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Public culture
public culture
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ARTICLE AUTHOR:
teresa cladeira
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1996
PAGES:
303-328
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0899-2363
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NX180.S6 P8
319272
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F o rtifie d E n cla ve s: T h e N e w
U rb a n S e g re g a tio n
Teresa P. R. Caldeira
n the last few decades, the proliferation of fortified enclaves has created a new
model of spatial segregation and transformed the quality of public life in many
cities around the world. Fortified enclaves are privatized, enclosed, and monitored
spaces for residence, consumption, leisure, and work. The fear of violence is
one of their main justifications. They appeal to those who are abandoning the
traditional public sphere of the streets to the poor, the marginal, and the home
less. In cities fragmented by fortified enclaves, it is difficult to maintain the
principles of openness and free circulation which have been among the most
significant organizing values of modem cities. As a consequence, the character
of public space and of citizens participation in public life changes.
In order to sustain these arguments, this article analyzes the case of Sao Paulo,
Brazil, and uses Los Angeles as a comparison. Sao Paulo is the largest metropoli
tan region (it has more than sixteen million inhabitants) of a society with one of
the most inequitable distributions of wealth in the world.1 In Sao Paulo, social
inequality is obvious. As a consequence, processes of spatial segregation are also
This article is based on the analysis developed in my book City of Walls: Crime, Segregation,
and Citizenship in S&o Paulo (Berkeley: University of California Press, forthcoming), copyright by
the Regents of the University of California. I thank the University of California Press for the permission
to use material from the book.
1.
In Brazil in 1989, the proportion of income in the hands of the poorest 50% of the population
was only 10.4%. At the same time, the richest 1% had 17.3% of the income. Data is from the
National Research by Domicile Sample (PNAD) undertaken by the Census Bureau. The distribution
of wealth has become more inequitable since the early 1980s (Lopes 1993; Rocha 1991).
Public Culture 1996, 8: 303-328
1996 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.
0899-2363/96/0802-0006S01.00
303
The forms producing segregation in city space are historically variable. From
the 1940s to the 1980s, a division between center and periphery organized the
space of Sao Paulo, where great distances separated different social groups; the
middle and upper classes lived in central and well-equipped neighborhoods and
the poor lived in the precarious hinterland.2 In the last fifteen years, however,
a combination of processes, some of them similar to those affecting other cities,
deeply transformed the pattern of distribution of social groups and activities
throughout the city. Sao Paulo continues to be a highly segregated city, but the
way in which inequalities are inscribed into urban space has changed considerably.
In the 1990s, the physical distances separating rich and poor have decreased at
the same time that the mechanisms to keep them apart have become more obvious
and more complex.
The urban changes which occurred in the 1980s and 1990s in Sao Paulo, and
the new pattern of spatial segregation they generated, cannot be separated from
four different processes which became intertwined during this period. First, the
1980s and early 1990s were years of economic recession, with very high rates
2.
For an analysis of the various patterns of urban segregation in Sao Paulo from the late nineteenth
century to the present, see Caldeira (n.d.a and n.d.b).
of inflation and increasing poverty. The 1980s are known in Brazil and in Latin
America as the lost decade. Contrary to the miracle years of the 1970s,
economic growth was very low, the gross national product dropped 5.5% during
the 1980s, unemployment rose, and inflation went up dramatically. For several
years after the mid-1980s, inflation was higher than 1,000% a year, and successive
economic plans to deal with it failed.3 After a decade of inflation, unemployment,
and recession, poverty has grown to alarming dimensions. Recent research shows
that the effects of the economic crisis were especially severe for the poor popula
tion and aggravated the already iniquitous distribution of wealth in Brazil (Rocha
1991; Lopes 1993).4
This process of impoverishment has had serious consequences for the position
of the poor in urban space. The periphery of the city became unaffordable for
the poorest. Since the 1940s, the working classes had been building their own
houses in the periphery of the city in a process called autoconstruction (see
Caldeira 1984; Holston 1991). In this process, they bought cheap lots in distant
areas of the city without any infrastructure and services, and frequently involving
some illegality, and spent decades building their dream houses and improving
their neighborhoods. In this way, they both constructed their homes and expanded
the city. However, their generally successful efforts to improve the quality of
life in the periphery through the organization of social movements-which I
discuss belowoccurred at a moment when the economic crisis denied upcoming
generations of workers the same possibility of becoming homeowners, even in
precarious and distant areas of town. Consequently, the poorest population had
to move either to favelas and cortiqos in the central areas of town, or to distant
municipalities in the metropolitan region.5 According to a recent study by the
office of Sao Paulos Secretary of Housing, residents in favelas represented 1.1%
of the citys population in 1973, 2.2% in 1980, 8.8% in 1987, and 19.4% in
1993that is, 1,902,000 people in 1993 (O Estado de S. Paulo, 15 October
1994, C-l).
3. As I write, in June of 1995, inflation has been low at around 2.5% a month for one year, as
a consequence of the Plano Real, the most successful plan so far to fight inflation. This plan was
elaborated by ex-Minister of Treasury Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who was elected president of
Brazil on the basis of the success of this plan.
4. Although the Metropolitan Region of Sao Paulo has one of the best situations in Brazil, the
Gini coefficient increased from 0.516 in 1981 to 0.566 in 1989 (Rocha 1991:38). The Gini coefficient
varies from zero to one. It would be zero if all people had the same income, and one if one person
concentrated the whole national income. For Brazil, the Gini coefficient was 0.580 in 1985 and 0.627
in 1989 (Rocha 1991:38).
5. A favela is a set of shacks built on seized land. A cortiqo is a type of tenement housing.
305
Fortified Enclaves
306
Public Culture
ne consolidation of a
imilitary rule. On the
j fairly, and political
|nd all types of social
I working classes and
g the relationship be|ent in a country with
panism. This process
p limits (see Caldeira
If this process in terms
lements organized by
Mocal administrations
pighborhoods and to
lups in office brought
ps of local administraiurban infrastructure,
its forced municirs, which resulted
rmal land market,
ily' of irregular and
areas with a better
in underdeveloped
s which achieved
y impoverished
wtiqos.
started to be restrucound the world, Sao
i or tertiarization. In
tl pole of the country
$ a whole, becoming
Jation of productive
hat is happening in
rious consequences
the city are going
n. In some of them,
ectors of the middle
jrmed into cortiqos.
subway line in the
eastern zone generated urban renewal and the construction of new apartment
buildings for the middle classes, some of which conform to the model of closed
condominiums discussed below. The most recent process, however, concerns
the displacement of services and commerce from the inner city to districts on
the periphery, especially to the western and southern zones of the metropolitan
region. The new tertiary jobs are located in recently built, enormous office and
service centers which have multiplied in the last fifteen years. At the same time,
spaces of commerce are changing as immense shopping malls are created in
isolated areas of the old periphery, and as some old shopping areas are abandoned
to homeless people and street vendors.
Finally, the fourth process of change relates most directly to the new pattern
of urban residential segregation because it supplies the justifying rhetoric: the
increase in violent crime and fear. Crime has been increasing since the mid-1980s
but, more importantly, there has been a qualitative change in the pattern of crime.
Violent crime in the 1990s represents about 30% of all crime, compared to 20%
in the early 1980s. Murder rates in the 1990s are higher than 35 per 100,000
people in Sao Paulo.6 However, the most serious element in the increase of
violence in Sao Paulo is police violence. In the early 1990s, Sao Paulos military
police killed more than 1,000 suspects per year, a number which has no compari
son in any other city in the world.7 The increase in violence, insecurity, and
fear comes with a series of transformations, as citizens adopt new strategies of
protection. These strategies are changing the citys landscape, patterns of resi
dence and circulation, everyday trajectories, habits, and gestures related to the
use of streets and of public transportation. In sum, the fear of crime is contributing
to changes in all types of public interactions.
As a result, Sao Paulo is today a city of walls. Physical barriers have been
constructed everywherearound houses, apartment buildings, parks, squares,
office complexes, and schools. Apartment buildings and houses which used to
be connected to the street by gardens are now everywhere separated by high
6. Violent crime has been growing in various metropolises around the world. This is especially
clear in the United States, where the number of violent crimes per capita grew by 355% between
1960 and 1990, according to FBI reports. In 1990, rates of murder per 100,000 population in several
American cities were higher than or comparable to those of Sao Paulo. The highest rate was 77.8
in Washington, D.C. It was 36.0 in Miami, 30.6 in New York City, and 28.2 in Los Angeles {Los
Angeles Times, 25 March 1992: A-14).
7. In 1992, Sao Paulos military police killed 1,470 civilians, including 111 prisoners killed
inside the citys main prison. In that year, Los Angeles police killed 25 civilians, and the New York
police killed 24 civilians. For a complete analysis of the pattern of police violence and of the increase
in violence and crime in Sao Paulo, see Caldeira (n.d.a).
307
Fortified Enclaves
308
Public Culture
fences and walls, and guarded by electronic devices and armed security men.
The new additions frequently look odd because they were improvised in spaces
conceived without them, spaces designed to be open. However, these barriers are
now fully integrated into new projects for individual houses, apartment buildings,
shopping areas, and work spaces. A new aesthetics of security shapes all types
of constructions and imposes its new logic of surveillance and distance as a means
for displaying status, and is changing the character of public life and public
interactions.
Among the diverse elements changing the city, the new enclaves for residence,
work, and consumption of the middle and upper classes are provoking the deepest
transformations. Although they have different uses and many specializations
(some for residence, others for work, leisure, or consumption; some more re
stricted, others more open), all types of fortified enclaves share some basic charac
teristics. They are private property for collective use; they are physically isolated,
either by walls or empty spaces or other design devices; they are turned inwards
and not to the street; and they are controlled by armed guards and security systems
which enforce rules of inclusion and exclusion. Moreover, these enclaves are
very flexible arrangements. Due to their size, the new technologies of communica
tion, the new organization of work, and security systems, they possess all that
is needed within a private and autonomous space and can be situated almost
anywhere, independent of the surroundings. In fact, most of them have been
placed in the old periphery and have as their neighbors either favelas or concentra
tions of autoconstructed houses. Finally, the enclaves tend to be socially homoge
neous environments, mostly for the middle and upper classes.
Fortified enclaves represent a new alternative for the urban life of these middle
and upper classes. As such, they are codified as something conferring high status.
The construction of status symbols is a process which elaborates social distance
and creates means for the assertion of social difference and inequality. In the
next section, I examine real estate advertisements as one way of analyzing this
process for the case of Sao Paulos enclaves. After that, I analyze the characteris
tics of the enclaves that make them an urban form which creates segregation and
reproduces social inequality while transforming the character of public life.
Real estate advertisements tell us about the lifestyles of the middle and upper
classes and reveal the elements which constitute current patterns of social differ
entiation. The ads not only reveal a new code of social distinction, but also
explicitly treat:
following interp
closed condomii
1975 and 1995.
capturing the in
and to highlight
their place in so
twenty years, tl
concept of resid
tion, homogene
the highest statu
nity, a secure e
and live only ar
which one can re
environment an
image of the eru
rated world pen
sion and mixtui
Closed cond
ments propose i
quality of life <
suggest the pos
surrounding cit
but they are supj
for it; thus the
which transforn
inside of closed
rooms, from ba
In addition t
wide range of se
mentioned in tin
childrens recre
gardening, pet
housekeeping a
transportation,
your dreams, d
8. Expressions
309
Fortified Enclaves
310
Public Culture
The middle an
freedomboth fr<
tic taskson the
to badly paid wo:
of their condomin
bureaucratic prob
to transporting inc
who often live in
wash and iron th<
frequently care fc
crime in which th
fear contact and <
They can only be
these servants, wii
and avoidance, in
Another featur
city, a fact which
latter is expressec
(green areas, par
discourses. Howe
tion from those co
this is security,
guards on duty tv
of facilities and s
telephones, doubl
streets. Total se<
and control are th
isolation but also1
security exclusive
in various types o
protection from c
of exclusion is ca
The elaboratio
on the basis of bui
occurring elsewhe
are not unique to
Sao Paulo elaborj
campaign to sell I
control of a large
minium increases,
services prolifer;so also the mechathe new enclaves
Josition to impose
fcnships if adopted
the families who
: tew service and is
i Ives empowering
>th employees of
apartments (even
i tags to go in and
i ngs are searched
i s men exercising
l Brasilia.
The middle and upper classes are creating their dream of independence and
freedomboth from the city and its mixture of classes, and from everyday domes
tic taskson the basis of services from working-class people. They give guns
to badly paid working-class guards to control their own movement in and out
of their condominiums. They ask their badly paid office-boys to solve all their
bureaucratic problems, from paying their bills and standing in all types of lines
to transporting incredible sums of money. They also ask their badly paid maids
who often live in the favelas on the other side of the condominiums wall-to
wash and iron their clothes, make their beds, buy and prepare their food, and
frequently care for their children all day long. In a context of increased fear of
crime in which the poor are often associated with criminality, the upper classes
fear contact and contamination, but they continue to depend on their servants.
They can only be anxious about creating the most effective way of controlling
these servants, with whom they have such ambiguous relationships of dependency
and avoidance, intimacy and distrust.
Another feature of closed condominiums is isolation and distance from the
city, a fact which is presented as offering the possibility of a better lifestyle. The
latter is expressed, for example, by the location of the development in nature
(green areas, parks, lakes), and in the use of phrases inspired by ecological
discourses. However, it is clear in the advertisements that isolation means separa
tion from those considered to be socially inferior, and that the key factor to assure
this is security. This means fences and walls surrounding the condominium,
guards on duty twenty-four hours a day controlling the entrances, and an array
of facilities and services to ensure security-guardhouses with bathrooms and
telephones, double doors in the garage, and armed guards patrolling the internal
streets. Total security is crucial to the new concept of residence. Security
and control are the conditions for keeping the others out, for assuring not only
isolation but also happiness, harmony, and even freedom. In sum, to relate
security exclusively to crime is to fail to recognize all the meanings it is acquiring
in various types of environments. The new systems of security not only provide
protection from crime, but also create segregated spaces in which the practice
of exclusion is carefully and rigorously exercised.
The elaboration of an aesthetics of security and the creation of segregation
on the basis of building enclaves is a widespread process, although not necessarily
occurring elsewhere in the same obvious ways as in Sao Paulo. Fortified enclaves
are not unique to Sao Paulo. In October 1993, a large advertising campaign in
Sao Paulo elaborated on the similarities with enclaves in U.S. cities. It was a
campaign to sell the idea of an edge city (an expression used in English) as a
311
Fortified Enclaves
312
Public Culture
way of increasing the appeal and price of specific enclaves. One of the main
characters of this campaign was Joel Garreau, the U.S. journalist and author of
the book. Edge CityLife on the New Frontier. His photograph appeared in ftill
page ads in national magazines and newspapers, he came to Sao Paulo to talk to
a select group of realtors, and he was one of the main participants in a thirty-minute
television program advertising some enclaves. Garreau was helping market three
huge real estate developmentsAlphaville, Aldeia de Serra, and Tambor6
which combined closed condominiums, shopping centers, and office complexes
as if they were a piece of the first world dropped into the metropolitan region
of Sao Paulo.
The Paulista edge city was not created from scratch in 1993. The Western
zone in which these developments are located is the part of the metropolitan
region most affected by transformations in the last two decades. Until the 1970s
this area was a typical poor periphery of the metropolitan region. Since then,
real estate developers who benefited from the low price of land and facilities
offered by local administrations have invested heavily in this area. Over fifteen
years, they built large areas of walled residences adjacent to office complexes,
service centers, and shopping malls. The area had among the highest rates of
population growth in the metropolitan region during 1980-90, a period when
the growth rate in the city of Sao Paulo declined sharply. Because the new residents
are largely from the upper social groups, this area today has a concentration of
high-income inhabitants, who, before the 1980s, would have lived in central
neighborhoods (Metro 1989). In other words, this area clearly represents the
new trend of movement of wealthy residents as well as services and commerce
to the periphery of the city and to enclosed areas. The 1993 campaign used many
images already old in real estate advertisements of closed condominiums, but
gave to them a touch of novelty by baptizing its product as edge city. Its aim
was to launch new projects in the area and for this they used Garreaus expertise
on suburban development.
The television program, broadcast in Sao Paulo on Saturday, 16 October 1993,
illustrates very well the connections with the first world model as well as the
local peculiarities. The program combined scenes from U.S. edge cities (Reston,
Virginia and Columbia, Maryland) and the three developments being advertised
in S3o Paulo. In this program, Garreauspeaking in English with Portuguese
subtitlesdescribed edge cities as the predominant form of contemporary urban
growth and used Los Angeles and its multicentered form as an example. The
program had interesting differences in the way it presented Brazilian as opposed
to U.S. edge cities. Residents from enclaves in both countries were interviewed
in front of swim
luxurious and the
edge cities have
shown, and their
case, on the conti
shows a scene she
ium intercept a
walls of the condto put their arms
for a private secu:
of visitors submil
rich residents (a;
Another revealin
city. He cites as
to live in a racia
Portuguese subti
people. In Sao 1
tainly devalue th
are good insofar
of the poor) and
To use first w
common practio
situations may hi
to racial integral
distance is inde<
Moreover, the pa
that although the
in similar forms
of this form and
Attacking Modcr
10. Although nw
available social indie
recent study by Lop<
in front of swimming pools, lakes, and in green areas, emphasizing both the
luxurious and the anti-urban character of the developments. However, if the U.S.
edge cities have external walls and controls in their entrance gates, they are not
shown, and their security personnel is not visibly present either. In the Paulista
case, on the contrary, they are crucial and emphasized. At one point, the program
shows a scene shot from a helicopter: the private security personnel of a condomin
ium intercept a suspect car (a popular vehicle, a Volkswagen bus) outside the
walls of the condominiums; they physically search the occupants, who are forced
to put their arms up against the car. Although this action is completely illegal
for a private security service to perform on a public street, this together with scenes
of visitors submitting identification documents at the entrance gates, reassures the
rich residents (and spectators) that suspect (poor) people will be kept away.
Another revealing scene is an interview in English with a resident of a U.S. edge
city. He cites as one of his reasons for moving there the fact that he wanted
to live in a racially integrated community. This observation is censored in the
Portuguese subtitles which say instead that his community has many interesting
people. In Sao Paulo, the image of a racially integrated community would cer
tainly devalue the whole development. For the Paulista elites, first world models
are good insofar as they may be adapted to include outright control (especially
of the poor) and the eradication of racial and social difference.
To use first world elements in order to sell all types of commodities is a very
common practice in third world countries. However, contrasting the different
situations may be especially revealing. In this case, the need to censor a reference
to racial integration indicates that the Paulista system of social inequality and
distance is indeed obvious and that race is one of its most sensitive points.10
Moreover, the parallel between the Brazilian and the American examples suggests
that although the degree of segregation may vary in different contexts, it is present
in similar forms in both cases. It is worth then investigating the characteristics
of this form and its effects on the organization of public life.
The new residential enclaves of the upper classes, associated with shopping malls,
isolated office complexes, and other privately controlled environments represent
10.
Although many people like to think of Brazilian society as a racial democracy," any reading of
available social indicators shows pervasive discrimination against the Black population. For example, a
recent study by Lopes (1993) on poverty shows that 68% of the urban households below the indigent
313
Fortified Enclaves
314
Public Culture
a new form of organizing social differences and creating segregation in Sao Paulo
and in many other cities around the world. The characteristics of the Paulista
enclaves which make their segregationist intentions viable may be summarized
in four points. First, they use two instruments in order to create explicit separation:
on the one hand, physical dividers such as fences and walls; on the other, large
empty spaces creating distance and discouraging pedestrian circulation. Second,
as if walls and distances were not enough, separation is guaranteed by private
security systems: control and surveillance are conditions for internal social homo
geneity and isolation. Third, the enclaves are private universes turned inwards
with designs and organization making no gestures towards the street. Fourth,
the enclaves aim at being independent worlds which proscribe an exterior life,
evaluated in negative terms. The enclaves are not subordinate either to public
streets or to surrounding buildings and institutions. In other words, the relation
ship they establish with the rest of the city and its public life is one of avoidance:
they turn their backs on them. Therefore, public streets become spaces for elites
circulation by car and for poor peoples circulation by foot or public transportation.
To walk on the public street is becoming a sign of class in many cities, an activity
that the elite is abandoning. No longer using streets as spaces of sociability, the
elite now want to prevent street life from entering their enclaves.
Private enclaves and the segregation they generate deny many of the basic
elements which constituted the modem experience of public life: primacy of
streets and their openness; free circulation of crowds and vehicles; impersonal
and anonymous encounters of the pedestrian; unprogrammed public enjoyment
and congregation in streets and squares; and the presence of people from different
social backgrounds strolling and gazing at those passing by, looking at store
windows, shopping, and sitting in cafes, joining political demonstrations or using
spaces especially designed for the entertainment of the masses (promenades,
parks, stadiums, exhibitions).11 The new developments in cities such as Sao Paulo
create enclosures which contradict both the prototype of modem urban remodel
ing, that of Baron Haussmann, and basic elements of the modem conception of
public life. Haussmanns state-promoted transformations of Paris were strongly
criticized and opposed, but no one denied that the new boulevards were readily
line have a Black or Mulatto person as its head while Black or Mulatto households represent only
41% of the total urban households.
11.
Analyses of various dimensions of the modern experience of urban life are found in: Benjamin
1969; Berman 1982; Clark 1984; Harvey 1985; Holston 1989; Rabinow 1989; Schorske 1961; Sennett
1974; Vidler 1978.
appropriated by 1
life, protected by
it. Thtfldneur de
stores each becar
as Paris became
At the core of
are notions that c
the consumption
has never been ei
cities have always
and are appropru
on their social pos
western cities hav
to circulation and
attached to the ic
These modem
similar values wi
of public demonsl
included not onl;
modem city are ii
polity, consolida
and free people,
is quite radical;
social order of fe
struggles that the
have been expan
citizens has neve:
incorporation ha\
experience of cii
excluded groups
In sum, the ir
which constitute*
completely lost t
12. A powerful
Marshall (1965 [1949
and evolutionary vie\
sality of Marshalls r
appropriated by huge numbers of people eager to enjoy both the streets public
life, protected by anonymity, and the consumption possibilities which came with
it. The fl&neur described by Baudelaire and the consumer of the new department
stores each became symbols of the modern appropriation of urban public space,
as Paris became the prototype of the modem city.
At the core of the conception of urban public life embedded in modem Paris
are notions that city space is open to be used and enjoyed by anyone, and that
the consumption society it houses may become accessible to all. Of course, this
has never been entirely the case, neither in Paris nor anywhere else, for modem
cities have always remained marked by social inequalities and spatial segregation,
and are appropriated in quite different ways by diverse social groups, depending
on their social position and power. In spite of these inequalities, however, modem
western cities have always maintained various signs of openness related especially
to circulation and consumption, which contributed to sustaining the positive value
attached to the idea of an open public space accessible to all.
These modem urban experiences were coupled with a political life in which
similar values were fostered. The modem city has been the stage for all types
of public demonstrations. In fact, the promise of incorporation into modem society
included not only the city and consumption but also the polity. Images of the
modem city are in many ways analogous to those of the modem liberal-democratic
polity, consolidated on the basis of the fiction of a social contract among equal
and free people, and which has shaped the modem political sphere. This fiction
is quite radical like that of the open cityand helped to destroy the hierarchical
social order of feudal statuses preceding it. But, clearly, it was only with severe
struggles that the definitions of those who could be considered free and equal
have been expanded. As with the open city, the polity incorporating all equal
citizens has never occurred, but its founding ideals and its promise of continuous
incorporation have retained their power for at least two centuries, shaping peoples
experience of citizenship and city life and legitimating the actions of various
excluded groups in their claims for incorporation.12
In sum, the images of openness, freedom, and possibilities of incorporation
which constituted modernity have never been completely fulfilled, but have never
completely lost their referential role either. In cities such as Sao Paulo and Los
12.
A powerful image of progressive incorporation is offered in the classic essay by T. H.
Marshall (1965 [1949]) on the development of citizenship. For recent critiques of Marshalls optimistic
and evolutionary view, see Hirschman 1991 and Turner 1992; Turner 1992 also criticizes the univer
sality of Marshalls model.
315
Fortified Enclaves
316
Public Culture
In order to achieve their goals of isolating, distancing, and selecting, the fortified
enclaves use some instruments of design which are, in fact, instruments of mod
ernist city planning and architectural design. Various effects of modernist city
planning are similar to those of the new enclaves, suggesting that we should look
at their similarities more carefully. One strikingly similar effect of both modernist
city planning and the fortified enclaves is their attack on streets as a type and
concept of public space. In Brazil, the construction of modernist Brasilia in the
late 1950s crystallized an international modernism and its transformation of public
space and relayed it to the rest of the country (see Holston 1989). In modernist
Brasilia as in new parts of Sao Paulo and Los Angeles, pedestrians and anonymous
interactions in public life which marked modem Paris tend to be eliminated.
However, if the results tend to be the same, the original projects of modernism
and current enclosures are radically different. It is worth, then, investigating how
such different projects ended up producing similar effects.
13.
Sec, for example, the feminist critique of the social contract (Pateman 1988) and of the legal
understanding of equality as sameness (Eisenstein 1988).
Modernist arc
criticism of indus
the radical remo
difference and cr
the avant-garde
criticism of capit
street as a condui
fail to accommo
architecture attac
of the public and
(Holston 1989:1(
domains is best i
spaces including
ings frames and
architecture invc
been the basis fc
b.c. In the mode
sculptural figure:
planning aims at
public and priva
tural, and all spa
nating between
Modernist cit
state-sponsored ]
sal rationalist cit
recreational, tra
plete embodimei
city planning. T1
of the planners
its most egalitar
adaptation, becc
ence. Streets on
internalization c
and rich residei
social separatioi
only in cities su
In the new fort
produce a total
317
Fortified Enclaves
to enlarge specific private domains so that they will fulfill public functions, but
in a segregated way.
Contemporary fortified enclaves use basically modernist instruments of plan
ning with some notable adaptations. First, the surrounding walls: unlike in mod
ernist planning, such as for Brasilia, where the residential areas were to have
no fences or walls but only to be delimited by expressways, in Sao Paulo the
walls are necessary to demarcate the private universes. However, this demarcation
of private property is not supposed to create the same type of (nonmodernist)
public space that characterizes the industrial city. Because the private universes
are kept apart by voids (as in modernist design), they no longer generate street
corridors. Moreover, pedestrian circulation is discouraged and shopping areas
are kept away from the streets, again as in modernist design. The second adapta
tion occurs in the materials and forms of individual buildings. Here there are
two possibilities. On the one hand, buildings may completely ignore the exterior
walls, treating facades as their backs. On the other, plain modernist facades may
be eliminated in favor of ornament, irregularity, and ostentatious materials which
display the individuality and status of their owners. These buildings reject the
glass and transparency of modernism and their disclosure of private life. In
other words, internalization, privacy, and individuality are enhanced. Finally,
sophisticated technologies of security assure the exclusivity of the already isolated
buildings.
Analyzing what is used from modernist architecture and city planning and
what is transformed in the new urban form generated by the private enclaves,
one arrives at a clear conclusion: the devices which have been maintained are
those that destroy modem public space and social life (socially dead streets trans
formed into highways, sculptural buildings separated by voids and disregarding
street alignments, enclaves turned inside); the devices transformed or abandoned
are those intended to create equality, transparency, and a new public sphere (glass
facades, uniformity of design, absence of material delimitations such as walls
and fences). Instead of creating a space in which the distinctions between public
and private disappear-making all space public as the modernists intended-the
enclaves use modernist conventions to create spaces in which the private quality
is enhanced beyond any doubt and in which the public, a shapeless void treated
as residual, is deemed irrelevant. This was exactly the fate of modernist architec
ture and its all public space in Brasilia, a perversion of initial premises and
intentions. The situation is just the opposite with the closed condominiums and
other fortified enclaves of the 1980s and 1990s. Their aim is to segregate and
to change the character of public life by bringing to private spaces constructed
as socially homog
enacted in public
Today, in citie
freedom of circul
aiming at erasing
urban design has
delineated privatt
external overall <
organization. Tht
a total order kept
of incorporation,
radical inequaliti
fact erased diffen
tectural conventic
worlds meet as i
different spaces.
In sum, in a ci
goes a deep trans
and enclaves, brc
armed guards, gu
is increasingly ab
and shopping in
spaces for the ri<
those who canno
this new type of
some of its consi
Compared to Sac
structure.14 SaoF
hoods concentrat
of the corridor st
14. It is not my ir
I will only point out
allow me to raise que
For analyses of Los
Compared to Sao Paulo, Los Angeles has a more fragmented and disperse urban
structure.14 Sao Paulo still has a vivid downtown area and some central neighbor
hoods concentrating commerce and office activities which are shaped on the model
of the corridor street and which, in spite of all transformations, are still crowded
14.
It is not my intention to give a detailed account of Los Angeless recent pattern of urbanization.
I will only point out some of its characteristics which, by comparison with SSo Paulos process,
allow me to raise questions about new forms of social segregation which seem to be quite generalized.
For analyses of Los Angeles, see Banham 1971, Davis 1990, Soja 1989 and 1992.
319
Fortified Enclaves
320
Public Culture
cd and decentralized
city's economic and
ttivities are contained
loections to shopping,
Dentation by the con
it has already changed
jjonomic functions in
|5S. According to Soja
pheral urbanization,
fordist industrializadevelopments, huge
eisure (theme parks,
tent of Defense, and
Jugh Sao Paulo lacks
darization and distried according to the
Angeless process of
it form, it is more
the use of security
high walls, iron
mostly electronic
le Sao Paulos elites
1 chains and all sorts
ontrol circulation
s. However, walled
ring in Los Angeles
1 and of surveillance
from the West Side,
ason must surely be
l considered one of
Its very effective and
\ n.d.a., chapter 4).
tn army of domestic
M of these services
tageles in the structuring
321
Fortlfisd Enclaves
beauty and keep out (1993:89), and which design fagades with their backs to
the street, camouflaging the contents of the houses. For him, the response to
ethnic strife is defensible architecture and riot realism (1993:89). The realism
lies in architects looking at the dark side of division, conflict, and decay, and
represent[ing] some unwelcome truths (1993:91). Among the latter is the fact
that heterogeneity and strife are here to stay, that the promises of the melting
pot can no longer be fulfilled. In this context, boundaries would have to be both
clearer and more defended.
Architecturally it [Los Angeles] will have to learn the lessons of Gehrys aesthetic and en-formality: how to turn unpleasant necessities such
as chain-link fence into amusing and ambiguous signs of welcome/keep
out, beauty/defensive space. . . . Defensible architecture, however re
grettable as a social tactic, also protects the rights of individuals and
threatened groups. (Jencks 1993:93)
Jencks targets ethnic heterogeneity as the reason for Los Angeless social
conflicts and sees separation as a solution. He is not bothered by the fact that
the intervention of architects and planners in L. A.s urban environment reinforces
social inequality and spatial segregation. He also does not interrogate the conse
quences of these creations for public space and political relationships. In fact,
his admiration of the backside-to-the-street solution indicates a lack of concern
with the maintenance of public streets as spaces which embed the values of
openness and conviviality of the heterogeneous masses.
But Los Angeless defensible architecture also has its critics, and the most
famous of them is Mike Davis, whose analysis I find illuminating, especially for
thinking about the transformations in the public sphere. For Davis (1990, 1991,
1993), social inequality and spatial segregation are central characteristics of Los
Angeles, and his expression, Fortress L. A., refers to the type of space being
presently created in the city.
Welcome to post-liberal Los Angeles, where the defense of luxury life
styles is translated into a proliferation of new repressions in space and
movement, undergirded by the ubiquitous armed response. This obses
sion with physical security systems, and, collaterally, with the architec
tural policing of social boundaries, has become a Zeitgeist of urban re
structuring, a master narrative in the emerging built environment of the
1990s. We live in fortress cities brutally divided between fortified
cells of affluent society and places of terror where the police battle
the criminalized poor. (Davis 1990:223-24)
For Davis, the increasingly segregated and privatized Los Angeles is the result
of a clear master plan of post-liberal (i.e., Reagan-Bush Republican) elites, a
theme he reiterates in his analysis of the 1992 riots (Davis 1993). To talk of
contemporary Los Angeles is for him to talk of a new class war at the level of
the built environment and to demonstrate that urban form is indeed following
a repressive function in the political furrows of the Reagan-Bush era. Los Angeles,
in its prefigurative mode, offers an especially disquieting catalogue of the emer
gent liaisons between architecture and the American police state (Davis 1990:
228).
Daviss writing is marked by an indignation fully supported by his wealth of
evidence concerning Los Angeles. Nevertheless, sometimes he tends to collapse
complex social processes into a simplified scenario of warfare which his own
rich description defies. Despite this tendency to look at social reality as the direct
product of elite intentions, Davis elaborates a remarkable critique of social and
spatial segregation, and associates the emerging urban configuration with the
crucial themes of social inequality and political options. For him, not only is
there nothing inevitable about fortress architecture, but also it has deep conse
quences for the way in which the public space and public interactions are shaped.
My analysis of Sao Paulos enclaves coincides with Daviss analysis of Los
Angeles as far as the issue of the public space is concerned. It is clear in both
cases that the public order created by private enclaves of the defensible style
has inequalities, isolation, and fragmentation as starting points. In this context,
the fiction of the overall social contract and the ideals of universal rights and
equality which legitimated the modem conception of public space vanish. We
should ask, then, if there is already another political fiction organizing inequalities
and differences at the societal level, and how to best conceive this new configura
tion as the old modem model loses its explanatory value. If social differences
are brought to the center of the scene instead of being put aside by universalistic
claims, then what kind of model for the public realm can we maintain? What
kind of polity will correspond to the new fragmented public sphere? Is democracy
still possible in this new public sphere?
People attach meanings to the spaces where they live in flexible and varying
ways and the factors influencing these readings and uses are endless.16 However,
cities are also material spaces with relative stability and rigidity that shape and
16. On this theme, see de Certeau 1984, part 3.
323
Fortified Enclaves
324
Public Culture
bound peoples lives and determine the types of encounters possible in public
space. When walls are built up, they form the stage for public life regardless of
the meanings people attach to them and regardless of the multiple tactics of
resistance people use to appropriate urban space.
In this essay, I have been arguing that in cities where fortified enclaves produce
spatial segregation, social inequalities become quite explicit. I have also been
arguing that in these cities, residents everyday interactions with people from
other social groups diminish substantially, and public encounters primarily occur
inside of protected and relatively homogeneous groups. In the materiality of
segregated spaces, in peoples everyday trajectories, in their uses of public trans
portation, in their appropriations of streets and parks, and in their constructions
of walls and defensive facades, social boundaries are rigidly constructed. Their
crossing is under surveillance. When boundaries are crossed in this type of city,
there is aggression, fear, and a feeling of unprotectedness; in a word, there is
suspicion and danger. Residents from all social groups have a sense of exclusion
and restriction. For some, the feeling of exclusion is obvious as they are denied
access to various areas and are restricted to others. Affluent people who inhabit
exclusive enclaves also feel restricted; their feelings of fear keep them away from
regions and people that their mental maps of the city identify as dangerous.
Contemporary urban segregation is complementary to the issue of urban vio
lence. On the one hand, the fear of crime is used to legitimate increasing measures
of security and surveillance. On the other, the proliferation of everyday talk
about crime becomes the context in which residents generate stereotypes as they
label different social groups as dangerous and therefore as people to be feared
and avoided. Everyday discussions about crime create rigid symbolic differences
between social groups as they tend to align them either with good or with evil.
In this sense, they contribute to a construction of inflexible separations in a way
analogous to city walls. Both enforce ungiving boundaries. In sum, one of the
consequences of living in cities segregated by enclaves is that while heterogeneous
contacts diminish, social differences are more rigidly perceived and proximity
with people from different groups considered as dangerous, thus emphasizing
inequality and distance.
Nevertheless, the urban environment is not the only basis of peoples experi
ences of social differences. If fact, there are other arenas in which differences
tend to be experienced in almost opposite ways, offering an important counterpoint
to the experience of the urban environment. This is the case of the perceptions
of social difference forged through the intensification of communication networks
and mass media (international news, documentaries about all types of lives and
experiences), throu;
through the consump
contexts, boundaries
and are constantly cr
their own.
Thus, the p>ercep
cities may occur in
their appropriation I
those of emerging ui
nify social differenc
of experience may l
Both types of expei
consequences for pu
the softening of boi
liberal-democratic p
The tamed differenideals, and in their \
new urban morphok
and inscribe a new s
and its democratic
areas and when difl
references to a univ
longer possible, eve
restriction for publ:
defensible architect
venting it by makir
commonalities.
Among the cond
those from differen
rights. If this is tru
by fortified enclave;
to democracy. Rath
belong to separate i
not strengthen citizi
effect does not depe
of those in power, s
social logic.
is possible in public
blic life regardless of
i multiple tactics of
I
325
326
Public Culture
Discussions about cities such as Los Angeles, London, or Paris, that is, cities
populated by people from the most diverse cultural origins, commonly invoke
the theme of the limits of modem citizenship based on affiliation to a nation-state.
One might rethink the parameters of citizenship in those cities and suggest that
the criterion for participation in political life could be local residence rather
than national citizenship. Moreover, it would be possible to argue that this local
participation is increasingly necessary to make those cities liveable and to improve
the quality of life of the impoverished population, increasingly consisting of
immigrants. The contrast between this alternative political vision and the reality
of fortified cities allows for at least two conclusions, one pessimistic and one
more optimistic.
The pessimistic would say that the direction of new segregation and the exten
sion of social separation already achieved would make impossible the engagement
of a variety of social groups in a political life in which common goals and solutions
would have to be negotiated. In this view, citizenship in cities of walls is meaning
less. The optimistic interpretation, however, would consider that the change in
the criteria for admission to political life, and the consequent change in status
of a considerable part of the population would generate a wider engagement in
the search for solutions to common problems and would potentially bridge some
distances. There are many reasons to be suspicious of such optimism; studies
of homeowner associations in Los Angeles remind us how local democracy may
be used as an instrument of segregation (Davis 1990, chapter 3). However, the
boom of social movements in Sao Paulo after the mid-1970s suggests a cautious
optimism. Where excluded residents discover that they have rights to the city,
they manage to transform their neighborhoods and to improve the quality of their
lives. That fortified enclaves in part counteracted this process should not make
us abandon this qualified optimism. The walls were not able to totally obstruct
the exercise of citizenship, and poor residents continue to expand their rights.
Literature Cited
Banham, Reyner.
more: Pelican.
Benjamin, Walter.
New York: Sch
Berman, Marshall.
Books.
Caldeira, Teresa I
Citizenship in
coming).
______ n.d.b. Bi
Paulo. Internal
______ 1984. A l
Caldeira, Teresa, \
and prospects of
Fault Lines of
South Center,
de Certeau, Miche
of California Pi
Clark, T. J. 1984.
His Followers.
Davis, Mike. 1990
don: Verso.
______ 1991. Tl
Ghirardo, ed., C
77-113.
Left Review 19$
Eisenstein, Zillah I
of California Pi
Harvey, David. 19
tory and Theory
sity Press.
Hirschman, Albert
pardy. Cambrid
Holston, James. 19
lia. Chicago: U
327
Fortified Enclaves
Literature Cited
Banham, Reyner. 1971. Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies. Balti
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Benjamin, Walter. 1969. Illuminations. Harry Zohn, trans. Hannah Arendt, ed.
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Berman, Marshall. 1982. All That Is Solid Melts into Air. New York: Penguin
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Caldeira, Teresa Pires do Rio. n.d.a. City of Walls: Crime, Segregation and
Citizenship in Sdo Paulo. Berkeley: University of California Press (forth
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______ n.d.b. Building up walls: The new pattern of spatial segregation in Sao
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______ 1984. A Politico dos Outros. Sao Paulo: Brasiliense.
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deCerteau, Michel. 1984. The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley: University
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Clark, T. J. 1984. The Painting of Modem Life: Paris in the Art of Manet and
His Followers. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Davis, Mike. 1990. City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles. Lon
don: Verso.
______ 1991. The infinite game: redeveloping downtown L. A. In Diane
Ghirardo, ed., Out of Site: Social Criticism of Architecture. Seattle: Bay Press,
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______ 1993. Who Killed Los Angeles? Part Two: The verdict is given. New
Left Review 199: 29-54.
Eisenstein, Zillah R. 1988. The Female Body and the Law. Berkeley: University
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Harvey, David. 1985. Consciousness and the Urban Experience: Studies in His
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Hirschman, Albert O. 1991. The Rhetoric of Reaction: Perversity, Futility, Jeo
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Holston, James. 1989. The Modernist City: An Anthropological Critique of Brasi
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328
Public Culture
rban terrori
riots, religii
racist and xe
new, or renewed s
At the same time, t
witness to a gap b
their representatioi
has no necessary lx
would be secondar
constant correspon
Collective Violence
1. Hugues Lagrang
Sociologie 15 (1984): e
1988)," in Nonna Maye
37-62. Renaud Dulong
1992).