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To cite this article: Paula C. Rodrguez Rust PhD (2002) Bisexuality: The State of the
Union, Annual Review of Sex Research, 13:1, 180-240
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10532528.2002.10559805
expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at
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Hamilton College
In many contemporary Occidental societies, bisexuality is paradoxical. Commonly conceived as a combination of heterosexuality and homosexuality,
bisexuality as such became conceivable only after the popularization of the
heterohomosexual dichotomy during the late 19th and 20th centuries. Paradoxically, however, the concepts of hetero- and homosexuality, reflecting the
cultural belief that a n individual's feelings of sexual attraction are naturally
directed toward the other sex or, alternatively, toward the same sex, simultaneously renders bisexuality-as a n attraction to both genders-inconceivable. In this article, I review t h e historical and cultural processes t h a t
produced the paradoxical conceivability of bisexuality. I then discuss the cultural attitudes toward bisexuality that result from this paradox and show
how scientific research on bisexuality has been guided by popular conceptions of, and attitudes toward, bisexuality. Finally, I review efforts to reconceptualize bisexuality for both political a n d scientific purposes, a n d
summarize recent research on bisexuality using these reconceptualizations.
This summary includes research on the prevalence of bisexuality, prejudice
against bisexuals, patterns of bisexual behavior, and the meaning of bisexual
self-identity.
In many contemporary Western societies, particularly those influenced during the 19th and 20th centuries by European concepts of
gender and sexuality, bisexuality is commonly defined as a combination of sexual attractions to o r sexual contacts with both men and
women. Like any cultural concept, this concept of bisexuality is poss i b l e a t t h i s m o m e n t i n t i m e b e c a u s e of h i s t o r i c a l c u l t u r a l
processes. In particular, the late 19th century development of the
concepts of homosexuality and heterosexuality as forms of sexuality
characterized by sexual impulses directed toward members of either
one's own gender or the opposite gender made it possible to conceptualize the combination of both such impulses (i.e., bi-sexuality).
Paradoxically, however, the same historical developments-the conceptualization of heterosexuality and homosexuality as distinct
forms of sexuality, predicated upon concepts of men and women as
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'A number of authors have recounted various aspects of the history of the concepts of
the homosexual and heterosexual persons and the broader history of marriage, the family,
and sexuality, including, in addition to those cited in the text, Adam (1979, 19871, Altman
(19821, Boswell (1980, 1982, 19901, Bray (19821, Bullough (1976, 1979, 19901, Chauncey
(1982-19831,Coleman (1998), De Cecco (19811, Foucault (19791, Freedman (20011, Haeberle
and Gindorf (19981, Halperin (19931, Herdt (19881, Katz (1976, 1983, 1990, 1995, 19971,
McIntosh (19681, Miller (19951, Murray (19841, Padgug (19791, Paul (1983-1984), Plummer
(1975,1981~1,1981b1, Richardson (19841, Rupp (20011, Somerville (1996), Trumbach (19771,
and Weeks (1977, 1981a, 1981b, 1982, 1985, 1986). For criticisms or alternative versions of
this historical process, see Boswell(19901, Coleman (1998), and Trumbach (1977).
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These historical changes have placed bisexuality in its current paradoxical position. Bisexuality-as a sexual attraction to both genderscould not be conceived until purely procreative understandings of
sexuality were replaced, not only by recognition of the role of sexual
attraction and desire in sexuality but also by the construction of that
desire in terms of attractions to gendered individuals k e . , in terms of a
distinction between same-gender and other-gender desires). Had sexual
desire not come to be seen in terms of attractions to men or to women,
the idea that one could be attracted to both genders would be unnecessary and nonsensical; one cannot combine that which has never been
separate-and one would not need to. Paradoxically, however, the same
19th-century conceptualizations of men and women as complementary
to each other and of gender as fundamentally important also produced
the belief that sexual attraction must be directed toward either men or
women as men or women. Today, we still refer to men and women as
opposite genders, and we find ourselves socially compelled to classify
people into one of the two genders; in English, the only nongendered
singular pronoun we have is the dehumanizing it. But if people must be
gendered and the genders are opposites, then attractions toward women
and men must be opposite attractions. If one is attracted to a woman,
how can one simultaneously be attracted to a man who is everything a
woman is not and nothing that she is? Thus, bisexuality is, at this point
in history, uniquely conceivable as bi-sexuality, and it is also uniquely
inconceivable as bi-sexuality.
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P. RUST
cent Intimacy (Klein, 1978) and Loving Them Both: A Study of Bisexuality (MacInnes, 1973).
During the same decade, lesbian feminists, reacting to the heterosexism of the 1960s leftist movements and the male chauvinism of the
early gay liberation movement, proclaimed lesbianism the expression
of feminism (e.g., Brown, 197211975, 1976; Myron & Bunch,
1972/1975; Radicalesbians, 1970; also Jeffreys, 1999).2 In this view,
having intimate sexual relationships with men-especially those sanctioned by state-approved marriage in which womens legal rights did
not equal mens-amounted to participating in and thereby supporting
the oppressive patriarchal structure. Heterosexuality could be excused
as false consciousness, but bisexuality was either feminist treason, a
cop-out used by lesbians who were afraid to shoulder their share of
lesbian oppression, or a hedonistic lifestyle for those who wanted to
get the best of both worlds; that is, the pleasure of sex with women
plus social approval for and economic benefits from their relationships
with men (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1977; Ponse, 1978; Rust, 1992,
1995b; Stein, 1999; Warren, 1974; Wolf, 1979). Both the heterosexual
construction of bisexuality as chic and the lesbian feminist construction of bisexuality as a political cop-out characterized bisexuality as
an irresponsible, unenduring, inauthentic form of sexuality. Heterosexuals expected bisexual experimenters to grow up and live heterosexual lives, and lesbians hoped that bisexual women would start
taking their politics seriously, stop sleeping with the enemy, and commit themselves to the lesbian struggle.
When the discovery of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)
and its method of transmission transformed Gay-Related Immune
Deficiency (GRID) to Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS)
in the early to mid-l980s, the three recognized risk groups were
called the three Hs: Homosexuals, Hemophiliacs, and Haitians.
Popular jokes reflected cultural discomfort with homosexuality, Q:
Whats the hardest part of telling your parents you have AIDS? A:
Convincing them you are Haitian. A t first, heterosexuals felt safe
knowing that AIDS affected them (gays) not us, but this feeling of
safety evaporated as reports of women who had contracted HIV from
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189
3 F ~examples
r
of research on same-sex behavior among male prisoners, see Bowker
(1980), Carroll (1977), Davis (1968, 1970), Feldman (1984), Johnson (19711, Kirkham
(1971), Lockwood (19801, Nacci (1978), Nacci and Kane (19841, Scacco (19751, Schofield
(1965), Tewksbury (1989a, 1989b), and Wooden and Parker (1982). For research on samesex behavior among women in prison, see Burkhart (1973/1996), Freedman (19961, Giallombardo (1966), Propper (1978, 1981), and Ward and Kassebaum (1964, 1965).
For reviews of the literature on same-sex male prostitution see Coleman (19891, Pleak
and Meyer-Bahlburg (1990), and Rust (2000b); for examples of scholarly treatment of
same-sex prostitution, including characterization as situational homosexuality versus
bisexuality, see Allen (1980), Boles and Elifson (19941, Boyer (19891, Calhoun (19921,
Earls and David (19891, Hoffman (1972), Janus, Scanlon, and Price (19841, Morse, Simon,
Osofsky, Balson, and Gaumer (1991), Simon, Morse, Osofsky and Balson (19941, Visano
(19901, Weisberg (19851, and Yates, MacKenzie, Pennbridge, and Swofford (19911.
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whose The Homosexual Role (1968) was ahead of its time in many
ways, suggested that the situational homosexuality studied by her
contemporaries should be understood as bisexuality. Coons (1972)
and Blumstein and Schwartz (1977) argued that ambisexuality, a
terminologic preference these three authors shared, should not be
reduced t o heterosexuality and/or homosexuality. Director of the psychiatric division of a student health center, Coons hoped t o encourage
a professional acceptance of unique sexual adaptations that would
increase the quality and depth . . . of human relationships with both
sexes (p. 144).This view was ahead of its time in terms of acknowledging bisexuality as irreducible t o heterosexuality and homosexuality, but it was in keeping with the sexual liberatory bisexual chic
approach t o sexual expression characteristic of the 1970s. Blumstein
and Schwartz, along with Klein, are pioneers in the study of bisexuality. Blumstein and Schwartz argued that bisexuality should be studied i n its own right, conducted research specifically focused o n
bisexuals, and included recognition of bisexuality in their work on
other topics (e.g., 1976a, 1976b). Klein developed the Klein Sexual
Orientation Grid (KSOG) and characterized bisexuality as a concept
of one hundred percent intimacy, which he described as the ability to
be intimate with others without restrictions such a s gender. He
argued that the existence of bisexuality threatens dichotomous constructions of sexuality and that it is denied because a threat is best
dealt with if it is dismissable (1978, p. 9). Later, Klein became the
founding Editor of the Journal of Bisexuality.
In the 1 9 8 0 ~social
~
scientific research on bisexuality paralleled
popular fears of bisexuals as the gateway through which HIV would
pass to the heterosexual population. A search of any social scientific
database using the keyword bisexual reveals explosive growth in the
number of articles published during the 198Os, most involving HIVrelated research questions. Although Reisss (1961) (The Social Integration of Queers and Peers and Humphreys Tearoom D-ade (1970)
had already uncovered the worlds of male juvenile delinquent prostitutes with male clients and of married men whose unsuspecting families do not know they visit public rest rooms for sex with men, these
phenomena received renewed scientific attention in the 1980s (Rust,
2000b). Suddenly, bisexuality was not just a threat to a dichotomous
understanding of sexuality t h a t could be handled via denial; it
became a t h r e a t t o public h e a l t h t h a t could be addressed only
through recognition. Many researchers adopted the public perception
of bisexuals as a bridge for the transmission of HIV to the heterosexual population. For example, Morse, Simon, Balson, and Osofsky
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1995; Rotheram-Borus, Marelich, & Srinivasan, 1999; RotheramBorus, Rosario, et al., 1994; Schilder et al., 1999).4
Also in the 1980s, undoubtedly encouraged both by the growth of gay
liberation and fear of AIDS, married men and others who had concealed
their attractions for their own gender began t o acknowledge these
attractions. Some sought counseling, sparking a flurry of articles written by clinicians. For example, Coleman (1985a, 1985b, 1989) and Wolf
(1985) discussed the issues that arise in marriages in which one partner
is bisexual, lesbian, or gay. The situational homosexuals of the 1970s
were replaced by heterosexually married gay and bisexual men and
lesbians as research subjects. The intelligibility of the oxymoronic
phrase heterosexually married gay m a n reflects the convoluted process
of social construction that produced contemporary concepts of sexuality,
a process that continued with the coining of mixed orientation marriage to denote a marriage between individuals of differing sexual orientations (e.g., Collins & Zimmerman, 1983; Matteson, 1985). Between
1978 and 1991, at least 10 books were published on mixed orientation
marriages and approximately 20 journal articles discussed psychosocial
issues arising in marriages involving a gay, lesbian, or bisexual partner
4The situation regarding HIV infection among Women who have Sex with Women
(WSW) is very different. Although in the public eye of the 1980s, lesbians were as tainted
by the spectre of HIV as gay men, among researchers, the apparently low to nonexistent
rate of female-female infection led to a lack of research into HIV among lesbians and a
feeling of safety among lesbians themselves (Cole & Cooper, 1990-1991; Richardson, 2000;
Rust, 2000b). A popular joke in the 1980s, if HIV is Gods curse on gay men, then lesbians must be the chosen people, illustrates lesbians sense of invulnerability. More
recently, there is growing evidence that seropositivity rates are higher among WSWs than
among women who have had only heterosexual contact (e.g., Bevier, Chiasson, Heffernan,
& Castro, 1995; Friedman, Jose, & Deren, 1995; International Medical News Group, 2001;
Lemp et al., 1995; Norman et al., 1996; Stevens, 1994; Young, Weissman, & Cohen, 1992).
Evidence suggests that WSW are a t increased risk of HIV infection not because of their
involvements with other women but because they have a greater number of other risk factors, such as more male sex partners than women who have had only male sex partners,
greater likelihood of having exchanged sex for drugs o r money, having used injection
drugs themselves, and having had sex with injection drug users and bisexual men (Bevier
et al., 1995; Gonzales et al., 1999; Young, Friedman, Case, Asencio, & Clatts, 2000). The
association between having had sex with women and having these HIV risk factors does
not imply a causal relationship; more likely, a n underlying correlate such as a willingness
to engage in socially proscribed behaviors explains the pattern. Consistent with this
explanation, Stokes e t al. (1993) reported that unconventional heterosexual behavior,
such as oral sex, might also be more common among bisexuals. Bevier et al. (1995) found
via regression analysis that the increased HIV risk of WSW was entirely explained by factors other than sex with women; after controls, the partial correlation with having had
female sex partners was negative, supporting the view that HIV transmission between
women is exceedingly rare and that having sex with women is not itself causally related
to increased risk of HIV infection.
193
(Rust, 2000b; see also Coleman, 1989; Hays & Samuels, 1989; Ross,
1989, for reviews), compared to a handful either before (e.g., Allen,
1961; Bieber, 1969; Imielinski, 1969; Rifkin, 1968; Ross, 1971, 1972) or
since (e.g., Buxton, 2001; Joseph, 1997; Klein & Schwartz, 2001; Malcolm, 2000; Matteson, 1999; Peterson, 2001). Approximately half of the
articles published during this 1980s peak of interest in mixed orientation marriages appeared in a single 1985 issue of the Journal of Homosexuality (Rust, 2000b; see also Chung & Katayama, 1996). The fact
that the theme of this issue was not mixed orientation marriages, but
the broader topic of research and theory on bisexuality highlights the
central role played by research on mixed orientation marriages in the
social scientific study of bisexuality during this period.
As in HIV epidemiological literature, the trend toward increasing
recognition of bisexuality over the course of the decade can be seen in the
literature on mixed orientation marriages, male-male prostitution, and
prison sexuality-patterns of sexual behavior that had been cast as situational homo~exuality~
in the 1960s and 1970s. In many 1980s publications on mixed marriages, subjects are referred to collectively as gays
and bisexuals and the terms homosexuality and bisexuality are used
interchangeably. However, in 1987 Wolf reported an increase in men coming to his clinical practice seeking support for issues specifically related to
bisexuality. They sought contact with other bisexuals, support for their
bisexuality in the face of prejudice from both heterosexuals and
lesbiandgay men, and counseling for their anxiety over the possibility of
HIV infection. The same trend can be seen in comparisons of earlier to
later studies; for example, McConaghys (1978) subjects had all sought
therapy to reduce their homosexual feelings in an effort to save their
marriages, whereas 92% of Brownfains (1985) subjects, although hesitantly, identified themselves as bisexual or gay and generally felt positively about their bisexuaVgay selves; many had experienced conflict over
whether and how to tell their wives. Some researchers distinguished
bisexual spouses from gay and lesbian spouses and explored the different
issues and outcomes facing marriages depending on the orientation of the
nonheterosexual spouse. For example, Brownfain (1985; cf. Matteson,
1985) found that marriages in which the husband identified himself as
bisexual were more likely to remain intact than marriages in which the
husband identified as gay, and Myers (1991) focused specifically on the
issues facing the bisexual husband who becomes infected with HIV. The
trend toward a greater tendency to refer to married men and women with
same-sex interests as bisexuals continued during the 1990s and early
2000s (e.g., Buxton, 2001; Klein & Schwartz, 2001; Matteson, 1999).
With regard to the study of male-male prostitution, in contrast to ear-
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lier studies of juvenile delinquent prostitutes and hustlers who aggressively defended their heterosexual identities (e.g., Hoffman, 1972; Reiss,
1961; Ross, 1959), Pleak and Meyer-Bahlburg noted that during the
1970s and 1980s investigators of male prostitutes have found increasing
proportions of male prostitutes to be bisexual and homosexual (1990, p.
577; e.g., Furnald, 1978; Lauderback & Waldorf, 1989; Weisberg, 1985).
Boyer (1989) characterized earlier research as the product of a mutual
denial of homosexuality by researchers and their subjects, and Pleak
and Meyer-Bahlburg attributed the change to increasing willingness of
prostitutes to identify as bisexual or gay, greater accuracy in researchers
assessments, and changes in sampling methods (cf. Earls & David,
1989). The same trend toward increasing recognition of bisexuality can
also be seen in the literature on prison sexuality. For example, Alarid
(2000) distinguished bisexual from gay inmates and described differences in their sexual experiences while in prison, and Lichtenstein
(2000) discussed prison sexuality as a factor contributing to unprotected
bisexual activity among Black men in Alabama.
By 1998, the number of articles published annually and contained
in academic social scientific and psychological databases with the keyword bisexual grew t o over 200. The types of topics represented
among articles published in the 1990s and early 2000s also broadened
to include, for example, studies of body image, health behaviors, social
support networks, and the effects of hate crimes (e.g., Allen, Glicken,
Beach, & Naylor, 1998; Cochran, Mays, & Bowen, 2001; Grossman,
DAugelli, & Hershberger, 2000; Gruskin, Hart, & Gordon, 2001;
Herek, Gillis, & Cogan, 1999; Ludwig & Brownell, 1999; Myers, Taub,
& Morris, 1999; Rankow & Tessaro, 1998). It is still the case, however,
that few of the articles discoverable in a search for the term bisexual
report findings specifically pertaining to bisexuals. In most articles
based on empirical research, the authors simply acknowledged that
bisexuals were included in their samples of lesbians and/or gay men
(e.g., Holtzen, 1994; Kruks, 1991; Laner, 1977; Ludwig & Brownell,
1999) by adding and bisexual to their sample descriptions and keyword lists. Some researchers distinguished bisexual subjects from
other nonheterosexuals to see whether their findings differed for
bisexuals. Such analyses are often preliminary or otherwise limited
because of small numbers of self-identified bisexuals in samples
drawn primarily for research on lesbians and gay men, or via lesbiadgay community venues (e.g., Diamant, Wold, Spritzer, & Gelberg,
2000; Herek et al., 1999; Hollander, 2000; Koh & Diamant, 2000;
Moore & Waterman, 1999; Morrow & Allsworth, 2000; Rothblum &
Factor, 2001; Turell, 2000; Valanis et al., 2000).
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199
ity; Ross and Pauls model recognizes that some bi-sexuals are not
hybrid homoheterosexuals who are attracted to men and women, but
sexualswho are attracted to people.
Another approach taken by some theorists attempting t o provide a
basis for more accurate research on bisexuality has been to develop
typologies of bisexuality. Some authors classify bisexuals on the basis of
their patterns of sexual contact with women and men. For example
Klein (1978, 1993) distinguished transitional, historical, and sequential
types of bisexuality. Transitional bisexuality occurs when an individual
uses bisexuality-defined in terms of any or all of the seven dimensions
of the KSOG-as a bridge to change their sexual orientation from one
end of the continuum to the other (1993, p. 20). Historical bisexuality
describes individuals whose sexual histories include experiences or fantasies contrary to their current, predominantly hetero- or homosexual
lifestyle. Klein defined sequential bisexuality in terms of consecutive
relationships with male and with female partners over time such that
at any given moment the bisexual is involved with only one gender.
However, Williams (1999) prefers the term serial bisexuality for this
type, reserving the term sequential bisexuality for homosexual behavior
occurring during puberty as a rite of passage to adulthood in some cultures. These types are further distinguished from concurrent bisexuality, in which an individual maintains relationships with both men and
women at the same time, as well as from experimental and situational
homo-, hetero-, or bisexuality (Fox, 1996; Klein, 1993; Williams, 1999).
Other authors focus on the context of bisexual behavior. For example,
Boulton (1991; see also Gagnon, 1989; Ross, 1991) distinguished bisexuality proper from adolescent bisexuality, married homosexual men,
prostitution, and situational homosexuality.
Taywaditep and Stokes (1998) used cluster analysis to identify eight
types (labelled A through H) of behaviorally bisexual men, using a sample ( N = 535) recruited from various community venues, including
newspaper ads, bars, street fairs, and referrals. The eight types were
distinguished by different combinations of self-identity, sexual fantasy
content, and history of sexual involvement with male and female sex
partners. For example, two types were characterized by gay identity
and predominantly homosexual fantasies; type A men were further
characterized by a high likelihood of involvement in a current relationship with a man and fewer male partners (on average 21.18 lifetime
and 2.84 in 6 months) than type B men (90.00 lifetime and 18.96 in 6
months). Types C and D were characterized by straight identity, and the
remaining four types were characterized by bisexual identity. Of these,
type E men preferred women and reported the highest numbers of
P. RUST
200
Research Findings
Although excluding bisexuals from research on lesbians and gay men
and lumping bisexuals together with lesbians and gay men are still
common practices (Chung & Katayama, 1996; Doll, Myers, Kennedy, &
Allman, 1997; Sell & Petrulio, 1996), increasingly researchers are distinguishing bisexual subjects and presenting findings specific to bisexuality. To date, areas that have been sufficiently investigated to warrant
review include the prevalence of bisexuality, prejudice and discrimination against bisexuals, sexual behavior patterns and relationship ideals,
and the development and meaning of bisexual identity.
201
Wyk and Geist (1984; see also Gagnon & Simon, 1973) reported that
1.8% of women and 4.7% of men in the Kinsey samples scored 4.01-6.00
on the Kinsey overt sociosexual experience scale, whereas 4.1% of
women and 9.6% of men scored K = 0.005-4.000, indicating that bisexual experience is more common than predominantly homosexual experience. If those with predominantly same-sex erotic response (i.e., scores
4.01-5.995) were grouped with bisexuals instead of with exclusive homosexuals, the greater prevalence of bisexuality in comparison to homosexuality would be even more striking.
The Kinsey reports are most famous among laypersons as the source
of the oft-cited statistic 10% of the population is gay. There is, in fact,
a 10% statistic reported in Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, referring to the percentage of men who are more or less exclusively homosexual (i.e., rate 5 or 6) for at least three years between the ages of 16
and 55 (Kinsey et al., 1948, p. 651). However, Voeller (1990) reported
that he calculated the statistic based on published data from both the
H u m a n Male and the H u m a n Female volumes for the purpose of
demonstrating the potential political clout of the gay and lesbian population (see also Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994, p. 289,
Footnote 7). In keeping with Voellers objectives, the 10% statistic is
often understood by laypeople to refer to individuals who are self-identified as gay or lesbian and form a politically aware interest group. This
interpretation is inaccurate for two reasons: First, Kinsey and his colleagues assessed sexual behavior and erotic response, not sexual selfidentity or political self-consciousness, and, second, regardless of which
story about its origin one prefers, the statistic includes individuals with
both other-sex and same-sex experiences and erotic responses (i.e.,
bisexuals) as well as exclusive homosexuals.
Other nonrepresentative studies offering estimates of the prevalence
of bisexuality include a study commissioned by Playboy (Hunt, 1974), a
study conducted by Playboy (Cook, 19831, and the popularly acclaimed
Janus and Janus (1993) study. The sample for the first Playboy study
was drawn by Research Guild, Inc., an independent research organization. Respondents were randomly selected using probability sampling in
24 of the United States, but the study cannot be considered representative because only one in five individuals selected agreed to participate.
Hunt found that, after the onset of adolescence, 17-18% of men in this
study had had homosexual experiences, and he drew on other sources to
assert that 2-3% of men are exclusively homosexual. This leads to the
conclusion that 14-16% of men have postpubertal bisexual experiences.
A figure of 10-12% for single women can be similarly derived from
Hunts study which, like the estimate for men, far exceeds the 2-3%
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estimated for exclusive homosexuality (Rust, 2000b). The second Playboy study used a sample drawn from the magazines readership; the
sample contains three times as many bisexual men and women as it
does gay men or lesbians. However, the authors did not describe the
means by which they classified respondents as bisexual, gay, or lesbian,
and it is likely that the readership of Playboy is biased away from individuals with stronger or exclusive same-sex interests, thus inflating the
prevalence of bisexuality in comparison to exclusive homosexuality.
The Janus and Janus (1993) study caused political turmoil in the lesbian and gay community because it was the first well-publicized evidence that the politically useful Kinsey 10%statistic is an overestimate.
They reported that 3% of women and 5% of men identified themselves
as bisexual and that 2% and 4% identified as lesbianlgayhomosexual.
With regard to sexual behavior, although 17% of women and 22% of
men had had same-sex experiences, only 5% of women and 9% of men
said they had frequent or ongoing same-sex experiences. These findings
were not crosstabulated with respondents other-sex experiences, so
estimates of bisexual behavior are unavailable.
Recent national probability studies, providing more reliable estimates of the sexual feelings and behaviors of the United States population, include the General Social Survey (GSS) and the National Health
and Social Life Survey (NHSLS; Laumann et al., 1994). The GSS, an
annual survey conducted by the National Opinion Research Center,
began including questions about sexual behavior in 1988. GSS data
have been analyzed and compared to findings from other surveys by
several authors (Binson et al., 1995; Fay, Turner, Klassen, & Gagnon,
1989; Rogers & Turner, 1991; Rust, 2000b; Smith, 1991). The NHSLS,
undertaken in 1992 after political obstacles to funding were circumvented, used multistage area probability sampling and focused primarily on research questions related to sexuality (Laumann et al., 1994).
Findings from these studies show that estimates of the prevalence of
bisexuality depend not only on which dimension of sexuality is assessed
but also on the period of time taken into consideration and the cutpoints used to distinguish homosexuality from bisexuality. Depending,
therefore, on the dimension, time period, and cut-points chosen, bisexuality can be said to be either more or less prevalent than homosexuality.
When lifetime sexual behavior is taken into account, bisexuality is more
common than exclusive homosexuality, but shorter time periods yield
lower estimates of bisexual behavior. For example, in the NHSLS, 3.3%
of women and 5.8% of men had had both male and female sex partners
since puberty, compared to 0.2% of women and 0.6% of men who had
had only same-sex partners. However, within the past year, 0.3% of
203
women and 0.7% of men had had both male and female partners,
whereas 1%of women and 2% of men had had only same-sex partners
(Laumann et al., 1994). Using GSS data, Rogers and Turner (1991)
reported that, since age 18, 91.2% of men had had only female partners,
4.5% had had male and female partners, 0.7% had had only male partners, and 3.7% had not had any sex partners. With regard to feelings of
sexual attraction, bisexuality is again more common than exclusive
homosexuality; in the NHSLS 4.1% of women and 3.9% of men indicated on a 5-point scale that they were sexually attracted t o both
women and men, whereas only 0.3% of women and 2.4% of men rated
themselves exclusively attracted to members of their own sex. Bisexual
identity, however, is less common than lesbian or gay identity; 0.5% of
women and 0.8% of men reported bisexual self-identities, compared to
0.9% of women and 2% of men who reported lesbian, gay, or homosexual
identities (Laumann et al., 1994). These rates of bisexual self-identification are lower than rates of bisexual attraction by a factor of five among
men and a factor of eight among women (Rust, 2000b).
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sured by the ARBS. However, Mohr, Israel, and Sedlacek (2001) found
that, even after controlling for attitudes toward lesbians and gay men,
the clinical judgments of 97 students in graduate counselor training
programs regarding a fictitious bisexual client were related to their attitudes toward bisexuality, thus demonstrating the existence of attitudes
toward bisexuals that are unique to bisexuality and not explainable or
reducible to attitudes toward lesbians and gay men.
To describe prejudice and discrimination specific to bisexuals, bisexual activists have coined the terms biphobia and monosexism, which are
analogous to the terms homophobia and heterosexism. Biphobia is used
by lay people to describe any form of prejudice against bisexuals,
although clinicians would interpret the term more specifically as fear
of bisexuals. Monosexism refers to any social structure, belief, o r
behavior that reflects or reinforces the dichotomous construction of heterosexuality and homosexuality (i.e., monosexualities) as the only legitimate forms of sexuality.
Political activist Robyn Ochs, who writes extensively about biphobia
and publishes in both academic and political activist venues, considers
bisexual invisibility a primary concern. Ochs argued that bisexual invisibility results from the popular disbelief in bisexuality as a legitimate
identity which discourages the perception of bisexuality (1996; also
Eliason, 2001; Randen, 2001; Steinman, 2001; Yoshino, 2000). For
example, most observers seeing a romantically involved man and
woman would assume that the couple, and the individual partners in it,
are heterosexual. Few observers would entertain the possibility that
one or both of the partners could be bisexual. Thus, a bisexual person in
a relationship with another person is perceived as either heterosexual
or lesbiadgay depending on the gender of herhis partner. S h e is invisible as a bisexual because s h e is not perceived as such. Even if an
observer is aware that the individual claims a bisexual identity, s h e is
still rendered invisible as a bisexual by a one drop rule analogous to
that applied t o racial classifications and by the invalidating beliefs
described earlier in this article.
This invisibility pressures bisexuals to classify themselves into, and
to behave in accordance with, either gay or straight categories; it is difficult to assert and to live in accordance with an identity that is continually denied or misperceived by others (Clausen, 1990; Clinton, 1996;
Kaahumanu, 1991; McLean, 2001). Several researchers, including
Blumstein and Schwartz (1977) and Weinberg et al. (1994), have found
patterns wherein individuals shift between lesbiadgay and heterosexual identities depending on the genders of their current partners, rather
than continually maintaining a bisexual identity in the face of others
205
%ee Footnote 2 regarding lesbian attitudes toward bisexuals. For discussions of gay
ethnicity and the role of essentialist thinking in the undergirding of the lesbian and gay
identity and the lesbian and gay identity-based political movement, see Adam (1979,
1987), Epstein (1987), Faderman (1991), Seidman (1993), a n d Voeller (1990); cf.
Somerville (1996).
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and gay men; the battle over the name of the Northampton, Massachusetts Lesbian and Gay Pride March, the inclusion of the term bisexual
in one (Lesbian, Bisexual, and Gay Studies conference followed by
exclusion in the next, and the cautious inclusion of the desexualized
term Bi in the 1993 National March on Washington for Lesbian, Gay,
and Bi Rights and Liberation are but a few examples that attracted
attention in the lesbian and gay-and bisexual-press (A. Dworkin,
2001; Garber, 1995; Humphrey, 1999; Rust, 1995b).
Some quantitative research has been done on the affective and cognitive components of heterosexuals, lesbians, and gay mens attitudes
toward bisexuals. In a study of 212 male and female undergraduate students at a large university, Istvan (1983) found that, among the 197
who described their sexual fantasies and overt activities as 90% or more
heterosexual, degree of prejudice toward bisexuals depended on how
homosexual the bisexuals were. After completing sexual experience
inventories and self-ratings of their own sexual orientations, Istvans
subjects were asked to examine inventories and self-ratings they were
told had been completed by other subjects and then to rate these subjects using the Interpersonal Judgment Scale (Byrne, 1971) and a Personality Impressions Scale. Istvan reported that heterosexual subjects
disliked bisexuals who were more than 50% homosexual as much as
they disliked exclusive homosexuals, but that bisexuals who were ((less
homosexual were disliked only slightly more than exclusive heterosexuals. A decade later, after the routes of HIV were discovered, Eliason
(1997) administered the Beliefs About Sexual Minorities Scale (Eliason
& Raheim, 1996) to 229 self-identified heterosexual college students
recruited from two undergraduate psychology courses. Subjects were
more likely to rate bisexual men and women (61%, 50%) than gay men
(43%) or lesbians (38%) as somewhat or very unacceptable, although
they were more likely to apply the very unacceptable category to men
(both bisexual and gay) than to women, whether bisexual or lesbian
(26%, 21% vs. 12%, 14%).
Spalding and Peplau (1997) and Eliason (2001) provided statistical
evidence of the content of heterosexuals stereotypes about bisexuals.
Most of these stereotypes pertain to bisexuals sexual behavior. Spalding and Peplau used a sample of 353 self-identified heterosexual undergraduate psychology students who were asked t o read vignettes
describing couples in which the sexual orientations of the partners were
systematically varied, and to rate the individuals on a number of 9point scales. The authors reported that subjects believed that bisexuals
are more likely than lesbians, gay men, or heterosexuals to infect a sex
partner with a sexually transmitted disease. Comparing bisexuals
207
other-sex relationships to heterosexuals other-sex relationships, subjects also believed that bisexuals are more likely t o be dating people
other than their partner and more likely to cheat on their partner; no
such difference was found in perceptions of bisexuals compared to lesbians or gay mens same-sex relationships. In other words, heterosexual subjects believed t h a t bisexuals a r e less monogamous t h a n
heterosexuals but no less monogamous than lesbians or gay men. Bisexuals were not perceived to be more likely to become bored with or leave
a relationship than either heterosexuals or lesbiandgay men.
Eliason (2001) prefers the term bi-negatiuity over biphobia. As part
of the study described above, she presented 23 statements pertaining
to stereotypes about bisexuals t o her sample of 229 heterosexual
undergraduate psychology students. She found higher rates of agreement than disagreement with statements that bisexuals have more
flexible attitudes about sex than heterosexuals (76% vs. 7%), that
bisexual rights are identical t o gay/lesbian rights (55% vs. 8%), and
that bisexuals are more likely to have simultaneous multiple partners
(39% vs. 33%). On the other hand, Eliason found heterosexuals more
likely to reject than to accept stereotypes that bisexuals are likely to
leave a partner for someone of the other sex and that bisexuals are
just going through a phase, and an even split over whether bisexuals
have more sex partners than heterosexuals and whether they spread
AIDS to heterosexuals. Perhaps Eliasons most striking finding, however, was the high percentage of respondents who answered dont
know to each item, particularly t o questions about whether bisexuals
have more sex partners t h a n heterosexuals or gays/lesbians and
whether bisexuals are more likely to leave for a partner of the other
sex (5667%). Eliason interpreted this finding as resulting from the
lack of a clear, shared definition of bisexuality. However, a selfreported lack of knowledge is a likely consequence of bisexual invisibility, that is, a dearth of contact with known bisexuals from whom
one might gain a sense of knowledge about bisexuality, and suggests
that Eliasons collegiate respondents were keeping open minds rather
than accept stereotypes about bisexuality.
In a sample of 527 self-identified lesbians and bisexual women, most
of whom resided in the midwestern United States in the mid-1980s
when they completed self-administered questionnaires including questions about their attitudes toward bisexuality, I found strong agreement
with a number of beliefs about bisexuals among the 346 lesbians. For
example, 79.4% of lesbians believed that bisexual identity is more likely
than lesbian identity to be transitional, that is, a phase in the coming
out process. High percentages of lesbians also believed that bisexuals
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209
discrimination than lesbians and gay men, it might be because bisexuals are less likely to reveal their nonheterosexual orientations. Several
researchers have shown that bisexuals are less likely than lesbians and
gay men to disclose their orientations to physicians (Cochran & Mays,
1988; Smith, Johnson, & Guenther, 19851, relatives, friends, and
coworkers (e.g., Boulton, Hart, & Fitzpatrick, 1992; Doll et al., 1992;
Kalichman, Roffman, Picciano, & Bolan, 1998; see also Morris, Waldo,
& Rothblum, 2001) and sex partners (e.g., Earl, 1990).
Sexual Behavior Patterns and Relationship Ideals: Four Bisexual Ws of
Who, What, When, and Why
Many of the stereotypes that both heterosexuals and lesbiandgay
men hold about bisexuals pertain to bisexuals sexual behavior, including the stereotypes that bisexuals are nonmonogamous, promiscuous,
and unable to make a long-term commitment to a single romantic partner because they need both male and female partners.
Research findings generally contradict the stereotypes. Evidence
indicates that only a small proportion of self-identified bisexuals are
simultaneously involved with both male and female partners, or have
had both male and female partners in the recent past. For example, in
my mid-1980s study of 527 self-identified lesbians and bisexual women,
I found t h a t only 16.7% of the 45 self-identified bisexual women
reported simultaneous involvement with men and women (Rust, 1992).
Among 105 men recruited through an advertisement targeting bisexuals in a free weekly newspaper, Stokes, McKirnan, and Burzette (1993)
found t h a t only four percent reported simultaneous involvement.
Ekstrand et al. (1994) found that seven percent of 119 self-identified
bisexual men in the San Francisco Mens Health Study had had both
male and female partners during 1989. Among 1,057 women entering
gay bars in 16 cities on 3 consecutive nights, Norman et al. (1996) found
that 6.5% rated themselves as 3 or bisexual on a 5-point scale and
28.9% rated themselves 2-4. Among the latter, 6.9% had had both male
and female partners during a 2-month period (see also Berrios et al.,
1992; McKirnan et al., 1995).
Rates of simultaneous involvement might be influenced by social factors and the aging process. Among a sample of 100 self-identified bisexuals recruited from the San Francisco Bisexual Center and interviewed
in 1983, Weinberg et al. (1994) found that 65.8% of men and 69.7% of
women reported having had both male and female casual sex partners
in the previous 12 months. Among bisexuals surveyed in 1984-1985,
they found that 36.2% of bisexual men and 33.4% of bisexual women
reported simultaneous significant current involvements with both men
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211
the past 6 months (range = 0-25, 0-6), and lifetime means of 23.3 male
and 22.5 female partners (range = 0-300, 0-500). Although the authors
did not report findings for subjects of different ages, the preponderance
of male partners among men is less striking in this study than in studies using samples containing only younger respondents, possibly as a
result of the age-related tendency toward heterosexuality discovered by
Weinberg et al. (2001). Wood, Krueger, Pearlman, and Goldbaum (1993)
studied 5,480 men of unspecified age who had had sex with a man since
1977, surveyed when they sought HIV counseling and testing at the
AIDS Prevention Project of the Seattle-King County Department of
Public Health. The researchers found that, among 451 seronegative
men who had had sex with both a man and a woman in the previous 12
months, sexual self-identity was related to numbers of partners and to
preponderance of male partners. Those who identified as bisexual had
had an average of 7.9 male and 2.6 female partners in the previous 12
months, compared to 9.9 male and 2.3 female partners among those
who self-identified as gay and 2.8 male and 3.8 female partners among
those who self-identified as straight.
When self-identified bisexuals are compared to lesbians, gay men, and
heterosexuals, not surprisingly bisexuals are found to have had more
same-sex partners than heterosexuals, fewer same-sex partners than lesbiandgay men, and more other-sex partners than lesbians and gay men.
However, findings vary regarding whether bisexuals have fewer, or more,
other-sex partners than heterosexuals. In the study mentioned above,
compared to the lifetime median of five male and one female partner
among self-identified bisexual women, Rosario et al. (1996) found medians of three male and four female partners among self-identified lesbians.
Compared to five male and three female partners among self-identified
bisexual men, the researchers found medians of five male and no female
partners among self-identified gay men. Cochran and Mays (1988) found
that Black bisexual women had medians of eight male and seven female
partners in their lifetimes, compared to five male and nine female partners among lesbians. Among 508 men aged 18-30 who had had sex with
men and who were recruited in Boston, Wold et al. (1998) found that
menwho had also had sex with women during the previous 6 months had
means of 24 male and 17 female partners during their lifetimes, compared to lifetime means of 62 male and 3 female partners among men
who had had sex with men only during the previous year.
Weinberg et al. (1994), in addition to their three-phase longitudinal
study of bisexuals recruited through the San Francisco Bisexual Center,
conducted a 1984-1985 questionnaire survey of 96 bisexual women, 116
bisexual men, 105 heterosexual women, 85 heterosexual men, 94 les-
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bians, and 186 gay men recruited through the Institute for Advanced
Study of Human Sexuality, the San Francisco Sex Information Service,
the Bisexual Center, and a lesbian and gay organization. They found
that bisexual men had a median of three male partners in the previous
year and 30 in their lifetimes, compared to six in the past year and 100
in their lifetimes among gay men. Both bisexual and heterosexual men
had lifetime medians of 20 female partners. Among women, bisexuals
had a lifetime median of 30 male partners compared to 25 among heterosexuals (see also Klein, 1978). Note that Weinberg et a1.k (1994) findings
indicate that among women, but not among men, bisexuals have more
other-sex partners than heterosexuals. In contrast, studies suggesting
that self-identified or behaviorally bisexual men have more other-sex
partners than heterosexual men include Carballo-Dieguez and Dolezal
(1994), Goode and Haber (1977), Saghir and Robins (1973), and Stokes et
al. (1993). Some researchers have shown that, when short time periods
such as 6 months are used, or only casual partners are considered, there
is no difference in number of same-sex partners between bisexual and
gay men (Doll et al., 1992; Kippax, Crawford, Rodden, & Benton, 1994;
Stokes, Taywaditep, Vanable, & McKirnan, 1996). Stokes et al. (1993)
found a positive correlation between lifetime numbers of male and
female partners, indicating that some bisexuals are very active with
both men and women, whereas others are not active with either. This
finding suggests that same-sex and other-sex activities-and the homosexual and heterosexual attractions motivating them-are harmonious,
rather than conflicting, forms of sexual expression.
With regard to relationship longevity, Weinberg et al. (1994) found
that one third of bisexual men and women had had relationships lasting
at least 10 years and Stokes et al. (1993) found that the average length
of marriage among bisexual men who had ever been married was almost
8 years. Findings by Blumstein and Schwartz (1983) and by Weinberg et
al. (1994) suggest that social approval and legal recognition have more to
do with relationship longevity than sexual orientation. In their landmark study American Couples, Blumstein and Schwartz (1983) reported
that after 18 months, 4% of married heterosexual couples compared to
17% of heterosexual cohabiting couples, 22% of lesbian couples, and 16%
of gay male couples had ended their relationships. These results suggest
that the sanction provided by marriage, rather than heterosexual orientation, accounts for the relative longevity of other-sex couples. In the
1984-85 phase of their study, Weinberg et al. found that, among both
men and women, bisexuals longest relationships were usually with
other-sex partners, and heterosexuals reported the longest relationships,
followed by bisexuals and then lesbians and gay men.
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findings of Weinberg et al. (1994) and Rust (1996~)suggest a subcultural difference in concepts of a good relationship. Weinberg et al.s
bisexual subjects, recruited for interviews in 1983, idealized nonmonogamous relationship forms, such as dual primary or primary plus secondary relationships, open relationships, serial monogamy, and lifetime
polyfidelity. By 1988, Weinberg et al. found that the threat of AIDS had
shifted these ideals toward a greater desire for monogamy. However,
among self-identified bisexual respondents recruited in 1994-1996 for
the IBICIP, I (Rust, 1996c) also found an idealization of nonmonogamous relationship forms. Among my respondents, self-identified bisexual women and men (29.5% and 15.4%)were less likely than lesbians
and gay men (46.7% and 75.9%) to report that they desired a lifetime
committed monogamous relationship. These findings suggest that lower
rates of monogamy among bisexuals are not due to an inability to be
faithful, but instead to a cultural rejection of sexual monogamy as a cultural ideal in favor of other types of relationship ideals. Late 19th- and
20th-century changes in Western marriage ideals as well as the increasing life expectancies of both women and men have resulted in increasingly demanding expectations for the partners in a marital relationship.
The dramatic increase in the divorce rate in the United States during
the latter half of the 20th century, from an annual rate of less than 10
per 1,000 existing marriages in the 1950s to more than 20 per 1,000
marriages in the 199Os, could be seen as evidence that these expectations are becoming too difficult for many spouses to fulfill (Cherlin,
1992; U.S. National Center for Health Statistics, 1993, 1995, 1997). In
this context, I (Rust, 1996c; see also Halpern, 1999; Vernallis, 1999)
have argued that other types of relationships might, in fact, be more
effective ways of fulfilling the myriad social, emotional, financial, and
reproductive demands placed on sexualhornantic relationships in contemporary society.
215
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mature end stage (L. Diamond, 1998; Rust, 1996a). First, many bisexuals come out twice; once as lesbian or gay in a heterosexual society when
they acknowledge their attractions to the same sex and give up their
socially prescribed heterosexual identity and then again as bisexual in a
lesbian or gay community when they revalidate their attractions to the
other sex and question their lesbian or gay identity (Schwartz & Blumstein, 1998; Rust, 1993a). Second, bisexuals, like lesbians and gay men,
face their own internalized homophobia as well as the heterosexism of
family and friends. However, bisexuals-especially if they came out first
as lesbian or gay, and learned to rely on the lesbiadgay community for
support in the face of the heterosexism of the larger society-also face
rejection from lesbians and gay men and internalized biphobia learned
while participating in the lesbiadgay community (Fox, 1991; Kaahumanu, 1991; McLean, 2001). Third, the contemporary lesbian and gay
community is diverse, highly organized, and visible. Although growing
rapidly, the bisexual community is much smaller and less visible, so in
the face of incomplete acceptance by lesbians and gay men, newly selfidentified bisexuals have a more difficult time finding a supportive community of people like themselves (Fox, 1996; Hutchins, 1996; Klein,
1993; Rust, 2001a; Tucker, 1995; Williams, 1999).
Because of the lack of acceptance of bisexual identity and the lack of
a supportive community, in contrast to the mature, stable, lesbian or
gay identities normalized by stage sequential models of lesbian and gay
coming out, many individuals who come out as bisexual continue t o
switch back and forth between gayAesbian, heterosexual, and bisexual
identities. These individuals sometimes switch identities depending on
the genders of their current sex partners-a practice that is consistent
with the NHSLS finding that the prevalence of bisexual identity resembles the prevalence of bisexual behavior within the past year (Laumann
et al., 1994; see also Nichols, 1985, 1990; Rust, 1992)-or on their levels
of contact with heterosexual or lesbiadgay communities (e.g., Pillard,
1990; Schwartz & Blumstein, 1998; Weinberg et al., 1994). In other
words, bisexual identity once achieved is often not consistently maintained and cannot be appropriately understood as the static end stage of
a developmental process of self-discovery.
Weinberg et al. (1994) developed a stage sequential model of bisexual
self-identity development based not on preexisting models of lesbian
and gay identity development, but on research on bisexuals. Their
model begins with initial confusion, followed by finding and adopting
the bisexual label, and ends not with a stable true identity, but with
continued uncertainty due to the lack of social validation for bisexual
identity. Based on research on biracial individuals, Collins (2000) theo-
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219
220
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22 1
for their bisexual identity. Some of these respondents used the qualified
self-label technical bisexual, as if t o distinguish themselves from
(true) bisexuals in apparent acknowledgement of the general opinion
that bisexuality is defined in terms of capacities for attraction rather
than actual sexual experiences. A few respondents mentioned neither
feelings of sexual attraction nor sexual behavior, but reported that they
had adopted their bisexual identities for political reasons, usually
revolving around a desire to avoid practicing sex or gender discrimination, or to challenge dualistic gender roles or gender categories.
The fact that most self-identified bisexuals feel that bisexual identity
reflects feelings of attraction, and not sexual behavior, is interesting in
light of aforementioned findings that bisexuals sometimes change identities depending on the genders of their partners, and that the prevalence of bisexual identity resembles the prevalence of short-term
bisexual behavior rather than long-term behavior or sexual attraction.
This apparent contradiction might reflect the difficulty of maintaining a
culturally unsupported bisexual identity based on ones feelings of
attraction without some proof-either in ones own eyes or in the eyes of
ones lesbian, gay, and heterosexual beholders-of those feelings in the
form of recent sexual activities. This proof might be less necessary as
bisexuals age; in the third phase of their longitudinal study of bisexuals
in San Francisco, Weinberg et al. (2001) reported that although bisexuals tended toward sexual involvement with only one sex and a decrease
in the salience of bisexual identity as they approached midlife, their
bisexual identities became more stable and certain. The authors suggested that, for individuals who retain bisexual identities despite
decreasing bisexual behavior with age, bisexual identity becomes more
stable because it is increasingly based on the enduring evidence of persistent bisexual feelings.
I (Rust, 2000a) also found that many individuals with either sexual
feelings toward both men and women or histories of sex with both men
and women solve the problem of self-identification by maintaining multiple sexual identities concurrently. In the IBICIP, I assessed sexual
self-identity by asking respondents to circle all that apply from a list
of 24 response options, including unsure, and other options, and
then to indicate which identity term they used most often. Fifty percent of respondents with a gay or lesbian identity simultaneously identified as bisexual, and 52% of respondents with a heterosexual identity
simultaneously identified as bisexual. Women were more likely to maintain multiple identities, and to maintain greater numbers of identities,
than men. On average, women chose 2.7 identity terms compared to 2.4
among men, and 27% of women, compared to 20% of men, chose four or
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more identity terms. Among women, 58% of those who identified as lesbian or gay also identified as bisexual, whereas among men, 35% of
those who identified as gay also identified as bisexual.
In previous research, it has been found that womens sexuality is
more variable over the life course than mens and that women display
greater inconsistency among the various dimensions of sexual orientation than men, particularly a greater tendency to identify themselves in
ways not reflective of their sexual behaviors or feelings of attraction
(e.g., Ellis, Burke, & Ames, 1987; Golden, 1987; Laumann et al., 1994;
Morris & Rothblum, 1999; Schwartz & Blumstein, 1998; Weinberg et
al., 1994). For example, many researchers have found that substantial
proportions-ranging up to 25%-of self-identified lesbians have
recently had sex with men (e.g., Einhorn & Polgar, 1994; Remez, 2000;
Rust, 1992; San Francisco Department of Public Health, 1993). In her
longitudinal study, L. Diamond (2000) found that 24% of women who
identified as lesbian in 1998 engaged in sexual contact with at least one
man during the subsequent 2 years.
Diamond (L. Diamond, 1998), Diamond and Savin-Williams (20001,
Rothblum (2000) and I (Rust, 2000a) suggested that these findings are
artifacts of male bias in the methods used to assess respondents sexual
life histories, sexual behaviors, and self-identities. Diamond and SavinWilliams (2000) and L. Diamond (1998), who found that lesbians were
as unlikely as bisexual women t o fit traditional sequential models of
sexual identity development, pointed out that most research on sexual
identity has been done on gay men, producing models that might be
inapplicable to lesbian women as well as bisexuals of both genders.
Rothblum pointed out that questions about sexual behavior usually
refer to incidents of sex;for example, researchers typically ask respondents to recall the first time they had sex or to count how often they
have sex or how many sex partners they have had. In research on
sexual activity in which at least one partner is male, sex is a single,
definable event; when applied t o sex between women, however, what
constitutes a sex event is unclear (see also Rose, 2000). I noted that
researchers typically assess sexual identity by asking respondents to
choose one identity from a finite and short list of identities. This forces
the respondent with multiple sexual self-identities to select one identity.
Given evidence that women are more likely than men to have multiple
sexual self-identities (Rust, 2000a), this method of assessing sexual
identity probably results in the greater distortion of womens than
mens sexual identities, resulting in greater distortion of the relationship between self-identity and sexual behavior or attractions among
women than among men.
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