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de Sade
NMERO
E S P E C I A L
Lnguas Gestuais
VOLUME 2, 2009
Publicao Semestral
ndice
Editorial
13
Categorias fonolgicas:
um estudo sobre orientao manual em lnguas gestuais antigas e novas
Assaf Israel and Wendy Sandler
29
37
51
63
83
99
Editorial
Alexandre Castro Caldas
Ana Mineiro
edio em 2008.
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
desenvolvimento.
a conferncia.
General Framework
The use of modern technologies to explore brain
function stimulated the discussion of the proper
nature of cognition and behavior. We now have
to admit that individual cognitive competences are
the result of a convergence of several components.
Some of these components are related to biology,
some are related to environmental stimulation and
some are related to the opportunity.
Language is one the competences that made
human kind different from the other species. We
hardly understand how this phenotype developed
with the development of humans and it is necessary
to work on hypothesis based on several kinds of
findings.
If we take in consideration the average situation
of a middle aged Caucasian human being that is not
left hander that acquired oral language in a normal
speaking monolingual community we can discuss
the cortical organization of speech processing like,
for instance, Hickok and Poeppel did (2007). These
authors considered that the cortical areas involved
in speech processing are organized in two main
pathways: a dorsal stream that maps acoustic speech
signals to frontal lobe articulatory networks and a
ventral stream that processes speech signals for
comprehension. This model assumes that the ventral
stream is largely bilaterally organized and that the
dorsal stream is strongly left-hemisphere dominant.
The bi-hemispheric representation of the ventral
stream has to be understood as an asymmetrical
distribution of computational processes. The evidence
from brain lesion studies, supports the notion that
lesions of the regions involved in the right ventral
* acastrocaldas@ics.lisboa.ucp.pt
Cadernos de Sade Vol. 2 Nmero especial de Lnguas Gestuais pp. 7-12
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Lesion Studies
The classical method to interpret brain function
was based on the observation of patients that for
some reasons acquired a brain lesion. There are
10
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Activation Studies
Contrary to lesion studies in which Nature decides
the localization of the lesion and the observer tries
to reveal the processing rules by finding what is
disturbed and what is preserved in the performance
of patients, in activation studies the observer has to
design a task directed to a computational operation
in order to reveal which region of the brain becomes
active.
For the past decade a great number of experimental work has been published illustrating several steps
of the complexity of the mechanisms responsible for
comprehension and production of sign language. It
is hard for the moment to make a comprehensive
review of this literature. Therefore, I will review
some of the work that can be considered more
seminal.
May be we could start a so-called Cartesian question. Movement, which is a quality of the body and
cognition, which is a quality of the mind. Willems
and Hagoort (2007) reviewed recently this question focusing mainly on co-speech gestures. As the
authors mentioned, co-speech gestures embody a
form of manual action that is coupled to the language
system. Both gestures and spoken language occur
simultaneously with the intention of communicating.
Therefore they belong to one integrated system of
communication (see McNeill, 1992).
As it was mentioned above both intentional gestures and speech sounds activate the mirror neuron
system. When subjects listen to meaningful syllables
there are significantly more activity in bilateral precentral gyrus and central sulci than when subjects
11
References
1.
2.
Arbib, M.A. (2005). From monkey-like action recognition to human language: An evolutionary framework for neuroliguistics (with commentaries
and authors response). Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 28: 105-167.
3.
4.
5.
Campbell, R. and Capek, C. (2008). Seeing speech and seeing sign: Insights
from a fMRI study. International Journal of Audiology, 47.1,S3-S9.
6.
Carr, L., Iacoboni, M., Dubeau, M.C., Mazziotta, J.C. and Lenzi, G.L. (2003).
Neural mechanisms of empathy in humans : a relay from neural systems
for imitation to limbic areas. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.,100: 5497-5502.
7.
8.
9.
Castro-Caldas, A., Miranda, P., Carmo, I., Reis, A., Leote, F., Ribeiro, C. &
Ducla-Soares, E. (1999). Influence of learning to read and write on the
morphology of the Corpus Callosum. European Journal of Neurology, 6:
23-28.
10. Coppens, P., Lebrun, Y. and Basso, A. (Eds.) (1998) Aphasia in Atypical
Populations. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. New Jersey.
11. Corina, D. P. (1998). Studies of Neural Processing in Deaf Signers: Toward
a Neurocognitive Model of Language Processing in the Deaf. Journal of
Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 3: 35-48
12. Corina, D., Chiu, Y.-S., Knapp, H., Greenwald, R., San Jose-Robertson, L.
and Braun, A.(2007). Neural correlates of human action observation in
hearing and deaf subjects. Brain Research, 1152: 111-129.
13. Grezes, J. and Decety, J. (2001). Functional anatomy of execution, mental
simulation, observation, and verb generation of actions: a mete analysis.
Hum. Brain Mapp., 12: 1-19.
14. Head, H. (1926). Aphasia and kindred disorders of speech. Cambridge
University Press. UK.
15. Hickok, G., Love-Geffen, T. and Klima, E. S. (2002). Role of the left hemisphere in sign language comprehension. Brain and Language, 82:167-178.
16. Hickok, G. and Poeppel, D.(2007). The cortical organization of speech
processing. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 8: 393-402.
17. Iacoboni, M. (2005). Neural mechanisms of imitation. Curr. Opin. Neurobiol.,
5: 632-637.
18. Klima, E. and Bellugi, U. (1979). The signs of language. Harvard University
Press, Cambridge Mass.
19. Leischner, A. (1943). Die Aphasie der Taubstummen. Archiv fur Psychiatrie
und Nervenkrankheiten, 115: 469-548.
20. Lu, L.H., Leonard, C. M., Thompson, P. M., Kan, E., Jolley, J., Welcome, S. E.,
Toga, A. W. and Sowell, E.R. (2007). Normal Developmental Changes in
Inferior Frontal Gray Matter Are Associated with Improvement in Phonological Processing: A Longitudinal MRI Analysis. Cerebral Cortex,17:1092-1099.
12
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
21. MacSweeney, M., Capek, C.M., Campbell, R. and Woll, B. (2008). The signing
brain: the neurobiology of sign language. Trends in Cognitive sciences,
12:432-440.
22. McNeil, D. (1992). Hand and Mind: What gestures reveal about thought.
University of Chicago Press. IL.
23. Miall, R. C. (2003).Connecting mirror neurons and forward models. NeuroReport, 14: 2135-2137
24. Newman, A.J., Bavelier, D., Corina, D., Jezzard, P. and Neville, H.J. (2002). A
critical period for right hemisphere recruitment I American Sign Language
processing. Nature Neuroscience, 5: 76-80.
25. Poizner,H., Klima, E. and Bellugi, U. (1987). What the Hands Reveal About
the Brain. The MIT press, Cambridge, Mass.
26. Petitto, L. and Marentette, P. (1991). Babbling in the manual mode: evidence for the ontogeny of language. Science, 251: 1493-1496.
27. Rizzolatti, G., Fadiga, L., Gallese, V. and Fogassi, L. (1996). Premotor cortex
and the recognition of motor actions. Cognitive Brain Research, 3: 131-141.
28. Sadato, N., Pascual-Leone, A., Grafman, J., Deiber, M.P., Ibanez, V. and
Hallett, M.(1998). Neural networks for Braille reading by the blind. Brain,
121: 1213-1229.
29. Willems, R. M. and Hagoort, P. (2007). Neural evidence for the interplay
between language, gesture, and action: A review. Brain and Language,
101: 278-289.
30. Wilson, S. M. Saygin, A. P., Sereno, M. I. and Iacoboni, M. (2004) Listen
to speech activates motor areas involved in speech production. Nature
Neuroscience, 7: 701-702.
Categorias fonolgicas:
Resumo
Abstract
* This work was supported by the United States-Israel Binational Science Foundation and the National Institute on Deafness and
other Communication Disorders of the National Institutes of Health.
* This paper also appears in Rachel Channon & Harry van der Hulst (eds.). Formational Units in Sign Language. Ishara Press.
** assafisrael@yahoo.com
*** wsandler@research.haifa.ac.il
Cadernos de Sade Vol. 2 Nmero especial de Lnguas Gestuais pp. 13-28
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
15
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
While typical sign language morphological structures such as verb agreement and classifier predicate
constructions have not been found to exist in this
young language, a kind of size and shape classifier
affixation is common across the village (Meir et al.,
to appear; Sandler et al., 2009).
The ABSL research team began to learn about
the lexicon of this language as part of a dictionary
project in which several hundred lexical items were
recorded. This project had two surprises in store
for the team. One was the degree of variation in
lexical items themselves. Even signs for everyday
items sometimes had several variants. There is, of
course, a vocabulary of conventionalized signs, but
this conventionalization seemed to the researchers
to hold at the level of the overall image depicted by
the sign. Aronoff et al. (2008) observed that across
tokens produced by different signers there is variation
in sublexical components, which, according to the
authors impression, is greater than what they would
expect in more established sign languages, such as
ISL and ASL. Moreover, tokens seem to vary across
features that are potentially contrastive in established
sign language. One example is variation in place
of articulation found in different tokens for ABSL
DOG. The example is repeated in Figure 3.
(a) DOG
(b) DOG
In order to test the hypothesis that distinct formational categories are not yet defined in ABSL, it
is necessary to record and analyze the amount of
variation at different points along the development
of a language. We expect that the ongoing research
on ABSL will provide us with insights into this issue
as the language develops further. At present, we
choose to use other, more established languages as
points of reference against which variation in ABSL
may be compared.
2
17
[extended]
[bent]
[clawed]
[curved]
18
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
a. [crossed]
b. [opposed]
c. [extended]
COMPARE
VACILLATE
Flexion
Aperture
[open], [closed]
Spreading
[spread], [non-spread]
Unselected Fingers
[open], [closed]
Thumb
Orientation
As this study addresses convergence on the production of basic phonological elements, we are
not concerned here with models of the internal
organization of these features, which are based
partly on the behavior of phonological elements in
forms and rules.
3.Methodology
In order to determine whether there is indeed
more blurring of possible category distinctions in
ABSL than in other sign languages, we investigated
sign productions in three sign languages: ABSL, ISL,
and ASL. These languages have different histories
and social structures, which bear on the issue under
investigation. Ten signers from each group, each
signing 15 signs, provide the data fo the study
3.1. Participants
ABSL
Ten ABSL signers participated in the study. The
subject selection process took into consideration
social structure and constraints within the Al-Sayyid
community. Since deafness is genetically determined
19
20
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
8
4
Meir et al. (to appear) use four criteria to distinguish compounds from other sequences of signs. Compounds are
sequences that represent a single concept, are identical across
at least some signers and have at least two components
in common with other sequences produced for the same
referent. In addition, their production is natural and flowing
(as opposed to the hesitated signing which characterizes the
on-line construction of new sequences).
The notion of syllable in sign language has been entertained
in several models and shown to be a real phonological
entity (for a comprehensive discussion of this issue see
Sandler & Lillo-Martin, 2006). The syllable is identified with
a single movement event (of any single type or simultaneous
combination of movement types but not a sequence of
movements), analyzed as a syllable nucleus in some models
(e.g., Sandler, 1989; Perlmutter, 1993; Brentari, 1998).
Fingerspelling is the use of handshapes which represent letters
of the alphabet to spell a word borrowed from a spoken
language. It is a system which is phonologically distinct from
signing, although fingerspelled words may ultimately undergo
formational modifications to adhere to the phonological
constraints of the system of signs. Lexicalized fingerspelled
forms seem to be especially common in ASL.
LEMON
SCORPION
TOMATO
CARROT
COW
DONKEY
FORK
LEAF
DOG
10
GOAT
11
TRAIN
ABSL
ISL
ASL
12
WOMAN
TELEVISION
WOMAN
13
BROOM
BROOM
EGG
14
FLOWER
FLOWER
15
GARLIC
CUCUMBER
CAT
21
22
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Distribution A
Category
Selected
Fingers
Signer
A
Signer
B
Signer
C
Signer
D
Signer
E
Signer
F
Signer
G
Signer
H
Signer
I
Signer
J
I+M
I+M
I+M+R
I+M
I+M
I+M+R
I+M
I+M
I+M
I+M
Signer
A
Signer
B
Signer
C
Signer
D
Signer
E
Signer
F
Signer
G
Signer
H
Signer
I
Signer
J
I+M
I+M
I+M
I+M
I+M+R
I+M
I+M
I+M
I+M
Distribution B:
Category
Selected
Fingers
Figure 9 Different amounts of variation idicated by the frequency of the modal feature.
Distribution A:
Category
Selected
Fingers
Signer
A
Signer
B
Signer
C
Signer
D
Signer
E
Signer
F
Signer
G
Signer
H
Signer
I
Signer
J
I+M
I+M
I+M+R
I+M
I+M
I+M+R
I+M
I+M
I+M
I+M
Signer
A
Signer
B
Signer
C
Signer
D
Signer
E
Signer
F
Signer
G
Signer
H
Signer
I
Signer
J
I+M
I+M
I+M
I+M+R
I+M+R
I+M
I+M
I+M+R
I+M
I+M+R
Distribution C:
Category
Selected
Fingers
23
Table 3 Average mode and average number of variants as global measures of variation.
Category X
Item 1
Item 2
Item 3
Item 4
Item 5
Item 6
Item 7
Item 8
Average
Mode (%)
95
80
100
87
80
93
84
100
89.88 %
Number of
variants
1.63
4. Results
Using the methodology outlined in the previous
section, the study revealed a consistent ranking
across the three language groups with respect to the
amount of variation in hand configuration features
across tokens. As can be seen in Figure 10, in all
subcategories of this component, with the exception
of Finger Spreading, mode values were lowest in
the ABSL data and highest in the ASL data. That is,
as indicated by this measure and the data collected
for this study, for each subcomponent of Hand
Configuration, the amount of variation is greatest
in ABSL and ASL is the least variable.
This picture of the differences across the three
languages is made clearer by the second measure
of variation the number of variants. Figure 11
shows that in four of the seven hand configuration
subcategories the same relative ranking was found,
24
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
[Index]
[Index+Middle]
[crossed]
[extended]
25
26
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
ISL
ASL
Age
~75
~75
~200
Population size
~150
~10,000
~500,000
Contribution from
other languages
Prescriptivism
10
27
Reference
1.
2.
Aronoff, M., Meir, I., Padden, C. A., & Sandler, W. (2008). The Roots of
Linguistic Organization in a New Language. Interaction Studies, 9, 133-153.
3.
4.
5.
Battison, R., Markowicz, H., & Woodward, J. (1975). A Good Rule of Thumb:
Variable Phonology in American Sign Language. Analyzing variation in
language, 291-302.
6.
Brentari, D. (1998). A Prosodic Model of Sign Language Phonology. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
7.
8.
Corina, D., & Sagey, E. (1989). Are Phonological Hierarchies Universal? Evidence
from American Sign Language. Paper presented at the ESCOL.
9.
10. Crasborn, O., & van der Kooij, E. (1997). `Relative orientation in sign
language phonology. In J. Coerts & H. de Hoop, eds., Linguistics in the
Netherlands 1997. John Benjamins, Amsterdam.
11. Fischer, S. D. (1996). By the Numbers: Language-Internal Evidence for
Creolization. International Review of Sign Linguistics, 1, 1-22.
28
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
36. Trudgill, P. (1995). Dialect Typology: Isolation, Social Network and Phonological Structure. In G. R. Guy, C. Feagin, D. Schiffrin & J. Baugh (Eds.),
Towards a Social Science of Language: Papers in Honor of William Labov,
Volume 1: Variation and Change in Language and Society (pp. 3-22).
37. van der Hulst, H. (1993). Units in the Analysis of Signs. Phonology, 10(2),
209-242.
38. van der Kooij, E. (2002). Phonological Categories in Sign Language of the
Netherlands: The Role of Phonetic Implementation and Iconicity. Unpublished
PhD dissertation, Leiden University.
39. Woodward, J. (1978). Implicational Variation in American Sign Language:
Negative Incorporation. Sign Language Studies, 3, 20-30.
University of Connecticut
Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina
Haskins Laboratories
Resumo
Abstract
1. Contextualizao
Frequentemente tem sido observado que crianas
muito pequenas produzem formas verbais no finitas
(com sintaxe apropriada), ao lado de formas corretamente flexionadas por volta dos dois anos de idade.
Poeppel & Wexler (1993) apresentam o exemplo em
(1) de Andreas, com 2,01. Em (1a), o verbo hab est
devidamente flexionado e na posio para verbos
flexionados, V2. Em (1b), o verbo haben est na
forma infinitiva e na posio para verbos infinitivos,
ou seja, no final da sentena (que pode aparecer
tambm em oraes principais somente quando h
um verbo auxiliar na posio V2). Wexler refere
exemplos do tipo de (1b) como Infinitivos Opcionais
(OI), enquanto Rizzi utiliza o termo Razes Infinitivas.
Neste artigo, usamos os dois termos indistintamente
para referir este tipo de exemplo.
* lillo.martin@uccon.edu
** ronice@cce.ufsc.br
Cadernos de Sade Vol. 2 Nmero especial de Lnguas Gestuais pp. 29-35
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
a. I-ASK-HER
a. eu-pergunto-ela
2
1
b. SHE-ASKS-HIM
b. ela-pergunta-ele
31
Idade
Leo
Sal
1;07
17
1;08
85
1;09
56
69
1;10
17
1;11
34
19
2;00
25
112
2;01
69
2;02
121
159
2;03
79
93
2;04
92
2;05
110
3.3. Mtodo
Na ASL e na LSB, os verbos simples, normalmente, so de estado e os verbos com concordncia so eventivos. Como os imperativos so
geralmente eventivos, ns esperaramos encontrar
mais imperativos com verbos com concordncia
do que com verbos simples. Portanto, ns no
podemos simplesmente comparar o nmero de
imperativos com os verbos com concordncia e os
verbos simples. Ns temos que considerar apenas os
verbos eventivos das duas categorias verbais. Assim,
os resultados reportados aqui distinguem o uso de
imperativos entre os verbos eventivos simples e os
de concordncia.
Ns codificamos manualmente cada enunciado
declarativo com verbo eventivo, identificando-os
como eventivos ou de estado. Quando ento tnhamos todos os verbos eventivos, classificamo-los
como imperativos e no-imperativos. O contexto e
o acento foram usados para identificar as formas
imperativas.
3.4. Resultados
32
0.50
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
0.40
Agr
Plain
0.40
0.10
0.30
0.00
Agr
1;7-1;8
1;9-1;10
1;11-2;0
2;2-2;3
1;7-1;8
1;9-1;10
1;11-2;0
2;2-2;3
Plain
0.20
0.10
0.00
.4000
.3000
.5000
.2000
Agr
Plain
.4000
.1000
.3000
-
Agr
1;8-1;9
1;10-1;11
2;1-2;2
2;3-2;5
Plain
.2000
(5).1000
Sal (1;09)
IX(bag) PICK-UP<imp>; IX(bag) PICK-UP<imp>
BAG. 1;8-1;9
1;10-1;11
2;1-2;2
2;3-2;5
HEY! BAG, PICK-UP<imp> IX(bag).
Pick up that bag; see that bag pick it up! Hey!
Pick up the bag!
Pega aquele pacote; veja aquele pacote pega
ele! Pega o pacote!
(6) Leo (2;01)
PEGAR<imp>; PEGAR<imp> BALA; PEGAR<imp>
BALA IX<l>; PEGAR<imp>; PEGAR<imp>.
Pega, pega aquela bala; pega a bala l; pega, pega!
Os resultados confirmam a hiptese do imperativo
anlogo.
33
1.00
0.80
0.80
0.60
0.60
Realis
Irrealis
Imperative
0.40
0.40
0.20
0.00
0.20
1;7
1;8
1;9
1;11
2;0
2;2
0.00
2;3
0.80
Realis
Irrealis
Imperative
0.60
0.40
1;7
1;8
1;9
1;11
2;0
2;2
2;3
Realis
Irrealis
Imperative
0.60
0.40
0.20
0.20
0.00
Realis
Irrealis
Imperative
0.00
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
5. Estrutura
Salustri e Hyams levantam uma questo quanto
a razo de em algumas lnguas os infinitivos serem
usados para expressar irrealis, enquanto em outras
as formas imperativas (ou outras) serem utilizadas.
As autoras propem que a derivao das formas
infinitivas mais econmica do que a derivao de
imperativos, porque o imperativo envolve movimento
do verbo para projees mais altas de Mood e Force.
Portanto, o infinitivo sempre ser a forma usada a
no ser que seja bloqueado por alguma razo. Em
italiano, elas propem que o infinitivo tem que
checar traos abstratos de Agr. Uma vez que o verbo
se move para Agr, T necessariamente checado e
o infinitivo no ser usado para expressar mood
irrealis. Neste caso, portanto, o imperativo usado
e no a forma infinitiva.
Como isso pode ser aplicado na derivao da
diferena entre os verbos simples e com concordncia quanto ao uso de imperativos na ASL e na
LSB? Quadros (1999) props que os verbos simples
e com concordncia projetam estruturas diferenciadas na LSB (Quadros, Lillo-Martin & Chen Pichler,
M
[+irrealis]
VP
Force
[+imp]
AgrP
Agr
MoodP
M
[+irrealis]
VP
6. Concluso
Ns verificamos que as crianas adquirindo ASL
e LSB usam imperativos com muito mais freqncia
com verbos com concordncia do que com verbos
simples.
Isso consistente com a Hiptese do Imperativo Anlogo, se ns considerarmos os verbos com
concordncia como lnguas do tipo do italiano e os
verbos simples como lnguas do tipo do alemo.
No entanto, ns verificamos que as crians no
tem problemas com o uso de formas imperativas
irrealis (tanto com verbos simples como com verbos
com concordncia). Essas formas incluem expresso
de futuro e mood e, talvez, algumas delas sejam
associadas irrealis com uma forma especfica
associada para significar isso: g(wait-a-minute).
Os resultados de nosso estudo oferecem elementos
para corroborar a proposta de Quadros (1999) de
que os verbos simples e os verbos com concordncia
apresentam estruturas diferenciadas; em particular,
de que os verbos simples no envolvem movimento
para projees de Agr, mas os verbos concordncia
sim. Ento, este estudo mais um exemplo de que
possvel estabelecer uma relao entre as anlises
gramaticais e os estudos da aquisio da linguagem.
Referncias
1.
Buesa Garcia, Carlos (2007). Root infinitives are compatible with nullsubject languages: evidence from Spanish. Presented at GALA, Barcelona.
2.
Deen, Kamil Ud & Hyams, Nina (2006). The morphosyntax of mood in early
grammar with special reference to Swahili. First Language 26.1, 67-102.
3.
4.
Grinstead, John & Pratt, Amy (2007). The optional infinitive stage in
child Spanish. In A. Belikova, L. Meroni & M. Umeda (Eds.), Proceedings of
Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition North America 2, 351-362.
Cascadilla Press.
5.
Guasti, Maria Teresa (1993/4). Verb syntax in Italian child grammar: finite
and nonfinite verbs. Language Acquisition 3, 140.
6.
7.
Meir, Irit (1998). Thematic structure and verb agreement in Israeli Sign
Language. PhD dissertation, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
8.
9.
Morford, Jill & Goldin-Meadow, Susan (1997). From here and now to
there and then: The development of displaced reference in Homesign
and English. Child Development, 68.3, 420-435.
35
12. Poeppel, David & Wexler, Ken (1993). The Full Competence Hypothesis
of Clause Structure in Early German. Language 69, 1-33.
13. Quadros, Ronice Mller de (1997). Aspectos da sintaxe e da aquisio da
lngua de sinais brasileira. Letras de Hoje, 110, 125-146.
14. Quadros, Ronice Mller de (1999). Phrase Structure of Brazilian Sign Language. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Pontifcia Universidade Catlica
do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, Brazil.
15. Quadros, Ronice Mller de, Lillo-Martin, Diane, & Chen Pichler, Deborah
(2004). Clause structure in ASL and LSB. 26th Annual Conference of the
German Linguistics Association (DGfS); Mainz, Germany.
16. Quadros, Ronice Mller de & Lillo-Martin, Diane (2007). Gesture and the
acquisition of verb agreement in sign languages. Proceedings of the 31st
Annual BUCLD, 520-531. Cascadilla Press.
17. Quadros, R. M. de e Quer, J. (2009). A caracterizao da concordncia nas
lnguas de sinais. In Sintaxe na lngua de sinais brasileira. Organizao de
Heloisa Salles. Editora Unb. (no prelo).
18. Salustri, Manola & Hyams, Nina (2003). Is there an analogue to the RI
stage in the null subject languages? Proceedings of the 27th Annual BUCLD,
692703. Cascadilla Press.
19. Salustri, Manola & Hyams, Nina (2006). Looking for the universal core of
the RI stage. In Torrens, V. & Escobar, L. The Acquisition of Syntax in Romance
Languages. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
20. Wexler, Ken (1998). Very early parameter setting and the unique checking
constraint: A new explanation of the optional infinitive stage. Lingua,
106, 2379.
Abstract
Resumo
Introduction
This paper discusses methodological issues related to research on the acquisition of natural sign
language1. Although sign acquisition has received
much research attention over the past half century,
nearly all of that research has focused on very
young deaf and hearing children or (less frequently)
Natural sign languages such as American Sign Language
(ASL) or Lngua Gestual Portuguesa (LGP) have evolved
over time within deaf communities and have rich lexical
and grammatical structures independent from the spoken
languages that surround them. They are not to be confused
with artificial sign systems such as Signed Exact English (SEE)
or Signed Portuguese. The latter systems were invented by
educators for the purpose of teaching spoken language and
are not naturally transmitted from deaf parent to deaf child
in the way that natural sign languages are.
* deborah.chen.pichler@Gallaudet.edu
1
38
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Background
Signs can be described in terms of four basic
phonetic parameters: hand configuration (sometimes
referred to as handshape2), location, movement,
2
39
40
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
ca l l m e
WRONG
41
42
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Results
Image 5 below presents a visual summary of
subjects percent accuracy in reproducing the six
target handshapes under discussion in this chapter.
For this initial analysis, a token could only be counted
as accurate or inaccurate; tokens in which some
aspect of the produced hand configuration matched
the target, but others did not, were classified as
inaccurate. In other words, hand configurations were
evaluated as whole units, following typical practice
in previous studies of handshape acquisition.
The handshapes in Image 5 are grouped visually
by shading pattern: unmarked handshapes (S, 1,
B-dot) are represented in solid shading, while marked
handshapes (Y, W, open-8) appear in patterned shading (checkered or striped). An absent bar represents
a 0% accuracy rate for that particular handshape.
Evaluating accuracy on the level of whole hand
configurations, subject 4 scored very high for target
Image 5 Table 2: Handshape accuracy in elicited signs
43
Target
Subject 4
Subject 10
Subject 12
Target
Subject 9
Discussion
Handshape accuracy for elicited signs: Effects of
markedness
The prediction for this study with respect to
markedness was that all else being equal, subjects
would reproduce unmarked handshapes more
accurately than marked handshapes. Applied at
the level of overall performance for each subject,
this prediction appears to be true only for subject
9, whose production was overall more accurate for
unmarked handshapes than for marked handshapes.
This was not the case for any of the other subjects,
least of all for subject 4, whose performance was
overall more accurate for marked than unmarked
handshapes.
However, examination of the data with respect to
specific handshapes rather than pooling overall performance reveals plentiful evidence that markedness
should still be considered as an influential factor
affecting M2 handshape accuracy. For instance,
all subjects but subject 4 were able to reproduce
unmarked 1 and B-dot handshapes 60% or more of
the time. Conversely, highly marked handshapes W
and open-8 posed serious problems for all subjects.
With the exception of subject 4, none of the subjects
Subject 10
Subject 12
44
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Target WORK
Target SENATE
Target SYMBOL
Subject 4 WORK
Subject 4 SENATE
Subject 4 SYMBOL
Target ATHLETE
45
Subject 4 ATHLETE
Target WHERE
Subject 4
WHERE (trial 1)
Subsject 4
WHERE (trial 2)
In the initial analysis of the data, almost all instances of negative transfer occurred with unmarked
handshapes. The only exception was the case of
W, already mentioned in the previous subsection.
This highly marked handshape (or something like
it) exists in conventional American gesture, namely
in the gesture for three (not to be confused with
the ASL sign THREE). In the stimuli, our signing
model demonstrated this gesture with the tip of her
pinky finger pinned under the pad of her thumb.
In contrast, for both sign stimuli using the W handshape, our signing model did not use her thumb
to pin down her pinky finger, but either placed it
beside the thumb (WATER) or pressed its pad against
the pad of the thumb (SIX-YEARS-OLD). Subject
46
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Target call me
Target three
Target WRONG
Subject 10 three
Subject 10 call me
Target WATER
Subject 10 WATER
Target SIX-YRS-OLD
Subject 10 SIX-YRS-OLD
Subject 10 WRONG
47
Conclusions
Previous research on the production of ASL signs
by new hearing adult learners of sign language
(M2 learners) discounts markedness and transfer as
potential factors affecting handshape accuracy (Rosen
2004). However, the limited pilot data presented here
provide support for individual effects of markedness
and transfer, both individually and interactionally,
in M2 signing. These preliminary data also suggest
that transfer (both positive and negative) is in some
cases blocked for highly marked handshapes. In the
terminology of speech perception models such that
advanced by Best (1995), markedness appears to be
48
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Bibliografia
1.
2.
Axtell, R. (1997) Gestures: The Dos and taboos of body language around
the world. Wiley.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Flege, J. (1995) Second language learning: Theiry, findings, and problems. In W. Strange (ed.) Speech perception and linguistic experience:
issues in cross-language research. Baltimore, MD: York Press. 233-237.
7.
8.
9.
Liddell, S. and B. Johnson (1989). American Sign Language: the phonological base. Sign Language Studies, 64, 195-277.
10. Major, R. (2001) Foreign accent: The ontogeny and phylogeny of second
language phonology. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
11. Mayberry, R. I. and E. B. Eichen (1991). The long-lasting advantage of
learning sign language in childhood: Another look at the critical period
for language acquisition. Journal of Memory and Language, 30, 486-512.
12. McIntire, M. (1977) The acquisition of American Sign Language hand
con figurations. Sign Language Studies 16:247-266.
13. Mirus, G., C. Rathmann, and R. Meier. (2001) Proximalization and
distalization of sign movement in adult learners. In V. Dively et al.
(eds.) Signed languages: Discoveries from international research, 103-119.
Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press.
14. Mitchell, R., T. Young, B. Bachleda and M. Karchmer (2006) How many
people use ASL in the United States? Why estimates need updating.
Sign Language Studies 6(3): 306-38.
15. S. Prillwitz, R. Leven, H. Zienert, T. Hanke, J. Henning, et al. (1989) Hamburg Notation System for Sign Languages An Introductory Guide.
International Studies on Sign Language and the Communication of the
Deaf, Volume 5., Institute of German Sign Language and Communication
of the Deaf, University of Hamburg.
16. Rosen, R. (2004) Beginning L2 production errors in ASL lexical phonology. Sign Language and Linguistics 7:31-61.
17. Stokoe, W.C., D.C. Casterline and C.G. Croneberg (1965). A dictionary
of American Sign Language on linguistics principles. Silver Spring, MD:
Linstok Press.
18. Takkinen, R. (2002). The secrets of handshapes: The acquisition of handshapes by native signers at the age of two to seven years. Translated
summary (154-172). Deaf Studies in Finland, Volume 1. Publisher:
Kuurojen Liitrrory. [Original title: Kasimuotojen salat: Viittomakielisten
lasten kasimuotojen omaksuminen 2-7 vuoden iassa.]
19. Wilbur, R. (2004). After 40 years of sign language research, what do
we know? In S. Bradaric-Joncic, & Ivasovic, V (eds.), Sign language, deaf
culture & bilingual education. Zagreb: University of Zagreb.
49
Gesture: Yes!
Signs: WORK, SENATE, SYMBOL
Gesture: Stop!
Signs: MINE, YOURS, SCHOOL, PLEASE
Gesture: Call me
Signs: SAME, MEASURE, WRONG
Gesture: Three
Signs: WATER, 6-YEARS-OLD
Gesture: none
Signs: MEDECINE, FEEL
50
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Sub-domain
Thumb config
Th-Fing contact
Finger config
Feature tier
ext HC
CM Opp.
CM Abd.
MCP Flex.
DIP Flex.
Thumb Surf.; Bone
+/ th/f contact
F Surf.; Bone; Nos.
1 MCP Flex.;
1 PIP Flex.
1 DIP Flex.
Abd./Cross 1-2
2 MCP Flex.
2 PIP Flex.
2 DIP Flex.
Abd./Cross 2-3
3 MCP Flex.
3 PIP Flex.
3 DIP Flex.
Abd./Cross 3-4
4 MCP Flex.
4 PIP Flex.
4 DIP Flex.
Possible Values
+, O, U, L;
, <, =
E,e,F,f
E,e,F,f
a,d,p,r,u; DI
+,a,d,f,r,u; D,I,P,M; 1,2,3,4
E,e,F,f
E,e,F,f
E,e,F,f
, <, =, x, xp, xa, X r, rp, ra
E,e,F,f
E,e,F,f
E,e,F,f
, <, =, x, xp, xa, X r, rp, ra
E,e,F,f
E,e,F,f
E,e,F,f
, <, =, x, xp, xa, X r, rp, ra
E,e,F,f
E,e,F,f
E,e,F,f
Abstract
Abstract
* bertone@unive.it
** fravol@unive.it
Cadernos de Sade Vol. 2 Nmero especial de Lnguas Gestuais pp. 51-62
52
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Introduction
Children acquire language spontaneously and
effortlessly. They do this in a surprising way and
they are able to master completely the language to
which they are exposed within a period of few years.
Children have innate language-specific abilities
that allow language acquisition to take place in
the first years of life during which environmental
exposure is fundamental to stimulate this innate
ability [1], [2], [3]. It is therefore necessary for this
innate component to be stimulated within a specific
period, known as critical period, the end of which
is identified with puberty, or otherwise it becomes
more difficult to acquire a language naturally [2].
Some cases of late exposure to linguistic input have
indeed confirmed the critical period hypothesis, as
is the case of Genie [4], who lived confined in a
small room for almost thirteen years. During her
confinement she received no auditory stimulation
and therefore she could not acquire her language
as an infant. She began to learn her first language
late, at adolescence and even if over a period of
years she improved greatly, her mental grammar
remained quite undeveloped.
Also deafness inevitably affects the normal development of speech and language acquisition, since
it drastically reduces both the quantity and quality
of linguistic input available and accessible to the
deaf person. Thus, this has severe consequences
on cognitive and linguistic development [5], which
in most cases persist even after a long rehabilitation process. Various studies investigating linguistic
competence of deaf people found that, although
these individuals might easily learn the lexicon
of a language, they mainly experience difficulties
with most morphosyntactic properties of the Italian
language ([6], [7], [8], [9], [10], [11], [12], [13], [14]).
The most frequent errors in written and spoken
language, as well as in comprehension and production tasks are omission or substitution of determiners, clitic pronouns, prepositions, incorrect use of
number and gender agreement, incorrect use of
verbal morphology, omission of copulas, omission
and/or substitution of auxiliaries and modal verbs.
Deaf learners show preference for shorter sentences
and are less successful in structures that violate
the noun-verb-noun constituency, like in relative
clauses. Also passive constructions are seldom used
by deaf people.
Information and culture, which are transmitted
very largely through language both in the spoken
Educationally, deaf people constitute a very heterogeneous group. Those who are born deaf or
whose deafness occurs before the age of two or three
may be described as prelingually deaf. Deafness
occurring after that period is defined as post-lingual
deafness. Then, we distinguish those who know and
use Italian Sign Language (henceforth LIS) and those
who do not, those who are trained orally and those
who have approached the language either through
the bimodal method or through bilingual education
(see the next section for a detailed description of
these approaches).
Deaf people born to deaf parents acquire sign
language as their first language (native LIS signers),
whereas oral language might constitute for them the
second language and is usually learnt after a period of
intensive training. They usually do not wear cochlear
implants. Native LIS signers form part of the Deaf
Community and are mostly proud of their language
and of their culture. For their children, they claim
their right to have a language of communication
as well as a language of scholarly education. Only
5-10% of deaf children can learn sign language
naturally from their deaf parents. Generally most
deaf children are born to hearing parents and are
not exposed to sign language from birth. Hence, for
them, it is difficult to determine their first language
(either oral or signed), if they actually have any.
Indeed, they could be considered as having no actual
first language, or only a partial one, depending on
the degree of hearing loss and, eventually, on the
age of first exposure to sign language. There are
deaf children that approach sign language after 3-6
years old (early signers). They learn it from other
deaf children when they begin school, in a special
school or residential schools where deaf students
are introduced in classes with other deaf students,
but also live in a boarding arrangement for a long
period.
There are also many deaf people that approach
sign language after 12 years old (late signers).
Deaf people who are not exposed to a sign language early or until adulthood, never do as well
as those who learned it as children [18]. In 1990,
Newports study on the acquisition of language and
of American Sign Language (ASL) in adulthood,
revealed that the ASL of people exposed after 12
years old has more flexible morphological rules if
compared to the ASL of native or earlier speakers.
In the same way, in Italy we can find people
with different levels of linguistic competence of
LIS depending on the age of introduction to this
53
54
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
55
56
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
ID
AGE
PARENTS
USE OF LIS
S10
S11
S12
S13
S14
S15
S16
S17
S18
S19
10;8
7;11
9;0
9;6
9;6
8;10
9;5
9;9
9;3
8;1
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
NO
NO
NO
NO
NO
NO
NO
NO
NO
NO
SPEECH
THERAPY
(in years)
9
7
8
9
9
8
8
9
8
7
Participants
ID
AGE
S1
S2
S3
S4
S5
S6
S7
15;9
16;1
16;11
15;5
16;5
17;6
13;7
LIS
COMPETENCE
NATIVE
NATIVE
NATIVE
NATIVE
NATIVE
NATIVE
NATIVE
PARENTS
DEAF
DEAF
DEAF
DEAF
DEAF
DEAF
DEAF
57
ID
AGE
(Y;M)
YEARS OF
LIS USE
LIS
COMPETENCE
S20
S21
S22
S23
S24
S25
S26
S27
S28
S29
15;10
16;2
17;5
18;3
19;0
19;5
19;6
20;6
24;6
18;2
10
7
14
7
12
5
10
16
18
13
VERY GOOD
VERY GOOD
VERY GOOD
VERY GOOD
VERY GOOD
GOOD
GOOD
VERY GOOD
GOOD
VERY GOOD
SPEECH
THERAPY
(IN YEARS)
6
6
1
NO
10
10
14
NO
5
2
PARENTS
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
ID
AGE
(Y;M)
YEARS IN IT
LIS
COMPETENCE
S30
S31
S32
S33
S34
S35
S36
S37
S38
S39
18;2
13;0
17;2
17;11
24;10
17;8
15;0
16;3
14;8
15;7
2
2
2
2
4
5
5
4
8
10
VERY GOOD
VERY LITTLE
LITTLE
VERY LITTLE
VERY GOOD
LITTLE
VERY GOOD
LITTLE
GOOD
GOOD
SPEECH
THERAPY
(IN YEARS)
3
2-3
1
UNKNOWN
NO
NO
2
NO
3
3
PARENTS
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
HEARING
58
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Results
The total scores of each participant in each group
are shown in the table (5), also including the mean
score and the standard deviation for each group.
The comparison of our results with normative
data shows that in the CI group, in most cases,
the performance is comparable to that of children
from 5;6 to age peers. In the NATIVE LIS group,
the overall performance was comparable to that of
CI GROUP
ID
TCGB
S10
8,5
S11
6
S12
13,5
S13
4,5
S14
0,5
S15
8,5
S16
2
S17
0,5
S18
1,5
S19
3,5
M
4,9
SD
4,24
M
SD
12,9
6,04
FOREIGNER GROUP
ID
TCGB
S30
15,5
S31
54,5
S32
58
S33
69
S34
32
S35
66
S36
46
S37
73
S38
34
S39
35,5
M
48,4
SD
18,85
children ranging in age from 5 to 7;6. In the NONNATIVE LIS group, the performance was comparable
to that of children younger than 3;6 till the age of
5;6. In the FOREIGNER group, the performance was
comparable to that of children younger than 3;6 till
the age of 5;5. Although the participants in the CI
group and those in the NATIVE LIS Signers group
show the same linguistic age, it is worth pointing
out that the chronological age of the former group
is much lower than that of the latter group (cf.
Tables nr, 1 and 2.)
Statistical analyses were performed using the SPSS
statistical software package. We ran a between-group
analysis in order to compare the performance of
each of the four groups against the others, by using
the non-parametric Mann-Whitney test for independent samples, since the assumption of normal
distribution of the population was not met in this
case. We carried out various comparisons, trying
all possible combinations between pairs of groups.
The analysis revealed that the CI group is the most
accurate. The CI group performed significantly better
than the NATIVE LIS group (U=9.000 p=0.011), the
NON-NATIVE LIS group (U=.000 p=.000) and the
FOREIGNER group (U=.000 p=.000). The NATIVE
LIS group, which achieved the media total score
of 12.9, performed significantly better than the
NON-NATIVE LIS group (U=2.000 =.001) and the
FOREIGNER group (U=3.000 p=.002). Finally, we
found that that the NON-NATIVE LIS group performed significantly better than the FOREIGNER
group (U=18.500 p=.017). On the basis of these
analyses, it is possible to establish a classification
of the four groups from the one that showed the
most accurate performance to that showing the less
accurate performance: implanted children, native
LIS signers, non-native LIS signers and foreign deaf
students.
Discussion
The present study provided evidence confirming
previous data on the difficulties experienced by
deaf people in the use of functional elements and
in the acquisition of some properties of the Italian
language.
The analysis of responses revealed that the deaf
children included in the CI group mainly follow the
same pattern of performance of typically-developing
children as far as the choice of responses is concerned. Hence, structures that develop at a later
stage in hearing children, i.e. passive sentences,
59
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Conclusion
This study has demonstrated that deafness is a
considerable obstacle to natural language acquisition
and to the mastering of many properties of the
Italian language. For deaf people, and especially for
those who have been exposed late to a language,
the development of grammar seems to be extremely
problematic both in the oral language and in the
sign language. If the use of cochlear implant seems
to be the best device for children to achieve good
competence in the oral language, in some cases the
mastering of the oral language is not yet comparable to that of hearing peers. For deaf people, it is
evident that language acquisition is a non-natural
process, taking place through intensive training and
hard teaching, which represents an artificial and
non-natural system.
We cannot talk about acquisition of language,
which involves knowledge in the natural process
of absorbing and it is context-dependent. In deaf
people, we can mainly talk about language learning,
which requires a deliberate method of achieving
knowledge involving both the active participation
of the learner and a systematic method of teaching;
if the former is a natural and spontaneous process,
the latter requires strength of will.
The study of oral language often requires a lot of
effort. For this reason, probably the best solution is
the use of a bilingual approach, that is, sign language
guarantees the activation of the core grammar which
is necessary to gain linguistic competence in the
oral language. Indeed, the linguistic competence an
individual has in sign language might be transferred
into oral language, through the language provided
by hearing people. It would be necessary to find
easier methods in order to help deaf individuals to
approach the oral language.
At the moment, we cannot expect deaf children
to achieve a linguistic competence comparable to
that of hearing people. Deaf children usually have
to undergo intense training in oral language and
consequently, they do not manage to live all the
experiences that hearing children have with reading
fairy tales, playing sport, playing games, etc. The
use of the LIS makes it possible for deaf children
to satisfy their communication needs and, at the
same time, to develop linguistic competence in oral
language, through a specific training program.
61
Acknowledgments
We thank all our deaf participants, their families,
their speech therapists, educators and teachers.
References
1.
2.
3.
Pinker S. The Language Instinct: How the Mind Creates Language. New
York: Harper Collins; 1994.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
62
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Resumo
Abstract
Introduo
Os nomes das cores, nas mais diferentes lnguas,
abrigam questes que vo desde a utilizao de um
nico nome para vrias cores e tonalidades at a
denominao bem discriminada e detalhada das
diversas tonalidades de uma mesma cor. Para analisar
os processos de construo morfolgica que levam
a essas questes, h modelos tericos estruturalistas
excelentes. Para analisar a denominao das cores
em Lngua de Sinais Brasileira (LSB), optou-se por
aplicar anlise do corpus gerado para esse estudo,
a segunda verso do Modelo Silex proposto por
Corbin (1997b), que se trata de um modelo mais
funcionalista.
* Trabalho desenvolvido durante e aps Doutoramento no Departamento de Lingstica, Portugus e Lnguas Clssicas LIP, da
Universidade de Braslia Brasil.
** Email: sandpattynasc@yahoo.com.br
Cadernos de Sade Vol. 2 Nmero especial de Lnguas Gestuais pp. 63-81
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Lbios, leite, chocolate, laranja etc.: um estudo sobre os nomes das cores em LSB
PROCESSOS DE CRIATIVIDADE
PROCESSOS DEFORMACIONAIS
AFRESE
APCOPE
REDUPLICAO DE
APCOPES E/OU AFRESES
AMLGAMA
SUFIXAO AVALIATIVA
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Aplicao do modelo
Por questes prticas e didticas, a seleo do
corpus deteve-se aos nomes de cores registrados
por Capovilla (2001). Esse repertrio apresenta
figuras que visam facilitar a leitura da articulao
das palavras. Foram localizados, na obra, vinte e
seis (26) nomes de cor, entre os quais se encontram
aqueles relacionados a nomes de cores propriamente
ditos e a nomes para a categoria COR(ES) (Figuras
8, 9 e 10 do anexo). Entre esses nomes, esto
relacionadas, ainda, algumas variantes denominativas
como BRANCO (Figuras 5 e 6 do anexo), BEGE
(Figuras 3 e 4 do anexo), VERDE (Figuras 18 e 19 do
anexo), MARROM (Figuras 12 e 13 do anexo), alm
de hipnimos do nome verde, presentes em verde
claro e verde escuro (Figuras 20 e 21 do anexo).
O modelo SILEX possibilita, acerca dos dados
selecionados, que se identifique a presena de vrios
fenmenos, de diferentes naturezas, para a denominao das cores em LSB. Essa anlise encontra
respaldo em Correia (1999:5-6), quando afirma que:
A denominao caracteriza-se por uma relao
em grande parte no-explicvel lingisticamente.
(...) O sistema lingstico pode fornecer diversas
denominaes para uma mesma classe de entidades (...) A razo que preside a escolha de uma
ou de outra das possibilidades da lngua no ,
fundamentalmente, de ordem lingstica. (...) O
fato de escolher uma denominao possvel em
vez de outra demonstrativo do modo como a
categoria de entidades denominadas se d a ver
no mbito de determinada lngua (CORREIA,
1999:5-6).
Para iniciar a empreitada de anlise, como um
procedimento vivel em um laboratrio de Neologia,
buscou-se, primeiramente, identificar se os nomes
de cores, em LSB, ou alguns deles, so fruto de
emprstimos lingsticos. Esse estudo no se ateve
identificao de emprstimos por meio da comparao
entre lnguas de sinais, pois um estudo incipiente
e carece de um corpus de vrias lnguas de sinais
para subsidi-lo. Esta ser, portanto, uma investigao
necessria em futuros estudos a fim de se ter a
certeza de h denominaes de cores emprestadas
de outras LS. As hipteses de emprstimos, nesse
estudo, entretanto, foram levantadas, por meio de
contraste do corpus da LSB com dados de lnguas
orais, mais especificamente, da lngua portuguesa,
lngua em contato mais direto e freqente com a LSB.
Correia (1999) emprega para o conceito de emprstimo lingstico o termo importao10. Essa a
terminologia que tambm ser adotada neste estudo.
H, basicamente, duas formas bastante produtivas
de importaes de lnguas orais para lnguas de
sinais: uma ocorre por meio da digitao11, ou seja,
pelo emprstimo das letras equivalentes ao nome
importado transliteradas para configuraes de mo
correspondentes s letras do alfabeto dactilolgico;
a outra ocorre por meio do emprstimo, apenas, da
inicial da palavra da lngua oral, totalmente adaptada
e apropriada pela lngua de sinais receptora, para
a articulao do item lexical.
Nos casos em que foi constatada importao, a
formulao encontrada foi sistematizada. Aos casos
contrrios, foram aplicadas as regras de construo de
palavras (RCP) para verificar se as denominaes de
cores correspondiam ou no a palavras construdas.
A partir da buscou-se a identificao dos processos
envolvidos nessa(s) construo(es).
No rol dos vinte e seis indivduos lexicais gerados
pelo corpus, composto de designaes de nomes de
cor e nomes da prpria categoria cor, foi identificado uma nica denominao cuja forma equivale
digitao de toda a seqncia de letras do nome
em lngua portuguesa; esse foi o caso de C-O-R12
(Figura 8 do anexo). Normalmente, a digitao de
uma palavra da lngua portuguesa, pelo alfabeto
dactilolgico, significa, alm da referncia a nomes
prprios, a importao de uma palavra, na ausncia
de equivalente na LSB ou no desconhecimento da
denominao j preconizada pela comunidade surda
em outra regio do pas.
Em grande parte das vezes, essa digitao
temporria; ocorre at que um neologismo ocupe
esse espao, na LSB. Muitas vezes, palavras curtas
no concorrem com um neologismo na LSB, mas
passam por uma adaptao da estrutura importada
estrutura lexical da lngua. Essa adaptao pode
ser manifestada por meio da acelerao rtmica da
10
11
12
Lbios, leite, chocolate, laranja etc.: um estudo sobre os nomes das cores em LSB
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Lbios, leite, chocolate, laranja etc.: um estudo sobre os nomes das cores em LSB
mudanas [...] devem-se em primeiro lugar, preguia lingstica uma vez que ao falarmos fazemos o
mnimo esforo. Por outro lado, os autores ressaltam
tambm que, embora se verifique simplificao
nas gramticas, encontra-se tambm elaborao ou
complexificao.
Entendidos esses processos (de assimilao e
de complexificao) como naturais nas lnguas e
aceita a adaptao lexical como forma de sobrepor
informaes semnticas sobre um nico item lexical,
ser possvel entender que a tendncia dos falantes
de LSB a de assimilar lexias complexas, tornandoas itens lexicais nicos. fato que o fenmeno de
complexificao tambm ocorre em LSB. Para o
momento, entretanto, no corpus de estudo, foram
identificados especialmente os casos de assimilao.
Assim, por meio da alterao rtmica, da alterao
da velocidade de articulao do item lexical15,
possvel supor que a denominao da categoria cor,
presente hoje, na LSB, nada mais do que o fruto
da evoluo dos indivduos lexicais presentes no
paradigma VERMELHO ETC.
Numa hiptese de reconstituio diacrnica desse
item, possvel dizer que o fato de a denominao
VERMELHO ser articulada prxima aos lbios, atraiu
a articulao de ETC. para perto dos lbios. Assim
se constituiria o primeiro estgio de evoluo do
nome da categoria cor, em LSB.
No segundo estgio, levanta-se a hiptese de
que as duas CMs (VERMELHO e ETC.) sofreram
amlgama. Justifica essa hiptese, a proximidade
de articulao dos dois itens e relativa semelhana
no parmetro da CM de ambos.
Por hiptese, considera-se, ainda, que o ponto
de articulao da denominao de VERMELHO
mais distintivo, icnico e ditico que o ponto
de articulao de ETC., principalmente por que
15
69
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Lbios, leite, chocolate, laranja etc.: um estudo sobre os nomes das cores em LSB
Concluso
Esse estudo, ainda que incipiente, uma vez que
identifica processos de construo de denominaes
de cores em LSB, afirma a existncia da COMPETNCIA CONSTRUCIONAL18 dos falantes de LSB,
especialmente, daqueles que a tm como primeira
lngua, diante das opes que fazem ao denominar
referentes. Alm de resgatar alguns dos processos de
construo dos nomes de cores em LSB, os dados
analisados mostram que os falantes preenchem,
com propriedade e organizao, lacunas lexicais na
lngua, sempre que necessrio, a partir de processos
de construo semelhantes aos processos utilizados
pelos falantes de Lnguas Orais.
Emergiu da aplicao do Modelo Silex s cores da
LSB, tambm, a importncia e validade da anlise
diacrnica para a identificao dos processos de
construo de palavras. Mais ainda, esse estudo
18
71
Bibliografia
1.
2.
3.
Corbin, D. Entre les mots possibles et les mots existants: les units lexicales
faible probabilit dactualisation. In: Si lexicales. n 1, Publication de
LU.R.A. 382 du C.N.R.S. (SILEX) Universit de Lille III, 1997a.
4.
5.
Correia, M. A denominao das qualidades: contributos para a compreenso da estrutura do lxico portugus. Dissertao de Doutoramento
em Lingstica Portuguesa. Lisboa, 1999.
6.
7.
72
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
8.
9.
Figura 119
AZUL (blue)
Figura 220
BEGE I (beige I)
Figura 321
19
20
21
Lbios, leite, chocolate, laranja etc.: um estudo sobre os nomes das cores em LSB
73
Figura 422
BRANCO I (white I)
Figura 523
Figura 624
CINZA (gray)
Figura 725
22
23
24
25
Figura
Figura
Figura
Figura
extrada
extrada
extrada
extrada
de
de
de
de
Capovilla
Capovilla
Capovilla
Capovilla
et
et
et
et
al.
al.
al.
al.
(2001:284).
(2001:314).
(2001:314).
(2001:412).
74
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
COR I (color I)
Figura 826
Figura 927
CORES (colors)
Figura 1028
LILS (lilac)
Figura 1129
26
27
28
29
Figura
Figura
Figura
Figura
extrada
extrada
extrada
extrada
de
de
de
de
Capovilla
Capovilla
Capovilla
Capovilla
et
et
et
et
al.
al.
al.
al.
(2001:466).
(2001:467).
(2001:468).
(2001:817).
Lbios, leite, chocolate, laranja etc.: um estudo sobre os nomes das cores em LSB
75
MARROM I (brown I)
Figura 1230
Figura 1331
Figura 1432
Figura 1533
30
31
32
33
Figura
Figura
Figura
Figura
extrada
extrada
extrada
extrada
de
de
de
de
Capovilla
Capovilla
Capovilla
Capovilla
et
et
et
et
al.
al.
al.
al.
(2001:873).
(2001:873).
(2001:945).
(2001:1080).
76
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
ROSA (pink)
Figura 1634
ROXO (purple)
Figura 1735
VERDE I (green I)
Figura 18
Figura 19
34
35
Lbios, leite, chocolate, laranja etc.: um estudo sobre os nomes das cores em LSB
77
Figura 20
Figura 21
VERMELHO (red)
Figura 22
VIOLETA (Violet)
Figura 23
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
Figura 24
BRANCO (white), CINZENTO (gray), PRETO (black), ROXO (purple), VERDE (green) e MARROM
(brown)
Figura 25
Lbios, leite, chocolate, laranja etc.: um estudo sobre os nomes das cores em LSB
79
Figura 26
Figura 27
Figura 28
CASTANHO (chestnut)
Figura 29
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
DOURADO (golden)
Figura 30
LARANJA (orange)
Figura 31
LEITE (milk)
Figura 32
OURO (gold)
Figura 33
Lbios, leite, chocolate, laranja etc.: um estudo sobre os nomes das cores em LSB
81
CHOCOLATE (chocolate)
Figura 34
Figura 35
Instituto de Cincias da Sade da Universidade Catlica Portuguesa (ICS) Grupo de Neurocincias Cognitivas (GNC) Fundao para a Cincia e a
Tecnologia (FCT)
Instituto de Cincias da Sade da Universidade Catlica Portuguesa (ICS) Grupo de Neurocincias Cognitivas (GNC)
Instituto de Cincias da Sade da Universidade Catlica Portuguesa (ICS) Grupo de Neurocincias Cognitivas (GNC) Fundao para a Cincia e a
Tecnologia (FCT)
Instituto de Cincias da Sade da Universidade Catlica Portuguesa (ICS) Faculdade de Letras das Universidade de Lisboa (FLUL)
Resumo
Abstract
1. Introductory Notes
Words are the building blocks of human language
and culture. The ability to create and use words
distinguishes homo sapiens from all other animals.
In fact, nothing else is so unique and profoundly
human as the creation and usage of language.
If the ability for language is inscribed in the
modern Mans evolution, the truth is that there are
two modalities which reveal and express both our
* amineiro@ics.lisboa.ucp.pt
** limopoca@hotmail.com
*** leelgp@gmail.com
**** imorais@sapo.pt)
1
Translated by the authors.
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2. Polissemy
The concept of polissemy, which is the association
of two or more related senses with a single linguistic
form (Taylor 99), is a common phenomenon in
natural languages and for that it has been attended
to by researchers from diverse linguistic currents,
different branches of Linguistics. Nevertheless, not
every linguistic current has paid the same amount
of attention to polissemy. After an initial period,
centered in diachronic study, Bral (1887) was the
first to provide a synchronic vision of polissemy
and to characterize it as a systemic phenomenon
connected to semantic change and language evolution. However, polissemy has played a rather
Adding pieces to the Portuguese Sign Language lexicon puzzle: three pilot studies
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
2.3. Results
Bearing into mind what is generally known on
languages polissemy phenomenon, we verified that
LGP shows signed polissemy processes, which we
will describe in the following paragraphs.
2.3.1.Polissemy by metonymy
In the context of the schematic network model for categorization, made popular by Langacker (1987/1991), both
metaphor in its similarity, and metonymy in its contiguity,
are presented as extension connections, opposite to schematization connections (generalization) and specification (Silva,
120 and following).
Signs are represented in capital letters because they are
glosses of LGP into written Portuguese. Despite the articles
translation into English, these glosses are kept in Portuguese
throughout this article because it favors comprehension of
some of the linguistic aspects described.
In the first published version of this study (Mineiro et al. 2008)
the pair CAVALO and CARCAVELOS was not considered as
metonymic. It was interpreted as caused by reading deviation,
taking into account the global reading level of Deaf people.
On the occasion of the presentation of this pilot study at an
International Conference, in Brazil, May 2009, Amlcar Morais
defended that this sign should be classified as metonymic
due to its history and its crafting. Hence, we accepted this
re-reading of the polissemic process, integrating it in this
article.
Adding pieces to the Portuguese Sign Language lexicon puzzle: three pilot studies
87
12
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
13
14
There were signs which were undoubtedly polissemic (100% of occurrences in the collected corpus),
while other signs presented some type of variation,
whether concerning syntactic parameters the same
sign being produced in different distances in the
syntactic space (proximal, medial and distal); whether
relating to morphophonology (such as the signs
reduplication or a noticeable difference in facial
expression).
The truth is that signs which presented derivations
in relation to their original form (proofing to be
according to our opinion, competing variants) do
not seem to be yet stable in their differentiated
form and have shown occurrences where the two
forms are identical (cf. Table 2). Only LGPs future
history will be able to shed some light whether on
one form prevailing over the other, or both forms
remaining in usage.
To sum up, the signs that were presented in every
occurrence with one same form were:
BRISTOL PISTOL(A); CAVALO CARCAVELOS;
CEREJA FUNDO; CASTELO GUIMARES; CAF
(location) CAF (drink); ELEFANTE JUMBO;
ESTRELA AMADORA; HARPA IRLANDA; ITLIA ALGS; GAITA-DE-FOLES ESCCIA; PERU
(animal) PERU (country).
The signs that presented variation were:
BACALHAU SEXTA-FEIRA; BOI ARGENTINA;
ESTRELA AMADORA; UVA PALMELA SETEMBRO;
TERRAMOTO ITLIA; PSCOA AMNDOA; PEIXE
TERA-FEIRA; TELENOVELA BRASIL.
2.5. Concluding Remarks
This work presented here is one first systematic
approach of this theme. We recognize this studys
embrionary nature, but we think it already presents
some relevant aspects. It is a work of observation
and data description on the polissemy phenomenon,
an analysis that as far as we know has not yet been
conducted concerning LGP. It is an attempt to classify
processes that are subjacent to polissemy in LGP,
processes that seem to be a feature of this language.
We believe that the causality hypothesis we have
enunciated connecting the polissemic form to the
polissemys origin, particularly in the case of sign
formation through reading words in the Portuguese
language, need to be developed in future research.
Adding pieces to the Portuguese Sign Language lexicon puzzle: three pilot studies
15
89
3.1. Method
In a first phase, contact was established with every
Unidades de Apoio Educativo a Alunos Surdos
(Units for Educational Support of Deaf Students) in
the Portugal more commonly known as UAEAS.
They were a total of thirty two, according to the
information provided by DGIDC Direco-Geral de
Inovao e de Desenvolvimento Curricular (General
Board for Innovation and Curricular Development).
This information was gathered at the UAEAS National
Meeting, in December 2005.
In a second phase, criteria we established for
selecting schools. These included all of the important
variables to take into account in this sort of study:
Schools which included one UAEAS;
With one or more LGP interpreters;
With one or more LGP teachers;
With classes that had the largest number possible of signing deaf students, in the subject of
Natural Sciences/ Sciences of Nature, Biology/
Geology and Geology, with an LGP interpreter
in the classroom;
The defined conditions reduced our universe of
study because not every school that could participate
in this study showed interest to do so. Therefore,
our universe was cut down to 8 students, from the
7th and 8th grades, with ages between 13 and 19
years (in Coimbra).
In a third phase, video recordings were made at
the only school that filled the requirements set by
us in the beginning. These footages carried out in
6 classes, with a duration of 45 minutes each.
In a fourth phase, researchers proceeded to sign
collection and analysis, based on the terminological
lexicon the students produced in the classroom.
Finally, on a fifth phase, the results obtained (the
terms registered in the footages) were analyzed, with
the assistance of a deaf native LGP signer.
3.2. Corpus collected
Atmosfera (atmosphere); CFC (clorofluorcarbono) (chlorophluorocarbons); Chuvas cidas
(Acid rain); Epicentro (Epicenter); Hipocentro
(Hipocenter); Maremoto (Seaquake); Mars negras
(Black Tides); Ozono (Ozone); Poluio (Polution); Sismo (Seism); Tsunami; Raios Ultravioleta
(Ultraviolet Rays).
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Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
3.3. Results
The analysis of the results obtained focused on
two different parameters: a qualitative parameter and
a quantitative parameter. In both cases the analysis
was limited to a descriptive observation of the data.
In the future, we hope to widen the corpus so to
obtain results that can allow us to withdraw broader
conclusions on the resourcefulness and creativity of
the formation processes found.
Following the qualitative parameter, the obtained
signs were classified according to the type of formation they presented whereas in the quantitative
parameter, the signs were analyzed according to
descriptive statistics data.
The methodology used in our corpus qualitative
analysis was similar to the one presented in the study
of Raquel Delgado Martins (1998). We considered
that quantitative analysis can be an interesting option
if this study is broadened in the future, which is
why we decided to include it in our work.
3.3.1. Qualitative descriptive analysis
16
This term, already used in various studies in LIBRAS (Brasilian Sign Language), was used by us in alternative to the
syntagmatic term initial dactilologic configuration, proposed
by Amaral, Coutinho and Delgado Martins (1994) because
we think it to be more economical from a linguistic point
of view and conceptually more transparent.
Adding pieces to the Portuguese Sign Language lexicon puzzle: three pilot studies
25%
67%
Dactylology
Composition
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Adding pieces to the Portuguese Sign Language lexicon puzzle: three pilot studies
93
5. Final remarks
In this work, which includes three previously
published pilot studies, we intend to account for
the fundamentally dynamic features of LGP lexicon.
By presenting the effects of polissemy or meaning
extension, of the forms specialization into naming
specialized concepts, and the history of common use
signs in three age groups, we provided the reader
with a few pieces of the complex puzzle which lies
underneath language lexicon, particularly that of LGP.
We therefore wish to have contributed and continue making contributions in LGP lexicon studies,
using the hypothesis raised by these preliminary
studies.
Such future studies can come to contribute to a
better knowledge on LGP and the creation of tools
(e.g. vocabularies, dictionaries, grammars) which
will be useful for LGPs development as a teaching,
cultural and scientific language.
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29. Silva, A. Soares da. O Mundo dos Sentidos em Portugus: Polissemia, Semntica e Cognio. Coimbra: Almedina, 2006.
30. Stokoe, W. Sign language structure. An Outline of the visual communication
system of the American deaf. Studies in Linguistics. Occasional Papers 8.
Buffalo, N.Y.: University of Buffalo, 1960.
31. Taylor, J. Linguistic Categorization: Prototypes in Linguistic Theory. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1995.
32. Ungerer, F. e H. J. Schmid. An Introduction to Cognitive Linguistics. London:
Longman, 1996.
33. Wittgenstein, L. Philosophical Investigations. Oxford: Blackwell, 1953.
Adding pieces to the Portuguese Sign Language lexicon puzzle: three pilot studies
BACALHAU/ SEXTA-FEIRA
(codfish/Friday
CAVALO/ CARCAVELOS
(horse/Carcavelos)
BOI/ ARGENTINA
ox/Argentina
CASTELO/ GUIMARES
(castle/Guimares)
ESTRELA/ AMADORA
(Star / Amadora)
PSCOA/ AMNDOA
(Easter/almond)
GAITA-DE-FOLES/ ESCCIA
(bagpipes/ Scotland)
PEIXE/ TERA-FEIRA
(fish/Tuesday)
BRISTOL/ PISTOLA
(Bristol/pistol)
CEREJA/ FUNDO
(cherry/Fundo)
ELEFANTE/JUMBO
(elephant/Jumbo)
HARPA/IRLANDA
(harp/Ireland)
95
96
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
1
2
ALGS
ITLIA (Italy)
TERRAMOTO (earthquake)
AMNDOA (almond)
PSCOA (Easter)
BACALHAU (codfish)
SEXTA-FEIRA (Friday)
BOI (ox)
ARGENTINA
BRASIL (Brazil)
CAF (coffee-drink)
CAF (cafe-location)
CAVALO (horse)
CARCAVELOS
CASTELO (castle)
GUIMARES
CEREJAS (cherry)
FUNDO
ESTRELA (star)
AMADORA
14
ELEFANTE (elephant)
JUMBO
GAITA-DE-FOLES (bagpipes)
ESCCIA (Scotland)
HARPA (harp)
IRLANDA (Ireland)
PEIXE (fish)
10
TERA-FEIRA (Tuesday)
PER (turkey-animal)
10
10
PER (Peru-country)
PISTOLA (pistol)
BRISTOL
UVAS (grapes)
SETEMBRO (September)
PALMELA
In this column are the signs which presented more occurrences comparing to the column Variation.
Signs produced with phonological trait variation which does not compromise its meaning.
Variation2
2
3
Adding pieces to the Portuguese Sign Language lexicon puzzle: three pilot studies
97
Table 3 Most enunciated etymological proposals for signs in the semantic category Family
SIGN
COHESION
ETYMOLOCICAL PROPOSAL
PAI (father)
Medium+
Association with the sign HOMEM (man) e BIGODE (moustache), both very
similar to the sign PAI (father).
ME (mother)
Weak+
Related to the old of sons and daughters kissing their mothers hands;
Protectiveness of the mothers towards their children.
Weak-
AV (grandmother)
Weak-
BISAV (greatgrandfather)
(AV+SEGUNDO)
(grandfather+second)
Medium*
BISAV (greatgrandmother)
(AV+SEGUNDO)
(grandmother+second)
Medium*
Weak-
Weak-
Weak+
someone that lives as an equal to a brother (the sign for equal is the same as
for brother in LGP);
Someone who grows up with you, and is always near you
Someone who has the same blood as you.
IRM (sister)
(FEMININO+IRM)
(feminine+sister)
Weak+
someone that lives as an equal to a brother (the sign for equal is the same as
for brother in LGP);
Someone who grows up with you, and is always near you
Someone who has the same blood as you.
TIO (uncle)
Weak*
TIA (aunt)
(FEMININO+TIO)
(feminine+uncle)
Weak*
PRIMO (cousin-male)
Weak-
Visual triangle that is formed in the genealogic tree and illustrates the relation
between two cousins or two families.
PRIMA(cousin-female)
(FEMININO+PRIMO)
(female+cousin)
Weak-
Visual triangle that is formed in the genealogic tree and illustrates the relation
between two cousins or two families.
Weak*
Old family ties between nephews/nieces and uncles/aunts. The latter were also
godfather/godmother to the first. These people were connected not only by a
consanguinity issue but also by the ties imposed by a religious ceremony: baptism.
Hence, the location and movement of SOBRINHO (nephew) is the same as
the location and movement in PADRINHO/MADRINHA/BAPTISMO (godfather/
godmother/baptism).
AV (grandfather)
FILHO (son)
FILHA (daughter)
(FEMININO+FILHO)
(feminine+son)
IRMO (brother)
SOBRINHO (nephew)
98
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
SIGN
COHESION
ETYMOLOCICAL PROPOSAL
SOBRINHA (niece)
(FEMININO+SOBRINHO)
(feminine+nephew)
Weak*
Old family ties between nephews/nieces and uncles/aunts. The latter were also
godfather/godmother to the first. These people were connected not only by a
consanguinity issue but also by the ties imposed by a religious ceremony: baptism.
Hence, the location and movement of SOBRINHO (nephew) is the same as
the location and movement in PADRINHO/MADRINHA/BAPTISMO (godfather/
godmother/baptism).
PADRINHO (godfather)
High-
Association with the movement from baptism to poor water onto the baptized
persons head.
MADRINHA (godmother)
(FEMININO+PADRINHO)
(feminine+goddfather)
High-
Association with the movement from baptism to poor water onto the baptized
persons head.
AFILHADO(godson)
(PADRINHO+FILHO)
(godfather+son)
Weak+
AFILHADA (gaddaughter)
(PADRINHO
+FEMININO+FILHO)
(godfather+feminine+son)
Weak+
SOGRO (father-in-law)
Weak-
SOGRA (mother-in-law)
(FEMININO+SOGRO)
(feminine+father-in-law)
Weak-
GENRO (son-in-law)
Null
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
NORA (daughter-in-law)
(FEMININO+GENRO)
(feminine+son-in-law)
Null
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
CUNHADO (brother-in-law)
Weak*
CUNHADA (sister-in-law)
(FEMININO+CUNHADO)
(feminine+brother-in-law)
Weak*
Medium*
Medium*
Weak+
ENTEADA (stepdaughter)
(FEMININO
+FILHO+SEGUNDO)
(feminine+son+second)
Weak+
NETO (gradson)
Weak-
NETA (granddaughter)
(FEMININO+NETO)
(feminine+grandson)
Weak-
PADRASTO (stepfather)
(PAI+SEGUNDO)
(father+second)
MADRASTA (stepmother)
(ME+SEGUNDO)
(mother+second)
ENTEADO (stepson)
(FILHO+SEGUNDO)
(son+second)
Abstract
Resumo
* mnunes@ics.lisboa.ucp.pt
pajamas@sapo.pt
Cadernos de Sade Vol. 2 Nmero especial de Lnguas Gestuais pp. 99-104
100
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
101
102
Cade rn o s d e S a d e Vo l. 2 N m e ro es p ec i a l d e L n g ua s G es tua i s
103
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