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The Federalist Papers

Federalist #57
Publius
Federalist 57 discusses the structure of the House of Representatives and
how this body of the government should not only relate to the people, but
also opportunities to maintain a relationship to the people without ruling over
them. Below are the main points of the essay, in bold, with explanations in
parentheses directly below. Read the specific points and then answer the
questions that follow. Use the notes you take here for our in-class discussion.

A Republic Needs Virtuous Rulers


The aim of every political constitution is, or ought to be, first to obtain
for rulers men who possess most wisdom to discern, and most virtue to
pursue, the common good of the society; and in the next place, to take the
most effectual precautions for keeping them virtuous whilst they hold the
public trust.

(The people who become the rulers ought to be wise, knowledgeable, and
virtuous so they can chose wisely for society. A good constitution provides
the best possible way of choosing these wise, virtuous men and women and
then ensuring that they remain virtuous while in office.)
Look up the word virtue in a dictionary. Do you think virtue is a necessary
component of someone who is a ruler?
Make a list of specific character traits, skills, and knowledge you think the ideal ruler
ought to have. While the perfect ruler is impossible, consider the candidates who

are running for office in the next election and compare them to your list or examine
the traits of your current representative and see how he or she stacks up against
your ideal.

Publius explains four ways the Constitution is designed to


put good people in charge of ruling.
In the first place, as they will have been distinguished by the preference
of their fellow-citizens, we are to presume that in general they will be
somewhat distinguished also by those qualities which entitle them to it
and which promise a sincere and scrupulous regard to the nature of their
engagements.
(Since hopefully the people will choose knowledgeable and trustworthy people to
rule over them, these good people will be less likely to be the type that will abuse
their position.)

In the second place, they will enter into the public


service under circumstances which cannot fail to produce
a temporary affection at least to their constituents.
(Since the people elect them to their positions they must feel gratitude to
these people and wish to return the favor by serving them well.)

Note: Who are your elected officials grateful to once they reach power? Is it to the
constituents who voted for them or is it to powerful business and special interest
lobbies? Their power should come from the people so that their loyalties lie to their
people.

In the third place . . . Whatever hopes or projects might


be entertained by a few aspiring characters, it must
generally happen that a great proportion of the men
deriving their advancement from their influence with the
people, would have more to hope from a preservation of
the favor, than the innovations in the government
subversive of the authority of the people.
(Since their power comes from the people, if they hope to keep that power,
they cannot then do things that will harm the people or take away their
liberty.)

. . . in the fourth place, the House of Representatives is


so constituted as to support in the members an habitual
recollection to their dependence on the people. Before the
sentiments impressed on their minds by the mode of their
elevation can be effaced by the exercise of power, they

will be compelled to anticipate the moment when their


power is to cease . . .
(The House of Representatives is elected every two years. So before the
politician can forget what he owes to his people he will be up for reelection
again. If he wants to maintain power he will have to do what they want and
not what will increase his own power.)

I will add, as a fifth circumstance in the situation of the


House of Representatives, restraining them from
oppressive measures, that they can make no law which
will not have its full operation on themselves and their
friends, as well as on the great mass of society.
(Whatever laws are made the members of the House are just as subject to
them as everyone else and so they are unlikely to make laws that harm the
people.)

The most important element in restraining the government or individual lawmakers


from becoming tyrannical is the people. What qualities and tools do the people have
to have to fulfill this role?

Are the people doing their job of remaining vigilant and protecting their own power
or not?
One of the balances in the Constitution is the assumption that the people will
jealously guard their power from the federal government. In other words, the
federal government and the people will be antagonistic toward one another in terms
of powers. Do you think this is actually how the power struggle in the United States
has played out? What groups in the United States seem to struggle the most for
power?

What Keeps A Privileged Class From Emerging?


If it be asked what is to restrain the House of
Representatives from making legal discriminations in
favor of themselves and a particular class of the society? I
answer: the genius of the whole system; the nature of just
and constitutional laws; and above all, the vigilant, and
manly spirit which actuates the people of America a

spirit which nourishes freedom, and in return is nourished


by it.
(What is to prevent the rulers from exempting themselves from laws that
apply to everyone else? The checks and balances of the Constitution, the
basic principle of republican government that says all citizens are equal, and
most of all the independent spirit of the American people which will not stand
for encroachments on freedom.)

Do you think the American people as a whole still value their freedom and guard it
from encroachments?
Note: Our elected officials are not above us, they simply represent us. We are all
citizens together ruling ourselves. And so we must ensure that everyone is held to
the law. There cannot be privileged classes in a republic or it ceases to be a
republic.

If The People No Longer Care, They Will No Longer Be Free


Speaking of the spirit of freedom, Publius says:

If this spirit shall ever be so debased as to tolerate a law


not obligatory on the legislature, as well as on the people,
the people will be prepared to tolerate anything but
liberty.
(If the people ever tolerate the legislative branch in making laws that do not apply
to everyone, including the legislators themselves, then the people are no longer
capable of governing themselves and they deserve to be ruled over.)

What does it mean to govern yourself and how is self-government related to


freedom?

Does America still want to be free or do Americans want to be ruled? How can you
tell?

One of the requirements of freedom is that you also have to let others be free to
make decisions, even if you think they are making bad decisions. Do you want to be
free to make decisions in your own life and are you willing to let others also be free?
Think of some things you have a really hard time letting other people decide for
themselves. (Freedom to decide does not include actual harm to another persons
property or person; your freedom cannot encroach on another persons.)

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