguably worse for our democracy.
More often though, there is no talk of ideology at all, since politicians just run on the strength
of their political machines, personalities, and direct appeals to the masses.
The old party system of 1946-1972 claimed to model itself after the two-party system of the
United States, with the Liberal Party as the Democrats (Left) and the Nacionalistas as the
Republicans (Right). But in practice, the ideological differences between the two were
indistinguishable, and the parties were more accurately described as rival factions of elites who
basically shared the same economic interests and agreed to share power amongst themselves.
This political order was disrupted by the declaration of Martial Law in 1972. The old elites
were either forced to align with Marcos or to fight him, often with strange bedfellows. AntiMarcos forces formed a broad church, with avowed capitalists joining hardcore communists and
everyone else in between. Ninoy Aquino, most famously, sheltered the New People's Army in
Hacienda Luisita in resistance to the Marcos regime.
The return of democracy in 1986 resumed the old inter-elite rivalries, and people once allied
in opposition to Marcos began fighting amongst themselves for power and influence. (See:
Roxas and Binay, for example, with their respective histories of anti-Marcos sentiment.) The
two-party system however could not stand these factions' increasingly diversified and conflicting
interests, so rival elite factions started forming their own parties. That's how we ended up with
the hodgepodge of parties we have today (LP, NP, Lakas, PDP, ad nauseam). These parties, like
the LP and NP of old, are basically indistinguishable from each other though they claim
ideological lineage from some place. (Example: Lakas is a self-professed Christian Democratic
Party modeled on the CDU of Germany.)
The Nacionalitstas of today claim that they are in the center of the spectrum. Independence
has been a value held dear by the Nacionalistas. Now, the focus is on achieving economic
independence. They aim to free the people of poverty.
The Nacionalistas now need to contend with the perils and opportunities of globalization.
Nation-building no longer just means harnessing the talents of the Filipino people and the
resources of the Mother Land but also involves caring for its sizeable expatriate population. They
believe that the production and exchange should mainly be owned by private owners while the
government maintains control over the production and exchange to ensure that resources are
equally allocated among the people.
Today, the continuing struggle for independence center on freeing its people from the
oppressive manacles of poverty. It is a vision that will require fresh ideas, courage, and selfsacrifice; a supply of which is never lacking among the current crop of Nacionalistas.
X. Affiliated Party Lists
There is no party list affiliated with the Nacionalista Party.
XI. Affiliated Political Parties
A. AsensoManileo Movement
During the 2010 elections, the Nacionalista and the Nationalist People's Coalition (NPC)
formed an alliance after it was approved by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) on April
12, 2010. The Nacionalistas fielded Senator Manuel Villar, Jr. and running with fellow Senator
Loren Legarda who is a member of the NPC. It became the dominant minority party after a
resolution passed by the COMELEC. On April 21, however it was blocked by the Supreme Court
after a suit filed by the rival Liberal Party. On May 6, 2010, the Supreme Court nullified the
merger and therefore giving the Liberal Party to be the dominant minority party. It was based on
a resolution by the COMELEC giving political parties to be accredited by August 17, 2009.
The coalition was made to help the Nacionalista Party to help boost the presidential
campaign of Senator Villar and have a chance to be the dominant minority party by the
Commission on Elections which give the rights to poll watchers during the canvassing of votes.
However, it is being challenged by the Liberal Party calls the said alliance a "bogus" alliance, the
Liberals are also seeking the same party status by the COMELEC. As well, several local races
are being challenged from both parties therefore causing confusion in those races.
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