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Sinica Leidensia
Edited by
VOLUME 91
Performing Nation
Gender Politics in Literature, Theater, and the
Visual Arts of China and Japan, 1880-1940
Edited by
Doris Croissant
Catherine Vance Yeh
Joshua S. Mostow
LEIDEN BOSTON
2008
On the cover: Kainosh Tadaoto, Mei Lan Fang, about 1924, color on silk, 40.8 33.3 cm;
Collection of Kachuan Seiko Museum, Kyoto. Courtesy of Mr. Masayoshi Kainosho.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Performing nation : gender politics in literature, theater, and the visual arts of China and
Japan, 1880-1940 / edited by Doris Croissant, Catherine Vance Yeh, Joshua S. Mostow.
p. cm. (Sinica leidensia ; 91)
Includes index.
ISBN 978-90-04-17019-3 (hardback : alk. paper)
1. Arts, Chinese19th century. 2. Arts, Chinese20th century. 3. Arts, Japanese19th
century. 4. Arts, Japanese20th century. 5. Femininity in art. 6. Masculinity in art.
I. Croissant, Doris. II. Yeh, Catherine Vance. III. Mostow, Joshua S., 1957NX583.A1P47 2008
700.95109034dc22
2008027835
ISSN: 0169-9563
ISBN: 978 90 04 17019 3
Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing,
IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
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provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center,
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Fees are subject to change.
printed in the netherlands
contents
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Color Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
vii
ix
xvii
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
part one
ENGENDERING THE NATION-STATE
1. Equality, Modernity, and Gender in Chinese Nationalism 19
John Fitzgerald
2. Banknote Design as a Battlefield of Gender Politics and
National Representation in Meiji Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
55
Melanie Trede
3. The Culturally Contested Student Body: N Xuesheng
at the Turn of the Twentieth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Joan Judge
part two
WOMAN AS LITERARY METAPHOR
4. Love Martyrs and Love Cheaters at the End of the
Chinese Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Keith McMahon
5. Gender and Formation of the Modern Literary Field
in Japan: Women and the Position of the Novel,
1880s-1930s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Tomi Suzuki
6. Failed Modern Girls in Early-Twentieth-Century China
Tze-lan D. Sang
135
143
179
vi
contents
part three
PERFORMING ARTS AND GENDER ROLE-PLAYING
7. Politics, Art, and Eroticism: The Female Impersonator
as the National Cultural Symbol of Republican China
Catherine Vance Yeh
8. Two Actresses in Three Acts: Gender, Theater, and
Nationalism in Modern Japan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Ayako Kano
205
241
part four
ART, SEXUALITY, AND NATIONAL EROTICS
9. From Madonna to Femme Fatale: Gender Play in
Japanese National Painting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Doris Croissant
10. Nationally Naked? The Female Nude in Japanese Oil
Painting and Posters (1890s-1920s) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Jaqueline Berndt
11. The Allure of a Woman in Chinese Dress:
Representation of the Other in Imperial Japan . . . . . . .
Ikeda Shinobu
12. Utagawa Shunga, Kukis Chic, and the Construction
of a National Erotics in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Joshua S. Mostow
Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
265
307
347
383
425
429
contents
vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Many of the essays in this volume were first presented at the international conference entitled New Gender Constructs in Literature, the
Visual and the Performing Arts of Modern China and Japan, held 27-30
October 2004 in Heidelberg, Germany. This collection of multidisciplinary studies presents a rare attempt to correlate the conjunctions
of nation building, gender, and representation in late nineteenth- and
early twentieth-century China and Japan. Focusing on gender formation, the essays explore the changing constructs of masculinities and
femininities in China and Japan from the Early Modern up to the
1930s. Most focus on the dynamism that links the remodeling of
traditional arts and media to the political and cultural power relations between China, Japan, and the Western world.
The original conference was sponsored by the Internationales Wissenschaftsforum der Universitt Heidelberg and the Foundation Universitt Heidelberg, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German
Research Foundation), the Japan Foundation, and the Chiang Chingkuo Foundation. We thank these institutions for their generous support. Special thanks are owed to the patient collaboration of the
contributors to this volume, and the commitment and skilled services
of the staff of Brill, particular its executive editor, Patricia Radder.
viii
contents
list of figures
ix
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2.1.
Figure 2.2.
Figure 2.3.
Figure 2.4.
Figure 2.5.
Figure 2.6.
Figure 2.7.
Figure 2.8.
Figure 2.9.
Figure 2.10.
Figure 2.11.
Figure 2.12.
58
59
60
65
70
75
78
79
80
82
84
Figure 2.13.
Figure 2.14.
Figure 2.15.
Figure 2.16.
Figure 2.17.
Figure 3.1.
Figure 3.2.
Figure 3.3.
Figure 7.1.
Figure 7.2.
Figure 7.3.
Figure 7.4.
Figure 7.5.
Figure 7.6.
Figure 7.7.
list of figures
plate of this illustration can be found in the color section on
pp. xvii-xxxii. ...........................................................................
Ten-dollar United States banknote, 8 19 cm, 1864; Bank of
Japan, Currency Museum, Tokyo. ..........................................
500-yen bonds, designed and engraved by Edoardo Chiossone
(1833-1898), 1878, lithograph, 24.5 23 cm; Banknote
and Postage Stamp Museum, Tokyo. A color plate of this
illustration can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii
Bulletin of National History (Kokushi kiy), detail with a depiction of
the victorious Jing receiving tributes from the Korean Kings,
woodblock-printed book, 1885; Waseda University Library,
Tokyo. .....................................................................................
Newly edited History Textbook for Primary Schools (Shinsen shgaku
rekishi), detail with Jing, warships and a map of Korea,
woodblock-printed book, 1887; Waseda University Library,
Tokyo. .....................................................................................
Maruki Riy (1850-1923), Suzuki Shinichi II (1855/
1859-1912), and Edoardo Chiossone (1833-1898), Empress
Shken, photograph, 1889; Meiji Shrine, Tokyo. ...................
Maochong nxuesheng zhi huangkan [The ridiculous
practice of pretending to be female students], THRB 27 (11
September 11 1909). ...............................................................
Shuchang yu xuetang zhi guanxi [The relationship between
schools and brothels], THRB 130 (23 December 23 1909). ....
Datong shijie zhi nann [Males and females in a world of
great unity], THRB 66 (20 October 20 1909). ........................
Photograph. Mei Lanfang performing in Pavilion of the Royal
Monument (Yu bei ting); from Mei Shaowu, ed., Mei Lanfang
([Pictorial album] Mei Lanfang) (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe,
1997). ......................................................................................
Cartoon, Tokyo Puck, 1 September 1910; reprinted by Rykei
Shoten, Tokyo, 1996. ..............................................................
Calligraphy dedicated to Mei Lanfang by Feng Gengguang
(Youwei) on the occasion of the publication of Murata Uks
edited volume Shinageki to Bai Ranh [Chinese theater and Mei
Lanfang] (Tokyo: Genbunsha, 1919). .....................................
Calligraphy dedicated to Mei Lanfang by kura Kihachir
on the occasion of the publication of Murata Uks edited
volume Shinageki to Bai Ranh [Chinese theater and Mei
Lanfang] (Tokyo: Genbunsha, 1919). .....................................
Photograph. Mei Lanfang performing in The Drunken Beauty
Guifei (Guifei zui jiu); from Murata Uk, Shinageki to Bai Ranh
[Chinese theater and Mei Lanfang] (Tokyo: Genbunsha,
1919). ......................................................................................
Photograph. Mei Lanfang performing in Rainbow Pass (Ni
hong guan); from Murata Uk, Shinageki to Bai Ranh [Chinese
theater and Mei Lanfang] (Tokyo: Genbunsha, 1919). ..........
Photograph. Mei Lanfang performing in The Heavenly Maid
Showering Flowers (Tian n san hua); from Murata Uk, Shinageki
to Bai Ranh [Chinese theater and Mei Lanfang] (Tokyo:
Genbunsha, 1919). ..................................................................
86
88
92
95
96
101
116
119
120
206
221
223
224
225
226
228
list of figures
Figure 7.8.
Figure 7.9.
Figure 7.10.
Figure 8.1.
Figure 8.2.
Figure 8.3.
Figure 8.4.
Figure 8.5.
Figure 8.6.
Figure 8.7.
Figure 8.8.
Figure 8.9.
Figure 9.1.
Figure 9.2.
Figure 9.3.
Figure 9.4.
xi
232
233
238
246
248
251
252
253
256
256
257
258
269
272
278
280
xii
Figure 9.5.
Figure 9.6.
Figure 9.7.
Figure 9.8.
Figure 9.9.
Figure 9.10.
Figure 9.11.
Figure 9.12.
Figure 9.13.
Figure 9.14.
Figure 9.15.
9.16.
Figure 9.17.
Figure 10.1.
Figure 10.2.
Figure 10.3.
Figure 10.4.
Figure 10.5.
Figure 10.6.
list of figures
Kainosh Tadaoto (1894-1977), Yokogushi, 1918, mounted
painting, color on silk, 164.5 71.4 cm; Hiroshima Prefectural
Museum of Modern Art. A color plate of this illustration can
be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii. ........................
Kainosh Tadaoto, Yokogushi, circa 1916 (?), mounted painting,
colors on silk, 195.0 84.0 cm; Kyoto National Museum of
Modern Art. .............................................................................
Toyohara Kunichika (1835-1900), Scarface Otomi, 1864, woodblock print; Waseda University. ................................................
Kobayashi Eitaku (1843-1890), Woman in Danjur Robe, circa
1885, hanging scroll, colors on silk, 106.0 41.5 cm;
Hakutakuan Collection, Seattle. ...........................................
Natori Shunsen (1886-1960), Onoe Baiko as Otomi, 1917,
woodblock print. ...................................................................
Kainosh, performing as an onnagata in front of a painting,
photograph, ca. 1920. ..........................................................
Leonardo da Vinci (1479-1528), Portrait of Mona Lisa, 15031506, oil on wood, 77.0 53 cm; Muses du Louvre,
Paris. .....................................................................................
Kainosh Tadaoto, Woman of Shimabara (Shimabara no onna),
1920, mounted painting, colors on silk, 69.0 43.0 cm;
private collection. .................................................................
Leonardo da Vinci (1479-1528), St. Anne, Madonna, and Child,
1508-1513, oil on canvas, Muses du Louvre, Paris. ..........
Kainosh Tadaoto, Woman with balloon (Chch), 1926 (destroyed). ..................................................................................
Kainosh Tadaoto, Nude (Rafu), mounted painting, 1926,
colors on silk, 132.0 51.5 cm; National Museum of Modern
Art, Kyoto. ..............................................................................
Kainosh Tadaoto, Singing Geisha Girl (Kagi), 1926, detail of
6 panel screen, 178.5 248.8 cm, colors on silk; private
collection. ..............................................................................
Photograph of a male geisha model. ....................................
Kuroda Seiki, Chsh (Morning toilet), 1893 (destroyed in June
1945), 178.5 98 cm. ..............................................................
Fujishima Takeji (1867-1943), Nihon ni okeru geijutsu no mirai, in
Myj, no. 11, February 1901. ..................................................
Kitagawa Utamaro (1753-1806): Bathing Beauty (Nyyoku bijin
zu), 1799; 98.5 48.3 cm. Museum of Art, Atami. .................
Georges Bigot (1860-1927), La femme nue de M. Kuroda,
1895; in Fernand Ganesco, Shocking au Japon: de levolution de
lart dans lempire du soleil levant: Dessins de Georges Bigot (np, 1895),
p. 33. ........................................................................................
Watanabe Seitei (1851-1918), title illustration for Lady Butterfly
(Koch) by Yamada Bimy, wood-cut print, 1889; in Kokumin no
tomo, supplement to No. 37, January 1889. ..............................
Machida Shinjir, Rafu, ca. 1890, two-color lithograph; in
Egakareta Meiji Nippon ten jikk iinkai, ed., Egakareta Meiji
NipponSekihanga (ritogurafu) no jidai, vol. 1, Kbe shiritsu
hakubutsukan and Machida shiritsu kokusai hanga bijutsukan
(2002), p. 169. ..........................................................................
284
285
287
288
291
292
293
295
296
299
300
302
303
309
312
317
319
321
324
list of figures
Figure 10. 7.
Figure 10.8.
Figure 10.9.
Figure 10.10.
Figure 10.11.
Figure 10.12.
Figure 10.13.
Figure 10.14.
Figure 11.1.
Figure 11.2.
Figure 11.3.
Figure 11.4.
Figure 11.5.
Figure 11.6.
Figure 11.7.
Figure 11.8.
Figure 11.9.
Figure 11.10.
xiii
325
328
330
332
335
336
340
343
350
351
352
353
356
357
358
359
361
362
xiv
Figure 11.11.
Figure 11.12.
Figure 11.13.
Figure 11.14.
Figure 11.15.
Figure 11.16.
Figure 11.17.
Figure 11.18.
Figure 11.19.
Figure 11.20.
Figure 11.21.
Figure 11.22.
Figure 11.23.
Figure 12.1.
Figure 12.2.
Figure 12.3.
Figure 12.4.
Figure 12.5.
Figure 12.6.
Figure 12.7.
Figure 12.8.
Figure 12.9.
list of figures
Kobayashi Mango, In Front of a Silver Screen, 1925. ...................
Cover picture of Josei, July 1927. .............................................
Cover picture of Josei, December 1927. ..................................
Cover picture, Shinseinen, July 1928. .........................................
Mizushima Niou, book illustration, A Beautiful, New Chinese
Woman, September 1924. .........................................................
Shu Hokush, book illustration, On Chinese Clothes, 1928. ........
Moga in Chinese Dress as Seen Aboard a Train in China, Fujo-kai,
January 1929. ...........................................................................
Kakiuchi Seiyo, At the Crossing, 1930. A color plate of this
illustration can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
Yasui Star, Portrait of Chin-Jung, 1934. ..................................
Portrait of Mr. Tamamushi. ..........................................................
Miyamoto Sabur, Women in Three Fashion Styles, 1935. A color
plate of this illustration can be found in the color section on
pp. xvii-xxxii. ............................................................................
Okada Saburousuke, Portrait of a Lady, 1936. ...........................
Tsuchida Bakusen, Flat Bed, 1933. A color plate of this illustration can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii. .....
Utagawa Kunisada, Tasogare on the veranda, Inaka Genji Nise
Murasaki, vol. 5a (1840). Reproduced from Shin Nihon koten
bungaku taikei 88 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1995), p. 156. ....
Kuki Shz, The Structure of Iki, from Hiroshi Nara, ed., The
Structure of Detachment, p. 32. ....................................................
Hayashi Yoshikazu and Richard Lane, Kuniyoshi: Hana-goyomi,
Teihon Ukiyo-e Shunga Meisaku Shsei 12 (Tokyo: Kawade
Shob Shinsha, 1996), pp. 44-45. ............................................
Kunisada, The Competitive Type (tate-hiki s) from the series
A Contemporary Thirty-Two Types (Tsei sanjni s), dated 18221823. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden, Philipp Franz
von Siebold Collection. A color plate of this illustration can
be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii. ........................
Yanagawa Shigenobu, Shunshoku Ume-goyomi (1833) Take
Chkichi. Reproduced from Nihon koten bungaku taikei, vol.
64 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1962), p. 43. ................................
Kunisada, Shunshoku Hatsune no Ume, 1842. From Chris Uhlenbeck and Margarita Winkel, Japanese Erotic Fantasies: Sexual
Imagery of the Edo Period (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing, 2005),
p. 194, plate 74b. ......................................................................
Kuniyoshi, Edo Murasaki Yoshiwara Genji, from Yasuda Yoshiaki,
Edo o Yomu 3: Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Futami Shob, 1996), pp. 1213. ............................................................................................
Kunisada, Azuma-buri, from Yasuda Yoshitaka, Makura-e no Onna,
Mitsuz no meisaku ehon 3 (Tokyo: Futami Shob, 1989),
pp. 52-53. .................................................................................
Kuniyoshi, Hana-goyomi, Hayashi and Lane, Kuniyoshi: Hanagoyomi, pp. 28-29. ......................................................................
363
364
365
366
368
369
370
371
375
376
378
379
380
388
391
394395
400
402
404
405
406
407
list of figures
Figure 12.10. Kunisada, Shunj Gidan Mizu-age-ch, O-Haru and Mizukichi.
Edo meisaku enpon (Tokyo: Gakken, 1996). A color plate of
this illustration can be found in the color section on pp. xviixxxii. .........................................................................................
Figure 12.11. Kunisada, Shunj Gidan Mizu-age-ch, Chkichi pouring sake. ..
Figure 12.12. Kunisada, Shunj Gidan Mizu-age-ch, Chkichi and O-Sen. .....
Figure 12.13. Kuniyoshi, Edo Murasaki Yoshiwara Genji, Kabuki dressingroom. From Chris Uhlenbeck and Margarita Winkel, Japanese
Erotic Fantasies: Sexual Imagery of the Edo Period (Amsterdam:
Hotei Publishing, 2005), p. 207, plate 80b. ..............................
Figure 12.14. Kunisada, Hoshi-tsuki Yo-iri no Shirabe, from Yoshizaki Junji,
Edo shunga: seiai makura-e kenky (Tokyo: Kosumikku shuppan,
2004), p. 159. ...........................................................................
Figure 12.15. Kunisada, Shunj Gidan Mizu-age-ch, O-Kimi and Kinosuke
(Tokyo: Gakken, 1996). A color plate of this illustration can
be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii. ........................
xv
408409
410411
413
414
415
420421
xvi
list of figures
introduction
INTRODUCTION
From the middle of the nineteenth century, society and culture in
China and Japan went through dramatic changes. Western culture,
which up till then had stood at best for the exotic and at worst for
the barbarian, became a force to be reckoned with. While the drive
toward modernization is usually attributed to the aim to assimilate
or even to imitate Western standards, the constraints imposed by the
Western model at the same time demanded a redefinition of cultural
identity for both the Japanese and Chinese. One conspicuous issue
was the concepts of gender and sexuality as signifiers of national
identity. The very conceptual categories of masculinity and femininity from the West were new, and even more so their association with
the state and society. As gender and sexuality constitute societys
innermost core of self-identity and hold a defining power over society, any challenge to the status quo in this realm is keenly felt.
Through the process of political and economic reform in both countries, the concept of a gendered nation began to take on meaning.
As the two countries reacted very differently to modernization,
gender assumed a new symbolic importance. The underlying tension
between the two nations was reflected in their shifting gendered identities, with China now representing the feminine, and it seeing itself
as abject. This extraordinary position complicated Sino-Japanese
relations as both nations competed with each other as well as with
the West. Their cultural articulations reacted to these shifts, and, as
a consequence, they are marked by heightened turbulence and selfconsciousness.
What, then, was the dynamics of this process of model selection,
and of the adjustment to the new world order and power structure?
How was modernity understood through gender and sexuality? How
did these issues enter, and become central to, the making of a new
public culture? Did literature and visual culture in twentieth-century
China and Japan adopt modernism as a means of cultural critique,
or as a reverse orientalism that solidified cultural identity?
This volume brings together a group of scholars that, from a variety of perspectives, attempts to address these issues. The use of gen-
introduction
introduction
introduction
3
The impact of psychoanalysis and medicine on measures taken against prostitution and homosexuality has been investigated by Sabine Frhstck, Die Politik der
Sexualwissenschaft. Zur Produktion und Popularisierung sexologischen Wissens in Japan 19081941 (Wien: Beitrge zur Japanologie, Band 34, 1997) and Gregory Pflugfelder, Cartographies of Desire: Male-Male Sexuality in Japanese Discourse, 1600-1950 (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1999). Literary studies were path-breaking in focusing
on the formation of twentieth-century womens literature and concepts of femininity
and masculinity in modern vernacular fiction. See Paul Gordon Schalow and Janet
A. Walker, eds., The Womans Hand: Gender and Theory on Japanese Womens Writing
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996).
Research on canon formation in classical literature is highlighted by a collection
of articles edited by Haruo Shirane and Tomi Suzuki, Inventing the Classics: Modernity,
National Identity and Japanese Literature (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000).
In visual culture, one of the first scholars to question the methodology of mainstream art history in Japan was the late Chino Kaori. Her impact on Western scholarship is documented in a collection of essays on Japanese visual culture, edited by
Joshua S. Mostow, Norman Bryson, Marybeth Graybill, Gender and Power in the Japanese Visual Field (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2003). Jennifer Robertson,
Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1998) and Ayako Kano, Acting like a Woman in Modern Japan: Theater,
Gender and Nationalism (New York: Palgrave, 2001) have demonstrated how the premodern exclusion of female actors from the stage was to condition the reception of
Western performing arts.
4
For examples in Chinese studies, Marilyn B. Young, ed., Women in China (1973);
Margery Wolf and Roxane Witke, ed., Women in Chinese Society (1975); later with
Rubie S. Watson and Patricia B. Ebrey, ed., Marriage and Inequality in China (1994);
Mayfair Mei-hui Yang, ed., Space of Their Own: Womens Public Sphere in Transnational
China (1999).
introduction
women but rather in terms of education and literacy. As the argument went, since women held the power in the house and are the
primary educators of children, they are de facto the guardians of the
new China. As the educators of future China, Chinese women must
be given a chance to become educated and must be allowed to have
some degree of participation in the nations public life. This discussion thus framed the issue of womens rights within national politics
as part of Chinas modernization effort. The discussion on the need
to address Chinas gender inequality, furthermore, coincided with
anti-Manchu Republican Movement, ending in the collapse of the
Qing in 1912. Yet, the first self-sacrifice of a woman was in 1907
not for a feminist but for the Republican cause.5 The discussion of
gender and womens rights was from the beginning part of the concern for achieving the modernization of the state, rather than that
of society or its members. Thus in Japan and even more so in Republican China, social and political liberation presented active feminists
with the options of submission to national interests, or utopian, often
anarchist, subversion of the social order.6
In the past decade, the field has grown rapidly and has become
increasingly interdisciplinary, with collaborations between disciplines
such as history, anthropology, literature, political science, sociology,
and economics. In China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, much has been
done on women from a feminist approach in the framework of power
and domination by men in an oligarchic social structure.7 Especially
in China, womens studies are very much part of a political discussion.8 During the last decade, new approaches based even more on
gender issues have begun to emerge. With this new approach, the
field is changing quite dramatically. While the question asked from
the former feminist perspective was how the structure of power is
5
Barbara N. Ramusack and Sharon Sievers, eds. Women in Asia: Restoring Women
to History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), pp. 157 ff.
6
Sharon L. Sievers, Flowers in Salt: The Beginnings of Feminist Consciousness in Modern
Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983).
7
Major contributions include, for example, Tani Barlow, ed., Gender Politics in
Modern China: Writing and Feminism (Durham and London: Duke University Press,
1993) and Christina K. Gilmartin, Gail Hershatter, and Tyrene White, eds., Engendering China: Women, Culture and the State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
2005).
8
Li Xiaojiang, Xingbie yu Zhongguo [Gender and China] (Beijing: Sanlian shudian,
1994), pp. 2-8.
introduction
reflected in the lives of women and the master text of historical discourse, the new approaches have begun to question the ways that
ideas about femininity and masculinity were reconfigured as well as
re-created in different phases of Chinese history.9
While the essays in this volume deal with various media of cultural
representation, they all analyze the dawn of gender consciousness
and its impact on national and cultural identity-formation in late
nineteenth- and early twentieth-century East Asia. By bringing
together both Chinese and Japanese studies from various disciplines,
this volume hopes to engage in the first critical assessment of the
issues of gendered nation/gendered society within the two countries
as well as of the ways in which their relationship with each other
was articulated during a period of radical internal and external
change between the late nineteenth century and the 1930s. The
volume aims to bring forth a cross-cultural and cross-disciplinary
comparison of the impact the Western notions of masculinity and
femininity had on China and Japan in their effort toward modernization.
Focusing on the female question, the essays address the following issues: How did the media react to the contradictory role of
women in China and Japan? And how did nationalism enter, and
become central, to the gender policy of art and public media? What
were the dynamics of the cultural process of model selection, and of
its gradual adjustment to the new world order and power structures
in Japan and in China? Still more important, how did the arts and
the media feed into the shaping of the subject and the self-identity
of artists and intellectuals in modernizing Asia? Did literature and
visual culture in twentieth-century China and Japan give voice to
the liberation of women, or did they support the agenda of the masculine power holders in the course of national identity building?
While women occupied in China what Rey Chow called the locus
of social change, how did visual and verbal media interfere with
the new social role of women in the modern nation-state? 10 In what
way did the interaction between the West and Japan, the West and
China, and finally between Japan and China, stimulate the emer9
With Wang Zheng and Christina Gilmartins studies reshaping the literature on
this topic.
10
Rey Chow, Woman and Chinese Modernity: The Politics of Reading between West and
East (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), p. 39.
introduction
gence of the new or modern definition of gender? What was the role
that media such as painting, illustration, literature and theater played
in creating a pattern of change that later became the new masternarrative for social conformity? How did the visual and performing
arts relate to literary media in transporting the same messages
through different coding processes? While feminist gender studies
take male domination over women for granted, they disagree on the
effects of gender representation on female identity-building.11 Should
we, with Tani Barlow, assume that nationalism came in tandem with
eugenicist body politics that implanted figures and modes of knowledge into the self-image of the modern woman?12 Or, did print industry and mass media in the Japan of the 1920s and 1930s, as Barbara
Sato argues, foster gender consciousness and female emancipation
in the feminist sense of the word?13 How, finally, was modernity
understood through the prism of gender and sexuality?14
Part One deals with the way female gender roles were reconceptualized and redrafted at the turn of the century in China and Japan.
As John Fitzgerald points out, the modern ethic of equality was
not so much directed against inequality as against the much older
Confucian notion of social hierarchy. The ethic of equality between
men and women simply rendered inequality visible. Yet, by using
new constructs of gender relations premised on love, sympathy, and
patriotism, Chinese society managed to override the traditional elite
understanding of social hierarchy without ever naming it. The challenge posed by Western culture and its Japanese translation imposed
on China not only a national crisis but also a crisis of cultural identity
that could not but end in revolution.
11
Kumiko Fujimura-Fanselow and Atsuko Kameda, ed., Japanese Women: New
Feminist Perspectives on the Past, Present and Future (New York: The Feminist Press,
1995).
12
See Tani Barlow, The Question of Women in Chinese Feminism (Durham: Duke
University Press, 2004) on the interference of eugenics, nationalism and female liberation.
13
Barbara Sato, The New Japanese Woman: Modernity, Media, and Women in Interwar
Japan (Durham: Duke University Pres, 2003). See Miriam Silverberg, The Modern
Girl as Militant, in Gail Lee Bernstein, ed., Recreating Japanese Women, 1600-1945
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 239-266.
14
Note that none of the essays in Andrew Parker, Mary Russo, Doris Sommer,
Patricia Yaeger eds., Nationalism & Sexualities (New York & London: Routledge, 1992)
refers to China or Japan.
introduction
introduction
ning and faithless females who had lost all sense of the grand passions
their forbears had for their patrons. Their depiction, McMahon
argues, reflects the disavowed realization that women had made the
first step in modernization and that they had permanently succeeded
in stealing from men the power of the ancient patriarchal order.
Tomi Suzuki analyzes the gender politics and the discourse of the
history of modern Japanese literature, the core of which was constructed in the late 1900s under the influence of Japanese Naturalist
discourse. Following the end of the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 the
so-called Japanese Naturalist writers and critics gained a hegemonic
literary position, supported by the authority of the newly institutionalized genbun-itchi standard of written language. It was also in the first
quarter of the 1900s that fin-de-sicle European modernism with its
subversion of established textual and sexual norms began to inspire
Japanese writers. Realism and modernism developed almost simultaneously and the discourse on modern Japanese literaturewhich
actively contributed to the representations of national identityassimilated, from the beginning of the twentieth century, the discourse
of literary modernism which in Europe emerged as a counter-discourse to bourgeois industrial modernity, taking a feminine position
in opposition to bourgeois masculinity. Literary vernacular language was regarded as either masculinizing women or feminizing
men.
The decisive split between Japanese and Chinese literature
occurred, as Joshua Mostow has pointed out, in the late 1920s, when
in Japan and China alike the dispute about the artists involvement
with reality and his responsibility for creating pure literature
through reproducing truth came to a head.15 In fact, this dispute
was a recycling of the controversy between realism-idealism that
preoccupied art criticism in Meiji Japan. After 1912, in Japan, this
dichotomy resulted in the divorce of art from politics for the sake of
the beautiful nation, a counter-modernist scheme that enhanced
nationalistic self-assurance and imperialist expansion. In China, the
modernist agenda manifested itself in a contrary manner, with the
argument made in 1918 that only the Western notion of self-expres-
15
10
introduction
introduction
11
tion for the modern nation-state, while Japan was beginning to grow
into a colonial and imperial power, especially after winning the SinoJapanese War of 1894-1895, and the Russo-Japanese War of
1904-1905. Kanos paper seeks to elucidate how the first generation
of actresses in modern Japan embodied these changes, often in paradoxical and contradictory ways.
Catherine Yeh explores the rise of the female impersonator (dan)
Mei Lanfang in Peking opera. Yeh argues that Mei Lanfang became,
domestically and internationally, the symbol of Republican China.
In the context of the appeals for a strengthening of the manly and
martial spirit among the Chinese, the rise of the dan to national
stardom appears to be a startling contradiction. The rise of the dan
in the early twentieth century came at a moment when Chinas
traditional elite was very much shaken; a profound political transformation was taking place in Chinas relationship to the outside
world, entering a new phase with powerful countries such as Japan
and Russia openly expressing territorial ambitions toward it. The
identity of the country was in flux on all fronts. While the new elites
attempted to evoke a new spirit for the country with concepts largely
borrowed from Western and Japanese nationalisms, Peking opera,
with its traditionally close connections to the court and society,
became a powerful player in the public arena, articulating another
image of the nation. Yehs study traces the complex process in which,
with the help of Japan, the dan rose to this role, in particular through
the literatis transference of their once exclusive and private sentiments for the dan onto the new public forum of the newspaper. She
shows that the built-in ambiguity of the dan character (played exclusively by male actors until the 1920s) lends itself to the interpretation
that during the 1910s and 1920s the strong male public figure had
lost its credibility and moral stature due to the lost wars, the fall of
the dynasty, and the ensuing military strong-man politics. In other
words, the ideal nation as the ideal female became part of a commercial feature in the market place, with the female impersonator
as its ultimate glorification.
Part Four deals with gender representation in diverse genres of
Japans high culture. It is significant that commercially produced
mass media like posters, photography, and film, adapted traditional
subjects to the realism of the new Western representational technologies, whereas politically and culturally restorative high art put the
12
introduction
introduction
13
14
introduction
introduction
15
16
introduction
part one
ENGENDERING THE NATION-STATE
18
john fitzgerald
1. Introduction
This chapter is about the place of equality in modernity, generally
speaking, and about the way equality entered into orthodox ethics
and everyday life in modern China. It is less concerned with equality as an explicit aim of social, political or cultural movements for
rights, liberation, or esteem than it is with the egalitarian ethic as an
enabling condition for the emergence of the modern national subject
who lays claims to rights, liberation, and esteem. Equality is arguably
a foundational premise of the category woman, for example, and
a condition of her struggle for equal recognition. How and why this
should have come about in China is this chapters primary concern.
The proposition about equality and modernity that is advanced
here is partly grounded in a reading of the original case of Western
modernity, against which the Chinese experience is sometimes measured, and partly grounded in consideration of alternative modernities in Asia that do not always share Chinas preoccupation with
egalitarian ethics to the same degree. For the sake of argument, we
shall assume that identifying what is particular about Chinese modernity calls for particular attention to the extension and intensification
of the ethic of equality in China relative to the original case and
other states in Asia.
One of the challenges in writing a history of Chinese modernity
is to identify when and in what forms egalitarianism came into circulation as an orthodox ethical theory, and how it came to be
embedded in a new social imaginary capable of capturing the imagination, not just of ethical theorists, but of the general run of people.
This did not all happen at once. Following Charles Taylor, we trace
a series of egalitarian redactions dealing with racial equality, sovereign equality, civic equality and social equality which corroded
20
john fitzgerald
1
Ronald Dworkin, Sovereign Virtue: The Theory and Practice of Equality (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2001).
2
The assumption that liberty and equality are competing values has been forcefully challenged by Etienne Balibar and more recently by Ronald Dworkin in Sovereign Virtue. Etienne Balibar, Droits de lhomme et droits de citoyen: La dialectique
moderne de legalit et de la libert, Actuel Marx, 8 (1990). On Balibar see Alex
Callinicos, Equality (Cambridge: Polity 2000), pp. 22-24.
22
john fitzgerald
24
john fitzgerald
The term perfect equality derives from Emmerich de Vattel, The law of nations, or, Principles of the law of nature, applied to the conduct and affairs of nations and sovereigns:
From the French of Monsieur de Vattel [1758]. Joseph Chitty ed., with additional notes by
Edward D. Ingraham (Philadelphia: T.W. Johnson and Co, 1883), clause eight:
Nature has established a perfect equality of rights between independent nations.
For the application of this principle at the Qing court, see James L. Hevia, Making
China Perfectly Equal, Journal of Historical Sociology, vol. 3, no. 4 (December 1990):
379-400.
9
Dong Wang, Chinas Unequal Treaties: Narrating National History (Lanham, MD:
Lexington Books, 2005).
10
Frank Dikotter, The Discourse of Race in Modern China (London: Hurst, 1992).
11
See David Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2002).
12
Pamela Kyle Crossley, A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial
Ideology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), p. 343.
13
Li Enhan, Zeng Jize de waijiao (Taipei: Institute of Modern History); B.L. Putnam Weale (Lennox Simpson), The Re-shaping of the Far East (London: Macmillan,
1905), vol. 1, p. 64.
26
john fitzgerald
14
Marquis Tseng, China, the Sleep and the Awakening, The Chinese Recorder and
Missionary Journal, 18.4 (April 1887): 146-153. Richard Horowitz kindly brought this
article to my attention. The piece first appeared in the Asiatic Quarterly Review in
January 1887, and was republished in the London and China News before appearing in
The Chinese Recorder in April. It was also read widely in the USA; The New York Times,
18 February 1887. Also Arthur W. Hummel, ed., Eminent Chinese of the Ching Period
(1644-1912) (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1943),
pp. 746-47.
15
Melbourne Argus, 30 May 1887. Not everyone welcomed the visit. See E.M.
Andrews, Australia and China: The Ambiguous Relationship (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1985), p. 15. In March 1891, at the first National Convention of Australian colonists, Sir Henry Parkes announced in his position as President of the
Convention that the Chinese nation and other Asiatic nationsespecially the Chineseare awakening to all the power which their immense population gives them in
the art of war, in the art of acquisition, ibid., p. 20.
28
john fitzgerald
approaches to the British government to intervene on behalf of Chinese in British colonies it could no longer intercede as readily on
behalf of Chinese in America after the signing of the Angell Treaty.
Chinese community leaders around the world then began to appeal
in their petitions to Peking to ideals of natural justice as well as to
Britains existing treaty obligations. This was a significant moment
in the development of Chinese egalitarian thinking. By the 1880s
Chinese community leaders were appealing to a modern ethical principle of human equality that could not be abrogated in any court of
law. Pleas for recognition of human equality were read by clerks and
higher officials of the Zongli Yamen in the 1880s, forwarded with
recommendations for action to Chinas minister in Beijing and colonial authorities in London, and filed away in the Yamens growing
archive of racial grievance and national humiliation for a later
day.19
3.2. Sovereign State Equality
The idea of the perfect equality of national states entered Chinese
imperial diplomacy after prompting from Japan rather than from
Chinese communities abroad. At the time the unequal treaties
were being drafted from the 1840s through the 1870s, the notion
that state-to-state treaties should be based on the principle of sovereign equality seems to have troubled few of the Chinese officials who
negotiated them. Once the court commissioned translations of seminal works on the law of nations, however, the equality of sovereign
states under international law became available in translation to a
small cohort of officials and diplomats.20 This was a relatively late
negotiations on reduction of the tonnage allowance for ships carrying Chinese going
to Australia (seventh day of seventh month of Guangxu 14 [1889]). First National
Archives, Beijing.
19
Article translated by Tongwen Publishing House on Australias Harsh Treatment of Chinese (twenty-seventh day of eighth month of Guangxu 14 [1889]). First
National Archives, Beijing; Report to Zongli Yamen from Chinese Merchants Lei
Dehong et al., regarding exorbitant taxes imposed on Chinese in Australia (first day
of seventh month of Guangxu 14 [1889]). First National Archives, Beijing; Correspondence from Kuang Qizhao to the Zongli Yamen Regarding the Report by Chinese Merchants of Harsh Treatment in Australia (nineteenth day of eighth month of
Guangxu 14 [1889]). First National Archives, Beijing.
20
Hungdah Chiu, The Development of Chinese International Law Terms and
the Problem of their Translation into English, in Jerome Alan Cohen, ed., Contem-
porary Chinese Law: Research Problems and Perspectives (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970).
21
The term gongfa was selected for international law in the first published translation of the subject in the mid-nineteenth century. Henry Wheatons Elements of International Law was translated by WAP Martin and published in 1864 under the title
Wanguo gongfa (Public law of the myriad states). The precedent held until the early
twentieth century. Theodore Wooleys Introduction to the Study of International Law, for
example, was translated as Gongfa bianlan [General law outline] in 1877. The term
was displaced by a Japanese neologism guojifa from around 1907. Chiu, The Development of Chinese International Law Terms, pp. 140, 143, 146.
22
Zhang Jianhua, Ershi shiji zhongguo dui bupingdeng tiaoyue gainian de qishi [Origins of the concept of the Unequal Treaties in twentieth-century China],
paper presented to the Joint Conference of the History Department of Peking University and the Historical Society for Twentieth Century China, Peking University,
15-17 June 2001, in Niu Daoyong, ed., Ershi shiji de zhongguo [Twentieth century
China] (Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chuban she, 2003).
30
john fitzgerald
[Wang] Jingwei, Bo geming keyi zhao guafen shuo [Refuting the claim that
revolution will lead to partition], Minbao, no. 6 (1906).
25
Zhang Jianhua Ershi shiji zhongguo.
32
john fitzgerald
ing citizens, social classes, and men and women. Around the time of
the 1898 reforms at court Tang and a number of Hunanese friends
founded the Society for the Study of Public Law (gongfa xuehui) in
Changsha. In announcing the Societys foundation, Tang acclaimed
the efforts of Japanese officials in reclaiming national sovereignty for
Japan. Unlike China, Tang recorded, over the last few years each
of the Great Powers has revised its treaty [with Japan], to convert it
to a statute of equality (pingdeng).26 In the same year Tang and his
group specifically addressed the problem of human categories (rendeng) in one of the earliest writings on categorical equality, an
extended essay entitled Egalitarianism (Pingdengshuo).
The essay began with an explicit reference to the problem of classification in egalitarian and hierarchical ethics: Egalitarianism
means to establish equality in accordance with heavens endowed
categories.27 The question at issue was not equality itself but rather
what, precisely, nature intended to be equal by virtue of the primordial categories inscribed in nature itself. Nature offered no ground
for the existing set of hierarchical classifications, the essay continued.
Only in the Confucian canon were mechanisms contrived to classify
people as gentleman and minister, father and son, husband and
wife, elder brother and younger brother, official and people, scholar
and artisan, merchant and farmer, wealthy and poor, honorable and
mean, superior and inferior. These relational classifications were
falsely based on analogies with the natural world for although heaven
had established hierarchies in nature it did not bestow hierarchical
classifications or hierarchical relations on human society. Confucian
hierarchies were a corruption of the original and natural human
condition occasioned by greed and vanity. The single category
endorsed by nature was the universal category of people (ren). The
human species was an irreducible classification.28
26
Gongfa xuehui xu [Preface to Society for the Study of Public Law], Xiangbao,
no. 43 (nd). See also Li Yumin and Li Bin, Wuxu shiqi weixinpai dui pingdeng
tiaoyue de renshi [Recognition of the Unequal Treaties among the reform faction
in 1898], Hunan shifan daxue shehuikexue xuebao [Journal of the School of Social Sciences of Hunan Normal University], no. 2 (1999).
27
Shan hua pi jia you, [Tang Caichang], Pingdeng shuo [Egalitarianism], Xiangbao [Hunan journal], no. 58 (nd): 229; no. 59 (nd): 233; no. 60 (nd, c. 1898): 237.
Emphasis added.
28
Pingdeng shuo, Xiangbao, no. 58: 229.
34
john fitzgerald
losophy (Datongshu) that would have been familiar to any scholar preparing to sit the imperial examinations. Kang merged the Confucian
principle of human-heartedness (ren) with a Buddhist ideal of undifferentiated compassion and a Mohist concept of universal love (jianai;
boai) to promote the ideal of universal equality.32 In a similar work
on the merits of the Confucian principle of human-heartedness (ren),
Tan Sitong fused the Confucian Book of Rites (Liji) with Edward Bellamys Looking Backward into a utopian vision of a world without
classifications, no boundaries, wars, suspicion, jealousy, powerstruggles, or distinction between the self and others; then equality
would finally emerge.33 Kang and Tan pushed the limits of classical
learning by reconfiguring key concepts of the Confucian canon, stripping them of their hierarchical implications, and re-presenting them
as evidence for the new theory of equality.
The theory of equality began to take root outside Confucian discourse around the turn of the century, sometimes in unexpected
places. In mid-1901, Tang Caichangs brother Tang Caizhi was
invited to Australia to edit Liang Qichaos party newspaper in Sydney, the Tung Wah Times (Donghua shibao). Earlier in the same year,
Liang himself presented a series of weekly lectures in the upstairs
reading rooms of the Tung Wah Times building in downtown Sydney
on the problems presented by Confucian forms of hierarchy under
the empire, and on the need to recast person-to-person relations and
Chinas system of territorial government on the new principle of
equality. The talks were later published in Japan under the title
Tracing the Source of Chinas Weakness (Zhongguo jiruo suyuanlun).34
These published lectures are among the earliest of modern writings
on the egalitarian episteme that refuse to defer to canonical Chinese
works in philosophy and religion. Liang selected instead the Taiping
32
On Kang Youweis early essays on this theme, see Hao Chang, Chinese Intellectuals in Crisis: Search for Order and Meaning, 1890-1911 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 29-30, 46-48.
33
Tan Sitong, An Exposition of Benevolence: The Jen-Hseh of Tan Ssu-tung. Chan Sinwai, trans. (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1984), pp. 215-216; also Edward
Bellamy, Looking Backward: 2000-1887 (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1967
[1888]).
34
Liang Qichao, Zhongguo jiruo suyuanlun [Tracing the source of Chinas
weakness], in Liang Qichao, Yinbingshi wenji [Collected essays from the Ice-Drinkers
Studio] (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1928 [1900]), vol. 2. An imminent publication on the theme of the lectures is noted in the Sydney Tungwah News (Donghua
shibao) on 13 March 1901.
36
john fitzgerald
38
john fitzgerald
40
john fitzgerald
42
john fitzgerald
49
Philip A Kuhn, Origins of the Modern Chinese State (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2002), pp. 27-28
44
john fitzgerald
Selected Readings (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press 1997), pp. 112119.
53
Cited in Hevia, Making China Perfectly Equal, p. 388.
54
46
john fitzgerald
48
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60
50
john fitzgerald
Bryna Goodman, The Vocational Woman and the Elusiveness of Personhood in Early Republican China, in Bryna Goodman and Wendy Larson, eds.,
Gender in Motion.
63
Zha Mengci, Nuzi jiaoyu de quexian [Defects in womens education], Zhonghua xinbao, 16 September 1922. Cited in Bryna Goodman, The Vocational Woman
and the Elusiveness of Personhood. See also Bryna Goodman, Unvirtuous Exchanges: Women and the Corruptions of the Shanghai Stock Market in the Early
Republican Era, in Mechtild Leutner and Nicola Spakowski, eds., Women in China:
The Republican Period in Historical Perspective. Berliner China-Studien, no. 44 (2005).
Bryna Goodman, The New Woman Commits Suicide: Gender, Cultural Memory
and the New Republic, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 64, no. 1 (February 2005). Another role for women in literature and art has been to illustrate the tragic outcomes
of the venal pursuit of self-interest on the part of men. See Goodman, The New
Woman Commits Suicide.
64
Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1992), pp. 3-10.
Greenfeld, Nationalism, p. 488. See also Craig Calhoun, Critical Social Theory
(Cambridge, MA, and Oxford: Blackwells, 1995), and Social Theory and the Politics of
Identity.
66
David Der-wei Wang, Fin de Siecle Splendor: Repressed Modernities in Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997).
52
john fitzgerald
Tani Barlow observes that by the 1980s the term funu had degenerated into a
dated ideological strategy of Maoist state discourse. Although its pedigree reached
back before the founding of the Communist Party to the liberation politics of the
May Fourth period, the deployment of funu into the post-Mao era signified continuing Communist Party colonization of the reformist and revolutionary legacies of the
womens movement. By the late 1980s women seeking to contest the Partys hold
over their lives often eschewed the term funu in characterizing their positions and
opted instead for nuxing (female) or nuren (woman as social science category). See
Barlow, Politics and Protocols of Funu.
68
Craig Calhoun, Social Theory and the Politics of Identity, esp. p. 26; Harrison White, Identity and Control (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992).
69
Among the sources consulted for Tani Barlows study, Li Xiaojiang has written
that womens liberation can no longer be attained by pursuing equality between
men and women. In Peoples China, Li argues, gender equality implies assimilation
into an originally male world with the result that women make an effort to use
male standards (so called society standards) to judge themselves. The pursuit of
equality in this assimilatory sense leads to unequal outcomes in the allocation of time
and the distribution of labor. In so far as the equitable distribution of time and labor
remains an important goal for actual women the ideal of equality has not been abandoned. Nevertheless the official code of equality is eschewed because it institutionalizes inequalities that impact on the lives of actual women. The official code of
equality is also thought to retards the wider womens struggle for freedom and autonomy. Li Xiaojiang, Economic Reform and the Awakening of Chinese Womens
Collective Consciousness, pp. 377-378.
70
Dworkin, Sovereign Virtue, esp. Chapter 4.
71
Mechtilde Leutner, Womens, Gender, and Mainstream Studies on Republican China: Problems in Theory and Research, in Mechtilde Leutner and Nicola
Spakowski, eds., Women in China, pp. 57-85, 67.
54
john fitzgerald
72
Leutner, p. 69.
Mao Zedong, Zhongguo renmin zhanqilaile [The Chinese people have
stood up], in Mao Zedong xuanji [Selected works of Mao Zedong] (Beijing: Renmin
chubanshe, 1977), vol. 5, pp. 3-7.
74
On recognition, see G.W.F. Hegel, Phenomenology of Spirit. A.V. Miller, trans.
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), pp. 104-119 (IV: 166-196) and Charles Taylor,
Hegel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975).
73
55
This chapter focuses on the Japanese governments efforts to visualize the mythical Empress Jing as a representation of the new nationstate in the 1870s and 1880s.1 As modern as they were supposed to
look, the symbols and proxies of nation-states throughout the world
in the nineteenth century were more often than not rooted in legends
and myths, historical narratives and heroes of the past. In the wake
of Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Rangers The Invention of Tradition
and Benedict Andersons Imagined Communities (both 1983), the visual
mythmaking of national histories in nineteenth-century art has
become the focus of several important publications.2 But much still
needs to be done regarding the use and definition of gender in the
process of selecting national heroes for modern objectives in East
Asia.
I come to this topic via my interest in pre-modern pictorial narratives and their visual and textual reception within gendered as well
as socially and politically defined contexts. My approach is informed
by this type of social art history; in this chapter I also employ an
1
I am grateful to Gakushin University (2003) and Kajima bijutsu zaidan (2005)
for financial support for this project and I thank the following individuals for their
encouragement and valuable suggestions: Kobayashi Tadashi and Nakamachi
Keiko; Doris Croissant, Ikeda Shinobu, Joshua Mostow, Jaqueline Berndt and other
members of the Gender Symposium in Heidelberg (October 2004); Timon
Screech, Toshio Watanabe, John Carpenter and the audience at a lecture I delivered
in April 2005 on the topic for the Japan Research Centre Seminar Series, School of
Oriental and African Studies, London University.
2
Among them is Joan B. Landes, Visualizing the Nation: Gender, Representation, and
Revolution in Eighteenth-Century France (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press,
2001). A comprehensive digest of images and discussion of them is included in
Monika Flacke, ed., Mythen der Nationen: Ein Europisches Panorama (Berlin: Deutsches
Historisches Museum, 1998). This exhibition catalogue explores the visual tools employed by seventeen European nations and the United States in constructing a
national, unified past. East Asian and other nations visual self-representations as
well as gender questions remain unaddressed in this catalogue.
56
melanie trede
57
When the Italian engraver Edoardo Chiossone (1833-1898)4 designed the first ever portrait of a woman to adorn the one-yen Japanese banknote in 1881, he and his advisors made a number of
decisions regarding the gendered identity and symbolic significance
of the image (Figure. 2.1). Chiossone was one of many foreigners
hired by the Meiji government to introduce new technologies. He
worked for the Japanese Finance Ministry between 1875 and 1891
in Tokyo, and then chose to stay on in Japan, where he collected
Japanese artifacts and remained until his death.
The front side of the note shows an imaginary portrait of Empress
Jing, thought to have ruled in the third century CE. The professor of Japanese art and literature at Tokyo University, Kurokawa
Mayori (1829-1906), offered his expertise for the design of the portrait.5 Jing is shown with the hybrid facial features of a Western/
Japanese woman, with long black hair, dark eyes, and an outfit that
successfully blurs her identity while yet still alluding to her prehistoric
persona.6 An undefined garment covers her shoulders, the commashaped beads magatama indicating archaic rulership, but they can also
be read as Western jewelry. The portrait is framed by an oval-shaped
medallion much employed in the European movement to generate
symbols of national unity, and reminiscent of classical Roman and
nineteenth-century neo-classical portraits of emperors, rulers and
heroes. Adding to the decorative elements, the oval-shaped frame
includes reiterations of her name, Jing Kg, Empress Jing (literally divine success).
Chiossones Jing portrait of 1881 was reprinted as a five-yen note
in 1882 and as a ten-yen note in 1883 (Figures. 2.2 and 2.3), thus
4
On Chiossones role within the Print Bureau, see kurash Insatsukyoku, ed.,
kurash insatsukyoku hyakunenshi [One hundred years of the Finance Ministrys Print
Bureau] (Tokyo: Insatsukyoku chykai, 1972), vol. 1, pp. 461-469. For more comprehensive studies on Chiossone, see Meiji Bijutsu Gakkai, ed., Kiyossne kenky: oyatoi
gaikokujin [Studies on Chiossone: A foreign employee] (Tokyo: Ch kron bijutsu
shuppan, 1999).
5
Hibata Sekko, Nihon ybin kitte shiron [Historical studies of Japanese postage
stamps] (Tokyo: Nihon yken kurabu, 1930), p. 109. I am grateful to Tanabe Ryta, curator of the Postage Stamp Museum (Kitte no hakubutsukan) in Tokyo, for
providing xeroxes of this rare book.
6
The catalogue of the Banknote and Postage Stamp Museum states that the
portrait appeared more Western than Japanese. See Fukunaga Yoshio, ed., Zuroku:
Osatsu to kitte no hakubutsukan: Catalogue of the Banknote & Postage Stamp Museum (Tokyo:
kurash insatsukyoku kinenkan, 1996), p. 19.
Figure 2.1. One-yen banknote, designed and engraved by Edoardo Chiossone (1833-1898), 7.7 13.1 cm, 1881; Banknote
and Postage Stamp Museum, Tokyo.
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59
Figure 2.2. One-yen, five-yen and ten-yen banknotes, designed and engraved by
Edoardo Chiossone (1833-1898), 1881, 1882, and 1883, respectively; Banknote and
Postage Stamp Museum, Tokyo.
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Figure 2.3. Detail of ten-yen banknote, designed and engraved by Edoardo Chiossone (1833-1898), 9.3 15.9 cm, 1883; Banknote and Postage Stamp Museum,
Tokyo. A color plate of this illustration can be found in the color section on pp.
xvii-xxxii.
61
marking an unprecedented reappearance of the same motif on different denominations.7 In these versions, however, the motifs highlighted Jings imperial stature. In the 1883 design, her name is
emphasized by reducing it to one enlarged inscription, while the
paulownia, which is associated with Japanese imperial iconography,
is woven into the fabric of the decorative frame.
The three Jing banknotes of 1881-1883 circulated until 1899 and
were mentioned in several articles of the Yomiuri newspaper.8 But
1899 did not signal the end of Jings appearance in modern Japanese official design: the Chiossone portrait was reused for a treasury
bond in 1904, appropriately funding expenditures on the RussoJapanese War (1904-1905).9 In 1908 the chief engraver at the Printing Bureau, yama Sukeichi (1858-1922), introduced the Jing
portrait into the design of five and ten-yen postage stamps, using the
colors green and purple respectively.10 These high-denomination
stamps were intended to meet the increase in mail with foreign destinations. To combat the threat of counterfeit, the same strategy used
for paper money was applied here, the design of portraits being
considered safest. According to the historian of stamps, Hibata
Sekko, the decision to employ the Jing image was based on the
precedent set by Chiossones banknotes as well as on Jings importance within the history of (international) traffic (ktsshi kara mitemo
igi ga atte). Although scholars approached the Print Bureau to argue
for the alteration of Chiossones portrait based on new historical and
archeological evidence that showed Jings hairdo and garments to
be otherwise than depicted, it was decided that the Jing image of
the early 1880s should in no way be tampered with.11 When the
original plates for these stamps were destroyed by fire during the
7
Nihon kahei zukan [Illustrated catalogue of Japanese banknotes] (Tokyo: Ty
Keizai shinpsha, 1981), p. 280; Fukunaga, Stamp Museum Catalogue, p. 19.
8
The paper reported the frequent incidence of counterfeit one-yen Jing notes
(mentioned on 7 January 1882, 29 March 1882, 25 June 1884, 8 July 1884, and 28
December 1889).
9
For a reproduction of the bond, see Fukunaga, Stamp Museum Catalogue, p. 67.
10
For more on yamas workincluding his engagement at the American Bank
Note Company between 1891 and 1900, where he engraved portraits of American
presidents and female allegories such as Columbia, as well as his introduction of an
American style of engraving to Japansee Uemura Takashi, Nihon shihei no ban
chkokusha tachi [Banknote engravers of Japan: E. Chiossone, S. Oyama, K. Kato]
(Tokyo: Insatsu chykai foundation, 2001), pp. 17-35.
11
Hibata, Kitte shiron, pp. 108-109.
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12
63
15
For a reproduction of the note and a general discussion of women on banknotes, see Virginia H. Hewitt, ed., Beauty and the Banknote: Images of Women on Paper
Money, exhibition catalogue (London: British Museum, 1994), p. 53, fig. 72. I thank
Helen Wang, curator for East Asian money in the Department of Coins and Medals
at the British Museum, for her observations regarding my project and for a copy of
the Hewitt catalogue.
16
Kinder was invited to Japan in 1870 and served as head of the Mint (Zheikyoku) between 1871 and 1875, after which he returned to England.
17
See kurash hyakunenshi, vol. 2, pp. 60-61.
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65
Figure 2.4. Portraits of all Emperors and Ancestral Deities of Great Japan (DaiNihon jink mank
goshkei), hanging scroll, lithograph, 98.2 45.8 cm, 1890s, Vlkerkundemuseum
der von Portheim-Stiftung, Heidelberg (call no. 37674-045), and Inge Klinger.
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67
25
Two versions of the Hachiman gudkun are published in Jisha engi, Nihon shis
taikei 20 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1982), pp. 169-273. The widely known version A
is thought to date to the reign of Emperor Hanazono (r. 1308-1318), the less circulated version B predates version A slightly (presumably 1301-1304); see Jisha engi,
p. 207.
26
The Jing passage included in the Kojiki is translated in Donald L. Philippi
(Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1968), pp. 262-271; for the Nihon shoki account,
see footnote 22.
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The respective text passages in the Gudkun are on pp. 170 and 172 in Jisha
engi.
28
The Gudkun turns Emperor Chais weak character, as described in both the
Kojiki and Nihon shoki, into that of a brave warrior with superhuman qualities. This
change, like many others, served to further vilify the Korean people and increase
popular respect for emperors as well as arguing for the martial disposition of his and
Jings son jin (see below).
29
The scrolls are part of a large Hachiman painting production and are reproduced in Emakimonosh: Konda sby engi, Jing Kg engi [Sets of illuminated hand-
69
The empress immediately took on the appearance of a man. She measured nine feet two inches tall [2.67 m], her teeth were an inch and a
half long and were lustrous. She bound her shiny black hair into side
locks and placed a helmet on the Chinese topknot. She took a bow
made of tara wood and added arrows with eight-eyed heads. The bow
was called mitarashi [the venerable bow] and was made from tara wood.
She clapped a tachi sword to her side and bound straw boots onto her
feet. Over her red pants she put on armor of the kara-ayaodoshi
type.30
Figure 2.5. Jing kg engi emaki, handscroll, Detail of scroll 2, ink and colors on paper, height 35.4 cm; 1433; Konda
Hachiman Shrine, Habikino-shi.
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71
ment while girded in male armor prompts explicit visual representations. In this scene she is shown as a military commander with an
arresting, frontal pose facing the kneeling Korean kings. She points
her bow at a large rock, which she has inscribed with a humiliating
phrase not rendered in this depiction. Her attire closely follows the
textual description, except that her dragon-shaped helmet crest
(shigami maedate), body armor and swords are represented in shining
gold, thus highlighting her central role in this scene. The only hint
given of her female sex is the flower design on her bright-red garment, and her white complexion.31
Just after her victorious return to Japan, Jing gives birth to the
future Emperor jin. jins popular nickname was tainai ji or
prince within the womb. This term refers to jin already ruling
as a prince (ji) in his mothers womb (tainai) as she invades Korea.
The expression seems to lessen her agency by attributing the success
of the invasion to the embryo jin.32 jins Buddhist manifestation
as Great Bodhisattva Hachiman (Hachiman Daibosatsu) has been
documented as early as the Nara period when he began to be venerated as the ancestral deity of the imperial family. The deity was
invited from Usa in Northeast Kyushu in the mid-eighth century to
oversee the construction of the Great Buddha at Tdaiji temple in
Nara.33 In the twelfth century, the Minamoto warrior clan appropri31
There are also examples of male warriors, such as Minamoto no Yoshitsune of
the twelfth century, who are depicted with an unusually white complexion to emphasize their youth and social status.
32
The Sanja takusen ryakush [A brief summary of the oracles of the three shrines],
attributed to Matsumoto Kiyofusa, and written in Kyoto in 1650 (but not printed
prior to 1657), expands on the notion of jins predestination as deity of war. In a
translation by Brian Bocking it reads:
At this time, the empress Jing was pregnant with the imperial prince. Taking
hold of a volume of a war-book (This is as referred to in Sanryaku by our contemporary
Lord seki) at a time when the fighting was furious, the empress burned the book
and devoured the ashes, crying out the imperial prince is in my womb; he will
imbibe and understand this book. Though I may be weak and ineffective, the
prince will surely be in good health. The battle lasted three years, but very
gradually victory was achieved....It is said that because the empress had consumed the ashes of the war-book early on while the baby was in her womb, he
could read this volume as soon as he was born.
Brian Bocking, The Oracles of the Three Shrines: Windows on Japanese Religion (Richmond:
Curzon, 2001), p. 61.
33
On early Hachiman worship, see Martin Repp, HachimanProtecting kami
of the Japanese Nation, in Klaus Antoni, et al., eds., Religion and National Identity in
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Iwashimizu Hachiman Shrine, which survive only as a copied scroll dating to 1483
(Bunmei 15). See Nakano, The Development of Images, p. 68.
Miya Tsugio surmised, however, that the origin of Hachiman engi handscrolls
date to after 1221, which is three hundred years after construction of the Hakozaki
Hachiman Shrine (in 921) as mentioned in the narrative. See Miya, Hachiman
Daibosatsu goengi to Hachiman engi, ge [The Karmic origins of the great Bodhisattva Hachiman and Karmic origins of Hachiman, part 3], Bijutsu kenky
336 (August 1986): 63. It is questionable, though, whether the text of the scrolls
should be interpreted as making accurate use of the historical facts, as Miya suggests.
Two sets of fourteenth-century hanging scrolls are in the possession of the Tamatareg and the Shikaumi Jinja shrines in Northern Kyushu. Kikutake Junichi,
Kysh no engi-e [Paintings of miraculous origins of temples in Kyushu], Bukky
geijutsu (July 1970): 57-80.
Hachiman engi handscrolls are too abundant to list, but a select number of them
are mentioned in a series of articles by Miya, Hachiman engi, Parts 1, 2, 3, Bijutsu
kenky 333 (September 1985): 149-158; 335 (March 1986): 15-23; and 336 (August
1986): 57-67.
38
The Kansei Reforms included a prohibition against depicting current events.
As a result, historical narratives boomed in popular prints and books. On the implications of the cultural politics and print production following the Kansei reforms, see
Sarah Thompson and Harry Harootunian, Undercurrents in the Floating World: Censorship and Japanese Prints (New York: The Asia Society Galleries, 1991), pp. 56-72.
Jing also lived on in the cultural consciousness of the first half of the twentieth
century. Watsuji Tetsur (1889-1960), professor of ethics in Kyoto recalls being
raised with the Jing narrative and even remembers her inscription on the Korean
rock. See his Nihon rinri shisshi [History of Japanese ethics] (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten,
1952), as quoted in Tsukamoto, Jing kg densetsu, p. 32.
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ysis of the texts and images immediately preceding the Jing portraits
in the 1870s and 1880s will allow us to test the reception of Jing
during the early Meiji era and to judge the novelty of Chiossones
work.
Jing as Goddess
The deified Jing first appears in sculptural form as part of Hachiman triads in the tenth century.39 The knowledge of Jings identity
as one of the two female attendants to the central icon Hachiman
or in any case as a deity frequently revered in Hachiman shrines
was presumably also widespread in the late Tokugawa period, given
its mention in printed travel guidebooks.40
In a more public space and popular event, the festival float funeboko
(literally ship halberd) of the annual Gion festival in Kyoto includes
the central figure of Jing kg (Figure 2.6).41 The figure used on
todays floatwith an inscription from 1616 (Genna 2) and a facial
mask dating to the Bunan era (1448)is popularly referred to as
the deitys body (goshintai). 42 The figure expresses an iconographic
eclecticism through its reference to a number of different cultural
traditions. Jing is represented in hiodoshi armor and with a tall crown
(tenkan) reminiscent of ornaments decorating bodhisattvas, while the
39
See Christine Guth Kanda, Shinz: Hachiman Imagery and its Development (Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University Press, 1985), pp. 5156.
40
For example, the Sangoku meish zue [Illustrated guidebook to famous sites of the
three states] vol. 30, printed in 1843, describes Empress Jing, Emperor jin, and
his consort Tamayorihime as the main deities of the Hachiman Nittag in Satsuma
domain (modern Kagoshima Prefecture). The quote is reproduced in Nihon meisho
fzoku zue 15, Kysh no maki, ed. Asakura Haruhiko (Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten,
1983), p. 470.
41
For a comprehensive account of the Gion festival, see Gion Matsuri Hensan
Iinkai and Gion Matsuri Yamaboko Rengkai, eds., Gion matsuri (Tokyo: Chikuma
Shob, 1976). The history of the funeboko is related on pp. 83-84. On the role of Jing
as part of the funeboko and other floats in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century painting,
see Kamei Wakana, Hysh toshite no bijutsu, gensetsu toshite no bijutsushi: Muromachi shgun
Ashikaga Yoshiharu to Tosa Mitsumochi no kaiga [Art as representation, art history as
discourse: The Muromachi Shogun Ashikaga Yoshiharu and Tosa Mitsumochis
paintings] (Tokyo: Perikansha, 2003), pp. 233-235.
42
See the URL http://www.city.kyoto.jp/shimogyo/yamaboko/06fune.html
(accessed on 26 November 2007).
75
Figure 2.6. Jing figure in the Funeboko float, Gion Festival, Kyoto, diverse media,
1616; photograph by the author.
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mask and large garment worn over her armor evoke associations
with Noh theater. Cloth belts wrapped around her body refer to her
pregnant condition;43 at the end of the festival, they are cut into
pieces and distributed to pregnant women. This custom indicates
popular reverence of Jing as a guardian deity of safe childbirth.
According to one source, ever since the Tokugawa period, this figure
was also worshiped by the imperial household on the occasion of a
childs birth.44 In this photograph, the Jing figure is shown in a
display prior to the Gion festival, replete with offerings on an altarlike arrangement and a chrysanthemum-crested white curtain to
emphasize her deified status.
A large number of votive tablets with depictions of Jing as a
pregnant woman refer to her as a deity associated with safe childbirth
or as a patron of midwives. Although early examples are rare due
to the nature of the wooden material and its exposure to weather,
the inscription on one votive tablet tells of the birth of a son in
December of the year of the snake (1905).45
The Kyoto-based Katsurame maidens (and prostitutes) also chose
Jing as their guardian deity and issued paper charms.46 They sometimes wrote their name Katsura-me, using the characters for VicUntil recently, the so-called Iwata obi or Iwata haramaki (obi)-belt
() was employed as a method to protect a baby in the womb from the fifth month
of gestation onward. This custom is associated with Jings precaution for safe delivery before her invasion of Korea; see osaka.yomiuri.co.jp/gion/tour/fune.htm (accessed on 8 December 2007).
44
See http://osaka.yomiuri.co.jp/gion/tour/fune.htm as well as http://
mirahouse.dyndns.org/~mira/kyoto/gion/funa/funa.html (both accessed on 9 December 2007). The latter website mentions that the Jing figure was transported to
the imperial palace upon the birth of the Meiji Emperor.
45
For a reproduction of this votive tablet dedicated to the Uga Shrine in Fukuoka City, see Fukuoka-shi kyiku iinkai, ed., Fukuoka-shi no ema [Votive tablets of Fukuoka City] (Fukuoka: Fukuoka-shi kyiku iinkai, 1997), vol. I, p. 130. The rendering
of the face is exactly the same in another votive picture from 1923 depicting Jing in
a bust portrait and including an inscription referring to a wish by a 24-year-old
woman (see Fukuoka-shi no ema, vol. II, p. 35).
46
See Wakita Haruko, The Formation of the Ie and Medieval Myth: The
Shintsh, N Theater, and Picture Scrolls of Temple Origins, in Haruko Wakita,
Anne Bouchy and Ueno Chizuko, eds., Gender and Japanese History (Osaka: Osaka
University Press, 1999), vol. 1, pp. 53-85, especially pp. 70-76; see also Tsukamoto,
Jing kg densetsu, pp. 1-33. Tsukamoto remarks that the Katsurame charms
begin to spread from the mid-eighteenth century onward, but this date only signifies
that the local governmental offices (machi bugysho) officially accepted them; their existence is in fact much older.
43
77
47
The earliest appearance of Jing in a book title is the set of handscrolls from
1433, mentioned above. The first use of Jing in the title of a kabuki play dates to
1695 (Genroku 8). To the best of my knowledge this play, Jing kg, recorded in the
Kabuki Chronology (Kabuki nenpy), is not extant. See Hotei Kokusho smokuroku, Complete
List of Japanese Books, revised and expanded edition (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1990),
vol. 4, p. 651.
Figure 2.7. Sankan taiji zue, double-spread designed by Katsushika Taito (fl. 1810-1853), woodblock-printed book, 1844; National Diet
Library, Tokyo.
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Figure 2.8. Decoration for the Boys Festival, mid-nineteenth century, diverse materials, size of the Jing figure: 41.9 20.8 19.3 cm (height including the eboshi hat:
50.0 cm), originally belonging to the Irie Family.
and the five long arrows on her back are arranged so as to emphasize
her central position.
Paintings of the same iconography on silk, such as those by an
early nineteenth-century revivalist of the Japanese style, Ukita Ikkei
(1795-1859) (Figure 2.9), were produced for the same occasion on
behalf of wealthy households, while prints of the same iconography
were readily available for popular consumption. Jings martial
apparel is central to this iconography, but it varies according to the
needs of the consumers. The large empty spaces on top of the Ikkei
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Figure 2.9. Ukita Ikkei (1795-1859), Empress Jing, Takeuchi no Sukune and Prince jin,
diptych of hanging scrolls, each 98.5 34.6 cm, ink and color on silk; Tochigi Prefectural Museum.
81
48
I am grateful to Honda Satoshi from the Tochigi Prefectural Museum for permission to study and photograph the scrolls.
49
See Richard W. Anderson, Jing Kg Ema in Southwestern Japan: Reflections and Anticipations of the Seikanron Debate in the Late Tokugawa and Early
Meiji Period, Asian Folklore Studies 61 (2002): 247-270.
50
For a reproduction of this votive tablet, see Fukuoka-shi no ema, vol. 1, p. 29 and
vol. 3, p. 19.
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Figure 2.10. Katsukawa Shuntei (1770-1820), Empress Jing, series: Buy sanban tsuzuki
[Three examples of martial bravery]; 1820; signed: Shksai Katsukyko Shuntei ga;
poetry club seal: Taikogawa; surimono print, shikishiban (21.8 18.9 cm); photograph courtesy of Joan Mirviss (owner: Barbara Bowman).
83
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Figure 2.11. Utagawa Kuniyoshi (1797-1861), Empress Jing Watching the Victorious
Return of her Fleet from Korea, from the series: Kenjo hakkei [Eight views of virtuous
women], ca. 1843, ch tanzaku (ca. 38 13 cm), signed: Ichiysai Kuniyoshi ga,
publisher: Ihaya Sensabur, censor seal: Tanaka (Tanaka Heijir), Merlin Dailey
Collection.
85
52
For a reproduction of another copy of this print, and two other prints of the
series, see Robert Schaap, Heroes and Ghosts: Japanese Prints by Kuniyoshi, 1797-1861
(Leiden: Hotei Publishing, 1998), pp. 117-118.
53
This is, in fact, the very first image of a woman on a Japanese banknote, and
neither Murasaki Shikibu on a 2000-yen note (issued in 2000) nor Higuchi Ichiy
(1872-1896) on the 5000-yen note (issued in 2004), as is often assumed. The National Bank (Kokuritsu Gink) was founded in 1872 but incorporated 153 private chartered banks, which, however, used the same form and design of banknotes. See
kurash insatsukyoku hyakunenshi, vol. 1, pp. 198-202; and the URL http://www.imes.
boj.or.jp/cm/english_htmls/history_19.htm (accessed on 22 November 2007). Each
design of the first five banknotes issued in August 1873 was valid through 1899 (see
Nihon kahei zukan, p. 318), when the designs of the National Bank were ultimately
suspended in favor of motifs desired by the exclusive issuing authority of the Bank of
Japan (Nihon Gink), which was founded in 1882. The Jing banknote of 1873 thus
continued to be circulated when Chiossones design of the early 1880s was issued.
Figure 2.12. Ten-yen Japanese National Banknote (old style), 8 19 cm, 1873; Bank of Japan, Currency Museum, Tokyo. A color plate
of this illustration can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
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87
Figure 2.13. Ten-dollar United States banknote, 8 19 cm, 1864; Bank of Japan, Currency Museum, Tokyo.
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89
woman warrior, and one of the main reasons for this choice may
have been that in Japanese historiography Empress Jing was seen
as the sole successful conqueror of foreign landsthus indicating the
Meiji governments aspiration to imitate Western colonialism. 58
Images and written accounts of female warriors in other cultures
served similar ends. Frances Joan of Arc (1412-1431) was one such
heroine. The central painting of the 1843 triptych The Life of Joan of
Arc by the German painter Hermann Anton Stilke (1803-1860) depicts a battling patriot who leads France to glorious victory over
England at the end of the Hundred Years War,59 and this too may
have been a model for the 1873 Jing banknote. Like the French
national heroine, Jing was conceived as a woman who dressed as
a male warrior to reinstate her countrys pride through victory
against the allegedly hostile Korean kingdoms. The reception of Joan
of Arc in Japan at this time is exemplified by an early womens rights
activist, Fukuda Hideko (1865-1927), who was referred to as Japans
Joan of Arc because in 1886 she had attemptedtogether with
like-minded members of the Liberal Party (Jiyt)to set up a reform
government in exilein of all places Korea. Fukuda was imprisoned
as a result.60
58
Accordingly, the passage preceding the depiction of Jings victory in the 1433
handscroll states, It was always possible to achieve a victory in battles against foreign countries, but it is unheard of that anyone except the empress should have
managed to subjugate and receive a pledge from an enemy country (Emakimonosh,
pp. 87-88).
Other images on banknotes issued in 1873 are similarly politically laden. They
include the prehistoric deity Susanoo; the victorious battle against the Mongol invaders of 1274 and 1281; Nitta Yoshisada (1301-1338) and Kojima Takanori (fl. early
fourteenth century), both loyal warriors of the imperial revivalist Emperor Go-Daigo; and landmarks of the new capital in Tokyo, namely, the castle and Nihonbashi
Bridge.
59
The painting (oil on canvas, 135 146 cm) is located in the National Hermitage, St Petersburg. The collection of essays edited by Hedwig Rckelein, Charlotte
Scholl-Glass and Maria E. Mller, Jeanne dArc oder Wie Geschichte eine Figur konstruiert
(Freiburg: Herder, 1996), deconstructs the myth-making surrounding Joan of Arcs
persona. Calling her Jeanne dArc (Joan of Arc) associates her with an Amazon
fighter, while referring to her as La Pucelle (The Maid) focuses on her service to
France and her victimization (Rckelein, Jeanne dArc, p. 10).
60
Newspapers picked up the comparison with Joan of Arc from a work on Fukudas life after her release from prison, and the phrase was repeated in a number of
later accounts. See Sharon L. Sievers, Flowers in Salt: The Beginnings of Feminist Consciousness in Modern Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983), p. 49.
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61
A translation of this ballad is in Hans H. Frankel, The Flowering Plum and the
Palace Lady: Interpretations of Chinese Poetry (New Haven and London: Yale University
Press, 1976), pp. 68-72.
62
For details on the reception of the Mulan story, see Susan Mann, Myths of
Asian Womanhood, The Journal of Asian Studies 59:4 (November 2000), pp. 846-847.
Mulan was heralded as a central figure in the revolutionary visions of young Chinese women during the early twentieth centurytermed the Mulan complex by
Christina Gilmartin. The quote is in Mann, Myths of Asian Womanhood, p. 854.
See also Christina Kelly Gilmartin, Engendering the Chinese Revolution: Radical Women,
Communist Politics, and Mass Movements in the 1920s (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1995). In one version of the Hundred Beauties of famous women in Chinese
history, dated 1908, Mulan becomes, as Susan Mann aptly puts it, an emblem of
the new female citizen and a reproach to her contemporary counterparts who have
neglected their duty to the country. Interviews with Chinese women remembering
Mulan as a role model during their youth in the 1920s are recorded in Wang Zheng,
Women in Chinese Enlightenment: Oral and Textual Histories (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 147, 225 ff.
63
More on this debate in Donald Calman, The Nature and Origins of Japanese Imperialism: A Reinterpretation of the Great Crisis of 1873 (London: Routledge, 1992).
91
The design was introduced one year after the final domestic rebellion
in the southwest (Seinan sens) had been quelled. The new national
confidence of the Meiji government is evident in this image of Jing,
which lacks overt martial associations.
Jing is clothed in an imaginary prehistoric garb that defies traditional Japanese concepts of feminine beauty. A broad obi-belt delineates a white kimono, contrasting with the large, dark overcoat. Her
unruly hair is partially bound up into two topknots, she wears abundant jewelry including magatama beads, and she is barefoot.
Jings pose and gesture resemble that of a Western empress such
as Queen Victoria. But as the art historian Wakakuwa Midori points
out, the globe that Jing is pointing to with her right hand, and the
scroll in her left, are attributes rarely seen in the context of women
rulers.67 Instead, the scroll and globe were part of Christian iconog64
The official title on the bonds was Dai-Nihon teikoku seifu kigy ksai [Public bonds
to enhance the establishment of industries by the imperial government of Great
Japan]. See Fukunaga, Stamp Museum Catalogue, p. 67.
65
kuma Shigenobu in a letter to the Minister of the Right, Iwakura Tomomi
(1825-1883), which is dated 13 April 1877; see Kiyossne kenky, p. 55.
66
See kurash hyakunenshi, vol. 2, p. 61.
67
Wakakuwa, Kg no shz, p. 386.
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93
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70
School textbooks issued by the Ministry of Education started to appear on a
national level after compulsory education was introduced in 1872.
Figure 2.15. Bulletin of National History (Kokushi kiy), detail with a depiction of the victorious Jing receiving
tributes from the Korean Kings, woodblock-printed book, 1885; Waseda University Library, Tokyo.
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Figure 2.16. Newly edited History Textbook for Primary Schools (Shinsen shgaku rekishi),
detail with Jing, warships and a map of Korea, woodblock-printed book, 1887;
Waseda University Library, Tokyo.
97
71
Chiba Kei, Kan Hgai Hibo Kannon o yomu [Reading Kan Hgais Hibo
Kannon], in Ikeda Shinobu, ed., Kenryoku to shikaku hysh III [Power and visual representation III] (Chiba daigaku daigakuin shakai bunka kagaku kenkyka, 2003),
pp. 48-65, especially pp. 56-57.
72
Tsuboi Senjir, Joshi ni tsugeru fumi [A letter addressed to women], in
Minkan zasshi 9; quoted in Chiba, Kan Hgai, p. 57.
73
This article was published in the journal Jiy no akari [The lantern of freedom],
vol. 4. See Chiba, Kan Hgai, p. 55.
74
Okinaga Tarashihime is an alternative name for Jing.
75
Quoted in Chiba, Kan Hgai, p. 57.
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nent beard and a more feminine pose, while the child has lost its
male genitalia. As art historian Chiba Kei and others have argued,
the second painting was understood in retrospectthat is, after the
death of Hgaias depicting a mother and child. This reading
resulted in the paintings title of hibo (Mother of Mercy), despite the
still visible beard and the traditionally ambiguous gender of bodhisattvas.82 Chiba interprets the painting in a number of ways, among
them as an illustration of the parent (i.e. father and mother)-child
relationship of the Meiji emperor to his people. Chiba quotes a government statement of 1869 referring to the emperor as the new
political leader: The Emperor is Japans father and mother [Nihonkoku
no fubo ni mashimaseba].83 Similarly, Jing was clearly featured as a
woman in Chiossones portraits; but as acutely present as the female
Jing narrative was in the public memory, her male qualities were
integral to the appraisal of her historic character.
At the same time, we may interpret Jings banknote image, in
Wakakuwa Midoris words, as a personification of the mother of
the nation. As such, Jing denotes a precedent and model for the
Meiji Empress Shken.84 The Meiji government followed Western
models to help foster the entirely new concept of a visibly monogamous emperor with one empress as his wife.85
The banknotes of the early 1880s anticipate the first photograph
of Empress Shken in Western dress. A photo taken by Maruki Riy
(1850-1923), Suzuki Shinichi II (1855/1859-1912), and Chiossone
in 1889 (Figure 2.17)which also marks the year of the constitutions
proclamationresulted in multiple copies in various media including
newspaper reproductions and lithographs like the hanging scroll in
Fig. 2.4. Despite the obvious differences inherent in a full-length
portrait, Empress Shken resembles Jing in a number of ways: the
monochrome background, her regal and poised expression with a
82
Chiba, Kan Hgai, p. 49; and Chiba Kei (translated by Ignacio Adriasola),
Deconstructing Kano Hogais Hibo Kannon (Kannon, Mother of Mercy), English
abstract of a talk delivered at the 9th International Interdisciplinary Congress on
Women, at Ewha Womens University, Seoul, Korea, 22 June 2005. The English
version is unpublished.
83
Shigeki Tyama, commentator, Tenn to kazoku [The emperor and aristocracy],
Nihon kindai shis taikei, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1988), p. 28, as quoted in
Chiba, Deconstructing Kano Hogai, p. 3.
84
See Wakakuwa, Kg no shz, pp. 379-401.
85
Historically, emperors would be surrounded by a number of consorts.
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slight turning of her body to the left, and the low dcollet with the
three-tiered necklace. Even the mix of Western and Japanese decorations in the rooma rose in a vase, tablecloths and carpets on the
one hand, and Japanese handscrolls and a makie-lacquer box on the
other resonate with the western frame design and medallion format of Jings portrait and the Japanese emblems of the imperial
household, such as the paulownia.
Jing was also a perfect surrogate for Shken in that the Meiji
empress was unable to produce an heir, instead offering herself up
in service to the new Japanese nation-state.86 Jing, in a similar way,
held back the delivery of her baby boy for the sake of a victory
against the Korean kingdoms and the greater glory of the Japanese
imperial household. The depiction of Jing without her son jin is
therefore a significant choice of iconography for the banknotes of
the early Meiji years. Both empresses are featured as hybrid WesternJapanese mothers of the nation and model women.
Conclusion
We have analyzed three different interpretations of Jing imagery
on banknotes and bonds within a time span of ten years between
1873 and 1883 and against the backdrop of earlier Jing images
represented through a variety of media that had multitudinous receptions. It is obvious that the Jing image on banknotes was conceived
with an eye toward the international community. The first image of
1873 was created in the year Japan participated in a world fair
(Vienna) for the first time. In the process of preparing for this pivotal
event, there were many cultural and political discussions regarding
the best way of representing Japan to the worlds nation-states. 87 As
an historical figure associated with international traffic, Jing was
a deliberate choice as representative of the modern Meiji state in
this very year of 1873. Moreover, the relatively high denominations
86
I am indebted to Ikeda Shinobu for her suggestion to read Jings image in this
context.
87
Thus, for instance, the neologism bijutsu (fine arts) was created as a translation
of the two divergent German terms, Kunstgewerbe (arts and crafts) and Schne
Knste (fine arts); see Sat Dshin, Nihon bijutsu tanj: Kindai Nihon no kotoba to
senryaku [The birth of Japanese art: terminologies and strategies in modern Japan],
Kdansha sensho mechie 92 (Tokyo: Kdansha, 1996), pp. 34-41.
103
of one, five and ten-yen notes bearing Jing designs were not used
on a daily basis but only in larger monetary transactions.88 The same
applies to the Jing stamp design of 1908. The affluent international
community residing in Japanese cities at the time was certainly one
of the main consumer groups of these notes, and their familiarity
with Western banknote designs may have been another reason to
feature a Western-style portrait on the new paper money.
But let us take a final look at the types of traditional Jing imagery
employed in the official visual strategies of Meiji Japan. The initial
1873 version (Figure 2.12) shows Jing as a belligerent war heroine
and emblematic of a Japanese imperial past that entertained colonial
ambitions. The composition not only echoes a banknote design celebrating the glorious European explorations of the Americas but
refers more generally to the political aims of a modern nation-state.
In contrast to earlier depictions on handscrolls and votive tablets,
the 1873 design derives from the new concept of a politically involved
imperial household. This notion informs the visible and more
dynamic figure of Jing about to lead her nation into a pivotal battle.
By contrast, earlier depictions of Jings forces attacking the Korean
warriorssuch as those on large votive tabletstypically represent
Jing as an imperial supreme commander hidden away in her ships
royal cabin while her army and deities are taking the active role of
combat warriors. Different from these earlier depictions, in which
she is shown as a general dressed as a man, the banknote presents
her as a Western Amazon replete with Western hairdo and long
white clothingmuch like Joan of Arc. Jings ambiguous gender in
the medieval narrative gives way to a clear pictorial definition of her
femininity.
As much as earlier depictions of Jing focus on her status as an
indigenous deityand sculptural icons of Jing continued to be worshiped at shrinesher image was controlled by a narrative that
defined her character within the context of advisors such as Minister
Takeuchi and her personal network of accompanying male deities
(Sumiyoshi, Kra, and most prominently her son jin, alias Hachiman). By contrast, the 1878 bonds (Figure 2.14) show her as an
88
In 1881, 10 kg. of rice cost 82 sen (100 sen = 1 yen), and 3.3 square meters of
land in the Ginza district of Tokyo cost 20 yen. See Uemura Takashi, Shihei shz no
rekishi [The history of portraits on paper money], Tokyo bijutsu sensho 59 (Tokyo:
Tokyo bijutsu, 1989), p. 88.
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independent, allegorical guardian deity of modernizing Japan, surveying the technological progress of a thriving young nation-state.
Again, her femininity is highlighted by means of her sartorial accoutrements, the lack of pictorial allusions to the martial plot of the Jing
legend, and the cross-reference with Western female allegories.
But while the 1878 bond emphasizes Jings Japaneseness, the
1881, 1882 and 1883 banknote designs (Figures 2.1, 2.2 and 2.3) are
based on European imperial portraiture depicting Jing as an empress
in a hybrid Western/Japanese guise. Devoid of any narrative associations, this imagery is without precedent in earlier popular depictions
of Jing. It was argued at the time that such an imaginary Westernstyle portrait in an oval medallion would protect the revised national
banknote from counterfeiters. Had Western precedents been strictly
followed, a head of state would have been featured on the new paper
money; but since the Meiji emperor could not be depicted, and
because Jing was said to have acquired foreign money, she was an
ideal substitute for a portrait of the Meiji emperor as well as one of
Empress Shken.89
All modern, official Jing images on banknotes, bonds and stamps
epitomized the ideal of continuity and progress as marks of an
advanced and civilized nation.90 The ancient goddess, cross-dressing
warrior and mother Jing was to represent the modern Meiji nationstate in its new guise. While acknowledging the modern palimpsests
of earlier Jing iconographies, I believe that Jing was so successful
as a pictorial representative of modern Japan because her multigendered persona embodied a repertoire of motifs serving diverse
meanings and objectives in the pre-Meiji era.
89
See the memorandum by the head of the Print Bureau, quoted above in fn.
90
17.
105
James Legge, trans., The Nei Tse: The Pattern of the Family, in Li Chi Book
of Rites: An Encyclopedia of Ancient Ceremonial Usages, Religious Creeds, and Social Institutions,
106
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107
The late imperial regime of feminine virtue to which I will refer several times in
this paper is not a formal, legally-backed regime, but a normative one based on socially and historically generated principles of proper feminine conduct. I develop this
concept more fully in The Precious Raft of History: The Past, the West, and the Woman
Question in China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008).
5
Guangxu sanshisan nianfen Xuebu diyici jiaoyu tongji tubiao, in Zhongguo
jindai xuezhi shiliao [Historical materials on the modern Chinese educational system],
Jiaoyu kexue congshu [Compendium of sources on education], ed. Zhu Youhuan
(Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 1983-1986), [hereafter XZSL], 2:2,
pp. 649-650. The provinces with the most schools were Zhili (121), Jiangsu (72), Sichuan (70), and Zhejiang (32).
6
Ye Haowu, Aiguo nxuexiao lunli jiaoxi Ye Haowu jun jiangyi [Lecture delivered by Patriotic Girls School ethics teacher Ye Haowu, Jingzhong ribao (21 April
1904), reprinted in XZSL, 2: 2, p. 625.
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The ancient lijiao teachings that Yao and other radical reformers
so harshly vilified were revered by late-Qing officials. The Education
Board (Xuebu) legitimized its historic decision to authorize formal
female schooling in 1907 by invoking age-old texts and precedents.7
In the preamble to the normal school regulations published on
March 8, 1907, the Board explained that the government had been
reluctant to sanction formal womens education despite mounting
social pressure and the mushrooming of privately founded girls
schools throughout the country. It was not until trusted authorities
had uncovered ancient textual and institutional evidence that supported the initiative that public female schooling was finally approved.8
All documents on womens education drafted both before and after
the 1907 memorials similarly appealed to ancient principles. They
proclaimed that female education had to maintain the age-old
emphasis on womens virtue, and uphold the proper ritual distinctions between female and male, inner (nei) and outer (wai), China
and the outside world.
7
On March 8 of that year, the Xuebu (Board of Education) published regulations for elementary and normal schools for girls and women. These included the
Xuebu zouding nzi xiaoxue tang zhangcheng, Education Board Memorial on
regulations for womens elementary schools, and the Xuebu zouding nzi shifan
xuetang zhangcheng zhe [Education Board Memorial on regulations for womens
normal schools]. For the regulations themselves, see Xuebu zouding nzi shifan
xuetang zhangcheng zhe [The Ministry of Educations memorial on the enactment
of regulations for womens normal schools], DaQing Guangxu xinfaling, dishisance, [New
laws under Emperor Guangxu of the Great Qing Dynasty, vol. 13, 1907 3.8: pp. 3540], reprinted in XZSL: 2, p. 668. On developments in female education at this time,
see Liao Xiuzhen, Qingmo nxue zai xuezhi shang de yanjin ji nzi xiaoxue jiaoyu
de fazhan, 1897-1911 [Late Qing womens education in the context of the evolution of the educational system and the development of womens elementary education, 1897-1911], in Zhongguo fun shilun wenji [Historical essays on Chinese womens
history], ed. Li Yu-ning, (Taipei, 1992), 2: pp. 224-227. On the importance of the
regulations of 1907, see Taga Akigor, comp., Kindai Chgoku kyiku-shi shiry, Shinmatsu-hen [Historical materials for modern Chinese education- late Qing] (Tokyo, 1972),
p. 73.
8
Xuebu zouding nzi shifan, p. 666. This search for ancient Chinese precedents was a classic move on the part of late-Qing intellectuals confronted with the
problem of cultural authority in the face of new Western knowledge. For a discussion
of this discourse on the Chinese sources of Western knowledge (Xixue Zhongyuan),
see Quan Hansheng, Qingmo de Xixue yuanchu Zhongguo shuo [The late-Qing
discourse on Western learning originating in China], Lingnan xuebao 4:2 (1935): 57102. This question of Chinese origins was usually made with reference to science but
was also homologous with other fields.
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12
Xuebu zouding nzi xiaoxue, p. 658; Xuebu zouding nzi shifan, pp. 667-
668.
13
Cong Xiaoping, Localizing the Global, Nationalizing the Local: The Role of
Teachers Schools in Making China Modern, 1897-1937 (unpublished Ph.D. diss.,
University of California, Los Angeles, 2001), p. 90. One of the new initiatives in the
1904 school reform proposal was the establishment of kindergartens for young boys.
Zhang, Zhang, and Rongqing included women in their proposal only insofar as they
could serve as teachers or baomu for these preschool ages boys. Kindergarten education was a new addition of the 1904 system.
14
On the halls see Angela Ki Che Leung, To Chasten Society: The Development of Widow Homes in the Qing, 1773-1911, Late Imperial China 14:2 (December
1993): 1-32. The 1904 memorial also proposed using orphanages (yuyingtang) to the
same purpose.
15
Rongqing, Zhang Boxi, Zhang Zhidong, pp. 396-397.
111
Some chaste widow homes did become primary care training centers both before and after the 1904 memorials publication. 16 Zhang,
Zhang, and Rongqings proposals were not implemented on a broad
scale, however, as the government could no longer ignore public
pressure to establish a formalized system of womens education that
went well beyond what the 1904 document proposed.17
Officials who initiated these calls for a more formalized system,
nonetheless upheld Zhang, Zhang, and Rongqings insistence on the
maintenance of gender separation in womens education. In 1906,
Liu Xun, an official in the Board of Public Works (Gongbu), submitted a memorial urging the court to publish official school regulations
that would enforce the separation of the sexes. These regulations
would clearly stipulate that only women could serve as instructors,
deans, and administrators in the new schools. If for some reason it
was necessary to employ a man, his duties would have to be strictly
circumscribed.18 The next year, the Education Board echoed Lius
proposal in specifying that all positions of authority in the newly
approved government schools had to be filled by women.19
In addition to insisting on the maintenance of gender separation,
Liu Xin, Zhang Zhidong and other defenders of the regime of virtue
explicitly addressed the need to uphold the division between the
inner and outer spheres. The 1904 memorial advocated restricting
female education to the home in order to avoid the risks involved in
allowing young girls to walk freely on the streets.20 While the authors
of the 1907 normal school regulations implicitly sanctioned the presence of young women in public by allowing the establishment of
16
Zhang Zhidong himself established a Jingjie xuetang (School for revering chastity) in Wuchang in 1904 with Japanese women serving as invited instructors and
some 100 chaste widows as students. Zhang chose to establish the widow home rather than attach a womans school to the existing Youzhi yuan (kindergarten) in Wuchang. Zhang Zhidong, Zha xuewuchu ban jingjie yuying xuetang [Document
concerning the establishment of schools in halls for revering chastity and orphanages
by Committees of Educational Affairs], in Zhang Wenxiang gong quanji, Gongdu, juan
25.
17
Even the Minister of the Education Board memorialized the central government on the issue of womens schools. Cong, pp. 117-126, on the Ministers memorial, pp. 118-119.
18
Gongbu zhushi Liu Xun xuewu yaoduan zhe [Manager of Affairs of the
Ministry of Public Works, Liu Xun, on important educational matters], Nanyang guanbao [Nanyang official gazette]: 54 (1906), reprinted in XZSL 2:2, p. 588.
19
Xuebu zouding nzi shifan, p. 673.
20
Rong Qing, Zhang Boxi, Zhang Zhidong, pp. 393-396.
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21
22
23
24
25
113
114
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The Culturally Contested Student Body
of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 2003), p. 342. Most new-style textbooks extant
today did contain some discussion of free marriage, suggesting that these government
bans were less than effective.
30
Out of twenty-four to twenty-eight hours of class time at the lower elementary
level, and thirty-four hours at the normal school level, only two hours were devoted
to ethics courses. Xuebu zouding nzi xiaoxue, pp. 661-665; Xuebu zouding nzi
shifan, pp. 671-672.
115
116
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Figure 3.1. Maochong nxuesheng zhi huangkan [The ridiculous practice of pretending to be female students], THRB 27 (11 September 11 1909).
117
1910), who claimed the model student dressed simply in home-made clothing without make-up or jewelry; N xueshi [Female students], Shibao (18 August 1910).
35
Xuebu zouding nzi shifan, p. 674.
36
Lun Shanghai n xuesheng zhi zhuangshu [The dress of Shanghai female
students], Fun shibao, 11 (20 October 1913): 12-13.
37
Shenbao (25 January 1913), cited in Bailey, Unharnassed Fillies, 16. The liminal status of the student/prostitute imbued the category of the nxuesheng with an
aura of eroticism that became the subject of pornographic fiction. Licentious works
that featured female students were repeatedly banned by the Ministry of Education
through the second decade of the twentieth century. Bailey, Unharnassed Fillies,
p. 16. The allegedly subversive nature of the womens school took on more political
overtones by the 1920s when womens schools often served as Communist Party
bases. Annping Chin writes that there is mounting evidence of such connections; see
her Four Sisters of Hofei, a history (New York, London, Toronto, Sydney, Singapore:
Scribner, 2002), pp. 103-104. The Chinese Communist Party was ultimately founded in a girls school in Shanghai.
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Shijin nxue [Notice to ban womens schools], Shuntian shibao (11 June
1903).
39
Shuchang yu xuetang zhi guanxi [The relationship between schools and
brothels], THRB #130 (23 December 1909).
40
Qing ding n xuesheng fuzhi [Petition to regulate female students clothing],
N jie xinwen, Beijing nbao (9 August 1906).
41
See for example, Kan women nzi bei renjia chixiao [See how our women
are ridiculed], Dagong bao (27 June 1912), cited in Bailey, Unharnassed Fillies,
p. 352.
42
Beijing ribao (11 August 1910), cited in Weikun Cheng, Going Public Through
Education: Female Reformers and Girls Schools in Late Qing Beijing, Late Imperial
China 21: 1 (June 2000): 128.
43
Datong shijie zhi nan, THRB #66 (20 October 1909).
44
Xuebu zouding nzi shifan, p. 674.
119
Figure 3.2. Shuchang yu xuetang zhi guanxi [The relationship between schools
and brothels], THRB 130 (23 December 23 1909).
120
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Figure 3.3. Datong shijie zhi nann [Males and females in a world of great unity],
THRB 66 (20 October 20 1909).
45
Xuebu zou zunni nxue fuse zhangcheng zhai [Memorial from the Education Board respectfully proposing regulations for dress in schools for girls and women], Shibao (26 January 1910).
121
public reveal, this effort to formalize the students dress also went
unheeded.
The dynastic officials and cultural critics who attempted to regulate the too-foreign, too-masculine, and too-loose demeanor of female
students, sought to reinforce what they considered to be increasingly
compromised principles of gender differentiation. At the same time,
those like Ye Haowu introduced earlier in this essay, who were most
committed to the assimilation of wenming ideas, established a new
language of differentiation between a potently new present and a
moribund past. Just as repeated invocation of ancient history on the
part of the regimes defenders masked their engagement with wenming
values, however, so the violent repudiation of past teachings on the
part of the regimes challengers concealed a continued indebtedness
to those teachings.
Promoters of the new female education rhetorically dismissed the
authority of earlier female didactic texts based on lijiao, but continued
to uphold the importance of ethics as the foundation of womens
education, for example. While they explicitly endorsed a young
womans right to a public education and dismissed the harshest criticisms of female students as anti-wenming propaganda, they too
expressed concerns that the n xuesheng posed a threat to the Chinese
social order.
In 1910 two men active in the new education as teachers and
textbook authors, Zhuang Yu and Jiang Weiqiao, complained that
female students were too quickly abandoning established social mores
and family practices (jiushi jiating fengxi). Zhuang and Jiang did not
explicitly call for the containment of the behavior of educated young
women within the sphere of ancient ritual practice but within the
new categories of good wives and wise mothers (liangqi xianmu) and
mothers of citizens (guomin zhi mu).46 While the scope of feminine
virtue was broadened under these new rubrics to encompass not only
the familial but the social, national, and even global contexts, it
continued to be grounded in lijiao. These allegedly new feminine
categories ultimately reinforced the most basic principle of Chinese
gender ideology: a womans purpose in life was to serve. Even those
who proclaimed the increasing irrelevance of the regime of feminine
46
Zhuang Yu and Jiang Weiqiao, Zhi Nanyang Quanye hui yanjiu hui shu
[Letter to the Research Association of the Nanyang Association for the Promotion of
Vocations], Shibao (5 August 1910).
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123
before the encounter could take place, she had expressed the
wish that Shimoda establish a girls school in the Summer Palace
outside of Beijing. The Empress Dowagers own belated decision to
sanction female education had also been influenced by Shimodas
success as an educator.49
What was most attractive to Chinese officials and reformers about
Shimodas teachings was their dual emphasis on ancient ethical principles and new knowledge. For several generations, members of Shimodas family had been scholars of Chinese learning (kangaku) and
she herself had been trained in the Chinese classics and histories.50
She was devoted to both preserving Chinese learning and importing
the new knowledge necessary to strengthen the nations of East Asia
vis--vis the West, the same balance the Chinese authorities implicitly sought in their 1907 normal school regulations. According to one
commentator, Shimoda understood the importance of simultaneously
promoting womens education and preserving fundamental feminine
principles including filiality to in-laws, harmonious relations with
sisters-in-law, maritial compatibility, and maternal instruction. He
explained that while Shimoda had written a respected text on the
new education for women, Domestic Science, she continued to emphasize the importance of harmony, love, benevolence, and goodness.51
The support of these various Chinese authorities made it possible
for Shimoda to play the single most important role in educating
Chinese female overseas students in Japan from the year 1901. Both
the conceptual and the physical context for study at her Practical
Nihon [Modern Chinese education and Meiji Japan] (Tokyo: Fukumura shuppan,
1990), p. 102.
49
Hattori Unokichi recorded these details about the Empress Dowagers interest
in Shimoda. It was Hattoris private hope that the two women would meet, and he
even encouraged his wife Shigeko to learn Chinese so that she could serve as translator at the prospective meeting of the two heroic women. Ko Shimoda kch sensei
denki hensanjo, ed., Shimoda Utako sensei den [Biography of Professor Shimoda Utako],
(Tokyo: Ko Shimoda kch sensei denki hensanjo, 1943), pp. 415-416. See also Abe,
Chgoku, p. 102.
50
Huazu nxuexiao xuejian Xitian Gezi lun xing Zhongguo nxue shi [The
dean of the school for female nobles, Shimoda Utako, discusses the matter of promoting education in China], trans. Zhang Yingxu, transcr. Yang Du, Hunan youxue
yibian [Hunan overseas studies translations] 1 (12 November 1901), p. 9 [37].
51
Lun nxue yi zhuzhong deyu [Womens education should emphasize ethical
education], Dongfang zazhi 3:6 (1906): 119.
124
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125
study by Chinese women] ( Beijing: Zhongguo heping chuban she, 1995), pp. 27-28;
Hu Ying, Tales of Translation: Composing the New Woman in China, 1898-1918 (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 2000), p. 36.
55
For a detailed discussion of these developments, see Judge, Between Nei andWai: Chinese Female Students in Japan in the Early Twentieth Century, in Gender
in Motion: Divisions of Labor and Cultural Change in Late Imperial and Modern China, ed.
Bryna Goodman and Wendy Larson (Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005), pp. 121-143; Beyond Nationalism: Gender and the Chinese Student Experience in Japan in the Early 20th
Century, in Wusheng zhi sheng: Jindai Zhongguo de Fun yu Guojia [Voices Amid Silence
[I]: Women and the Culture in Modern China [1600-1950]], ed. Lo Chui-jung (Taipei: Institute for Modern History, Academia Sinica, 2003), pp. 359-393.
56
Wang Lian, Tongxiang hui jishi: Hubei zhi bu [Record of native place association meeting, section on Hubei], Hubei xuesheng jie 2 (27 February 1903): 114115.
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how integrated she had become into the broader community of overseas students.57
As Wang Lians speech honoring her male colleagues suggested,
men and women shared certain physical spaces in Tokyo, a reality
that contributed to the further transformation of gender relations
among this privileged group of Chinese women and men in the early
twentieth century. Female and male students freely interacted in
public spaces that were meeting grounds for the increasingly radicalized overseas community. One of the most common of these physical
sites was the Chinese Overseas Student Hall (Zhongguo liuxuesheng
huiguan). This two-story building founded in the Kanda section of
Tokyo in 1902 had a bank, bookstore, auditorium, and reception
hall on the first floor, and classrooms where Japanese language was
taught on the second floor.58 The revolutionary icon Qiu Jin (18751907) had attended Japanese classes, joined weekend discussion sessions, and frequently given lectures at the hall.59 Political meetings
attended by both men and women members of the overseas community, such as one organized in April 1903 to coordinate resistance
to the Russian advance in Manchuria, were also held there.60 Meetings of womens organizations were frequently held in this space as
well. The Association of Chinese Women Students in Japan (Zhongguo liu Ri n xuesheng hui) first met at the Student Hall on 23
September 23 1906.61 So did the 70 to 100 females who attended
the first meeting of the Study Society of Chinese Female Overseas
Students in Japan (Zhongguo liu Ri nxue hui) on 5 March 5
1911.62
Other shared public spaces included the Kinkikan where Sun
Zhongshan had given lectures and where the initial meeting of over
57
127
500 overseas students protesting the Russian encroachment in Manchuria was held on 29 April 29 1903.63 Qiu Jin and probably other
women students also attended discussions at Kbun Academy where
Huang Xing (1874-1916) had organized a Doykai (Saturday Club)
for college students from Hunan. One of the lectures Qiu Jin delivered at the club was the famous Advice for the Two Hundred
Million Women of China (Jinggao Zhongguo erwanwan n tongbao)
which was published in the second issue of the Vernacular [Journal]
(Baihua) in October 1904.64 Qiu also gave an important speech at the
Fujimi building on December 5, 1905. In this speech, she encouraged female students to go on strike and leave their dormitories in
response to the Japanese governments Control Regulations (Torishimaru kisoku) which imposed increased restrictions on the Chinese
students in Tokyo.65 Given the positive response to this speech
seventeen students left the Jissen dormitory alonewe can surmise
that a number of women were in the audience.
In addition to formal meeting places, men and women had the
opportunity to meet informally in a variety of living spaces in Tokyo.
These included the relatively well-guarded womens dormitories
where the majority of the Chinese female overseas students lived. 66
Sakaki Mitoko (1883-1975), dormitory dean and teacher in the
Department of Chinese Overseas Students (Shina rygakusei bu) at
Shimoda Utakos Jissen school, recorded that the lights would go out
in the dormitory at nine oclock in the evening and that visitors of
any kind were strictly forbidden.67 While she maintained that most
of the young Chinese women at the school were well bred and
respected the regulations, she also noted that a number defied them
and allowed male guests into their rooms. As a result of these
encounters there had been a number of miscarriages among the
63
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students and one case of a woman dying in childbirth.68 Sakaki further indicated that it was not only difficult to keep male visitors out
of the dormitories, but to ensure that the female students stayed in.
She singled out Qiu Jin as the most recalcitrant in this regard. When
rumors that Qiu was involved with revolutionaries in Tokyo reached
the Jissen administration, school authorities considered the problem
serious enough to station a police box behind one of the school
buildings.69
Men and women also shared familial living spaces in Tokyo. In
many cases young women in these situations lived under the same
constraints they would have been subject to in China, their fate
remaining largely determined by their fathers, husbands, or elder
brothers.70 For other women, however, living outside of the dormitories meant tremendous freedom. He Xiangning, for example,
moved out of a school dormitory setting in 1903 and, with her husband Liao Zhongkai, rented rooms first in the Ushigome and then
the Koishikawa sections of Tokyo.71 Finally, at the request of Sun
Yat-sen, who hoped to use the Liao-He household as a front for his
revolutionary activities, the couple moved again to the Kanda area
where many of the overseas students lived. In their home in Kanda,
He Xiangning hosted and became acquainted with the radical students associated with Sun Yat-sen. She formally joined the Tongmeng hui (Revolutionary Alliance), the first woman to do so, in her
own household in 1905.72
68
Sakakis comments on this subject were understandably cryptic and other
sources of the period were, unfortunately, silent on this subject. Sakaki Mitsuko,
Sakaki Mitsuko-shi dan [A conversation with Ms. Sakaki Mitsuko], Jissen joshi
daigaku toshokan, Shimoda Utako kankei shiry [Jissen Womens University Library
materials related to Shimoda Utako, filed by number], file # 3001-1 (26 August
1968).
69
sato Hiraki, Nihonjin no mita Sh Kin: Sh Kin shijitsu no jakkan no saikent [Japanese views of Qiu Jin: A re-examination of a number of historical facts
concerning Qiu Jin], Chgoku kenky gepp 453 (November 1985): 15-16.
70
Zhou Yichuan, p. 62.
71
He Xiangning, Wo de huiyi [My reminiscences], in Xinhai geming huiyi lu
[Memoirs of the 1911 Revolution], vol. 1 ed. Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang
huiyi quanguo weiyuan hui, Wenshi ziliao yanjiu weiyuan hui (Beijing: Wenshi ziliao
chubanshe, 1981), p. 14.
72
He Xiangning, Wo de huiyi, pp. 15-20; When I Learned How to Cook, in
Li Yu-ning, ed., Chinese Women Through Chinese Eyes (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe,
1992), pp. 135-143.
129
Wang Zheng, Women in the Chinese Enlightenment: Oral and Textual Histories (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), p. 165.
74
A number of vocations were tentatively opening up to women at this time, including sericulture, medicine, publishing, but teaching was the most important
among them. Wang Zheng, p. 130.
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75
131
In making the single life a viable alternative for women not committed to having children, careers in teaching also facilitated new
kinds of feminine romantic and erotic autonomy. Lu Lihua had two
brief marriages and a number of informal relationships. While her
romantic life was subject to humiliating social scrutiny, her teaching
career was never seriously impeded.79
More challenging to social norms than the alleged promiscuousness of independent career women like Li was female same-sex love.
At the turn of the twentieth century, this phenomenon was exclusively linked to the milieu of womens schools which allegedly fostered intimate relationships between female students, between female
students and teachers, or between female teachers. Discussions which
linked these unorthodox erotic practices to girls schooling revealed
broader anxieties about the threat womens education posed to the
existing economic and reproductive order.
The first article to address the subject of female same-sex love
appeared in The Womens Eastern Times (Fun shibao) in June of 1911.
Written by a certain Shan Zai and entitled Same-sex Love Among
Women (Fun tongxing zhi aiqing), the article presented female homoeroticism as abhorrent and foreshadowed a much more extensive
discussion of the relationship between education and same-sex love
less than a decade later.80 Shan Zai considered both nature and
nurture to be causes of female same-sex relations. He claimed that
some women were not physically attracted to men, others lacked
opportunities to meet men, and still others were merely perversely
curious about women. He then traced the history of female same-sex
love from ancient Greece and Rome through the medieval period,
and discussed its emergence in European and barbarian lands.
The context Shan Zai was most urgently concerned with, however,
was the contemporary Chinese female overseas student community
in Japan. He asserted that female same-sex love had become a pressing concern there and offered a number of tentative solutions to this
problem. These included abolishing dormitories for female students, keeping close friends in separate rooms, and educating young
79
132
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part two
WOMAN AS LITERARY METAPHOR
133
134
keith mcmahon
135
Male subjection to female will is a core feature of fiction about prostitutes and male patrons in Shanghai brothels of the late Qing. The
most successful prostitute is the one who best manages to tap into
the patrons willingness to subject himself to her. She is a famous
figure in Shanghai guidebooks, newspapers, and fiction, all of which
promote an image of flashy urban sophistication via the aura of the
savvy and fashionable prostitute. Only a new kind of man, one who
can adjust to the modern urban scene, will deserve the attention of
this woman, who will otherwise make a fool of anyone who betrays
his lack of savoir-faire. Love becomes a cheating game in which
patron and prostitute live to cheat each other and avoid being
cheated by the other. No redemption is possible except when lovers
take a step back from flashy Shanghai and in a mode of classic sentimentality revert to older models of romantic heroes and heroines.
The male patron finally finds a kindred soul from the brothel and
together they join against a backdrop of general chaos and
degradation. One type of ending has them die a love-death as the
latter-day inheritors of a tradition of sublime love. In another type
of ending, they marry, after which the prostitute becomes a concubine
in the mans ancestral home, in which she virtuously subordinates
herself to the mans main wife.
The prostitutes effectiveness in the modern urban setting combines motifs of classical romance with the skills of doing business in
the foreign concessions of Shanghai. The love story of the late-Qing
1
On this topic, I have been especially inspired by the scholarship of Catherine
Yeh and Paola Zamperini; see Yeh, The Life-style of Four Wenren in Late Qing
Shanghai, in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 57.2 (1997): 419-470; Reinventing
Ritual: Late Qing Handbooks for Proper Customer Behavior in Shanghai Courtesan
Houses, in Late Imperial China 19.2 (1998): 1-63; and Shanghai Love: Courtesans, Intellectuals and Entertainment Culture, 1850-1910 (Seattle: University of Washington Press,
2006), see also Zamperini, Lost Bodies: Prostitution and Masculinity in Late Qing Fiction
(Leiden: E.J. Brill, forthcoming).
136
keith mcmahon
137
that, if it werent for polygyny at the will of the women, then this
genteel man would turn into a worthless wastrel.
My point in bringing up Dream of the Red Chamber is to read lateQing lovers as versions of that novels central characters, Jia Baoyu
and Lin Daiyu, and in doing so to see them as taking part in a
romantic imaginary that juggles between the polygynous fantasy, on
the one hand, and the fantasy of just two lovers, on the other. The
polygynists fantasy takes ultimate form in the sequels just mentioned
in which polygyny becomes something the women want and manage.
The fantasy of two lovers, which is what Dream of the Red Chamber is
mainly about but not its sequels, presents the model of what I call
sublime passion. In the fantasy of two lovers, love in order to be true
cannot succeed. The closest it can come to success is a state that qing
scenarios since the late Ming repeatedly project, which features a
sense of equality and exchangeability between men and women. But
equality and exchangeability are ephemeral, as is the very sense of
self. Love is defined as a sublime state of union that is possible only
when two lovers miss the perfect moment. The qing scenario features
an inherent evanescence and reversibility of boundaries of status and
gender. Examples include the scenes in numerous novels in which
men and women gather to write poetry and in which seating
arrangements and appellations take no account of normal status
markers. The man is distinctly lesser in moral and spiritual stature
than the woman, in spite of his greater social privilege. In effect, the
man must become feminine in order to achieve a state of being that
the woman is more easily capable of achieving. That state of being
refers to a kind of magic transformation whereby the subject potentially arrives at a point of radical disconnectedness and therefore
radical potential. The transformation is especially significant in times
of personal and social crisis, hence its enhanced literary dramatization at the two times of the decadence and fall of the Ming and the
decadence and disintegration of the Qing.
The remarkable woman is the ideal subject in such situations. She
is the ultimate figure of qing subjectivity. She appears in both her
own writings and those of male writers throughout the Ming and
Qing to the very end of the dynasty. In general, these female voices
stage what amounts to a separate chorus which at its loudest shouts
with a voice that shakes the entire cosmos. A prime mythic figure of
this woman in late-Qing China is, interestingly enough, the cosmic
138
keith mcmahon
139
For further discussion of this point, see McMahon, Cultural Destiny and Polygynous Love in Zou Taos Shanghai Dust, in Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, and
Reviews 27 (2005): 117-135.
140
keith mcmahon
141
For a discussion of stealing the man from traditional patriarchy, see McMahon,
Fleecing the Male Customer in Shanghai Brothels of the1890s, in Late Imperial
China 23.2 (2002): 1-32.
142
keith mcmahon
ple, the story of the woman who marries a client but refuses to return
with him to his patriarchal home in the provinces, or the woman
who, bored with being the mans concubine in the provinces,
absconds with his money and jewelry to return to a life of prostitution in Shanghai. The disharmony between patron and prostitute
has to do with the mans resentment of the heartless woman and
with the womans scorn for the man who thinks he can control
her.
From the prospect of the late Qing looking forward, what do these
characters turn into in later times? What forms will sexual agency
and pleasure take? What are the steps that men and women will take
in Republican China to imagine and actually try to live out egalitarian relationships? At this point, the received formulas are the polygynous fantasy and the affair of the mutually suspicious patron and
prostitute. There is also the affair of the love martyrs, that is, the
lovers who must by definition always miss the perfect moment. They
are already equal, so to speak, though not yet in the sense defined
by the new egalitarianism. They cannot yet bring their love into
reality. The relationship between the savvy prostitute and the brothel
fool is also a kind of egalitarianism, but it is a scorned and degraded
form of equality. The prostitute cannot shed the aura of baseness,
however dominant and powerful she becomes as an icon of modernity
and transition. Her assertion of sexual freedom and ability to choose
her sexual and romantic partners is more the sign of the mans defeat
than of the womans liberation. A popular late-Qing novel like Ninetimes Cuckold (Jiuwei gui, 1906-1910) counters the savvy prostitute by
inventing a modern Chinese man who sees through her wily ways
and re-asserts his ability to tame all promiscuous women. In his eyes,
the Chinese man proves his status as a modern international man
by his ability to tame the Shanghai prostitute. In short, the chief
questions to pose for the periods that follow are: In what forms will
the insistence on the primacy of polygynous pleasure persist after the
end of the Qing? With the erotic tradition known until then dismissed, and with the institution of polygamy and concubinage on its
way to being dismantled, what will become of the profound connection between polygamy, prostitution, and the structure of sexuality
in general? Or will that connection, as I suggest for future consideration, be overlooked and underplayed, and with what cost?
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notions of literature coexisted until the late 1900s, when, after the
end of the Russo-Japanese War in 1905, the narrower notion of
literature as literary art rapidly assumed an autonomous cultural
statuswith the novel as its central genredifferentiating itself from
the earlier, broader notion of literature as humanities. It was at this
time that the so-called Japanese Naturalist writers and critics gained
a hegemonic literary position, supported by the authority of the
newly standardized and institutionalized genbun-itchi (unification of
spoken and written languages) modern colloquial written language,
which constituted the ideological foundation for the modern national
language. It was also in the mid-1900s that fin-de-sicle European
early modernismwith its emphasis on anti-utilitarian aestheticism
and subversion of established textual and sexual normsbegan to
inspire Japanese writers. Indeed, realism and modernism developed
almost simultaneously in Japan, and the discourse of modern Japanese literaturewhich actively contributed to representations of new
gender and social relationsassimilated, from the beginning of the
twentieth century, the discourse of literary modernism, which in
Europe emerged as a counter-discourse to bourgeois industrial
modernity, often taking a feminine position in opposition to
bourgeois masculinity. As I will show, the formation of the modern
field of literature was deeply related to changing conceptions of
gender, which worked as a powerful organizing metaphor in
constructing the discourse on literature, literary language, and
national identity in modern Japan.
The intricate interrelationship between the discursive formation
of modern Japanese literature and the formation of new gender conceptions had long-range implications for the formation of linguistic
and cultural identity. As a starting point, I will introduce a short
passage from Tanizaki Junichir (1886-1965)s essay On the Defects
national literature, thus separating literature and history (the department of
Chinese studies was renamed kangakka). Hasegawa Izumi, Kindai Nihon bungaku hyronshi
(Yseid, 1966), pp. 30-52; Suzuki Sadami, Nihon no bungaku gainen (Sakuhinsha, 1998);
Haruo Shirane and Tomi Suzuki, eds., Szsareta koten: Kanon keisei, kokumin kokka,
Nihon bungaku (Shinysha, 1999); Haruo Shirane and Tomi Suzuki, eds., Inventing the
Classics: Modernity, National Identity, and Japanese Literature (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000). On the institutional establishment of kokubungaku, see Michael
Brownsteins pioneering article in English, From Kokugaku to Kokubungaku: CanonFormation in the Meiji Period, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 47 (1987): 435-460.
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[essential] gender characteristics of the two sexes, and in the Heian
period different languages were used according to sexual difference. 3
Mishima argues that Japanese literature still tends to deal only with
the private, emotional life, partly due to the nineteenth-century
Romantic notion of literature, but mostly due to the nature of native
Japanese language and literature, which, he claims, originally lacked
masculine reason, logic, and the power of abstraction. The masculine
aspects of Japanese culture were always foreign imports, he laments.
Tanizaki describes the genbun-itchi modern standard language as
homogenizing all subjects and masculinizing women, whereas
Mishima characterizes Japanese language as feminizing (and castrating) men. Tanizakis interest as a novelist at this time (in the early
1930s) was to defamiliarize, historicize, and relativize the orthodox
genbun-itchi language (and literary conventions developed through this
language) by dramatizing linguistic gender differences and resuscitating what he claimed to be the disappearing feminine aspect of
Japanese language in order to explore new modernist fiction.
Mishima, by contrast, attempted to redress what he regarded as the
emasculation of Japanese language and literature by consciously dramatizing and valuing logic, abstraction, and intellectualization
which he associated with masculinityand implied that he intended
to achieve a Synthese of masculine ideas and feminine emotions in
his own writing.4
While Tanizaki emphasized the discontinuity between the modern
genbun-itchi language and the so-called genuine Japanese language,
and Mishima stressed the continuity between the two, they both
represented and mobilized larger gendered views of Japanese national
language and literature, views that had emerged from the late 1880s
and that were widely naturalized from the early twentieth century.
Indeed, we can observe a generative, mutually-forming relationship
between the terms by which Japanese language and literature, particularly the novel and its language, came to be defined from the
mid-1880s and the terms by which new gender relations were conceived. I argue that it was precisely the proximity of these terms that
3
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tomi suzuki
Shy draws a fine line between obscene and vulgar fiction, which
induces base and licentious desire, and the realistic artistic novel,
which deals with love (airen, a neologism and translation of the
Western word love) and encourages reflection on the meaning of
life. Here Shy mixes the Confucian condemnation of licentiousness,
the Victorian view of sexuality (with its division between base,
7
Shsetsu shinzui, pp. 69-70. Shys central view of the most advanced form of
the novel is embodied in his key term, the artistic novel, which is defined as the
realistic novel, and which is contrasted with the less advanced kind of didactic
novel, to which, Shy claims, most of the best Japanese fiction since that of Takizawa (Kyokutei) Bakin belongs.
8
Shsetsu shinzui, pp. 74, 87.
9
Shsetsu shinzui, pp. 86-88.
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10
Based on the notion of belles-lettres in Shji oyobi kabun (1879), Kikuchi Dairokus translation of Rhetoric and Belles-Letters, in William and Robert Chambers, eds., Information for the People (Edinburgh: Chambers, 1848, 1849), Shy
explains that sublimity, beauty, pathos, and ludicrousnessthese are essential elements of belles-letters (kabun), particularly indispensable for the language of the novel (Shsetsu shinzui, p. 102).
11
Shsetsu shinzui, the Buntairon [On styles] section, pp. 101-129.
12
Shys prescription for an updated combination style was to use more of the
colloquial style than found in Takizawa Bakins high-toned yomihon, which was being
commonly used in Meiji political fiction and translated fiction, and more kango than
found in the more colloquial kusazshi-style of late Edo low-brow vernacular ninjbon
and kokkeibon, which, Shy explains, did not use much kango because they were
meant for women and children. It is curious, however, that Shy equates gabun
with wabun when his notion of gazoku-setch style in fact is continuous with Bakins
notion of gazoku-setch (high-low mixed style)which derived from the discourse of
Ming- and Qing-period vernacular fictionin which gabun included both wabunbased and kanbun-based high styles.
13
Jogaku zasshi was founded in July 1885 with Kond Kenz as a chief editor, but
with the sudden death of Kond in May 1886 Iwamoto Yoshiharu became the sole
editor until the magazines end in 1904. For earlier studies on Jogaku zasshi and early
Meiji women writers, see Wada Shigejir, Meiji zenki jory sakuhin ron (fsha, 1989);
Seki Reiko, Kataru onnatachi no jidai: Ichiy to Meiji josei hygen (Shinysha, 1997); Hirata Yumi, Josei hygen no meijishi: Ichiy izen (Iwanami shoten, 1999); and Rebecca
Copelands pioneering English-language book, Lost Leaves: Women Writers of Meiji Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000). My discussion of Iwamotos views
of the novel and women pays new attention to his shifting views of the novel within
the 1880s-1900 discursive context.
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154
tomi suzuki
cannot help expressing his dissatisfaction with the fact that the characters of such genuine novels as Manners and Lives of Contemporary
Students only depict petty students who indulge in carnal pleasures. 21
In an earlier essay written in 1885 called The Position of Women
(Fujin no chii, August-September 1885), Iwamoto pointed to three
stages of civilization: the first stage was the barbarous time of lust;
the second stage was the half-civilized time of foolish passion; the
third stage was the civilized time of love, of spiritual companionship
between man and woman.22 In principle, Iwamoto recognized the
value of the realistic novel, but he was increasingly ambivalent about
the actual examples of new fiction, which appeared to him to occupy
the second stage of foolish passion if not the first stage of barbarous
lust.
Iwamotos sense of dissatisfaction further intensified in 1889. In
an essay called Ideals of Writing (Bunshj no ris, March 1889) he
expresses his strong dissatisfaction with the obscenity and frivolous nature of recent fiction such as Saganoya Omuros Rotten
Eggs (Kusare tamago, 1889), which depicts the slovenly sexual relationships between a female teacher at a Christian school and two
young men. The woman represents both sexual allure and fear of
the female teacher as a new literary figure and femme fatale. Iwamoto urges women to reject and protest against such immoral writings and urges them to make an effort to produce compassionate,
upright texts. Iwamoto states that the true Beauty is a reflection of
moral ideals and emphasizes the moral power and influence of
women.23 Iwamoto further develops this point in the next issue of
Jogaku zasshi in an essay called The True Nature of Women Novelists (Jory shsetsuka no honshoku, March 1889). Noting that the popularity of the novel after such remarkable works as Yano Rykeis
Commendable Anecdotes on Creating a Nation (Keikoku bidan, 1883-84) and
Tsubouchi Shys Manner and Lives of Contemporary Students, has
recently produced many second-rate, frivolous novelists, Iwamoto
sees a similar tendency in the womens novels that followed Nakajima
Shen (1863-1901)s Crossroads of Good and Evil (Zenaku no chimata,
21
24
156
tomi suzuki
26
Jogaku zasshi, Issues 154 (March 23, 1889) and 177 (August 31, 1889).
For Bungaku kyokusui rons, see Tomi Suzuki, Narrating the Self: Fictions of
Japanese Modernity (Standford: Stanford University Press, 1996), pp. 25-26, 195. Jogaku zasshi actually published multiple, different and sometimes dissonant, views on
the contemporary novels. In the fall of 1889, when the Saikaku revival had become
noticeable with the publication of Kda Rohans novel Buddha of Art (Frybutsu), a
short essay favorably introduced recent works by Saganoya Omuro, Yamada Bimy,
Ozaki Ky, and Rohan, and recommended women writers and those aspiring future writers to study both Western literature and the Genroku literature (Issue 184,
October 26, 1889). In early 1890, another essay satirically commented on the current literary fashion and pejoratively mentioned such trends as Genbun-itchi sickness
27
and Genroku sickness as well as Translation-style sickness (Issue 204, March 15,
1890).
28
Jogaku zasshi, Issue 205 (March 22, 1890): 13-14.
29
Jogaku zasshi, Issue 206 (March 29, 1890): 14.
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tomi suzuki
create such distinctions since men and women are naturally different.
Toshiko, who published the first novel by a Meiji woman writer,
Crossroads of Good and Evil (1887),34 skillfully attempts, with a sense of
wit and irony, to refute and sooth those who are threatened by the
idea of the equality of the sexes and the visible rise of womens
education. Toshiko argues that writing in deliberately difficult
Chinese characters will not make the writing manly and using gentle
diction will not make the writing feminine. Instead, writers need to
learn how to express and communicate their ideas freely in
writing.35
In fact, with the spread of education during the 1880s, kanbun and
kangaku (the study of Chinese writings) had become an important
pillar of primary and secondary education and also part of an educated womans curriculum. Kanbun was the basis of literacy and a
central part of language education (for both reading and writing)
until the mid-1890s, when the 1894 revised curriculum for the secondary school eliminated mandatory composition in kanbun for the
first time and emphasized the harmony of kokugo (defined in the
1886 curriculum as writing mixed with Chinese characters or SinoJapanese mixed style) and kanbun, with kokugo as primary and kanbun
as subsidiary.36 The impact of kanbun education is apparent not only
in Nakajima Toshikos (Shen) powerful kanbun-esque essays (Toshiko
in her teens tutored the Meiji empress on Mencius) but also in the
critical writings of a younger generation of women such as Shimizu
Toyoko (Shikin) and Kimura Akebono. Koganei Kimiko, noted for
her elegant mixed-style translations, translated fiction and poetry not
only from English but from classical and Ming-Qing Chinese literature; and many women writers, including Koganei Kimiko, Wakamatsu Shizuko, and Higuchi Ichiy, favored Bakins heroic fiction,
which was written in high-toned Sino-Japanese mixed style, when
they were young.
34
Crossroads of Good and Evil was her adaptation of Bulwer-Lyttons Eugene Aram.
She also wrote an autobiographical novel in the form of political fiction called Splendid Flowers in the Valley (Sankan no meika, 1889).
35
Nakajima Toshiko, Jogakusei ni daisu, Jogaku zasshi, Issue 216 (June 7, 1890).
Reprinted in Kishida [Nakajima] Toshiko hyronsh (Fuji shuppan, 1985), pp. 146-147.
36
See Tasaka Fumio, Meiji jidai no kokugoka kyiku (Tykan shuppansha, 1969)
and Inoue Toshio, Kokugo kyikushi shiry 2: Kykasho-shi (Tky hrei shuppan,
1981).
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from a five-year stay in Germany, gai developed a unique experimental Japanese-Chinese-Western mixed style (wa-kan-y konkbun)
in his translation of European poetry in the anthology Omokage (Vestiges, 1889) and in the novellas of his German trilogyMaihime
(Dancing girl, 1890), Utakata no ki (Foam on the waves, 1890),
and Fumi-zukai (The Courier, 1891).
Although the notion of genbun-itchi was advocated in the mid-1880s
in such works as Mozume Takamis book Genbun-itchi (1886) and
although experimental colloquial styles were explored in such works
as Futabatei Shimeis Ukigumo and his translations from Russian novels, the phonocentric notion of genbun-itchi did not become established
until much later, in the late 1900s, if not later.39 Until the late 1900s,
there had been no binary contrast between the modern genbun-itchi
style and the traditional styles. Instead, there were multiple styles:
kanbun, wabun, Sino-Japanese styles (hentai-kanbun or wakan konkbun),
new translation styleswhich incorporated idioms and syntactical
features of Western languages into the Sino-Japanese styles (bunchokuyakutai)and various experimental colloquial styles. The new
written styles were a variegated amalgam experimented with from
the mid-1880s, and the dominant conception of the written style was
best represented by such notions as gazoku setch-tai (high-low fused
style) and wa-kan-y konkbun (Japanese-Chinese-Western mixed
style), which actually allowed for various different mixtures. Although
the need to create a standard modern national spoken language
(hyjungo) was proclaimed after the Sino-Japanese War by Ueda
Kazutoshi (1867-1937) and the government began promoting the
establishment of a standardized plain colloquial style (kgobun) in the
state-compiled primary school textbooks (first published in 1903/
1904),40 the mixed styles of gazoku setchtai and wa-kan-y konkbun
39
Mozume argued in 1900 that genbun-itchi in the strict sense is possible only in
conversational writing (kaiwabun) and that it is actually unsuited to expository writing
(kirokubun), the essence of which should be conciseness and precision. Yamamoto
Masahide, Kindai buntai hassei no shiteki kenky (Iwanami shoten, 1965), pp. 290-96.
40
The linguist Ueda Kazutoshi, chief architect of the national language policy,
returned from a four-year research stay (18901894) in Germany (where he had
witnessed the promotion of a standardized national language by the Deutscher
Sprachverein) and gave a lecture, Kokugo to kokka to [National language and our
nation, 1894], in which he referred to the national language (kokugo) as the spiritual blood binding the nations people together. In Hyjungo ni tsukite [On a
Standard language, 1895], Ueda argued that the establishment of a standard spoken language (hyjungo)in contradistinction to regional dialectswas the foremost
priority for Japans development as a modern nation-state, stressing the interdependence of colloquialization and standardization. Ueda persuaded the government to
set up the National Language Research Council (established in 1902) to begin a serious, coordinated examination of language policy at the national level, which resulted
in the publication of state-compiled school textbooks (announced in 1903 and put
into operation from 1904 and continued until 1948). See Yamamoto Masahide,
Genbun-itchi no rekishi ronk: Zoku-hen (fsha, 1981), Chaps. 10-14; Nanette Twine,
Language and the Modern State: The Reform of Written Japanese (London: Routledge, 1991),
Chap. 6; and Lee Yeounsuk, Kokugo to iu shis (Iwanami shoten, 1996), Chaps.
1-2.
41
The primary-school textbooks edited and published by the government in
1903-1904 adopted, to a significant degree, the colloquial genbun-itchi style for the
lower grades. However, the genbun-itchi style became the dominant style in the secondary school textbooks only toward the end of the Taish period, from the mid1920s. Newspaper articles written in the colloquial style started to appear after the
mid-1900s, and in 1922 the editorial columns of the major newspapers, which had
long preserved the traditional expository style, shifted to the genbun-itchi style. Legal
documents and government papers continued to be written in the traditional expository style until after World War II.
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was not between the genbun-itchi style and the traditional, classical or
kanbun styles. Instead, they worked in new amalgamated styles that
were highly variegated, and which included kango, new translation
styles, and various colloquial styles.
While Iwamoto became disillusioned by the new realistic novels,
his belief in women as having the potential to be more genuine artists
increased after 1890. In an essay entitled Great Women Poets
(Keish daishijin, March 1890), Iwamoto stated that at the time of
literatures greatest decline, the only hope is the appearance of great
women poets. In his view women, who know by intuition rather than
by cognition, and who synthesize rather than analyze, are born
poets.42 In an essay entitled Talented Women in the Literary World
(Bunkai no keish, September 1896), published a year after the end of
the Sino-Japanese War, Iwamoto expressed his concerns for people
marginalized by rapid industrialization. As demonstrated by Mrs.
Stowe, the author of Uncle Toms Cabin, it is women who can reveal
and address social injustice, particularly with regard to the suffering
of women.43 In 1899, Iwamoto praised the late Higuchi Ichiy (who
died in 1896) as the woman writer who had reached the highest level
of literature, stating that she was even greater than Kda Rohan
(1867-1947) and Ozaki Ky (1868-1903), whom he considered the
two most prominent contemporary male novelists, a widely held view
at the time. Iwamoto celebrates the truthfulness and sincerity of
Ichiys writings and in particular her depiction of the real emotions
of various types of women, all of which he attributes to Ichiys
unique talent as well as to her being a woman writer.44
In 1895, following the Sino-Japanese War, new influential journals
emerged, such as Teikoku bungaku (Imperial Literature, 1895-1920) and
Taiy (The Sun, 1895-1928). In December 1895 a new literary journal,
Bungei kurabu (Literary Club, established by the large and influential
publishing company Hakubunkan, which also started the influential
general-interest journal Taiy in the same year), published a special
issue called Novels by Talented Women Writers (Keish shsetsu),
with works by eleven contemporary women novelists and several
waka poems in the new style waka (shintai-ka). The issue was a great
42
43
44
45
166
tomi suzuki
the early 1900s that Tson and others shifted their primary genre
to the novel as the best and ultimate literary form).
Following the end of the Russo-Japanese War in 1905, however,
the novel rapidly acquired a more respectable cultural position. It
was at this time that the so-called Japanese Naturalist writers and
critics assumed a hegemonic position through newly established
literary journals such as Shinch (established in 1904), Waseda Bungaku
(Second Series started in 1906 with Shimamura Hgetsu as its central figure),47 and Bunsh sekai (established in 1906 with Tayama Katai
as its chief editor). These journals widely enforced the value and
authority of the newly institutionalized genbun-itchi language. Following the death of Ozaki Ky (1868-1903), the leader of the Kenysha
(The Society of Friends of the Inkstone) and the most popular and
influential fiction writer in the 1890s and early 1900s, Tayama Katai
(1871-1930) published Rokotsunaru bysha (Unadorned description) in the influential general-interest magazine Taiy, in which he
named Ky, Rohan, Shy, and gai as past great giants and
attacked the contemporary advocates of artificial literary technique
(ima no gikronsha) as slaves of literary style. Katai criticized earlier
Meiji literature as powdered, ornate writings or gilt-plated literature (mekki bungaku) and proudly placed the new inclination toward
unadorned, bold description in contemporary Japanese writing
alongside the new trend in Western literature (as exemplified by
fin-de-sicle revolutionaries such as Henrik Ibsen, Leo Tolstoy,
Emile Zola, Fyodor Dostoevsky, Gabriele DAnnunzio, Gerhart
Hauptmann, and Hermann Sudermann). According to Katai, these
Western writers destroyed the gilded literature of not only classicism but also of Romanticism by being outspoken, truthful, and
natural.48
From 1906 to 1907, critics and novelists such as Shimamura
Hgetsu (1871-1918), Tayama Katai, Shimazaki Tson, Iwano
Hmei (1873-1920), Sma Gyof (1883-1950), Hasegawa Tenkei
(1876-1940), Katagami Tengen (1884-1928), and Masamune
Hakuch (1879-1962) emphasized their sincerity as well as their
47
The first Waseda Bungaku, which was established by Tsubouchi Shy in 1891,
ended in 1898, and the Second Series Waseda Bungaku began in 1906 (continued
until 1927) with Shimamura Hgetsu as its central figure.
48
Tayama Katai, Rokotsunaru bysha, in Kindai hyron sh I, Nihon kindai
bungaku taikei, vol. 57 (Kadokawa shoten, 1972), pp. 198-203.
49
Hasegawa Tenkei, Genmetsu jidai no geijutsu [Art in the age of disillusionment], Taiy (October 1906), Katagami Tengen, Heibon shakunaru jujitsu no
kachi [The value of ordinary and ugly facts], Shinsei (April 1907), Shimamura
Hgetsu, Ima no bundan to shin-shizenshugi [Todays literary world and NeoNaturalism], Waseda bungaku (June 1907), Futon gappy [Joint review of Katais
Futon], Waseda bungaku (October 1907), Sma Gyof, Bungeij shukaku rytai no
ykai [The fusion of subject and object in literature], Waseda bungaku (October
1907), Shimamura Hgetsu, Bungeij no shizenshugi [Naturalism in literature],
Waseda bungaku (January 1908), Shimamura Hgetsu, Shizenshugi no kachi [The
value of naturalism], Waseda bungaku (May 1908). All in Kindai bungaku hyron taikei,
vol. 3 (Kadokawa shoten, 1972).
168
tomi suzuki
50
Shimamura Hgetsu, Bungeij no shizenshugi, in Kindai bungaku hyron taikei,
vol. 3, pp. 101-102, 111-117.
51
See Tayama Katais series of questionnaires and reports regarding the written
styles in Bunsh sekai, such as Shrai no joshi no bunsh ni tsukite, Bunsh sekai,
vol. 1, no. 2 (April 1906); Genbun-itchi ni tsukite, Bunsh sekai, vol. 1, no. 3 (May
1906); Genbun-itchi igai no bunsh o manabu y ari ya, Bunsh sekai, vol. 3, no. 15
(November 1908).
For the changing receptions of Higuchi Ichiy, see Seki Reiko, Ane no chikara:
Higuchi Ichiy (Chikuma shob, 1993), pp. 209-10, 245-248; Ichiy igo no josei hygen
(Kanrin shob, 2003), pp. 8-12, 48. For the media construction of the images of literary authors, see Nakayama Akihiko, Shi no rekishi-monogatari, Bungaku, vol. 5,
no. 3 (Summer 1994): 16-29.
53
Murasaki Shikibu, Shinyaku Genji monogatari, trans. Yosano Akiko (Kanao
Bunend, 1912-1913). For Akiko and the Genji in the larger Meiji literary context,
see G.G. Rowley, Yosano Akiko and The Tale of Genji (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese
Studies, University of Michigan, 2000), and Seki, Ichiy igo no josei hygen. See also
Shinma Shinichi, Yosano Akiko to Genji monogatari, in Kodai bungaku rons, vol. 6,
Genji monogatari to sono eiky (Musashino shoin, 1978). After completing the colloquial
translation and rewriting of the Genji, Akiko serialized her only long, autobiographical novel, entitled Akarumi e [To light], in The Tokyo Asahi Newspaper from June to
September of 1913.
170
tomi suzuki
ary position in the recently established field of literature as a bilingual translator and mediator between the feminized classical
language and the new modern colloquial language, paradoxically
naturalizing and reinforcing the newly gendered linguistic divide.
It has often been claimed by later modern scholars that women
novelists disappeared from the central literary stage with the emergence in the 1900s of Naturalism, which focused on the exploration
of truth and scientific objectivity, domains and qualities associated
with masculinity and said to be suited more to men.54 What is
noteworthy, however, is that the so-called Japanese Naturalists
assumed a hegemonic literary position, differentiating themselves
from their immediate predecessors and rivals by emphasizing their
sincerity as well as their subjective and emotional involvement
in their subject matter. Significantly, the qualities that the Japanese
Naturalists claimed for the literature of new agesubjective and
emotional involvement, sincerity, and emphasis on personal experience and private interioritywere the very attributes that had
defined women, particularly women writers in the 1890s. At this
point, in the mid-1900s (specifically from 1906-1907) after the end
of the Russo-Japanese War, this notion of sincerity, subjective and
emotional involvement, and the emphasis on private experience
became the defining feature of so-called pure literature (junbungaku),
that is to say, literature as an autonomous cultural field.55 Significantly,
terms such as junbungaku or bibungaku (elegant writing, belles-lettres),
which had been used since the 1890 in contradistinction to the
broader notion of bungaku (learning, studies, humanities, literature), started to disappear after this time, with literary art or aesthetic literature becoming simply bungaku.
54
See, for e.g., Takada Mizuho, Kindai bungaku to jory, in Nihon jory bungakushi, ed. Yoshida Seiichi (Ybun shoin, 1969).
55
This is clearly represented in the revised and expanded edition of Meiji bungakushi (1909) by Iwaki Juntar, who extensively changed his literary historical narrative from the first edition published in 1906. This first book-length full literary
history of Meiji literature was published as part of Meiji rekishi zensh, compiled by the
authoritative professors of Tokyo Imperial University: Inoue Tetsujir, Tsuboi Kumaz, and Haga Yaichi. Iwakis Meiji bungakushi (the revised edition), which was a
long seller (reprinted in 1927 and again in 1948), basically adopts the same literary
historical narrative as that outlined by Naturalist critics such as Shimamura Hgetsu.
56
See, for example, Uchida Roans retrospect The Advancement of the Social
Status of Literary Writers in the Past Twenty-five Years (Nijgonenkan no bunjin no
shakaiteki chii no shinpo), published in the magazine Taiy in June, 1912.
57
For the formation of the modern male homosocial literary field in Japan, see
Iida Yko, Karera no monogatari (Nagoya daigaku shuppan, 1998). In 1898, after a
decade of debate in which a liberal civil code had been rejected because of the
threat it seemed to pose to traditional Japanese concepts of loyalty and filial piety,
a new code was announced, one that strengthened the concept of the ie (house/family) and tied it to a patriarchal emperor-system. Resurrecting the ie, the Meiji civil
code made the authority of the patriarch absolute. The stipulation that all property
would be inherited by the oldest son not only did away with the diversity of custom
practiced since Tokugawa; it made it virtually impossible for women to be thought
of as anything but commodities in a continuing patriarchal, patrilineal market. In
1899, the government issued an Ordinance on the Womens Higher-School (Kt
jogakk rei), which emphasized that the goal of womens education was to create
good wives, wise mothers (Sharon Sievers, Flowers in Salt, pp. 110-113). Women,
integrally linked to the family and then to the nation, comprised a group. In 1898
only 1-2% of girls went beyond elementary school; readers of womens magazines
were mainly upper-class schoolgirls, though later in the 1920s the shift is to the lower- and middle-class, and older women. The foundation for the extraordinary
growth of womens magazines in the early twentieth century was nothing less than
the expanded education given to upper-class women in the Meiji period (Barbara
Sato, The New Japanese Woman: Modernity, Media, and Women in Interwar Japan, Duke
University Press, 2003, pp. 80-81). For translations of some male critics views of
womens writings (from the end of the nineteenth century to the end of the twentieth century), see Woman Critiqued: Translated Essays on Japanese Womens Writing, ed.
Rebecca Copeland (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006).
58
See Tomi Suzuki, Narrating the Self.
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tomi suzuki
Western novel, it was claimed that the modern Japanese novel (and
the Japanese self in Japanese society) is best represented by the
I-novel, the quintessential national form rooted in a long indigenous
tradition that presented the authors lived, personal experiences most
directly. The notion of the I-novel was always a value-laden
concept and the binary contrast with the Western novel was used
either to celebrate a unique Japanese tradition (in the mid-1920 and
in the 1960s) or to condemn Japans immature or deformed
modernity (claimed in the postwar period, particularly in the 1950s).
In the former case, the category I-novel usually excluded women
writers. From the 1910s and 1920s, a number of emerging women
writers wrote autobiographical, confessional novels, but their works
were not referred to as I-novels in a positive sense but categorized
as womens literature (jory bungaku), a journalistic category that
was established in the 1920s with the vast expansion of women as
readers and writers. The term womens literature was used to refer,
often disparagingly, to the popular or mass literature written by
women for women readers.59 Takami Jun (1907-1965), considered
to be one of the foremost writers of pure literature, mentioned in
the 1960s that women can never write a true I-novel.60 On the
other hand, when the notion of the I-novel was used negatively,
as an emblem of Japans immature or false modernity, it was
often associated with the feminine Japanese literary tradition that
originated in Heian womens writingsin the Kager Diary in particular.61
The persistent ways by which both the notions of Japanese Naturalism in the late 1900s and the I-novel in the mid-1920s and in the
1960s excluded women writers, however, paradoxically reveal the
undeniable presence of women as readers and writers in these
periods. A number of new literary journals were established from
the late 1900s to the early 1910s: Subaru (January 1909-December
1913), Mita bungaku (May 1910-), and Shirakaba (April 1910-August
59
For the emergence of the concept of womens literature in the 1920s, see
Joan Ericson, The Origins of the Concept of Womens Literature, in The Womans
Hand, eds. Paul Gordon Schalow and Janet A. Walker (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), pp. 74-115.
60
Shishsetsu no honshitsu to mondaiten, Kokubungaku kaishaku to kansh, December 1962.
61
See Tomi Suzuki, Gender and Genre, pp. 87-91.
174
tomi suzuki
176
tomi suzuki
62
Rita Felski, The Gender of Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1995), p. 106. See also Andreas Huyssen, Mass Culture as Woman: Modernisms
Other, in After the Great Divide: Modernism, Mass Culture, Postmodernism (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1986), pp. 4562.
63
For related issues on Tanizaki and modernism, see Tomi Suzuki, Narrating the
Self, chapter 7 and Epilogue, and Modernism and Gender: Tanizakis Theories of
Japanese Language, Asiatica Venetiana 5 (2000): 157175.
178
tomi suzuki
179
180
tze-lan d. sang
2
Paradoxically enough, however, this particular story about Ai Xia also points
up the discrepancy between image and realitythe popular conception of the Modern Girl did not always jibe with the qualities of actual Modern Girls. Ai Xias literary endeavors highlighted the fact that in addition to certain conspicuous traits that
the Modern Girls may have shared in common, there were also qualities that one
would not normally associate with the Modern Girls that were nonetheless present
in some real-life Modern Girls. Nevertheless, the public, titillated by audacious sexuality and flagrant materialism, was quick to seize on such traits as the Modern Girls
defining features and was unprepared to admit the likelihood of diversity among the
Modern Girls. The Modern Girl, in other words, may have been a much maligned
figure, her multifaceted identity frequently reduced to a one-dimensional stereotype
in the public imagination.
181
Miriam Silverberg in her pioneering work on the Japanese Modern Girl has argued that the mogas were none other than professional, working women, who were
misrepresented by the mass media in a superficial and decadent light to mitigate the
ideological threat that they posed to the social order; see Silverberg, The Modern
Girl as Militant, in Gail Lee Bernstein, ed., Recreating Japanese Women, 1600-1945
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 239-266. With reference to
1930s China, although I doubt that the Modern Girls and the professional women
were two completely overlapping categories, I would nonetheless note significant
cases where certain professional women were covered by the media as decadent
Modern Girls mainly because of their unconventional sexuality, while the other side
of their identities as accomplished professional women was marginalized in the media uproar. The medias fixation on the movie actresses Ai Xias and Ruan Lingyus
sexual relationships before and after their suicides in 1934 and 1935 are cases in
point. For related discussion, see Chou, Biaoyan Zhongguo, pp. 71-85, 102-112; Kristine Harris, The New Woman Incident: Cinema, Scandal and Spectacle in 1935
Shanghai, in Sheldon Hsiao-peng Lu, ed., Transnational Chinese Cinemas: Identity, Nationhood, Gender (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997), pp. 277-302.
3
Xu Xiacun, Modern Girl, in Yan Jiayan ed., Xin ganjuepai xiaoshuo xuan [A
selection of New Sensationalist fiction] (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1985),
pp. 30-35. Leo Ou-fan Lee, Shanghai Modern: The Flowering of a New Urban Culture in
China, 1930-1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 198.
4
The Chinese translations for Modern Girl were based on the transliteration
of modern as modeng.
182
tze-lan d. sang
183
tual classs loss of monopolistic control over her definition.9 Advertising and imported Hollywood films created glamorous images of the
modern woman, spreading ever more seductive prototypes of new
femininity.10 The shift, then, in the popular image of the modern
woman from a reform-minded, patriotic intellectual to a glittering,
decadent consumer signaled the commodification of the everyday,
a de-radicalization of modernity.11 Granted that this interpretation
has to be qualified with the observation that modernity, in the first
place, was never purely an ideological and political formation but
rather had always been actualized in part through commercial practices and material culture, and that unconventional women flaunting
extravagant fashions and outrageous sexual behaviorhigh-class
courtesanshad been upheld by Shanghais entertainment press as
icons of modernity in as early as the late nineteenth century, 12 it
9
Louise Edwards, Policing the Modern Woman in Republican China, Modern
China 26, no. 2 (2000): 123. I take Edwardss point to be that the use of the modern
woman became pervasive in Chinese advertising in the 1920s and 1930s, not that it
originated in this period. Examining advertising calendar posters, Ellen Johnston
Laing has dated the first uses of the modern woman in Chinese advertising to 1914;
see Laing, Selling Happiness: Calendar Posters and Visual Culture in Early-Twentieth-Century
Shanghai (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2004), pp. 102-104.
10
On the use of the modern woman in Chinese advertising, see Laing, Selling
Happiness; Carlton Benson, Consumers Are Also Soldiers: Subversive Songs from
Nanjing Road during the New Life Movement, in Sherman Cochran, Inventing Nanjing Road: Commercial Culture in Shanghai, 1900-1945 (Ithaca: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 1999), pp. 91-132; Sherman Cochran, Transnational Origins of
Advertising in Early Twentieth-Century China, in Cochran, ed., Inventing Nanjing
Road, pp. 41-44; Leo Lee, Shanghai Modern, pp. 77-80; Tani E. Barlow, Buying In:
Advertising and the Sexy Modern Girl Icon in Shanghai in the 1920s and 1930s, in
Modern Girl Around the World Research Group (Alys Eve Weinbaum, Lynn M.
Thomas, Priti Ramamurthy, Uta G. Poiger, Madeleine Yue Dong, Tani E. Barlow),
ed., The Modern Girl Around the World (Durham: Duke University Press, forthcoming).
11
I borrow the phrase commodification of the everyday from Barbara Satos
work on the women and consumerism (The New Japanese Woman, pp. 13-18). Taking
Shanghai as his focus, Leo Lee also emphasizes the significance of the everyday in
his understanding of urban modernity (Shanghai Modern, p. 74).
12
Catherine Yeh has recently made a strong case that the high-class courtesans
in the Foreign Settlements in Shanghai, Chinas first metropolis with a modern infrastructure, in the latter half of the nineteenth century managed to turn themselves
(with the help of a flourishing entertainment press) into highly-prized emblems of
modernity, through their trendsetting, extravagant fashion, conspicuous consumption of foreign goods, public social interactions, and identities as the citys first working women; the public attention showered on them in the entertainment press
overshadowed even reformist intellectuals modernizing agendas; see Catherine
Vance Yeh, Shanghai Love: Courtesans, Intellectuals, and Entertainment Culture, 1850-1910
184
tze-lan d. sang
(Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2006). Although her findings
tantalizingly point us in the direction of considering the late-Qing Shanghai courtesan as a precursor of the Modern Girl, Yeh also makes it amply clear that precisely
because courtesans were not expected to be just like any other women, they were
given exceptional license as interpreters of the new. In other words, the threat that
their novel and outrageous public manners may have posed to the existing gender
structure was psychologically lessened to a tolerable degree for the public (Yeh,
Shanghai Love, pp. 32-33). In this respect, I find the situation with the 1930s Modern
Girl quite different, in that a significant number of social commentators and government officials expressed, with a rare keenness, their wish to restrain or police the
Modern Girls conduct, suggesting that they feared the Modern Girls persona was
contagious, her influence among the general population too far-reaching if unchecked.
13
Japan invaded Manchuria in 1931 and bombed Shanghai in January 1932.
On the development of modern material culture as well as literary culture in Shanghai, see Lee, Shanghai Modern. On vernacular modernity, using film culture as a primary example, see Zhang Zhen, An Amorous History of the Silver Screen: Shanghai Cinema,
1896-1937 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2005). On the modernizing of commercial practices, see Cochran, ed., Inventing Nanjing Road.
14
Looking at literature, especially the modernist fiction by Shanghais New Sensationalist writers of the 1930s, Leo Lee and Shu-mei Shih have identified the Modern Girl as a femme fatale figure that symbolized both the enticements and the perils
of the modern metropolis; see Lee, Shanghai Modern; Shih, The Lure of the Modern: Writing Modernism in Semicolonial China, 1917-1838 (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 2001). In visual culture, Madeleine Yue Dong finds that the Modern Girl was
caricatured as an object of both desire and fear in cartoons created by modernist
artists such as Ye Qianyu and Guo Jianying in magazines including Shanghai Sketch,
Times Cartoon, The Young Companion, and Womens Pictorial, depicted as having the power to either emasculate or confirm modern masculinity; Dong, Who is Afraid of
the Chinese Modern Girl? in Modern Girl Around the World Research Group, ed.,
The Modern Girl Around the World (forthcoming). On the Modern Girl in Chinese nonleftist as well as leftist cinema, see Zhang, An Amorous History, pp. 254-267.
185
186
tze-lan d. sang
187
19
Modern Girl Around the World Research Group, The Modern Girl Around
the World: A Research Agenda and Preliminary Findings, 245, 246.
20
Barlow, Buying In.
21
In addition to taking seriously the role of male intellectuals (as well as artists,
advertisers, etc.) in the creation and monitoring of the modern womans image, as
Louise Edwards and others have done, I believe the role of modern women themselves in fashioning their own public image deserves to be reckoned with. For worthwhile attempts in this direction, see Wang, Women in the Chinese Enlightenment; Dooling,
Womens Literary Feminism; Chou, Biaoyan Zhongguo; Lingzhen Wang, Personal Matters:
Womens Autobiographical Practice in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004); Yen, Body Politics.
188
tze-lan d. sang
from the vantage point of the ordinary ranks of urban society instead
of the vantage point of the economic, cultural and political elites (i.e.,
the leisure class, the new professional middle class, political leaders,
modernist writers and artists, leftist intellectuals, etc.)? To begin to
crack these problems, I find looking at popular fiction, that is, commercial, entertainment fiction written in a trite semi-traditional format, whose first publication is often through serialization in
newspapers and magazines, instructive. If, as Barlow claims, the sexy
Shanghai Modern Girl icon placed in scenes of daily tasks in corporate advertising signified everyday life in the most advanced sector,
and that this icon, through its inviting eroticism, drew the viewer in
to fantasize the pleasure of using expensive industrial commodities,
thus effecting his or her imaginary identification (not to mention
ideological interpellation) as a modern bourgeois subject, then how
do we account for the fact that Chinese popular fiction of the same
era was not satisfied with constructing simple eroticized and pleasurable scenes involving the Modern Girl, choosing to compound them,
instead, with stories about the elusiveness of the Modern Girl ideal
and the difficulty of becoming the Modern Girl? Indeed, how do we
explain the curious occurrence of stories about wannabe Modern
Girls and their failure in popular fiction? Does the contrast between
advertising and commercial fiction merely reflect the difference in
complexity between simple line drawings and long, heteroglossic
novels? Or is commercial fiction giving us a rare non-elite view of
the Modern Girl, a view from the vantage point of the lower-middle
rungs of urban society, outside the leisure class and the new professional middle class? Is it possible that commercial entertainment fiction, unlike advertising, did not automatically endorse urban
consumer culture after all but rather harbored a stern criticism of
Chinas developing capitalist economy and social order in the interwar years?
The Failed Modern Girl
To be sure, failed Modern Girls can be spotted in Chinese elite literature and visual representation, most notably in leftist literature
and film. In leftist discourse, the failure of Modern Girls usually
consists of their inability to transform themselves from romantic,
189
22
For readings of these films, see Zhang, Engendering Chinese Filmic Discourse; Zhang, An Amorous History, pp. 262-267. Three Modern Women is scripted by
Tian Han, in whose plays the Modern Girl appears frequently as the vamp opposite
innocent, unspoiled folk women; see Liang Luo, The Theatrics of Revolution: Tian Han
(1898-1968) and the Cultural Politics of Performance in Modern China (unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, Harvard University, 2006), pp. 178-202.
23
The main protagonist Wei Mings extravagance and pleasure-seeking qualities
are as central to the film as her status as an educated woman. She is no stranger to
dancing in dance halls as a form of entertainment; at one point she invites her love
interest to go dancing with her, an invitation he rejects as hedonistic. She uses cosmetics. She also owns more fancy clothes than she can wear, which late in the film
she tries to pawn to come up with the money to cure her sick daughter. When Dr.
Wang, an unwelcome suitor, presents her with a large diamond ring to propose marriage, she is momentarily enticed by the ring before rejecting it on the grounds that
she prefers freedom to the bondage of marriage.
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tze-lan d. sang
See Wendy Larson, Women and Writing in Modern China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998); Jin Feng, The New Woman in Early Twentieth-Century Chinese Fiction
(West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 2004); Dooling, Womens Literary Feminism,
especially chapters 2-3. On educated, middle-class womens suicides outside literature, especially the presss presentation of them, see Bryna Goodman, The New
Woman Commits Suicide: The Press, Cultural Memory, and the New Republic,
Journal of Asian Studies 64, no. 1 (February 2005): 67-101, and Appealing to the Public: Newspaper Presentation and Adjudication of Emotion, Twentieth-Century China
31, no. 2 (April 2006): 32-69.
25
Amy Dooling perceptively points out that the male leftist writer Mao Dun appropriated the New Woman as a literary subject from the pioneering fiction by
women writers Lu Yin and Bing Xin (Womens Literary Feminism, pp. 72-73).
26
On popular fiction writers common use of opposite types of women to represent the dilemma between tradition and modernity, see E. Perry Link, Jr., Mandarin
Ducks and Butterflies: Popular Fiction in Early Twentieth-Century Chinese Cities (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1981), 37, 208.
191
192
tze-lan d. sang
tity, in short, tells a side of the Modern Girl story rarely told by elite
sources.
Popular novels that contain this plotthe lower-class urban girls
struggle to gain a modern identityare many. Pioneering in this
regard are the social romantic novels by Zhang Henshui (1895-1967),
one of the most prolific and popular Chinese writers of the twentieth
century. Between the late 1920s and the outbreak of Chinas War
of Resistance against Japan in 1937, Zhang wrote, among other
things, about a dozen novels with strong romantic themes set in
complex social tableaux. In some of these novels, an enormous
amount of political and social news, including urban myths and legends, is loosely interwoven with the protagonists love relationships,
the social and romantic narrative strands remaining clearly distinguishable from each other. Others are more tightly constructed
around the protagonists romantic relationships, which, however, are
shown to be embedded in and constrained by the larger social environment.27 This second class of novels, which are tightly constructed
around a small number of characters, draw especially memorable
portraits of poor urban young women who aspire to participate in
the modern way of life symbolized by the Modern Girl.
The city that takes center stage in the majority of these novels is
Beijing (its name was officially changed by the Nationalist government to Beiping in 1928), which comes alive in Zhangs depictions
as a city rife with violent new class formations. Since the collapse of
the Qing Empire in 1911, the fortunes of the former Manchu aristocracy have rapidly declined, whereas tens of thousands of lowerclass Manchu families, who previously relied on the Manchu
governments stipends, are now stipendless, without proper profes27
Here I agree with the critic Zhao Xiaoxuans observation that Zhangs social
romantic novels largely fall into two categories. The first she calls chuancha daliang
shehui yiwen de yanqing xiaoshuo, or novels that interweave lots of social news with love
stories. The second she calls yi shehui wei changjing de yanqing xiaoshuo, or romantic novels with social backdrops. Zhao further notes that, besides social romantic novels,
novels in other genres by Zhang such as martial arts novels and war novels usually
also contain significant romantic plots. Zhang apparently understood love to be one
of a few narrative elements of universal appeal to readers; see Zhao Xiaoxuan, Zhang
Henshui xiaoshuo xinlun [A study on Zhang Henshuis novels] (Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 2002), p. 90, p. 66, p. 64. On the blurring of boundaries between news
and fiction in Zhangs earlier novels, see Eileen Chow, Spectacular Novelties: News
Culture, Zhang Henshui, and Practices of Spectatorship in Republican China (unpublished
Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 2000), chapter 2.
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tze-lan d. sang
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tze-lan d. sang
of the reach of poor urban women, who may live in daily physical
proximity to the Westernized elite but cannot close the social gap
without an unexpected lift from the elite. Zhang toys with this paradox of the modern urban condition, pitting the everyday intimacy
among disparate social groups manifest in the close interactions
among them necessitated by the divisions of labor and by wayward
human desire against the new elites need to constantly maintain
class distinctions and reinforce its own hegemonic status.
An especially harrowing variation on the motif of the lower-class
urban girls precarious pursuit of a modern identity is the scenario
in which she is actively hailed by the citys changing economy and
moral milieu only to find herself inserted into one of the new eroticized female positions that the transforming economy has reserved
for women from disadvantaged backgrounds. Such is the story in
Zhangs novel The Palace of Art (Yishu zhi gong, 1935-1937), in which
an aging acrobats daughter has to find a way to support herself and
her father after his sudden physical collapse during a street performance. Because of her lack of education, she is unable to find any
profitable employment in the city until two female neighbors recruit
her to become a nude model like themselves for art classes in a
Western-style art academy. She decides to take the job but dares not
reveal the fact to her father or other neighbors. Whenever she strips
her clothes to pose in front of the art students and teachers, she has
to muster every bit of her courage to suppress her shame. She would
like to believe that modeling is an honorable, modern form of
employment and that she is sacrificing herself for the lofty goal of
creating art, because the income is simply too good to turn down.
However, she soon realizes the disturbing fact that some of the male
teachers and students, who ogle her full curves and white flesh, are
fighting one another over her, and would do anything in their power
to turn her into a simple object for visual and other pleasures. What
makes a bad situation worse is that her father, upon finding out what
her new service job in the school actually entails, considers her exhibiting of her body in front of groups of men even worse than what a
prostitute of the lowest class does, and furiously denounces her,
threatening to kill her. Feeling isolated and helpless, she acquiesces
to a slick art students scheme and becomes his mistress in the hope
of marriage. However, she is soon abandoned, discovers that her
father has moved away from their old neighborhood out of shame
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tze-lan d. sang
eties about new class formations that may have been articulated for
many an ordinary reader of the early twentieth century, and because,
during the historical process of modernization, failed Modern Girls
may have far outnumbered the successful ones, the Modern Girl
having been a provocative ideational and iconographic construct in
intellectual discourse and the mass media before becoming a widespread social reality. The failed Modern Girls failure, as hinted by
both Zhang and Wang, is attributable at least in part to the selfadjusting modalities of patriarchy. They intimate that the Modern
Girl is constantly an unfinished and/or undone project in a world
of evolving gender subordination. Furthermore, both authors insist
that the Modern Girl is not just a new gender but also a new class
category, an identity so thoroughly defined by socioeconomic privilege that it constantly provokes fantasy and mimicry but is virtually
impossible to inhabit for those with lesser means. Although recent
scholarship has suggested that the Modern Girl look was widely copied across class lines in the 1930s and threatened to slash class
distinctions,34 the popular novels from the period emphasized that
the process of becoming the Modern Girl involved more than just
the imitation of the Modern Girl look. It required no less than the
reinvention of ones familial and social networks.
Although the popular novels heart-rending endings may impart
a profound pessimism and appear to foreclose the possibility of social
change, yet, ultimately, any sympathy that such tragic tales of abject
modern subjects may have incited in the reader would have hinged
on a shared acceptance of equal opportunity and equal access
which overcomes existing gender and class differencesas intrinsically just. The stories pathos and affective powertheir entertainment
value, in other wordsdepended on the readers willing adoption
of the stories premise that some girls born into urban squalor may
be just as intelligent and beautiful as most bourgeois Modern Girls,
but that their social circumstances fail to do justice to their innate
potential and sterling personal qualities. This assumption, which distinguishes the essence of the human being from her place in the
social grid represents in itself a modern, revolutionary value, which
is a key foundation for the arguments for social equality, social jus-
34
201
tice, and democracy.35 In this sense, the popular plot of the failed
Modern Girl is far from conservative; it carried, in fact, a radical
message in its sentimental design.
That such sentimental pulp fiction whose paramount purpose was
entertainment carried such a radical message may not be so surprising after all if we could only open ourselves to the possibility that
capitalist popular culture, instead of being an opiate for the masses,
is a site of struggle full of contradictions. Popular culture bears the
mark of both the dominant ideology but also the everyday guerrilla
tactics that the people use to evade and to resist it, as John Fiske has
argued.36 The sign of popular resistance in the Chinese popular plot
of the failed Modern Girl becomes all the more tangible when we
compare it with elite writers representations of the wannabe Modern
Girl from the same era. Ding Ling, whose early creative work revolved
around the troubles of the middle-class modern woman, is the best
case in point. Her 1928 collection of short fiction, In the Darkness (Zai
heian zhong), consists of three stories about the middle-class modern
womans emotional and professional predicaments and a fourth about
a country lasss envy for the middle-class modern woman. Titled
The Lass Amao (Amao guniang), this last story is one of a very limited
number of pieces of new literature to touch on the lower-class
womans wistful identification with and emulation of the bourgeois
modern woman. The storys uniqueness notwithstanding, Amaos
envy is focused predominantly on the outer trappings of the bourgeois
modern woman, and she remains ignorant throughout of many bourgeois modern womens intellectual pursuits, vocational ambitions,
and frustrations. When a celestial-like modern woman residing in a
Western-style villa near Amaos shabby house dies of consumption,
it fills Amao with an inexplicable sense of futility. Death, the great
leveller, forces upon Amao the realization that even the happiness
of the bourgeois modern woman is transient and immaterial, so she
quietly languishes and dies herself. The message that comes to the
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tze-lan d. sang
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part three
PERFORMING ARTS AND GENDER ROLE-PLAYING
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205
Introduction
Among the major objectives of the 1912 Republican Revolution in
China was to keep a unified country with a democratic political
system headed by a creditable president to symbolize the new political and moral order; to allow a free press to spread Republican ideas
throughout the country as was already the case in the Treaty Ports;
and, most importantly, to win the acceptance and support of the
international community, especially of the Powers, that were dominating world affairs. As is well known, the realization of these goals
remained decades away, and when Sun Yat-sen, who for a few weeks
had been the first President of the Republic, died in 1924, there was
only a single foreign representative with ambassadorial rank in Peking,
the Soviet ambassador Lev Kharakan.
In a seemingly utterly unconnected field, however, much of this
international acceptance was achieved. At the center of this advancement was a most unlikely figure: the dan, the male Peking opera actor
who enacted female roles. With the rise of the dan during the first
two decades of the Republican period, represented above all by Mei
Lanfang (1894-1961), a new kind of symbol of unified China emerged
(Figure 7.1). In a stunning merger of the tastes of widely divergent
segments of society, the beautiful male performer of female roles in
Peking opera rose to national stardom and had by the late 1920s
become the new aestheticized erotic symbol of the nation. In staging,
performing, and in translating his physical beauty and erotic appeal
into the image of the Chinese female ideal, Mei Lanfang succeeded
more than anyone else in becoming the emblem of the refinement
of Chinese culture. While the Chinese state and leadership continued
to fare badly abroad, Mei Lanfang was internationally appreciated
and applauded across a broad spectrum, ranging from Japanese busi-
206
Figure 7.1. Photograph. Mei Lanfang performing in Pavilion of the Royal Monument (Yu
bei ting); from Mei Shaowu, ed., Mei Lanfang ([Pictorial album] Mei Lanfang) (Beijing:
Beijing chubanshe, 1997).
207
ness tycoons to American avant-garde dramatists and Soviet revolutionary artists. This chapter will trace the process through which this
new transgendered national symbol developed, and the transnational
nature of this development.
From Private Call-Boy to National Flower: The Career of the Female
Impersonator in the Newly-Constructed Cultural Hierarchy
What were the social forces behind the reshaping of the public image
of the dan from that of a male prostitute to that of national star? The
rise of the female impersonator to a leading position in the hierarchy
of Peking opera came to contemporaries as a shock, and led some
to believe that the order of the world had truly become unstuck.1
The derogatory term use for the dan was renyao, or demon in human
guise, a colloquial slur for transvestites. Since its beginning in the
eighteenth century, Peking opera had been dominated and led by
actors playing the laosheng or senior male roles. Patronized by the
Qing emperors and the nobility, these laosheng were at the center of
artistic and political power in the world of entertainment. The female
impersonators were traditionally trained and treated as male courtesans in establishments called xianggong tangzi.2 Few of them made it
in their profession past their youth as plenty of younger good-looking
apprentices were waiting in the wings to replace them. Their reputation for being call-boys and sexual playthings of rich and powerful
1
Zhang Cixi, Mei mu zhi bin [The funeral of Mei [Lanfangs] grandmother],
from his Yan guilai yi suibi, in Zhang Cixi, ed., Qingdai Yandu liyuan shiliao [Historical materials on Peking theaters [and actors] in the Qing period] (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1988), p. 1235.
2
After the official discontinuation and banning of courtesan entertainment for
officials by the Qing, the link with boy actors as sexual and entertainment partners
of elite men took on institutional similarities to that of the courtesan entertainments. The boys were referred to as xiaochang, or xianggong, and the entertainment
establishments in which they lived, which began during the Ming, were called siyu or
xianggong tangzi. These establishments functioned in the same way as courtesan
houses. The boys would be called to attend dinner parties, to sit by their clients, pour
wine and sing a little if they could. These establishments were located on known
streets in the capital and the sexual nature of their business was understood. This is
not to reduce this lifestyle and entertainment to a meat market relationship. Deep
passion, love and attachments were formed, with some being legendary and well
documented. The siyu as an establishment was abolished in the first year of the Republic in 1912 pursuant to a petition from actors who felt that these establishments
were not proper for the new times and their new dignity as citizens and artists.
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209
210
211
since the collapse of the Qing court, which had been the arbiter of
taste in its patronage of the laosheng, the literati now occupied this
vacant center, and through the medium of the newspaper pushed
their cultural taste and preference in the public realm. The selfconfidence of the literati during these first years of the Republic was
very much dependent on their ability to be active in the public
sphere, and on the moral authority of their persona as being the
defenders of the public interest.
This move of patronage culture from the private to the public
realm implies that the new-style republican literati are now offering
the public what was once the symbol of their own class privilege.
They do this in exchange for an ever larger share of influence in the
emerging new society, and assign themselves the grand role of the
new cultural authority endowed with even greater power to dictate
and formulate public aesthetic taste.
In this spirit, Yi goes one step further and defines the dan as the
national flower (guohua).8 In his Song with Accompaniment on the
National Flower (Guohua xing), Yi offers a new conceptual horizon:
the power vested in the dan, in this case in Mei Lanfangs beauty/
eroticism, which has the capacity to transcend set boundaries and
built-in limitations and evoke passion on a national scale, makes him
the rightful candidate to be the flower of the Republic. The flower
thus stands for beauty, sexual allure, and the power to inspire love
and passion nationwide.
Through the choice of the dan as the national flower, men of
letters like Yi Shunding created one of the first original emblems for
the new Republic. The private callboy is now elevated to the position
of National Flower or that of the lover of the public and the
nation. The power of this symbol and star, Yi said, could infuse the
nation with new energy. At a time when the nation was lagging in
spirit, this flower could function as an inspiration.9
A flower of national significance, however, continuously needed
an admirer, a protector and a promoter. In this emblem the literati
had nicely carved out a role for themselves: as the representative of
the people, the duty of articulating admiration and securing protec-
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tion and promotion fell squarely on their shoulders. Much like the
traditional dan, the national flower is shown to be continuously
dependent on literati promotion.
Defining the Meaning of the National Flower: Femininity and Eroticism in
Cultural Renewal at a Time of International Martial Politics
As some of the leading literati of the capital redefined their own
relationship to the dan during the early years of the Republic, and
that of the dan to the nation, the nation itself was increasingly in a
crisis, threatened by fragmentation within and partition by foreign
powers from outside. Many members of the nations political elite
were calling for a strengthening of the male and martial spirit among
the Chinese as a precondition for strengthening the nation against
foreign aggression, and for strengthening society against ineffectual,
corrupt, tyrannical and unpatriotic state governments. Against this
background, the promotion of the dan to national stardom, to the
flower of the republic that represented a force of national inspiration, appears in startling contrast.
To begin to understand this contradiction, it might be helpful to
first examine why the laosheng or senior male role failed in this
competition. Laosheng actors such as Yang Xiaolou, who was comparable in ability and genius to Mei Lanfang, had in fact been
extremely popular with the common people. But when seen in the
context of national politicsand Peking opera and its actors were
inevitably part of that spacethe senior male figure quite naturally
evoked ironic associations and ended up being seen as a empty propaganda for the ineffectual warlord/politicians, if not outright as a
satire on them. Seen as a potential symbol set to rally the confidence
and the fighting spirit of the nation, the laosheng could only remind
people of the sorry state of affairs in reality. To use Yi Shundings
term, in the psychological makeup of the people during these unsettling times, this figure did not evoke confidence and self-assertiveness
in the nation. As the nation looked for psychological reaffirmation
and comfort, Peking opera became a national obsession, and with it
the rising dan. Instead of the strong-willed martial leader figure as
the national emblem that seemed both undesirable and not credible
for all segments of society, the dan gained new status and meaning
for the nation.
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There is no doubt about the power of press and the literatis promotion of the dan in this new public sphere. All the literati promotion
of the dan notwithstanding, the public, for its part, was under no
pressure to go along and do its part at the box office. But it did, and
this cries out for an explanation.
As an artistic figure, the dan fulfilled various functions. In the dan,
that is, a man intentionally and artfully impersonating a woman,
society appeared to have found its ideal outlet for a variety of conflicting feelings. He became a platform to express the new ideal for
the national state of China; the anxiety about its weakness; the fear
of its possible demise; the pride of its moral quality; the belief in its
cultural sophistication; and the hope of its capability of representing
Chinas cultural essence. In short, in the dan society not only defined
its anxiety regarding the present but also its hopes for the future.
The sexual appeal was there as well. In this state of physiological
uncertainty, at least for part of the audience the line between the
aesthetic and the sexual appeal blurred. When we look at the art of
the female impersonator preserved in photographs and film recordings, this appeal becomes nearly tangible. But even here, the sexual
appeal was not something inherited from traditional Peking opera.
In fact, the dan about whom early Republican audiences were so
crazy is a newly developed role, later known as the huashan. It was
created by merging three different types of dan: the flower dan
(huadan), or sexy female, who is strongly associated with salaciousness
and overt sexuality; the dark dress dan (qingyi), an upright female
of moral integrity; and the sword and horse dan (dao ma dan), the
martial female, who joins combat scenes in warlike outfits. Through
this merger, a new type was cast, and the patronage groups for the
young and upcoming dan actors wrote plays that suited this character
as well as the times. The result was a much fuller female persona
with a complex psychological profile and the capacity of being a
model of moral integrity, with a strong martial spirit, capable of
defending herself and, if need be, her country, while being at the
same time sexy, playful and lovable. All the major dan actors including Mei Lanfang became nationally known through acting in this
role. With this role, the dan was able to represent the image of the
ideal woman, and to stand for societys self-image: powerless in the
face of disorder, chaos and corrupt powers, she alone remains steadfast in her moral commitment, rallies her spirits through self-reliance,
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215
actors in the past, Mei Lanfangs grandfather had been one of them.
He had even been the head of the Sixi opera troupe. But the actors
who were given considerable prestige and power by the court were
the laosheng, with Cheng Changgeng being the most famous. It took
the collapse of the Qing dynasty, the dissolution of the old order of
things, the introduction of Western notions regarding the possible
functions and the ensuing necessary social position of the theater, to
give the dan the chance to alter their long-held subordinate position
within the hierarchy of Peking opera.
The rise of the dan, however, was not a purely internal Chinese
affair. Like the enhancement of the social standing of the theater
altogether, the artistic direction the art of the dan took was in fact in
many respects a strongly international process. The image of the dan
was shaped by international taste. The power to arbitrate taste and
formulate aesthetic values even in China itself had shifted its center
during the early decades of the twentieth century, and had settled
beyond the boundaries of China; it was now in the Westwith
Japan as the most authoritative arbiter.
Shaping the Image of the Female Impersonator, Shaping the Image of
China?Japans Role in the Rise of the Dan
The rise of the dan was in large part the result of literati/politicians
of the young Republic demonstrating their power to reset public
taste, while fundamentally the choice was an expression of their
ambivalence and insecurity regarding their own position in the new
political order. In this they found allies in some of their Japanese
counterparts, although these pursued a different agenda. The first
case in point is the role played by the Japanese-owned newspaper
Shuntian shibao. On 22 September 1917, this paper launched an unusual event for a big daily, a competition among Peking opera singers.10 The event effectively staged the symbolic transfer of power
from the laosheng to the dan. There would be winners in three categories: the King of Opera World, Jujie dawang; the Best Singer
among Female Performers, Kunling diyi; and the Best Singer
10
The Shuntian shibao was founded in 1901 by Nakashima Saneo and Kamei
Michiyoshi. It was edited by Hirayama Takekiyo and published in Peking. It was
closed in 1930.
216
among Boy Actors, Tongling diyi.11 By the end of the month two
candidates remained for the category of the King of the Opera
World: the laosheng Yang Xiaolou and the dan Mei Lanfang.
For the newspapers, reports on actors or the controversy between
the different dan factions was by the late 1910s not just a question
of news, they were part of their marketing. To create events around
top actors was one of the strategies used by newspapers to engage
their readers. By the late teens, in the middle of political upheavals
and the rise of warlords throughout Northern China, it appears that
the Shuntian shibao believed it was time not only to pay attention to
the dan, but to put him on the throne. This was a strange act. As
China was struggling with her sovereignty and identity, this newspaper
presented a female impersonator as the nations highest achievement
in the performing arts.
For the whole month of October, the paper was full of reports
and news about actors, theater performances past and present, and
the daily tally of the votes. During the last stretch of the competition
for the King of the Opera World, Mei had been trailing Yang, but
in a dramatic and not undisputed finish Mei moved into first place
during the last two days with an unbelievable 232,865 votes for him
cast on the last day alone. In the end a dan singer, Mei Lanfang,
then aged 24, had won the title of the King of Opera World. With
this event, the Shuntian shibao had created its sensation, and had also
made itself some enemies. For some, the thought of having a dan
actor represent the entire art of Peking opera was too shocking. 12
But for the paper, it was a great success, with the circulation steeply
rising during the last days of the competition and readers, who probably up to that time had never read an issue of the Shuntian shibao,
becoming interested. At the same time, the voters had had a chance
to express their most intimate feelings by voting for a man artfully
impersonating an upright and soft female.
11
Voting was to begin on October 2, and to end on October 31. The method of
voting was to buy a copy of the paper, cut out the printed vote card, fill in the
name of the voters choice, and send it to the office of the paper. The competition
was to coincide with the celebration of the publication of the 5,000th issue of the
paper.
12
For a study on this event see Yeh, From Male Flower to National Star: Choreographing Mei Lanfangs Rise to Stardom, in Erika Fischer-Lichte, Christian
Horn, Sandra Umathum, Matthias Warstat, eds., Performativitt und Ereignis (Tbingen and Basel: A. Francke Publishers, 2003), pp. 259-276.
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218
would be accepted. At the same time, the paper was taking a high
risk. Its willingness as a foreign-owned paper to do so, to take the
lead in the making of public opinion by openly advocating a change
of hierarchy within Peking opera demonstrates much self-confidence,
if not arrogance. The vote seems not to have gone down well with
many Chinese theater-goers. Some openly declared that the vote
only demonstrated that Mei Lanfang was a Japanese King of the
Opera World and all this had nothing to do with Peking opera. 15
With this tainted association, Mei Lanfang never dared to use the
title; even the commercial presses found its use troublesome.
The Shuntian shibao election was neither the first nor the last sign
of Japans interest in matter of the dan. In 1919, Mei Lanfang received
and accepted his first invitation to go abroad from Japan. The invitation was extended to him by kura to perform at the most Western
and best-equipped theater in Tokyothe Imperial Theater, or
Teikoku Gekijwhere kura was head of the board of directors.16
Mei and his troupe arrived on April 25, and he gave his first performance on May 1, four days prior to the big opening rally of the
May Fourth movement in China. This was a student movement
protesting the handing over of the German colony in Shandong to
Japan in the Treaty of Versailles, a transfer that had been secretly
negotiated by the Powers. This movement quickly evolved into a
nation-wide boycott against Japanese goods. Hostile feelings against
Japan ran high in China as well as among the Chinese students
studying in Japan. In the midst of this turmoil and with many advising Mei Lanfang to cancel his visit, Mei Lanfang and with him,
Peking opera, made a first visit abroad.
While some work has been done on Mei Lanfangs later visit to
the United States, his visit to Japan has been very much neglected.
One of the reasons is certainly the question of timing. Meis visit
coincided with what was seen as one of the greatest humiliations in
modern Chinese history. An actor in the female role performing on
15
See Catherine Yeh, A Public Love affair or a Nasty Game?The Chinese
Tabloid Newspaper and the Rise of the Opera Singer as Star, European Journal of
Asian Studies, no. 3: 13-51.
16
It Nobuhiko, 1919-nen to 1924-nen no Bai Ranh raiNichi ken ni tsuite
[About Mei Lanfangs 1919 and 1924 performances in Japan] in Nakajima Satoshi
sensei koki kinen jigykai kinen ronsh hensh iinkai, ed., Nakajima Satoshi sensei koki
kinen ronsh [Essays for the Seventieth Birthday of Professor Nakajima Satoshi]
(Chfu: Nakajima Satoshi sensei koki kinen jigykai, 1981), pp. 669-698.
219
220
18
Urs Matthias Zachmann, Chinas role in the process of Japans cultural self-identification, 1895-1904 (Unpublished PhD dissertation, Heidelberg University. 2005), chapter 4, The Hundred Days Reform.
19
Ayako Kano, p. 25.
221
Figure 7.2. Cartoon, Tokyo Puck, 1 September 1910; reprinted by Rykei Shoten,
Tokyo, 1996.
222
Korean people.20 As the cartoon, itself like the title of the journal
clearly emulating foreign models, illustrates, the notion of the gendered nation was not unfamiliar to the Japanese public. It offers a
glimpse of the complexity of the cultural imagination of Japanese
society and the possible process by which the image of China or
more precisely the image of cultural China might be constructed
through Meis performances. One might say that subliminally it
involved the issue of Chinese national sovereignty. If China is not a
modern, muscular, nation but a man only able to play a woman,
does it deserve and can it be entrusted with running its own show?
With these issues and questions in mind, we will now turn to the
event itself in order to analyze what Mei Lanfang, Qi Rushan and
their Japanese hosts wanted the Japanese audiences to see, and what
these audiences in fact saw.
Preparations for Meis reception in Japan were done with meticulous care. The aim was to create public interest, formulate public
opinion, and build up momentum prior to Meis arrival. The strategy
on the part of Meis Japanese host in preparing Meis visit translated
into (1) creating the image of the dan actor as a star through the
publication of countless photographs of him in theatrical poses and
costume; (2) newspaper articles introducing him and Peking opera;
(3) translation and publication of the text and story-line of all the
program pieces Mei planned to perform in Japan; (4) massive advertisements; and, finally, (5) personal endorsement by well-known literati as well as mighty and powerful patrons in both countries.
(Figures 7.3 and 7.4). This was mainly carried out through various
publications. Among those published before Meis arrival, one stands
out through its representation of the conceptual framework in which
Mei Lanfang should be understood. Entitled Chinese Theater and Mei
Lanfang (Shinageki to Bai Lanh), the book contains: calligraphy dedicated to Mei by celebrity supporters to mark this historical occasionan indication of elite cultural standing; a great number of
photographs of Mei in stage costumeemphasizing the visual quality
of his art (Figures 7.5 and 7.6); a biography of Meiimplying social
status; a short history of Peking opera including the different stock
rolesconnoting respectability and cultural standing in China; an
20
Tessa Morris-Suzuki, Re-Inventing Japan: Time, Space, Nation (Armont, NY:
Sharpe, 1998), illus. after p. 78.
Figure 7.3. Calligraphy dedicated to Mei Lanfang by Feng Gengguang (Youwei) on the occasion of the publication
of Murata Uks edited volume Shinageki to Bai Ranh [Chinese theater and Mei Lanfang] (Tokyo: Genbunsha,
1919).
Figure 7.4. Calligraphy dedicated to Mei Lanfang by kura Kihachir on the occasion of the publication
of Murata Uks edited volume Shinageki to Bai Ranh [Chinese theater and Mei Lanfang] (Tokyo:
Genbunsha, 1919).
224
catherine vance yeh
225
Figure 7.5. Photograph. Mei Lanfang performing in The Drunken Beauty Guifei (Guifei
zui jiu); from Murata Uk, Shinageki to Bai Ranh [Chinese theater and Mei Lanfang]
(Tokyo: Genbunsha, 1919).
226
Figure 7.6. Photograph. Mei Lanfang performing in Rainbow Pass (Ni hong guan); from
Murata Uk, Shinageki to Bai Ranh [Chinese theater and Mei Lanfang] (Tokyo:
Genbunsha, 1919).
227
228
Figure 7.7. Photograph. Mei Lanfang performing in The Heavenly Maid Showering
Flowers (Tian n san hua); from Murata Uk, Shinageki to Bai Ranh [Chinese theater
and Mei Lanfang] (Tokyo: Genbunsha, 1919).
229
230
231
This answers in part the obvious yet so far elusive question, why
the dan? The problem of Peking opera being represented by the dan,
who until recently had been largely confined to secondary and supporting roles, seems to have been eclipsed by the fact of Meis invitation to Japan. There never was an outcry in the Chinese or the
Japanese press. The shift was taken for granted. Why was this? This
lack of objections has to do with the fact that the roles Mei preformed
in Japan were not those traditionally associated with the dan, but he
impersonated with the huashan a new kind of female persona, a new
woman (xin nxing), though in a manner utterly different from the
New Woman of the May Fourth generation. Mei Lanfang was the
first to carve out the image of this new female. By the 1910s, new
pieces written for this type included The Heavenly Maid Showering
Flowers, Change flying to the moon, and Daiyu buries the fallen
petals. All of these had been chosen by the Japanese organizers for
their audiences.
What the Japanese audience did not see, however, is equally revealing. From the prepared program brought to Japan by Mei Lanfangs
group, the Japanese hosts eliminated all the martial pieces, including
signature pieces of Mei Lanfang, such as Mulan, the Disguised Warrior Maiden (Mulan congjun), and the rebellious female figures fighting
against oppression by despotic rulers, such as [The precious sword
named] Yuzhou feng (Yuzhou feng).22 (Figures 7.8 and 7.9) Without
exception, all the pieces chosen by the Japanese emphasized sensuality and beauty. The option in the Peking opera of having a martial
male on stage heroically confronting foreign invaders had been eliminated from the outset through the emphasis on the dan. The Japanese
selection also eliminated the option of a woman on stage fighting for
her country. The result seems to have offered a profile of China that
suited the mood of Japanese society at the time. Mei Lanfangs artful
beauties offered a stark contrast both to a violent China on the streets
of Beijing and the shamefully weak Chinese state.
To sum up, the program organized by Meis Japanese hosts highlighted in the role of the dan (1) aesthetic beauty through dance,
movement, and facial expression aided by fabulous costumes; (2) a
new type of well-rounded female persona in the huashan role with a
22
In contrast, both pieces were chosen by the Soviet authorities when Mei Lanfang visited the Soviet Union in 1935.
232
Figure 7.8. Photograph. Mei Lanfang performing in Mulan, the Disguised Warrior Maiden
(Mulan congjun); from Murata Uk, Shinageki to Bai Ranh [Chinese theater and Mei
Lanfang] (Tokyo: Genbunsha, 1919).
233
Figure 7.9. Photograph. Mei Lanfang performing in [The precious sword named]
Yuzhou feng (Yuzhou feng); from A. C. Scott, Mei Lan-Fang: The Life and Times of a
Peking Actor (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1959).
234
235
24
Liu dong yi xuesheng, Jinggao Mei Lanfang bin yiban yiyuan [Advice given
to Mei Lanfang and other actors with due respect], Shuntian shibao (27 February
1919): 3.
25
Konggu shanren, Meihua xiaoxi [News of Plum blossoms (= Mei the flower)), Chenbao, 4 May 1919.
236
In this setting, Chinese culture going abroad with the female persona as its highest representative took on its own meaning. The
absence of criticism in the Chinese press signalled acceptance of this
visit. As an envoy of culture, the new female image represented by
Mei with her beauty, vitality, and moral fortitude qualified him more
and was more convincing than the politicians strong warrior pose,
which had lost credibility for many Chinese. In the image of a man
playing a woman to perfection, Chinese society seemed to have
found an accurate image of its own weakness and potential strength
at this time.
Conclusion: A New Gender Construct at a Time of National Crisis:
The Dan and the New National Symbol
The rise of the dan to the position of representing Chinese culture
on the international stage has to be seen against the background of
Chinas deplorable domestic situation and international standing. As
society pondered this fate under the condition of internal division
and international helplessness, it was remarkably open to new options
of thought and representation. The rise in the status of the dan
occurred at the very moment and could only happen when the state
was weakest and the traditional hierarchies, including gender hierarchies, were becoming less rigid and were under attack by reformers. It reflected the Chinese literati/politicians attempt to reconstruct
their manhood by establishing culture as the leading force in the
national reform efforts. By evoking the image of the male flower as
national icon, they projected their own new persona as the self-assigned patron and protector of the vulnerable young Republic. This
reconstruction of the identity of the literati/politicians was itself a
response to the larger international political scene. The theatrical
program taken to Japan that Qi Rushan helped organize, reflected
this larger concern. The rise of the dan was part of the Chinese
political and cultural scene, but it was also part of the international
politics of representation.
From this perspective, the ascendance the dan implicitly challenged
the status quo without insulting the pride of the nation. Mei Lanfangs
trip to Japan is the best proof, although it came at a most contested
moment, while protests against Japans policies were on the rise in
237
238
Figure 7.10. Kainosh Tadaoto, Mei Lan Fang, about 1924, color on silk, 40.8
33.3 cm; from Kyoto kokuritsu kindai bijutsukan, ed., Kainosh Tadaoto ten [Kainosh
Tadaoto Exhibition] (Tokyo: Nihon keizai shinbunsha, 1997), p. 43.
239
The Chinese publics enthrallment with the dan actors can be read
as another, if implicit, dialogue with the political situation of the
country. It talks back to an official elite discourse set to promote a
male gendering of the Chinese nation and state as the proper path
to promote national strengthening. These efforts are visible at many
levels, from the promotion of a new, more martial national dress for
men by the first Republican government under Sun Yat-sen, to discussions about the goals of the school curriculum, from grand proposals and appeals to re-educate the citizens in martial spirit so as
to provide a basis for a strong international posture of the state, to
advertisements for pills for mothers to secure the birth of healthy
boys and the famous Pink Pills for Pale People. One might suggest
that the social preference for the upright dan figure indicates a sober
view about the usefulness of Chinese male posturing. At the same
time, Mei Lanfang himself was well aware of the limits his role of
the upright female imposed on his real-life persona. When Japan
actually occupied a part of China where Mei lived, he grew a beard
to make it politely impossible to perform for the invaders.
240
241
1
For a discussion of these female actors (onna yakusha) such as Ichikawa Kumehachi (ca. 1846-1913) who had been privately performing and teaching kabuki, see
Maki Isaka Morinaga, Women Onnagata in the Porous Labyrinth of Femininity,
U.S.-Japan Womens Journal 30-31 (2006): 105-131.
2
For a discussion of how definitions of literature and definitions of womanhood
intersected in modern Japan, see Tomi Suzukis article in this volume.
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that were seen as deriving from their biological nature, but also made
possible the kind of feminism that we know today.3
This kind of double-edged nature of the rise of the actress is also
observable in Chinese history, where women training as actresses in
the early twentieth century acquired a certain degree of freedom
outside their homes but also faced increasing exploitation and
alienation from the domestic realm.4 A similar situation existed in
Restoration period England, where the replacement of the boy actors
of the Renaissance theater by actresses simultaneously allowed
women a voice on the public stage and heightened voyeurism of the
female body.5
What makes the Japanese case a little more complicated than
those of seventeenth-century England and early twentieth-century
China is the fact that the introduction of actresses occurred as part
of the process of modern nation-building and empire-building, a
process in which Japan was emulating the West and also beginning
to impose its values on the rest of the East. Japan became an imperial power in the context of Western imperialism, and this process is
imbricated with the development of modern Japanese theater.
For example, one can see the process of formation of the Japanese
nation-state and the Japanese empire under the gaze of Western eyes,
as mirrored in the theater reform movement of early Meiji: The
Theater Reform Society (Engeki Kairykai), established in 1886
advanced several goals to showcase Japan to the West, including
eliminating what it saw as the old-fashioned and embarrassing practice of using male actors impersonating female roles (onnagata). One
could also say that the beginning of the modern Japanese theater
coincided with the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, when the stylized portrayal of battle in the traditional kabuki theater was deemed
irrelevant, and the realism of actual fistfights and fireworks, brought
3
For a more detailed discussion, see Ayako Kano, Acting Like a Woman in Modern
Japan: Theater, Gender, and Nationalism (New York: Palgrave, 2001).
4
Weikun Cheng, The Use of Public Women: Commercialized Performance,
Nation-Building, and Actresses Strategies in Early Twentieth-Century Beijing,
Women & International Development Working Paper #275 (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 2002). The quotes are from page 1. For further discussion of
modern theater in China, see Catherine Yehs article in this volume.
5
Elizabeth Howe, The First English Actresses: Women and Drama 1660-1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
243
to the stage by upstart modern theater troupes, was accepted as better representing modern warfare.6
The first professional actress in modern Japan is considered to be
Kawakami Sadayakko (1871-1946), a former geisha who started acting when she toured abroad with her husband Otojir (1864-1911).
She performed in orientalist pastiches with titles like The Geisha and
the Samurai when touring in Europe and the United States, but she
performed the role of a modernized and westernized woman once
she returned to Japan, and appeared in plays that orientalized Japans
Asian neighbors.7 She established the Imperial Actress School
(Teikoku joy yseijo) in 1908, which later became affiliated with
the Imperial Theater (Teikoku gekij) and trained the next generation of actresses such as Mori Ritsuko (1890-1961) in both traditional
and modern performance arts. The Kawakami troupe is considered
to be one of the originators of the new school (shinpa) genre.
Although it initially set itself in opposition to the old school or
kabuki, shinpa eventually came to be a kind of hybrid genre, focusing
on staging melodrama from the Meiji and Taish periods, and using
both actresses and onnagata.8
Matsui Sumako (1886-1919), on the other hand, was among the
first group of students to be trained in modern European-style theater (shingeki). She was a student of the Theater Institute (Engeki
kenkyjo) of the Literary Art Society (Bungei kykai) established by
Tsubouchi Shy (1859-1935) in 1909 as one of the first attempts to
school men and women in the techniques of shingeki. Sumako became
a star of the Literary Art Society and later formed her own troupe,
Art Theater (Geijutsuza) together with her lover and director Shimamura Hgetsu (1871-1918). Before her spectacular suicide in
1919, Matsui Sumako premiered plays with memorable female characters. Her Japanese premiere of Ibsens A Doll House in 1911 coincided with the founding of the feminist literary journal Blue Stockings
6
For further discussion of the connection between modern theater and imperialism, see Ayako Kano, Japanese Theater and Imperialism: Romance and Resistance, in U.S.-Japan Womens Journal, English version, no. 12 (1997): 17-47.
7
For a discussion of Japanese visual artists orientalizing Chinese women, see
Ikeda Shinobus article in this volume.
8
With the exception of actress Mizutani Yaeko, discussed later, shinpa continued
to be dominated by men. Yet many of the memorable roles performed in shinpa were
those of women, such as heroines of plays based on novels by Izumi Kyka
(1873-1939)
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(Seit), and thus actresses and the roles of new women performed
by them came to be identified with the beginnings of the feminist
movement in Japan.
The two actresses, Kawakami Sadayakko and Matsui Sumako,
can be seen as representing two different stages in the process in
which modern Japan, modern Japanese theater, and modern Japanese actresses were shaped simultaneously, and helped shape each
other. The rivalry between the two actresses, and the victory of Matsui Sumako over Kawakami Sadayakko, signifies the gradual taking
over of a new regime of gender and theatrical performance. In this
paper I will focus briefly on three instances of this rivalry. The first
instance is a well-known gem called Alt Heidelberg. Both Sadayakko
and Sumako performed this play, though under different titles, and
under very different circumstances. Their performances were, to my
knowledge, never directly compared with each other, but the contrast
is suggestive of the larger process transforming Japanese theater and
society. The second instance is the competing performances of Oscar
Wildes Salom. The third instance is of Maurice Maeterlincks Monna
Vanna.
2. Alt Heidelberg
Alt Heidelberg is a play by Wilhelm Meyer-Frster (1862-1934) and
has been turned into a musical and a film as well.9 The play shows
a prince from a small regional principality who is sent to Heidelberg
University to study, where he enjoys the local student culture and
promptly falls in love with a local waitress. Eventually the prince
must return home, in order to be crowned king and to marry a
princess, but he vows to remember forever his good old student days
in Alt Heidelberg.
The Kawakami troupe, headed by Sadayakkos husband, performed this play in 1910, under the title Korean King (Chsen ). This
was the year of Japans annexation of Korea, following the victories
in the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War, and the play
9
The play is itself an adaptation of Meyer-Frsters novel Karl Heinrich, published
in 1899. In the United States the play is known through its adaptation as a musical,
titled The Student Prince, with music by Sigmund Romberg. It was also made into a
film, titled The Student Prince of Old Heidelberg, directed by Ernst Lubitsch.
245
10
The play has not been published, and is located in manuscript form in the
Kawakami Archives at Waseda Universitys Tsubouchi Memorial Theater Museum.
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Figure 8.1. The Kawakami troupe in Alt Heidelberg a.k.a. New Nations King from Engei
gah (November 1910). Shizuma Kojir as the prince, Kawakami Otojir as the
professor, Kawakami Sumiko (Otojirs niece) as the waitress.
tation but in a straight translation of the play.11 This time, there was
little if any interest from the government censors, and the critical
consensus on the play was that it was a sentimental melodrama, not
really worthy of the attention of the modern theater, but staged for
the sake of easy financial gain. Far from being seen as politically
dangerous, it was seen as too innocuous.
The playwright Akita Ujaku was particularly trenchant, attacking
the fact that neither the hero nor the heroine seems at all self-conscious or critical about their respective social environments and the
class difference that separates them. The prince kisses the waitress
because he has been released from the confines of the court and now
lusts after women; she loves him because she is flattered that a prince
would pay attention to her. The kind of sentimentalism expressed
in this play has not even reached the level of self-awareness of
romance found in conventional kabuki plays Akita scoffed.12 The
11
247
critic Kiyomi Rokur, who agreed that this was indeed a sentimental
play of little literary merit, nonetheless praised Matsui Sumakos
portrayal of the heroine. Sentimentalism is shared more deeply by
women than by men. Even for Sumako, this is the case. That is
probably why the scene of parting, where she breaks down crying
and is barely able to speak, expressed a true sense of pathos that we
could certainly not see in female roles when performed by men.
Sumako was famous for performing the roles of strong and liberated
women, but the critic noted that even when portraying a conventional feminine woman, Sumako is indeed quite skillful.13
In the photographs we have of her performance, Sumako was
dressed in a Western outfit, with her arms exposed, often raised high
to carry multiple steins of beer (Figure 8.2). Throughout her career,
Sumako would be praised for the physical sensuality of her presence
on stage, and this play seems to have been no exception.
What we see in the change from one to the other is a process of
the formation of modern theater and modern gender: from a freewheeling adaptation to a straight translation that values the original;14
from a play that thematizes Japans emerging and ambivalent role
as an imperial power to a play that takes it for granted that Japanese
actors can embody German characters; from a play in which romance
is downplayed because it threatens the colonial hierarchy to one in
which romance is so central that it is derided because of it; 15 from a
performance in which the Japanese woman acts like a geisha to one
13
Kiyomi Rokur, Omoide o mite [On seeing Remembrances], Engei gah (March
1913): 126-132. The quotes are from page 132).
14
Valuing the original in the form of a straight translation is a new idea, preceded by free-wheeling adaptation in the tradition of mitate of the Edo period. For a
discussion of Meiji era adaptations, see J. Scott Miller, Adaptations of Western Literature
in Meiji Japan (New York: Palgrave, 2001).
15
Romance, of course, is a tricky term. My argument here is that romance in
Korean King/New Nations King threatens the colonial hierarchy, but it is also true that
Kawakami Otojir wanted to create a homosocial theater that minimized heterosexual romance. Heterosexual romance in that sense would be associated with the
old kabuki theater as well as with Western theater, both of which he was trying to
repudiate in his quest to create a Japanese straight theater. See Acting Like a Woman
in Modern Japan, 57-84. In Sumakos case, romance is accepted as central to the shingeki, more explicitly modeled on European theater. Here, romance as an expression
of personal freedom is contrasted with opposing forces such as family and social
norms. The critics of Alt Heidelberg have the kind of ideal play in mind that would
portray the romance between the prince and the waitress as a declaration of freedom
from the constraints of social class.
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Figure 8.2. Matsui Sumako in Alt Heidelberg a.k.a. Remembrances from Peony Brush,
between pp. 88-89.
in which she acts like a German waitress, and in which she is perversely praised for being able to play such a feminine role.
3. Salom
In later years, the rivalry between the older Sadayakko and the
younger Sumako became more explicit. Salom provides the best
example. The play by Oscar Wilde (1854-1900) was first introduced
to Japan in 1907, and eventually became extremely popular on stage.
It was presented to the public by various actresses in no fewer than
twenty-seven separate productions between the premiere in 1913
249
and the end of the Taish era a dozen years later.16 The 1914 Salom
performance by the two actresses marks a moment in Japanese history when the alignment between gender, sex, sexuality, and performance registered a recognizable shift.
One of the most significant scenes in Salom is the dance scene in
which the heroine, a typical femme fatale, performs what amounts
to a striptease, pulling off layers of veils one by one, in order to
seduce her father-in-law and get him to give her the head of John
the Baptist, or Jokanaan in the play.17 Because of the nature of this
scene, Salom is a play that would be difficult indeed for an onnagata,
the traditional male actor impersonating female roles in kabuki, to
perform. The whole point of the play, it seems, is to strip down the
woman to her bare essence, or as close to it as the censors allow.18
Therefore, we could say that the title role of Salom epitomized the
new definition of womanhood as rooted in the physical body. It was
in performing Salom that Matsui Sumako decisively triumphed over
Kawakami Sadayakko, and signaled the beginning of a new era for
women and performance in Japan.
Comparing the two performances, critic Osanai Kaoru wrote that
Kawakami Sadayakkos Salom revealed her age: her flesh was
too desiccated; her blood was too dry, lacking the all-important
element of sensuality. In contrast, Matsui Sumakos Salom was
quite voluptuous in body, though rather superficial and impoverished
in spirit.19 Kawakami Sadayakkos dancing was criticized by Osanai
Kaoru as looking too Japanese, due to her training in Japanese dance
and the lack of heft to her hips. This is another indication that kabukistyle gestures could not convey the overt sensuality required for the
role. Matsui Sumakos dance, on the other hand, was choreographed
by Giovanni Vittorio Rosi, an Italian director, and emphasized her
well-endowed body. Honma Hisao praised her extremely able portrayal of the egoistic, aggressive, and selfish aspects of the woman
16
Imura Kimie, Sarome no heny: honyaku, butai [Saloms transformations: Translations and performances] (Tokyo: Shinshokan, 1990).
17
For a discussion of the femme fatale in Taish painting, see Doris Croissants
chapter in this volume.
18
For a discussion of the nude in the paintings and posters of modern Japan, see
Jaqueline Berndts chapter in this volume.
19
Osanai Kaoru, Hongza no Sarome [Honogza theaters Salom], Engei
gah (June 1915): 148-163. The quotes are from page 155 and 150 respectively.
250
ayako kano
20
Honma Hisao, Sendai Hagi to Sarome [Sendai Hagi and Salom], Engei gah
(January 1914): 50-54. The quote is from page 53.
21
Honma Hisao, quoted in zasa Yoshio, Nihon gendai engeki shi [History of contemporary Japanese theater] (Tokyo: Hakusuisha, 1985) 1: 144.
251
Figure 8.3. Kawakami Sadayakko in Salom, with Inoue Masao as Jokanaan, courtesy
of Waseda Universitys Tsubouchi Shy Memorial Theater Museum.
252
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Figure 8.4. Matsui Sumako in Salom, with Kat Seiichi as Jokanaan, courtesy of
Waseda Universitys Tsubouchi Shy Memorial Theater Museum.
Imura, p. 96.
253
Figure 8.5. Shkyokusai Tenkatsu in Salom, courtesy of Waseda Universitys Tsubouchi Shy Memorial Theater Museum.
anhood as an essence naturally grounded in a womans body, a definition which would also justify the reduction of woman to nothing
but her body.24
This paradox is exemplified by a photo that shows the magician
Shkyokusai Tenkatsu (1886-1944) in a performance of Salom in
1915, and that seems to capture the difficulty that women on stage
faced (Figure 8.5).25 The same logic that allowed women to perform,
the same logic that enabled them to prove that they were better than
the onnagata, also worked as a logic that forced them to reveal their
bodies in this kind of way. This point, however is also exemplified
by another picture, which takes us to the third and last instance of
rivalry between the two actresses that I would like to discuss.
24
For a fuller discussion of the performance of Salom, see Ayako Kano, Visuality and Gender in Modern Japanese Theater: Looking at Salome, in Japan Forum,
special issue on modern Japanese visual culture, vol. 11, no. 1 (1999): 43-55.
25
This is the photo that was initially chosen by my publishers for use on the
cover of Acting Like a Woman in Modern Japan.
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4. Monna Vanna
255
The manto is part of the costume for Monna Vanna, and has a crucial dramaturgical function in the play, as follows: General Prin-
28
29
Haino Shhei, Sumako ni kansuru taiwa, Engei gah (June 1915): 28-32.
See Acting Like a Woman in Modern Japan, pp. 128-135.
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Figure 8.6. Matsui Sumako in Monna Vanna from Peony Brush, between pp. 128-129.
Figure 8.7. Matsui Sumako in A Doll House from Engei gah (October 1911). Matsui
Sumako as Nora, Doi Shunsho as her husband Helmer. In the insert on the upper
right, she is dressed in a manteau, ready to leave the house.
257
Figure 8.8. Matsui Sumako as Magda in Heimat, dressed in manteau from Peony Brush,
between pp. 34-35.
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Figure 8.9. Matsui Sumako as a new woman dressed in manteau from Peony Brush
between pp. 224-225.
259
with the soul of Monna Vanna, not her body, and they will spend
the night exchanging poetic passages back and forth.
The second time she shows the wound, however, is more complicated. For various reasons, Monna Vanna ends up telling her husband
everything that has happened, and he becomes incensed. Prinzivalle
is captured, and is about to be put to death. Monna Vanna realizes
that there is only one way to save her lover: She tells her husband
that she was lying before, that Prinzivalle did try to rape her, that
they fought all night, and that this wound is the evidence of her
resistance. With this as her reason, she is able to convince her husband that she alone should be the one to torture Prinzivalle; she thus
obtains the key to the dungeon, and thus she and Prinzivalle are able
escape together.
So the wound signifies in the first instance the dangers surrounding
Monna Vanna and her vulnerability, and in the second instance,
that vulnerability is turned around into a weapon to achieve her
desired goal. In this sense, too, the photo crystallizes the double-edged
nature of the rise of actresses: it is Monna Vannas victory and her
vulnerability, as well as the victory and the vulnerability of actresses
in general, that could be said to be symbolized in this
photograph.30
The years following the rivalry of Kawakami Sadayakko and Matsui
Sumako saw women take on a variety of roles on stage and off. The
all-female Takarazuka theatre was founded in 1913 by entrepreneur
Kobayashi Ichiz (1873-1957) to attract families to his hot-spring
resort, and had become by the 1930s a full-fledged troupe known
for French-style revues.31 The 1920s and 1930s in Japan saw other
30
This is why I chose this photograph to be on the cover of Acting Like a Woman in
Modern Japan.
31
It seems, from the evidence Jennifer Robertson presents, that Takarazuka as
we know it today was shaped in the 1930s, rather than in the decades immediately
following its founding in 1913. The 1930s were when the content of the shows
changed from childrens stories and folktales to musical dramas and revues; when
the word girl (shjo) was dropped from the troupe name to signify this shift to more
adult-oriented entertainment; when the first official fan club was created; and when
sexologists blamed the female impersonator of male roles (otokoyaku) for provoking
the increased incidence of lesbian practices. One might argue then that while the
1930s could be said to be characterized by androgynous ambivalence, the earlier
decades of the twentieth century were characterized more by an establishing and
policing of a strict gender dichotomy. Such a dichotomy was manifested sometimes
by anxiety over androgyny, but equally often by expressions strongly grounded in a
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venues emerge, like Casino Folies (1929) and Moulin Rouge (1931),
capitalizing on the sexual appeal of the modern girl.32 Meanwhile,
serious actresses, especially those in shingeki troupes, worked diligently
to establish their professional credentials: Tamura Akiko (1905-1983),
Yamamoto Yasue (1906-1993), and Sugimura Haruko (1909-1997)
were among them. While some actresses distinguished themselves in
proletarian theater, Okada Yoshiko (1902-1992) created a sensation
in 1938 by emigrating with a lover to Soviet Russia. Many actresses
also began appearing in cinema and television. After World War II,
a new generation of remarkable stage actresses like Shiraishi Kayoko
(1941-) and Ri Reisen (1942-) emerged from the underground and
small theater movements in the 1960s and 1970s, although charismatic, even authoritarian, male directors dominated the genre. The
portrayal of women during this time tended to focus on the darker
side, such as sexually exploited women and mad women. The 1980s
and 1990s saw the emergence of many female playwrights like Kisaragi Koharu (1956-2000), Kishida Rio (1950-2003), and Nagai Ai
(1951-), and the staging of female characters created by female playwrights and female performers was no longer an extraordinary occurrence. Some women like Kisaragi and Watanabe Eriko (1955-) led
their own theater troupes, and reflecting the rise in awareness about
womens issues in theater, the first Conference for Asian Women
and Theater was held in Tokyo and Kyoto in 1992.
But in the first decades of the twentieth century, all of this was
yet to take place. Acting like a woman in the context of modernizing
Japan and its theater meant several contradictory things at once. It
meant entering a sphere of activity previously dominated by men
and thus widening the scope of acceptable behavior for women, but
it also meant becoming part of a discourse that defined femininity
as something grounded in the physical body. It meant the possibility
of acting out roles that embodied feminist ideals, but it also meant
having to accept the risk of being objectified and sexually exploited.
It meant being at the vanguard of introducing Western dramas and
discourse of naturalized and biologized gender. See Jennifer Robertson, Takarazuka:
Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1998). See also my review in Journal of Japanese Studies vol. 25 no. 2 (1999): 473478.
32
For a discussion of the Modern Girl in China during the same period, see
Tze-lan Sangs chapter in this volume.
261
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part four
ART, SEXUALITY, AND NATIONAL EROTICS
263
264
doris croissant
265
1
Ellen P. Conant, ed., Nihonga. Transcending the Past: Japanese-Style Painting, 18681968 (St. Louis: The St. Louis Art Museum 1995); Victoria Weston, Japanese Painting
and National Identity: Okakura Tenshin and his Circle, (Ann Arbor: The Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan, 2004).
2
Sharon H. Nolte and Sally Ann Hastings, The Meiji States Policy Toward
Women, 1890-1945, in Gail Lee Bernstein, ed., Recreating Japanese Women, 16001945 (Berkeley: The University of California Press, 1991), pp. 151-174
266
doris croissant
267
genres such as literature.7 Yet, the visual arts have so far rarely been
investigated with respect to gender categories such as femininity and
masculinity and their impact on the Nihonga and yga configurations
of womanhood. Gender ambiguity is a factor to be reckoned with
in the field of pictorial symbolism when analyzing the visible and
invisible strategies of creating Nihonga high art.
The Western philosophy of high art enabled the appropriation
of a symbolic meaning of womanhood and the allegories of the spiritual and physical principles of love as symbolized by the Madonna
and Venus. Curtailed by the anti-pornography campaign of governmental censorship, and faced with Victorian sexual double-standards,
to Nihonga painters the virgin/whore dichotomy amounted to another
touchstone for creating indigenous symbols of femininity.
My chapter approaches the issue of gender by examining allegorical representations of womanhood in outstanding Nihonga works of
the Meiji and Taish eras. In Section One and Two I contend that
Kannon, the Bodhisattva of Mercy, provided into the 1920s a paradigm of the third gender, offering an escape from the boundaries
of gender difference. While Kan Hgai (1828-1888), the canonized
pioneer of New Nihonga, created Merciful Kannon (Hibo Kannon) in 1888
as a masculine manifestation of motherhood, Nude Woman (Rafu),
submitted in 1920 by Murakami Kagaku (1888-1939) to the Association for the Creation of National Painting (Kokuga ssaku kykai),
represents an allegory of the eternal woman in the guise of the
third gender of Kannon. The last two sections of my essay will
explore the work of Kainosh Tadaoto (1894-1978), a guest member
of the Kokuga Society and a paragon of Nihonga decadent painting.
Starting in 1918 with Yokogushi and inspired by his amateur training
as an onnagata performer, Kainosh extended Nihonga painting of
women towards the ambiguous eroticism of the Westernized femme
fatale and prostitute. It is my contention that in response to Buddhist
concepts of transgender, Western theories of sexual perversion, and
fin-de-sicle decadence, the notion of the third gender entered the
268
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8
Sat Dshin, Meiji kokka to kindai bijutsu. Bi no seiji-gaku [The Meiji state and
modern art. The Politics of beauty] (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1999), p. 300;
Martin Collcutt, The Image of Kannon as Compassionate Mother in Meiji Art and
Culture, in Ellen P. Conant, ed., Challenging Past and Present. The Metamorphosis of
Japanese Art in the Nineteenth Century (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006),
pp. 197-224.
9
Okakura Kakuz Kan Hgai, published in Kokka, 2, November 1889; also
in Okakura Tenshin sh, Meiji Bungaku Zensh 38 (Tokyo: Chikuma shob, 1968),
pp. 300-311.
269
Figure 9.1. Kan Hgai, Compassionate Kannon (Hibo Kannon), 1888; mounted painting,
ink and colors on silk, 211.8- 85.4 cm; Museum of the Tokyo National University
of Fine Arts. A color plate of this illustration can be found in the color section on
pp. xvii-xxxii.
270
doris croissant
271
1883 (Freer Gallery) and 1888. They show numerous naked or partly
veiled female figures reminiscent of winged angels as well as of Buddhist heavenly maidens (tenj). These hybrid creatures look down on
clouds and waves that sometimes enclose a globe or moon. Detailed
studies of heads and faces worked without doubt to give Hibo Kannon
a more feminine expression, emulating Western prototypes12 (Figure
9.2). Shioya Jun points to the notable similarity between Madonna
images and the devotional look typical not only of Hgais Merciful
Kannon, but also of Meiji beauties in general.13
Yet, Hgai not only discarded his sketches of female celestials, but
surprisingly also dismissed the female prototypes among the thirtythree manifestations of Kannon as described in Lotus Sutra.14 Martin
Collcutt rightly observes that indigenous icons, such as Hariti (Kishimojin, Kariteimo), or so-called Maria-Kannon figures, secretly
worshiped and transmitted by hidden Christians from the seventeenth century onward, would have yielded ideal indigenous models
of the mother-and-child motif.15 What, then, was Hgais concept of
maternal compassion?
Recent studies regard the gender ambiguity of Hibo Kannon as a
prerequisite of the paintings political symbolism. Pointing to the
socialization of women in Meiji Japan, Wakakuwa Midori maintains
that Hgai conceived of Hibo Kannon as a protective deity and an
allegory of the reproductive and educational mission of women in
Imperial Japan.16 Chiba Kei has conversely argued that the painting
12
Kyoto National Museum, ed., Kano Hogai. The Pioneer of Modern Japanese Painting.
In Commemoration of the Centenary of his Death (Kyoto: Shinbunsha, 1989), fig. 142; Mizunoue Masaru, Hibo Kannon no shita-e [The sketches for Hibo Kannon], Sansai,
no. 254, 2 (1970): 32-41. Honda Kinkichir (1850-1921) exploited the winged angel
in his representation of the heavenly maiden Hagoromo, dated 1890 (Conant, Challenging Past, plate 5, cf. figure 7, p. 216).
13
Shioya Jun, Madonna no manazashiMeiji no bijinga wo meguru ikkosatsu
[The Gaze of MadonnaAn aspect of Meiji bijinga], in Yamatane Bijutsukan, The
Birth of Bijinga, p.151.
14
The art historian Umezawa Seiichi noted in 1919 that Hibo Kannon has no
prototype among the numerous manifestations of Bodhisattva Avalokitevara. Umezawa Seiichi, Hgai to Gah (Tokyo: Junsho bijutsusha, 1919), p. 224.
15
Collcutt, p. 218. Interestingly, in the 1860s the pioneer of yga and photography, Shima Kakoku (1827-1870), designed a Madonna-and-Child image in Japanese
dress. See Shioya, Madonna no manazashi, figs.1-2.
16
Wakakuwa Midori, Kg no shz: Shken Ktaig no kysh to josei no kokuminka
[Portraits of the empress: Representations of Empress Shoken and the nationalization of women] (Tokyo: Chikuma shob, 2001), p. 416.
272
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Figure 9.2. Kan Hgai, Sketches and drawings for Hibo Kannon, 1884-1888; hand
scroll, (detail), ink and color on paper, 37.5 507.2; Museum of the Tokyo National
University of Fine Arts.
273
Chiba Kei, Kan Hgai Hibo Kannon o yomu [Reading Kano Hgais Hibo
Kannon], in Ikeda Shinobu, ed., Kenryoku to shikaku hysho III [Power and visual representation III] (Chiba: Chiba daigaku daigakuin shakai bunka kagaku kenkyka,
2003), pp. 48-65, especially pp. 56-57. Cf. Sat Dshin, Shudai no sentaku II: Kannon Kysai [Choice of motifs II: Kannon by Kysai], Journal of Kysai Study, vol. 8,
no. 74 (July 2003): 8-14 (my thanks go to Melanie Trede who drew my attention to
the articles cited above).
18
Kumamoto Kenjir, Kindai Nihon bijutsu no kenky [Studies on modern Japanese
art] (Tokyo: Tky kokuritsu bunkazai kenkyjo, 1964), p. 463; Kyoto National Museum, ed., Kano Hogai (1989), pl. 141.
19
See Doris Croissant, In Quest of the Real: Portrayal and Photography in
Japanese Painting Theory, in Conant, ed., Challenging Past and Present, pp. 153-176;
Doris Croissant, Das Geheimnis des Hibo Kannon, in Asiatische Studien/tudes Asiatiques XLIV, 2 (1990): 349-378.
274
doris croissant
20
275
being the Eguchi theme and its adaptation in popular art.24 The
equation of Kannon with courtesans lasted into Meiji literature as
proven by Natsume Ssekis famous novel Botchan (1906), in which
he features a beautiful prostitute who bears the nickname Kannon.
One might speculate, then, that Hgai equipped his Hibo Kannon with
a moustache in order to exclude any association with the female
manifestation of Gyran Kannon and its connection with prostitutes.
When seen in the context of Nihonga historicism, in form and content Merciful Kannon complied with Hgais efforts at reconstructing
the style and meaning of the lost art of such famous Chinese masters
as Wu Daozhi. As an image that reflects Meiji gender politics, on
the other hand, the work underscores patriarchal domination over
the nations offspring in guise of Buddhist iconographic conventions.
In as much as Merciful Kannon attributes the mystery of childbirth to
a male mother, it challenges the basic facts of biological motherhood, and thus represents an Anti-Madonna, or even, as Chiba Kei
puts it, a phallic mother and a symbol of the castration anxiety
induced by the rise in the empowerment of women.25
Among later Nihonga painters, the gender puzzle of Merciful Kannon
yielded a fascination with the transgender symbolism of Gyran Kannon, the Buddhist epitome of the holy whore. Shimomura Kanzan
(1873-1930), a pupil of Hgai and member of the Tokyo-based Japanese Art Academy (Nihon bijutsuin), founded in 1898 by Okakura,
conceived several versions of Gyran Kannon. The first one, created
in 1910, is an allusion to the famous Daitokuji triptych Crane, Kannon
and Monkey by the Zen painter Muqi (active late 13th c.), showing in
place of Kannon an Indian beauty with a basket walking to the fish
market.26 In 1928 Kanzan created one more version of Gyran Kannon, presenting the legendary Tang maiden in the guise of Mona
24
Timothy Clark, Prostitute as Bodhisattva: The Eguchi Theme in Ukiyoe,
Impressions 22 (2000): 37-53.
25
Chiba Kei, Sens to Hibo Kannon, Image & Gender, vol. 6, 3 (2006): 20.
26
Yokohama bijutsukan, ed., Taikan to Kanzan ten [Exhibition of Taikan and Kanzan] (Tokyo: Nihon keizai shinbunsha, 1990), figs. 25/78, cf. 81. The hanging scrolls
Crane, Kannon and Monkey (late 13th century), attributed to Mu Qi, are preserved in
Daitokuji Temple, Kyoto.
276
doris croissant
Lisa.27 At this stage, as we will see below, the Giocondas smile was
broadly understood not only as indicating erotic seduction, but also
as a signifier of the androgynous charms of the third sex.
2. Murakami Kagakus Eternal Woman
In the Taish era, Nihonga painters aimed not only at a systematic
exploration of Western period styles and canonized masterworks from
the Renaissance to modernism, but also to demonstrate that Meijiperiod moral scruples had given way to a conscious effort to conquer
modernism. Guided by the Francophile art historian Nakai Star
(1879-1966), in 1918 five Kyoto painters, among them Murakami
Kagaku (1888-1939), organized the Association for the Creation of
National Painting (Kokuga ssaku kykai ) with the intention of staying independent of governmental control over aesthetic matters. 28
The statement of purpose of the Kokuga Society, presented to the
press in 16 January 1918, starts with the sentence: Concerning the
founding of the Kokuga ssaku kykai, we want to establish right
away that our purpose is the production of pure art (junshin naru
geijutsu) and, by making this art available to the public, to contribute to the development of Japanese art in general.29 The five founding members specialized in traditional painting genres such as
landscape, flower and trees, or paintings of women that they sought
to westernize by emulating European masters from the Renaissance
to French Post-Impressionism. Mostly mounted as Western-style tab-
27
Hosono Masanobu, Shimomura Kanzan. Kindai no bijutsu 9 (Tokyo: Shibund,
1982), fig. 98.
28
On the Kokuga Society see National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo et al.,
eds., Kyto no Nihonga 1910-1930. Taish no kokoro, kakushin to sz [Nihonga: the Kyoto
School 1910-1930] (1986); Conant, Transcending the Past, pp. 106-107; John Donald
Szostak, The The Kokuga Ssaku Kykai and Kyto Nihonga Reform in the Meiji, Taish and
Early Showa Years (1900-1928) (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 2005), p. 225.
29
Quoted from Szostak, p. 620; see also pp. 248 ff. Kyto Kokuritsu kindai bijutsukan/Tky kokuritsu kindai bijutsukan, eds., Kokuga Sosaku Kyokai Retrospective
(1993), pp. 160-161. The Societys statement of purpose (riysho) was signed on 16
January 1918 by Ono Chikky, Tsuchida Bakusen, Murakami Kagaku, Nonogase
Banka and Sakakibara Shih; the same painters, but including Takeuchi Seih and
Nakai Star, signed the manifesto (sengensho) promulgated on 20 January 20 1918
(see Szostak, pp. 248 ff.).
277
leau paintings, these works were possibly meant to decorate the reception rooms of Western-style houses.30
The Kokuga painter Murakami Kagaku chose Italian Renaissance
painting and religious themes as his model, but still adhered to the
lumping together of Buddhist and Western ideals of womanhood.
His Nude Woman (Rafu), submitted in 1920 to the third Kokuga exhibition, depicts a slightly veiled, half-naked Indian woman adorned
with necklaces and earrings, sitting on a well close to a tray with
lotus flowers31 (Figure 9.3). In his essay The Eternal woman, written in 1920, Murakami commented on the allegorical meaning of
his Nude Woman:
In all human beings, whether they like it or not, there is a longing for
beauty. I believe that this is what the Eternal Woman (kuon no josei)
symbolizes. But neither normal women nor men can attain our ideal
of a perfectly virtuous woman. I think the reason is that this ideal
transcends sexuality and resides only in what is called the third sex
(chsei). Assuming that we take Kannon as the perfect incorporation of
the good and the beauty that embodies all human ideals and longings
in his physical appearance, then we may be right to consider the third
sex as something also essential to the Eternal Woman.
He goes on to explain:
At this point the fundamental difference between the Western world
and Asia comes to the fore. European thought from Greece to Hellenism and Hebraism stresses the rarely-surmounted antagonism between
body and spirit that corresponds to the usually unending battle between
soul and flesh. Yet in Asia, and especially in India, such a binary did not
exist. There, I believe, body and spirit were unified and harmonized.
What was considered flesh was at the same time spirit. While in Europe
culture developed in opposition to nature, Indian culture developed out
of nature. While in Europe humanity is conceived as the other of nature, in India men and nature are commonly understood to be one.
The year before last, when I undertook to paint Nude Woman as an
aspect of the Eternal Woman which is the beginning and end of humans eternal longing (although being aware of my poor talent and
numerous shortcomings), I simultaneously wished to express the purity
of Kannon and Kanzeon Bosatsu through the womans eyes as well as
30
See Jordan Sand, The Cultured Life as Contested Space. Dwelling and Discourse in the 1920s, in Elise K. Tipton and John Clark, eds., Being Modern in Japan:
Culture and Society from the 1910s to the 1930s (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press,
2000), pp. 99-118.
31
See Szostak, pp. 337-340 on the reception of Nude Woman and a caricature by
Okamoto Ippei (1920).
278
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Figure 9.3. Murakami Kagaku, Nude Woman (Rafu), 1920; mounted painting, color
on silk, 163.6 109.1 cm; Yamatane Museum. A color plate of this illustration can
be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
279
through her swelling breasts. What I wanted to visualize was the beauty
of the Eternal Woman that lies in flesh as well as in spirit, in hair as
much as in the mouth, in arms as well as in feet, a beauty that encompasses all the so-called virtues in harmony.32
32
Murakami Kagaku, Kuon no josei [The Eternal Woman], in Murakami
Kagaku, Garon [On painting] (Tokyo: Ch kron bijutsu shuppan. 1972),
pp. 51-52.
33
Murakami Kagaku, Garon, p. 27.
34
Reproduced in Akiyama, Terukazu et al. eds., Genshoku Nihon no bijutsu, vol. 9
(Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1967-1980), pl. 81.
280
doris croissant
281
35
Murakami Kagaku, Butsuz zakkan [Random thoughts on Buddhist figures]
(1919), in Murakami, Garon, p.15.
36
Leo Bersani, The Freudian Body: Psychoanalysis and Art (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), p. 179; Walter Pater, She is older than the rocks among which
she sits; like the vampire, she has been dead many times, and has been a diver in
deep seas . . . Certainly Lady Lisa might stand as the embodiment of the old fancy,
the symbol of the modern idea. From The Renaissance: Studies in Art and Poetry, 4th ed.
(London, 1893), quoted in Denis Donoghue, The Practice of Reading, (New Haven and
London: Yale University Press, 1998), p. 41.
37
Stefan Tanaka, Imaging History: Inscribing Belief in the Nation, The Journal
of Asian Studies 53, 1 (February, 1994): 25.
38
See Gregory M. Pflugfelder, Cartographies of Desire: Male-male sexuality in Japanese
Discourse, 1600-1950 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), p. 193.
282
doris croissant
283
in the Tokyo department store Shirokiya. Kainosh Tadaoto recollected later that in preparation for this event the prestigious member
Murakami Kagaku encouraged him to join as a guest.42 The thentwenty-three year old graduate from Kyoto City Specialized School
for Painting (Kyto shiritsu kaiga senmon gakk) had already established his reputation as a painter of kabuki actors and courtesans,
developing a painting technique that enabled him to render the corporeality of bodies of Western oil painting with the opaque mineral
pigments of Nihonga. The first extant example of his new style is the
partly overpainted tableau Yokogushi (Hiroshima kokuritsu kindai
bijutsukan), submitted to the 1st Kokuga exhibition in 1918, but
probably conceived or already executed in 1915 as Kainoshs graduation piece for the Specialized School of Painting (Figure 9.5).
The title Yokogushiliterally Side-Combstands for Otomi, the
quintessential evil woman (akuba) of kabuki domestic pieces (sewamono), in the play Scarface Otomi (Kirare Otomi) by Kawakami Mokuami
(1816-1893).43 Scarface Otomi is a gender-crossing remake of Kirare Yosa
(also called Yohana (Yowa) nasake ukina no yokogushi), written by Segawa
Jok III (1806-1881), and staged for the first time in 1853 at Edos
Nakamura-za theater. In Mokuamis 1864 version, in place of the
male hero, now Otomi, the mistress of a brothel proprietor, falls
victim to her patrons jealousy and the patron sets out to end her
love affair with Yosa by mutilating her with knife cuts all over her
face. Otomi and her lover try to commit suicide, but are rescued.
Bereft of her beauty and her lover, Otomi marries Bat Yasu (Kmori
no Yasu), a former servant of her patron. She meets Yosa again after
years of separation, but now being a disfigured and aged woman,
she takes revenge upon her patron by blackmailing him and extorting
42
Kyoto kokuritsu kindai bijutsukan, ed., Kainosh Tadaoto ten [Kainosh Tadaoto
Exhibition] (Tokyo: Nihon keizai shinbunsha, 1997), p. 129; Chiba shiritsu bijutsukan, ed., Kainosh Tadaoto to Taish-ki no gaka-tachi. [Kainosh Tadaoto and Painters
of the Taish era] (Toyko: Nihon keizai shinbunsha, 1999), p. 117; Tanaka Hisao,
Kainosh Tadaoto kaikoten ni kanren shite [On the memorial exhibition of Kainosh Tadaoto], Sansai, no. 346 (1976): 17-20; cited in Szostak, pp. 304-307.
43
On Scarface Otomi (Kirare Otomi, also called Wakaba no Ume Ukina no Yokogushi or
Musume Gonomi Ukina no Yokogushi), see Samuel. L. Leiter, New Kabuki Encyclopedia
(Westport, CN: Greenwood Press, 1997), p. 714. For a translation of Kirare Otomi, see
James R. Brandon and Samuel L. Leiter, Kabuki Plays on Stage, vol. 3: Darkness and
Desire, 1804-1864 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2002), pp. 320-356.
284
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Figure 9.5. Kainosh Tadaoto (1894-1977), Yokogushi, 1918, mounted painting, color
on silk, 164.5 71.4 cm; Hiroshima Prefectural Museum of Modern Art. A color
plate of this illustration can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
285
Figure 9.6. Kainosh Tadaoto, Yokogushi, circa 1916 (?), mounted painting, colors on
silk, 195.0 84.0 cm; Kyoto National Museum of Modern Art.
286
doris croissant
money, and moreover, kills her greedy husband, Yasu, so that her
former lover is able to redeem his heirloom sword.44
Several shibai-e triptychs, printed about 1864, depict the climactic
murder scene by staging it in a graveyard with Yosa at the left and
Otomi brandishing a kitchen knife at Bat Yasu at the right. On a
print by Toyohara Kunichika (1835-1900), we see Otomi characterized as a Fukagawa courtesan, with a chic boxwood comb worn
aslant the side of her head and a checkered black-and-white haorijacket thrown over her shoulders (Figure 9.7).
Two decades after the first performance of Scarface Otomi, the
depravity of the evil woman was no longer symbolized through
her criminal acts such as blackmailing, robbery, and murder, but
was put on a level with pornographic offences against public morals.
This change can be seen in a hanging scroll by Kobayashi Eitaku
(1843-1890), datable to around 188545 (Figure 9.8). The scrolls subject
is simply given as A Woman in a Danjur Robe, but the boxwood comb
and bath-robe imprinted with the crest of the actor Ichikawa Danjur
suggest a certain affinity to the kabuki heroine Otomi. Posing as a
beauty after her bath (yu-agari bijin), the figure exposes her private
parts in an overt manner.46 While actor prints foreground the narrative context with Otomi as a furious murderess, Eitaku generalizes
the connection between kabuki and prostitution. Eitaku was one of
the few Nihonga painters who sought to exploit the nude for didactic
purposes, shortly before the anti-pornography campaign of 1889
prohibited painters from depicting naked woman. 47 The Taishperiod painter Kainosh Tadaoto, on the other hand, presented
44
On poison women in Meiji narratives, see Christine Marran, Poison woman: Takahashi Oden and the Spectacle of Female Deviancy in early Meiji, USJapan Womens Journal (English supplement) 9, (1995): 93-110; Hirata Yumi, The
Story of the Woman, the Woman of the Story: Takahashi Oden and the Discourse
of the Poison Woman, in Wakita Haruko, Anne Bouchy, and Ueno Chizuko, eds.,
Gender and Japanese History (Osaka: Osaka University Press, 1999), vol. 2, pp. 221252.
45
Otsu City Museum of History, ed., Unexplored Avenues of Japanese Painting: The
Hakutakuan Collection. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001), pl. 80, pp. 182183.
46
The design of a sickle (kama), a circle (wa), and the hiragana character nu painted
on the mounting read kamawanu,, translatable as I dont care The pattern is
said to have been invented by Ichikawa Danjur VII (1791-1859), though its relation
to the painting is not clear. See Leiter, New Kabuki Encyclopedia, p. 265.
47
See the chapter by Jaqueline Berndt in this volume.
287
Figure 9.7. Toyohara Kunichika (1835-1900), Scarface Otomi, 1864, woodblock print;
Waseda University.
288
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Figure 9.8. Kobayashi Eitaku (1843-1890), Woman in Danjur Robe, circa 1885, hanging scroll, colors on silk, 106.0 41.5 cm; Hakutakuan Collection, Seattle.
289
290
doris croissant
51
Kushigata Shunsen Museum of Art, ed., Natori Shunsen: Kushigata chritsu Shusen
Bijutsukan shoz Natori Shunsen sakuhin mokuroku (Kushigata: Yamanashi nichi-nichi
shinbunsha, 2002), p. 19.
52
See footnote 74.
53
Ayako Kano, Acting Like a Woman, pp. 1-14; see also Dina Lowy, Nora and the
New Woman: Visions of Gender and Modernity in Early Twentieth-Century Japan, U.S.-Japan Womens Journal, no. 26 (2004): 75-97.
54
See Yamatane bijutsukan, The Birth of Bijinga, fig. 57. Christine Guth noted
that in Meiji tourist photography the image of happily laughing geishas and prostitutes coined the clich of female hospitality. Christine M.E. Guth, Longfellows Tattoos:
Tourism, Collecting, And Japan (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004), pp. 8283.
55
Yamatane bijutsukan, The Birth of Bijinga, figs. 57, pp. 115-118. Teramoto Minako, ed., Bijin no tsukurikata: Sekihan kara hajimaru kkoku posuta [Making beauty: early
Japanese lithographic posters] (Tokyo: Insatsu hakubutsukan, 2007), figs. 14-19.
291
Figure 9.9. Natori Shunsen (1886-1960), Onoe Baiko as Otomi, 1917, woodblock
print.
292
doris croissant
293
Figure 9.11. Leonardo da Vinci (1479-1528), Portrait of Mona Lisa, 1503-1506, oil on
wood, 77.0 53 cm; Muses du Louvre, Paris.
294
doris croissant
295
296
doris croissant
Figure 9.13. Leonardo da Vinci (1479-1528), St. Anne, Madonna, and Child, 1508-1513,
oil on canvas, Muses du Louvre, Paris.
297
60
See Jeffrey Matthew Angles, Writing the love of boys: representations of male-male
desire in the literature of Murayama Kaita and Edogawa Ranpo (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University, 2004); http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc
_num=osu1071535574.
61
Murayama Kaita, Bishnen Saraino no kubi, translated in Angles,
pp. 315-317.
62
Angles, p. 35.
63
In the early 1920s a patron of Kainosh, a resident of Kobe, instructed Kainosh and his long-time partner, the painter Sakakibara Shik (1895-1969) (a younger brother of the Kokuga founding member Sakakibara Shih), in the way of
nanshoku. See Shimada Yasuhiro, in Kainosh Tadaoto ten (1997), p. 12).
64
Leiter, New Kabuki Encyclopedia, p. 500.
298
doris croissant
nist perspective towards the female body.65 The projection of Leonardos androgynous saints onto Japanese prostitutes betrays a
destructive rather than celebratory exploitation of the European ideals of beauty. In this regard, Kainosh anticipated the computerized
self-portraits as art history by the post-modern artist Morimura
Yasumasa (born 1950).66
The leading Kokuga painter, Tsuchida Bakusen (1887-1936),
envisaged Japan as an earthly paradise, alive with various types of
Japanese women, such as pearl divers, Ohara peasant women (Oharame), maiko, and bath-house girls (yuna), but significantly void of male
partners, who might suggest the pleasures (and perils) of erotic
encounter.67 Between Bakusen and Kainosh the painting of women
remained a contested field, especially after Kainosh tried his hand
at nude painting, a genre up till then under taboo, but at last tolerated as a subject of Kokuga decadent pure art.
Kokuga exhibitions were suspended between 1921 and 1924 due
to the main members trip to Europe. The direct encounter with
European art resulted in the appointment of the Kyoto painter Umehara Ryzabur (1888-1986), a follower of Renoir, as head of the
newly established Kokuga yga section.68 It appears to have been the
prospective competition between Nihonga and yga oil painting that
stimulated Kainosh to submit to the 5th Kokuga exhibition of 1926
two nude paintings labeled Woman with Balloon (also called Chch)
(Figure 9.14) and Nude (Rafu) (Figure 9.15).69 Today only a photograph of Woman with Balloon remains, depicting a semi-nude woman,
veiled in a dark, transparent bath-rope, holding a fetishistic balloon.
Presiding over the selection committee, Bakusen disqualified Woman
with Balloon, not on the grounds that is was kitsch, but for being a
65
Maki Morinaga, The Gender of Onnagata as the Imitating Imitated: Its Historicity, Performativity, and Involvement in the Circulation of Femininity, positions:
east asia cultures critique, volume 10, number 2 (Fall 2002): 263.
66
See Morimura Yasumasa, Self-portrait as Art History (Tokyo: Asahi shinbunsha,
1998).
67
Doris Croissant, Icons of Feminity. Japanese National Painting and the Paradox of Modernism, in Joshua S. Mostow, Norman Bryson, and Maribeth Graybill,
eds., Gender and Power in the Japanese Visual Field (Honolulu: University of Hawaii
Press, 2003), pp. 119-139.
68
Szostak, pp. 405 ff.
69
Kokuga Sosaku Kyokai Retrospective, plates 57 and 58; Kainosh Tadaoto ten (1997),
p. 48 and p. 115. The venue of the 5th Kokuga exhibition, March 7 to 21, was an
exhibition hall in Ueno Park, Tokyo.
299
Figure 9.14. Kainosh Tadaoto, Woman with balloon (Chch), 1926 (destroyed).
300
doris croissant
Figure 9.15. Kainosh Tadaoto, Nude (Rafu), mounted painting, 1926, colors on silk,
132.0 51.5 cm; National Museum of Modern Art, Kyoto.
301
Shimada Yasuhiro, in Kainosh Tadaoto ten (1997), p. 13; Szostak, pp. 454 ff.
Kainosh Tadaoto ten (1997), p. 132
72
Shimada Yasuhiro, in Kainosh Tadaoto ten (1997), p. 166. In the 1940s Kainosh switched from painting to kabuki theatre and cinema, assisting the film director
Mizoguchi Kenji as art consultant. After 1957 he worked on a comeback as painter.
73
Seki Chiyo, Uemura Shoen. Nihon no Bijutsu 12 (Tokyo: Shibund, 1982), p. 73;
quotation from Uemura Shoen, Seibi sh (1943); cf. Morioka Michiyo, Changing
Images of women: Taish period paintings by Uemura Shoen (1875-1940), Ito Shoha
(1877-1968), and Kajiwara Hisako (1896-1988) (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University
of Washington, 1990).
74
Quoted by Hamanaka Shinji, Bijinga: the portrayal of beauties in modern Japan, in
Hotei Publishing-Abe Publishing, The Female Image: 20th century prints of Japanese beauties (Leiden:, 2000), p.15; cf. Inoue Mariko, Transformation of Female Image in the paintings of Kaburagi Kiyokata (1878-1972) and Kobayashi Kokei (1883-1957) (unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1989).
71
302
doris croissant
Figure 9.16. Kainosh Tadaoto, Singing Geisha Girl (Kagi), 1926, detail of 6 panel
screen, 178.5 248.8 cm, colors on silk; private collection.
303
304
doris croissant
America from the 1920s until the present, even among Western connoisseurs the Shin-Hanga prints of beautiful women (bijin) are held
to constitute a palliative to the ugliness of the modern world and
to the threat of female sexual liberation, as epitomized by the modangru (moga).75
In fact, contemporary visitors to Kokuten exhibitions, such as the
yga painter Kishida Rysei (1891-1929), did not classify Kansai
painting of women as bijinga, but as a sort of a misunderstood appropriation of fin-de-sicle decadence. In 1921 Kishida denounced the
decadent products of Nihonga painters from Kyoto and Osaka that
flooded the art scene as sick and sweetish images of prostitutes,
maiko, and cats.76 Warning against conflating pornography with the
objectives of true decadent art, Kishida noted that Kansai Nihonga
painters were far from measuring up to Western artists such as
Beardsley and Klimt.77 Yet, in 1927 a somewhat appreciative voice
ventured a comparison between literature and art, calling Kainosh
the Tanizaki Junichir of painting.78 This author might have
sensed a genuine affinity between Yokogushi and literary exemplars of
75
Kendall H. Brown, Taish Chic (Honolulu: Honolulu Academy of Arts and
Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001), p. 23. Cf. Amy Reigle Newland,
The appreciation of shin hanga in the West: the interwar years, 1915-1940, in Hotei
Publishing-Abe Publishing, The Female Image, pp. 24-30. Significantly, the publisher
Watanabe Shzabur did not only employ bijinga specialists such as It Shinsui
(1898-1972), a disciple of Kaburagi Kiyokata, but also the yga student Hashiguchi
Goy (1881-1921), who in 1915 produced the first shin-hanga of a naked Japanese
woman. See The Female Image, plates 12, 15-16, 20, 21-22, 33, 37, 41, and 60.
76
Kishida referred to works by Kansai painters, in particular the woman painter
Shima Seien (1893-1970), denouncing the women like ghosts (obake no y na onna)
recently on display in the Kokuten and Teiten exhibitions. Kishida Rysei zensh (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1979), vol. 2, p. 324. Exhibiting with the Kokuga Society as
guests were the Osaka painter Kitano Tsunetomi (1880-1947) and the Kyto painter
Okamoto Shins (1894-1933). In the 1920s they were classified as non-conformists
for taking prostitutes as models. Kanzaki, Kenichi, Kyto ni okeru Nihonga-shi [History
of Kyto Nihonga] (Kyto: Seiban insatsu-sha, 1929), p. 223.
77
Kishida Rysei, Dekadansu no ksatsu [A Note on decadence] (1921), Kishida Rysei zensh, vol.3, p.160; idem., Bijutsu j no fujin [Women in art], Kishida
Rysei zensh, vol.3, pp. 192-209. Kishida regarded Mona Lisa as the most beautiful
woman in the world. He endowed numerous portraits of his little daughter Reiko
with the enigmatic smile of La Gioconda.
78
Anonymous article in Bi no kuni (1927); quoted in Shimada Yasuhiro, Taishki geijutsu shis no naka no Bakusen [Bakusen and thoughts about art in the
Taish era], in Tky kokuritsu kindai bijitsukan, ed., Tsuchida Bakusen ten [Tsuchida
Bakusen: A Retrospective] (Tokyo: Nihon keizai shimbunsha, 1997), pp. 25-31, with
an English abstract, pp. 32-39.
305
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doris croissant
in the visual field, too, gender ambivalence did not indicate a category crisis, but, on the contrary, lent itself to function as an outlet
for lost possibilities of artistic self-expression.81 If we seriously consider the fact that Japanese society faced the trauma of compulsory
heterosexuality during the early Meiji era, and linking that to the
tidal wave of sexual perversion theory that swept through the Taish
art world, one might draw the conclusion that gender ambivalence
was in fact a catalyst that converted artistic self-expression into
national representation. In the particular ideological conjuncture of
Nihonga modernism, elite male practitioners strategically defended
masculine hegemony against the construct of the bijin, and thus subjected the nightmare of the modern girl to sexual perversion theory. As the third gender was brought into the debate about gender
and sexuality, homosexual sublimation provided the intellectual
counterpart to the women-oriented ideal of the romantic bijin. It is
in the market-oriented trans-cultural masquerade of Nihonga modernism that we see this phenomenon most clearly.
81
Majorie Garber argues that gender blending offers a third sex or third term as
a possibility to subvert or at least unveil a failure of definitional distinction of social
categories. After World War II cross-dressing indicates a category crisis induced
by compulsory male-female gender division and functioned universally as a critique
of the dichotomy of Asian and Euro-American culture, high and low art, bourgeois
straight and underground gay art. Majorie Garber, Vested Interests: Cross-Dressing and
Cultural Anxiety (New York: Routledge, 1997 [1992]), pp. 9.
Introduction
Nude painting was appropriated by Japanese elites in the late nineteenth century as part of the canon of modern Western knowledge
they were eager to master. The academic genre of the nude appeared
significant to them precisely as it was beginning to lose its significance
for European art; incidentally, this lag put Japanese male artists on
a par with European women artists. What the latter had been denied
by academism, the former were about to discover at a time when
the independence of their country was in danger. Accordingly, the
Japanese study of European art was closely tied to issues of nationality. Until the early twentieth century, Japanese painters as well as
their fellow countrymen positioned oil painting nationally as nonJapanese (in the sense of non-native or non-traditional) and,
paradoxically, at the same time utilized it in the process of creating
a modern national culture. The genre of nude painting attracted
attention mainly in two respects: on the one hand, regarding the
capability of the medium of oil painting to realistically render corporeality and, by means of that, suggest the actual reality of the new
nation; on the other hand, regarding the power of fine art to transform the image of a naked body, that is, nature, into the carrier of
profound meanings, in other words, culture. The depiction of naked
female bodies within the framework of fine art allowed, among other
things, for a visibilization of national accomplishments, especially
with respect to modernization. Assigning such value to the nude,
however, did not necessarily result in a visually discernible nationality.
As I am well aware of the amount of convincing analyses published by art historians about the correlation between academic nude
painting and gender, I will focus less on representations of female
bodies rather than on how female bodies mediated representations
of nationality. Concentrating on Japanese oil paintings and posters
308
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Figure 10.1. Kuroda Seiki, Chsh (Morning toilet), 1893 (destroyed in June 1945),
178.5 98 cm.
310
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312
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Figure 10.2. Fujishima Takeji (1867-1943), Nihon ni okeru geijutsu no mirai, in Myj, no.
11, February 1901.
6
(178.5 98 cm.). Purchased by Sumitomo Kichizaemon, the painting become
part of the Sumitomo familys collection together with which it fell victim to the
bombardment of Tokyo on 5 June 1945 and the destruction of the Suma villa.
7
See Tano Yasunori, Chsh shik, Waseda daigaku daigakuin bungaku kenkyka kiy, vol. 42, no. 3 (1997): 149-163.
8
Takumi Hideo, Chsh ratai mondai to sono zengo, in Takashina Shji, ed.,
Zensh: Bijutsu no naka no rafu, vol. 12: Nihon no rafu (Tokyo: Sheisha, 1981), p. 122.
314
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Bryson, Norman, Westernizing Bodies: Women, Art, and Power in Meiji Yga
in: Joshua S. Mostow, Norman Bryson, Norman and Maribeth Graybill, eds., Gender
and Power in the Japanese Visual Field (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2003),
p. 108. See also Kojima Kaoru, Kuroda Seiki ni miru rataiga no juy to sono
eiky, Jissen joshi daigaku bigaku bijutsushigaku kiy, no. 14 (1999): 43-60.
316
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11
For example, Kagesato Tetsur, Jinbutsu sekiraga kara rataiga e, in Takashina Shji, ed., Nihon bijutsu zensh, vol. 22: Kindai no bijutsu II: Yga to nihonga (Tokyo:
Kdansha, 1992), p. 179; Takumi, Chsh ratai mondai, p. 124.
Figure 10.3. Kitagawa Utamaro (1753-1806): Bathing Beauty (Nyyoku bijin zu), 1799;
98.5 48.3 cm. Museum of Art, Atami.
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which was not only a social, but also an aesthetic phenomenon. That
said, one should nonetheless consider the possibility of coming across
ambiguities here, too; after all, Kuroda was familiar with two cultures
and, thus, two ways of seeing.
Before returning to this in the following section, I shall touch upon
the third aspect of the rather invisible nationality of early Japanese
nude paintings, that is, the issue of where nudes were encountered
and how these sites were regulated. To come straight to the point,
pictures of naked women, particularly of such a physical presence
like the one in Morning Toilet, were not to be shown in public, even
if they depicted exotic foreigners. This fact can be deduced from
Georges Bigots (1860-1927) famous caricature of La femme nue
de M. Kuroda (1895; Figure 10.4). It depicts people in front of
Morning Toilet at the Kyoto venue: some stand gaping open-mouthed
in astonishment, and a girl even covers her eyes as if they hurt while
gathering up her kimono and uninhibitedly exposing her legs. Morning Toilet did not create much of a stir when exhibited at the exhibition of the Meiji Art Society (Meiji bijutsu kykai) in Tokyo the previous
year, but in Kyoto it caused a scandal precisely because people who
were not familiar with the new concept of fine art recalled traditional
erotic pictures of beauties after the bath and, consequently, categorized it as a part of daily life (or even pornography). What collided
between Kurodas nude and the exhibition visitors were two ways
of seeing, one that aimed at modernization by westernization, and
another one that rested upon conventional expectations. Vacillating
between European academism and Japanese popular pragmatism,
Morning Toilet distressed the public.
Fernand Ganesco, in whose book Bigots illustration first appeared,
disputed Kurodas capability to skillfully depict a European woman:
... le monstre cr par M. Kuroda, dessin sans habilit, peint avec
une lourdeur et une gaucherie extrmes, a la prtention dtre une
femme europenne nue12 (the monster created by M. Kuroda
designed without ability, painted with extreme clumsiness and awkwardnesshas the pretension of being a naked European woman).
An opponent to the new kind of Japaneseness, the one closely tied
to westernization, he preferred the nakedness on Japanese streets to
12
Fernand Ganesco, Shocking au Japon: de levolution de lart dans lempire du soleil levant, dessins de Georges Bigot, (1895, place of publication not indicated), p. 32.
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Figure 10.5. Watanabe Seitei (1851-1918), title illustration for Lady Butterfly (Koch)
by Yamada Bimy, wood-cut print, 1889; in Kokumin no tomo, supplement to no. 37,
January 1889.
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kind to visit Europe and, at the Paris World Exposition in 1878, was
even awarded a silver medal.16 For Bimya rather provocative
author who wrote in vernacular JapaneseWatanabe depicted the
scene in which the heroine, a court-lady named Butterfly, appears
in front of her rescueralmost performing a contrapostoafter a
futile effort to follow her emperor in death by drowning. Often
regarded as the first full nude in modern Japanese-style painting
(nihonga),17 one should note that, in contrast to Kurodas oil paintings,
this picture entered the public realm as a reproduction. Generally
more focused on an aura of refinement than on strong bones, that
is, bodies, it took Japanese-style painting about two decades longer
than its western-style counterpart to deploy the nude.18 In part, this
can be put down to the fact that the very precedents which academic
nudes require in order to legitimate themselves historically could
only be obtained from European art. Thus, in the early 20th century,
the establishment of a nihonga nude had to put up with suggesting
the westernization of a genre that was initially supposed to dedicate itself to what escaped modernization-as-westernization.
Similar to the above-mentioned example from literature, the distribution of art journals was occasionally prohibited due to objectionable pictures. In 1897, the ban hit Bijutsu hyron (no. 2) because
it contained a reproduction of Kurodas nude triptych Chi Kan J (on
which I will focus in the following section). In 1900, issue no. 8 of
Myj was confiscated because of two drawings by Ichij Narumi
(1876-1900) who had adapted photographs of French nude sculp16
Eiraku Tru, Nihonga ni okeru ratai hygen, in The National Museum of
Art, Osaka, ed., Rataiga 100-nen no ayumi/Modern Nude Paintings 1880-1980 (exh. cat.),
(1983), p. 96.
17
In regard to modern Japanese-style painting, it should be taken into consideration that already in 1842, Watanabe Seiteis teacher Kikuchi Ysai (1788-1878) had
painted Enya Takasada tsuma shutsuyoku zu (Enya Takasadas wife after the bath,
114.4 47.8 cm, colors on silk), a nude which is often categorized as a historical
painting due to its subject matter. This work is counted among Japans modern
art; see, for example, its creators appearance in Kindai nihon bijutsu jiten (1989), p. 117.
However, it was not only painted before the concept of nihonga (as traditionalist modern Japanese painting) emerged, but it probably also escaped broader public attention until Watanabe Seitei painted his version of the same motif in 1881/1882. The
reception process of Kikuchis work in the late 19th century still needs to be explored.
18
The earliest examples are Tsuchida Bakusen Ama (Abalone Divers, 1913) and
Kobayashi Kokei Ideyu (Hot Spring, 1918). See the essay by Doris Croissant in this
volume.
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Figure 10.6. Machida Shinjir, Rafu, ca. 1890, two-color lithograph; in Egakareta Meiji
Nippon ten jikk iinkai, ed., Egakareta Meiji NipponSekihanga (ritogurafu) no jidai, vol. 1,
Kbe shiritsu hakubutsukan and Machida shiritsu kokusai hanga bijutsukan (2002),
p. 169.
Figure 10.7. Kuroda Seiki, Chi Kan J (Wisdom, impression, sentiment), 1897; 180.6 99.8 cm; in Nihon bijutsukan (Tokyo:
Shgakukan 1997), p. 905.
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Impression Sentiment from the right to the left.22 Partly because of its
abstract title, which allegorizes the naked bodies into bearers of concepts, (and which was only used for exhibitions in Japan), the painting does not leave a particularly Japanese impression, although its
stylized golden ground interferes interestingly with the suggested
plasticity of the womens bodies. The first viewers in 1897 took these
bodies as real and, thus, Japanese; one even expressed his sympathy
for Lady Sentiment on the left, who is using her right hand instead
of the conventional fig leafafter all, it would only be a natural
sentiment for a women to cover herself up when exposed at a venue
visited by hundreds of people every day.23 This relates to the issue
of distinguishing between nude and naked which I have already
mentioned in regard to Bigots caricature; below, I shall rather focus
on these womens seemingly western physical proportions.
The womens Caucasian-looking body shape can be traced back
to Kurodas late discovery of his home country. After ten years in
France, he encountered Japan in an exoticizing and idealizing way.
Still seeing things through French eyes and eager to distance himself from native graphics and genre paintings, he latinized the
stature of his Japanese model. According to the critic Kimura
Shhachi, Japanese women at the time were simply inappropriate
for nude paintings anyway, with their short stocky legs, their cats
backs, and huge heads.24 Similarly perpetuating a view formed five
decades earlier,25 in 1965 art historian Nishida Masaaki still considered undressed Japanese women of the 19th century as simply
unsightly: their heads leaned forward because of the heavy traditional hair-knot, the breast was flattened by means of the obi belt,
22
See for example Teshigawara Jun, Rataiga no reimei (Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shinbunsha, 1986).
23
Kuraya Mika, Kunst durch Grenzen: Der Maler Kuroda Seiki und die Aktbilddebatte, in Steffi Richter, ed., JAPAN Lesebuch III: intelli (Tbingen: konkursbuchverlag Claudia Gehrke, 1998), pp. 62, 64. She quotes from the confiscated issue
no. 2 of Bijutsu hyron (November 1897, Gahsha) which published a fictitious panel
discussion, partly about the 2nd Hakubakai exhibition where Chi Kan J had its premire (pp. 20-35).
24
Kimura Shhachi, Meiji igo no fzoku to taii, in Gendai no me, no. 15, February (1956): 2.
25
Stratzdrawing upon Blzsummarizes the flaws of Japanese bodies as follows: 1. the head is too big, 2. the legs are too short, 3. the hips are too slim. C.H.
Stratz, Die Krperformen in Kunst und Leben der Japaner (Stuttgart: Verlag Ferdinand
Enke, 1904), p. 61.
26
Nishida Masaaki, Nihonjin no jintai to rataiga, in Gendai no me, no. 126
(Tokush: rataiga) (May 1965): 6.
27
See for example the astonishing sketches by Maruyama kyo, Jinbutsu seisha
shon (Exact depictions of human bodies), 2 scrolls, 31.4 992 cm and 31. 4 1079
cm, ink on Japanese paper with light coloration, ca. 1770.
28
According to Kinoshita Naoyuki, Iki-ningy no misemono to tenrankai ni
tsuite, in Contemporary Art Museum, Kumamoto, ed., Iki-ningy to Matsumoto
Kisabur (exh. cat.), (Contemporary Art Museum, Kumamoto and Osaka History
Museum, 2004), pp. 104-108. The photographs in the catalogue as well as Kinoshitas explanations suggest that most of these figures invited laughter.
328
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Figure 10.8. Nezumiya Denkichi, living doll (iki-ningy) of a peasant woman, 150 54
34 cm, late 19th century, Smithsonian Institution; in Contemporary Art Museum,
Kumamoto, ed., Iki-ningy to Matsumoto Kisabur (Contemporary Art Museum,
Kumamoto and saka History Museum, 2004), p. 65.
29
Figure 10.9. Wilhelm Heine (1827-1885), Ein ffentliches Badehaus in Simoda [sic], in Wilhelm Heine: Reise um
die Erde nach Japan: an Bord der Expeditions-Escadre unter Commodore M. C. Perry in den Jahren 1853, 1854 und 1855,
unternommen im Auftrage der Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten; mit fnf vom Verfasser nach der Natur aufgenommenen Ansichten in
Tondruck, ausgefhrt in Holzschnitt von Eduard Kretzschmar, vol. 2, (Leipzig: H. Costenoble 1856), p. 34.
330
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332
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Figure 10.10. Yorozu Tetsugor (1885-1927), Higasa no rafu (Female nude with sun
parasol), 1913, oil on canvas, 80.5 53 cm. Museum of Modern Art Kanagawa.
334
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Figure 10.11. Kainosh Tadaoto (1894-1978), Rafu, 1925; colors on silk, 65 38.6 cm;
The National Museum of Modern Art, Kyoto.
336
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Figure 10.12. Inoue Mokuda and Kataoka Toshir, Akadama Port Wine Poster (1922),
HB process offset print, 82 58 cm; courtesy of Suntory Ltd. A color plate of this
illustration can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
40
See James Fraser, Steven Heller and Seymour Chwast, Japanese Modern. Graphic Design Between the Wars (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1996).
41
Whether she actually wears a dark evening dressas is stated by Uekawa
Yoshimi (Great People of Osaka: Shinjiro Torii, the Founder of SUNTORY
Single-minded devotion to producing liquor, http://www.ibo.or.jp/e/2004_2/01_
4/1_4.html; last access 2006/03/31), remains unclear. Concerning the photographer, there are no records of an individual, only of the Kawaguchi Photo Studio.
42
Stratz, Kperformen, pp. 48-51.
338
jaqueline berndt
43
After the so-called Madrid Treaty, which was signed in 1973, Suntory changed
the name to Akadama Sweet Wine in order to meet the requirements of distinguishing its product from authentic sorts of port.
44
Clark, John, Indices of Modernity. Changes in Popular Reprographic Representation, in Elise K. Tipton and John Clark, John, eds., Being Modern in Japan:
Culture and Society from the 1910s to the 1930s (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press,
2000), p. 30.
340
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Figure 10.13. Tengu tabako Poster, Iwaya shkai, 1900; multi-colour lithography,
56.6 43.5 cm; in Egakareta Meiji Nippon, vol. 1, p. 235. A color plate of this illustration
can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
342
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Figure 10.14. Takashimayas poster promoting the exposition Kimono no saka 1929,
deploying the original nihonga painting by Kitano Tsunetomi, Fujin, 1929; colors on
silk, 105.8 78.5 cm; courtesy of Takashimaya Historical Museum. A color plate of
this illustration can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
344
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346
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347
During the 1920s and the 1930s, many Japanese artists painted portraits of Japanese women wearing what was popularly known at the
time as shinafuku (Chinese dress).1 This chapter focuses on how
different artists handled their subject matter and on what this treatment says about the relationship between gender, modernism, and
imperialism in Japan during the interwar period. More specifically,
this paper examines the issue of how China was portrayed as the
Other by way of an elaborate, hybrid figure of women in the visual
and literary culture of Japan during this time. As an object of visual
representation, the female figure functioned as the Other that
helped male artists to construct their own subjectivity. The gaze of
the modern masculine subject was projected onto the colonial and
sexual Other. In other words, the image of China as the Other
was often conflated with the image of a Japanese woman in Chinese
dress.
Japan was a growing empire during the 1920s and the 1930s, and
Sino-Japanese relations at the time were largely dictated by Japans
1
348
ikeda shinobu
imperialistic ambitions. Japan saw the chaos following the fall of the
Qing dynasty in 1911 as a prime opportunity to increase its influence
in China. In 1915, during the First World War, Japan seized the
port city of Qingdao in eastern China, and put unreasonable demands
on the Chinese government the following year. This met with fierce
resistance from the Chinese side. From the 1930s to the end of the
Second World War, the Japanese invasion of China became increasingly aggressive. In 1931, Japan colonized northeastern China and
established the puppet-state Manchukuo in 1932. During the Pacific
War, Japan justified its military aggression in continental Asia under
the garb of the ideology of The Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity
Sphere, stating that it intended to liberate continental Asia from
the shackles of Western subjugation and colonialism.
In the cultural sphere, on the other hand, the 1920s and the 1930s
have been characterized as an era of great artistic freedom and innovation in Japan and hitherto scholarship has emphasized the art of
this period as being of an unconventional, autonomous, and rather
revolutionary, avant-garde character. Many artists and writers
searched for novel subject matter and often took fancy to the image
of the Other, be it woman, colonial subjects, or the proletariat.
Some also experimented with what may be called a cross-fertilization of new styles and methods of expression, studying various artforms of Japan, Europe, and China. Many scholars continue to
interpret this peculiar cross-fertilization of art across geographical
space and time as a cross-border fusion representing the quintessential characteristics of art of the period under the rubric of what
is termed as Japanese modernism.
But the representation of the Other by Japanese males as evident
in the portrayal of women in Chinese dress during this period was
not so simple. China, as a rather difficult, colonial Other, alternated
with the image of yet another Other, namely woman, serving
as an object of control for the Japanese male. Thus the subject of a
woman in Chinese dress, portrayed as being both appealing and
seductive, functioned as a male-centered construct driving another
project of Japanese imperialism. It is in the process of the construction of a national identity of Imperial Japan as a possible bulwark
against the West that the subject of a woman in Chinese dress was
elaborated.
Many Japanese journalists, novelists, and intellectuals who traveled
to China wrote about Chinese women of different social classes.
349
Both the photograph of the copy, Copy after Pisanellos Portrait of Ginevra
dEste, and that of Fujishima in his atelier, are reprinted in the catalogue Fujishima
350
ikeda shinobu
Figure 11.1. Fujishima Takeji, Ty-buri (In the Oriental Manner), 1923.
work by Fujishima of 1926 (Figure 11.4). He produced similar versions on the same subject during this period. It is also from around
this time that other Japanese artists also began to paint Japanese
women in Chinese dress.
What was Fujishimas motivation in painting a portrait that, on
one hand, was inspired by the Italian Renaissance, but, on the other,
Takeji-ten, brought out on the eve of his retrospective exhibition, Bridgestone Museum of Art, April 2002.
351
352
ikeda shinobu
353
Figure 11.4. Fujishima Takeji, Hkei (Profile of a Woman Holding an Orchid), 1926. A
color plate of this illustration can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
354
ikeda shinobu
concerned with the mores or model-types of the day. Modern painting does not require any such clear-cut evidence. But, at the same time, I have been all along stressing the need for the recovery of ideas, like the Orient or the Occident (Tracing
My Footprints, Geijutsu no espuri [Ch kron bijutsu shuppan, 1982], pp. 218-219;
first appeared in Bijutsu shinron, April-May, 1930).
6
A Glimpse at Western Painting in the Exhibition of the Imperial Academy of
Fine Arts, Ch bijutsu, vol. 10, no. 11 (November 1924): 45.
355
of qipao as a school uniform for girls in urban areas. But during this
period, its design changed under the influence of European-style
clothing. And by late 1920s, the overall size, including sleeves,
became shorter, while the upper front and waist area were tailored
to closely fit the body. By the 1930s, it became fashionable to sport
a very tall collar. According to the fashion historian Daimaru
Hiroshi, there was a drastic transformation of womens wear in China
in the early twentieth century. He argues that the very definition
of Chinese dress was becoming somewhat ambiguous due to such
metamorphoses.7
Returning to Fujishimas Ty-buri, which was painted in the mid1920s, one realizes that he chose to depict his subject wearing not a
modern, re-invented qipao, but rather the archaic, elaborate costume
worn during the Qing dynasty. In other words, although Fujishima
drapes his subject in a costume that is anachronistic, one that recalls
Chinas lost dynastic past, he intentionally negates any reference to
the traditional image of female beauty in China, despite certainly
being knowledgeable about it.
Among his sketches are found drawings of a Han beauty (Figure
11.5) and another of a Manchu beauty (Figure 11.6). Both demonstrate the painters familiarity with the traditional image of female
beauty in the Qing dynasty. However, by employing the formal image
of women from Italian Renaissance art, on the one hand, while
clothing the female Japanese subject in archaic qipao costume epitomizing a by-gone China, on the other, Fujishima consciously composed Ty-buri in order to help the contemporary viewer recognize
a distinctive rift between these respective elements and the tradition
of classical painting representative of the West. China, as repre7
Japanese Views of Chinese Dress During the Interwar Period, Fzoku, Nihon
fzoku-shi gakkai, vol. 27, no. 3, (September 1988): 58-83; Daimarus research deals
with the changes and improvisations that took place with regard to Chinese dress
during the period from 1930-1940 in China and brings to light the process by which
the attitudes of the Japanese towards the Chinese took shape. However, it falls short
of accounting for the relation between discourse content and changing historical
circumstances, the social status of the speakers, the readership of media by which
their views disseminated, etc. He concludes by reading the fears and desires felt by
Japanese males towards the political self-assertion of Chinese women, their advance
into society, and the westernization of urban culture. But there is ample evidence for
the same conclusion to be arrived at with regard to the views of city-based literati,
culturati and artists associated with Japans modernism of the earlier period spanning the later half of the 1920s to the mid-1930s.
356
ikeda shinobu
Figure 11.5. Fujishima Takeji, a sketch from the catalogue Fujishima Takeji-ten, p. 212.
357
Figure 11.6. Fujishima Takeji, a sketch from the catalogue Fujishima Takeji-ten, p. 213.
358
ikeda shinobu
359
Figure 11.8. Kishida Rysei, Portrait of my Sister, Teruko, in Chinese Dress, 1921.
10
Nijusseiki nihon bijutsu hakken II: 1920 nendai (Mie Prefectural Art Museum,
1996).
360
ikeda shinobu
361
Figure 11.9. Mizushima Niou, book illustration from The Mermaids Lament, 1919.
362
ikeda shinobu
Figure 11.10. Mizushima Niou, book illustration from The Mermaids Lament, 1919.
363
her sexual appeal. In the December 1927 issue, a female figure with
a short bob haircut appears in a qipao-like coat with red high-heel
shoes (Figure 11.13). This magazine targeted a readership consisting
mainly urban middle-class women. These cover pictures created a
fanciful image of Chinese dresses as a kind of ideal fashion statement,
rather than representing the actual Chinese dresses that Japanese
women were wearing at that time.
Such images of Chinese dress also appeared in magazines with
different readerships. For example, the cover picture of the July 1928
issue of Shinseinen (Figure 11.14), which was popular among young
Japanese men, shows a Chinese woman playing the erhu.
364
ikeda shinobu
365
366
ikeda shinobu
other hand, for being short and dirty-looking, and Westerners, particularly Americans, on the other, for being an inferior race with an
appearance that was beast-like. He was enamored of modern Chinese
women, and described them in the following terms:
Some of them have meticulously permed bangs, and others wear glasses,
a delicate wristwatch, or carry a slender, yellowperhaps plasticcane.
Most such women also smoke. Their jackets and coats are, of course,
short. The patterns on the fabric of their clothes and their hairstyles
are eccentric. Is she a courtesan? I asked my travel companion, Mr.
M. And he replied, No, she is a new kind of woman in China. From
that time on, I encountered many such New Women in China. Unlike
the New Women of Japan, the New Women in China do not wear
odd-looking Western-style dresses.14
367
15
368
ikeda shinobu
Figure 11.15. Mizushima Niou, book illustration, A Beautiful, New Chinese Woman,
September 1924.
In 1927, Kon Wajir published the results of a comparative study on the malefemale ratio of wearing Western-style clothes in public places. In 1925, 67% of men
wore Western clothes versus 1% among women on Ginza Street. But the figure for
women rose to 16%, as against that of 61% for men, by 1928 in the case of a sample
taken in front of the Mitsukoshis at Nihonbashi. Further, in the case of the relative
proportion of appearance in visual culture, Western-style costumes appeared in 22
entries of works displayed at the Fourteenth Exhibition of the Association of Artists,
Nikakai, as against 13 for Japanese-style and 2 for Chinese-style costumes (A Statistical Survey of Folk Images of Women, Tokyo Nichi-nichi Shinbun, 11 September
1927).
369
370
ikeda shinobu
Figure 11.17. Moga in Chinese Dress as Seen Aboard a Train in China, Fujo-kai, January
1929.
style dress. Daimaru has pointed out that the Japanese interest in
modern Chinese dress was informed by the Westernization of clothing that was taking place in China at that time.18 Adoption of modern
Chinese dress, against that of the West, was hence regarded as a way
of modernizing, and Westernizing, the clothing practice in Japan
itself. However, as Daimaru remarks, it should not be forgotten that
18
371
Figure 11.18. Kakiuchi Seiyo, At the Crossing, 1930. A color plate of this illustration
can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
372
ikeda shinobu
373
ness that he is Japanese after all. The novel is set in 1925, when a
series of major strikes were held against Japan and Japanese factory
owners in Shanghai. There is a scene in the novel where the main
character, Sanki, walks around the city in the midst of violent protests.
He wears Chinese clothes in order to disguise himself as a Chinese,
but realizes that even if he wished to shed his Japanese identity, the
external environment would not allow him to do so. It forces him
only to reaffirm the Japanese/masculine identity of his body and
souldespite the skin, the masquerade, of Chinese dress. At another
point in the novel, he concludes that a Japanese person in Shanghai
can only live as a beggar or as a prostitute if one does not accept
the homeland. Many men left Japan for China in order to escape
the homeland, yet often ended up realizing that they could not shed
the identity of their homeland while make a living in China. It is
interesting to note in Yokomitsus novel that the act of wearing Chinese dress, paradoxically collapses only to reiterate the protagonists
original identity of being Japanese and male.19
Clothed in Chinese dress, women in Yokomitsus Shanghai (as well
as in other similar novels) are portrayed as being hybrid, decadent
figures without boundaries, serving as objects of seductive negotiation
for males. The image of these woman, that is encoded in both written and visual representation, alternates with that of China itself as
the Other. This is a site where the masculinity-driven ambition of
both modernism and imperialism expands and engages with its object,
the Other, reaching out only to subsume itbe it Woman or
in this case China. Worn by the female, Chinese dress, symbolizing
a passage in the encounter with the Other, does not serve to subvert
the self-identity of the narrator or viewer (male/imperial Japan), but
instead, precisely makes possible control and dominion over the object
(Woman/China) by integrating and appropriating the narrative subject. Japanese writers and intellectuals who sought an escape from
the shackles of norms and customs of their own country projected
China by superimposing it on a woman whose identity is portrayed
as not being confined to the boundaries of any one single ethnic or
national community. Such a representation takes the form of an
image of the body of a woman, infused with a hybridity that invalidates and collapses the very concept of boundary. It is amply evident
19
374
ikeda shinobu
Review of Nikakai (Part III), Tokyo mainichi shinbun, September 10, 1934.
In Yasuis reminiscences Portraits Painted by Myself (Bungei shunj, April
1951), he refers to his model, Odagiri Mineko, as being a pretty woman of strong
disposition and whom the Chinese dress suited very well. Odagiri, on the other hand,
in her reminiscences carried in My Memories of Mr. Yasui, published in 1962,
recollects various episodes with Yasui and Fujishima during her days at Harbin. She
also became the role-model of the tragic heroine in Chinese dress in Nagayo
21
375
376
ikeda shinobu
377
Figure 11.21. Miyamoto Sabur, Women in Three Fashion Styles, 1935. A color plate of this illustration can be found in
the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
378
ikeda shinobu
379
Figure 11.23. Tsuchida Bakusen, Flat Bed, 1933. A color plate of this illustration can be found in the color section on
pp. xvii-xxxii.
380
ikeda shinobu
381
22
Ikeda Shinobu, Representation of Women in China Dress: Imperial Male
Intellectuals and the Construction of Identity in Wartime Japan, presented at the
symposium War and Representation/Art after the 20th Century, organized by the research
project committee headed by Nagata Kenichi, School of Humanities & Social
Sciences, Chiba University, Tokyo National Museum Heisei-kan Auditorium, 4-5
March 2006.
382
ikeda shinobu
383
Kuki Shz (1888-1941) is best known for his 1930 Iki no Kz, or
The Structure of Iki. This work is, after the writings of Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801) and his championing of mono no aware (the capacity
to be moved deeply by things),1 a foundational text in Japanese
key-word essentialism, which is in turn a major strategy of Japanese
exceptionalism (nihonjin ron). Kuki claimed that the true essence of
Japanese ethnicity was to be found in the concept of iki, or bordello chic, a kind of fashion and style that developed in the
unlicensed prostitution district of Fukagawa in the city of Edo (modern-day Tokyo) in the Bunka and Bunsei eras, that is, 1804-1829.
Kuki was the son of Baron Kuki Ryichi (1850-1931), the Japanese Minister in the United States (chbei kshi) in the 1880s, and the
first director of the Imperial Museum. He was also the bureaucrat
responsible for, among other things, overseeing the Japanese pavilion
at the 1900 Exposition universelle de Paris, for which the first modern
history of Japanese art was produced. Shz himself identified
Okakura Tenshin (1862-1913, best-known for The Book of Tea) as his
spiritual father and indeed there have long been suggestions that
Okakura was his biological father as well. In any event, Kuki Shzs
presentation of the concept of iki can be seen as continuing in the
course set by Okakura in the latters use of Hegelian philosophy to
construct the concept of an Asian world-spirit (Geist) in contrast to
that of the West, one that was seen to have achieved its fullest manifestation in Japan.
In 1921 Kuki left for Europe and spent the next eight years studying philosophy in Germany and France. In France he met Henri
Bergson and was tutored by Jean-Paul Sartre. In Germany, he studied the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl (1859-1938) and the
1
Haruo Shirane, The Bridge of Dreams: A Poetics of The Tale of Genji (Stanford:
University Press, 1987), p. 31.
384
joshua s. mostow
Hiroshi Nara, The Structure of Detachment: The Aesthetic Vision of Kuki Shz, with a
translation of Iki no kz (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2004), p. 9
3
Michael F. Marra, Kuki Shz: A Philosophers Poetry and Poetics (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2004), p. 9.
4
Such a stance is not unique to Kuki, as can be seen in the following by the historian of Edo-period culture, Nishiyama Matsunosuke: Iki seems to be a specifically
Japanese form of aesthetic consciousness. Pinpointing where or how a person embodies the quality of iki may be difficult, but its presence is felt by every Japanese.
The aesthetic of iki is, in this sense, the common property of the Japanese people.
Edo Culture: Daily Life and Diversions in Urban Japan, 1600-1868, trans. Gerald Groemer
(Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997), p. 53.
5
Marra, Kuki Shz, p. 29.
6
Leslie Pincus, Authenticating Culture in Imperial Japan: Kuki Shz and the Rise of National Aesthetics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), p. 41.
385
Pincus, p. 103.
386
joshua s. mostow
In fact, it is on the very next page that Okakura brings up the issue
of the unequal treaties, showing the close association in his mind
between the civilized treatment of women and diplomatic equality.
In other words, until Kuki, Japanese thinkers had in the main
accepted the ideals of Christian monogamous marriage, and the
bourgeois woman as the angel of the homethe mainstays of
Victorian morality. Earlier Christian thinkers such as Nitobe Inaz
had attempted to re-write the concept of bushido into one of Western
chivalry, and we hear echoes of this in the quotes from Okakura. It
is only in this context that we can see how radical a departure Kuki
has made, by locating the heart of Japanese culture in the brothels,
8
Okakura Kakuzo, The Awakening of Japan (New York: The Century Company,
1904), p. 224.
9
Okakura, p. 245.
10
Okakura, p. 246.
387
Jones uses this text to discuss what she calls the masochistic aesthetics of Tanizakis writing. One of the things, according to Jones, that
this aesthetic attempts is the unification of opposites, which can be
well seen in this passage with its talk of limberness together with
rigidity, and so forth. Suspension, both literal and figural, is also
frequent. But what I find most interesting here is the combination
in one figure of both dominatrix and dominated. In other words, in
11
Gretchen Jones, Whip Appeal: The Aesthetics of Masochism in Modern Japanese Narrative (forthcoming), p. 372; the translation is by Jones.
Figure 12.1. Utagawa Kunisada, Tasogare on the veranda, Inaka Genji Nise Murasaki, vol. 5a (1840).
Reproduced from Shin Nihon koten bungaku taikei 88 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1995), p. 156.
388
joshua s. mostow
389
12
See Andrew Lawrence Markus, The Willow in Autumn: Rytei Tankehiko,
1783-1842 (Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University,
1992).
13
Ann Yonemura, Masterful Illusions: Japanese Prints in the Anne van Biema Collection
(Washington, D.C.: The Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, 2002),
p. 310.
390
joshua s. mostow
2. Iki no Kz as mitate
391
Figure 12.2. Kuki Shz, The Structure of Iki, from Hiroshi Nara, ed., The Structure of
Detachment, p. 32.
centered around Nakamura Butsuan (1751-1835), which wrote a history of the early Yoshiwara in classical Chinese, along with humorous Chinese poems on related themes.16 In the Edo period, however,
this was all done as a learned joke. What Kuki has done is take that
same zoku content, and presented it in Taish-period ga, that is,
imported European philosophical discourse.
It may be that Kuki too originally conceived of his project in a
light-hearted vein.17 But it has been taken seriously by generations
of readers. What Kuki created was what I would call identity erot-
16
Robert Campbell, Poems on the Way to Yoshiwara, in Jones, Imaging/Reading Eros.
17
See J. Thomas Rimer, Literary Stances: The Structure of Iki, in Nara, Detachment.
392
joshua s. mostow
393
22
Hayashi Yoshikazu and Richard Lane, Kuniyoshi: Hana-goyomi, Teihon Ukiyo-e
Shunga Meisaku Shsei 12 (Tokyo: Kawade Shob Shinsha, 1996), pp. 44-45.
23
Compare Nishiyama: Iki may be quite easily grasped experientially, but verbalizing this experience is difficult. . . verbal descriptions cannot fully convey a culture of feeling. . . (p. 53).
24
This hetero-normative definition appears in all three versions, though simpler
terms are used in preference to intentional.
Iki no honshitsu: Mazu iki wa sei-teki kankei o yos suru ishiki-gensh de i-sei ni tai
suru isshu no kobi mata wa bitai de aru (I: 93).
Shis version: Mazu iki no daiichi no chky wa i-sei ni tai suru bitai de aru
(Betsu: 57).
All quotations of Kukis writing are from Kuki Shz zensh, 12 vols. (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1980-1982).
394
joshua s. mostow
Figure 12.3. Hayashi Yoshikazu and Richard Lane, Kuniyoshi: Hana-goyomi, Teihon Ukiyo-e
Shunga Meisaku Shsei 12 (Tokyo: Kawade Shob Shinsha, 1996), pp. 44-45.
395
396
joshua s. mostow
25
See Tsuneo Watanabe and Junichi Iwata, The Love of the Samurai: a thousand
years of Japanese homosexuality (London: GMP Publishers Ltd., 1989).
26
Gregory M. Plugfelder, Cartographies of Desire: Male-Male Sexuality in Japanese Discourse, 1600-1950 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 314-315; see
also Jeffrey M. Angles, Writing the Love of Boys: Representations of Male-Male Desire in the
Literature of Murayama Kaita and Edogawa Ranpo (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, The
Ohio State University, 2003).
27
Donald Roden, Schooldays in Imperial Japan: A Study in the Culture of a Student Elite
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), p. 141.
28
Roden, Schooldays, p. 142.
397
disgust. Yet Iwamotos love for Kuki remained unchanged until his
death, and Kuki for his part speaks of Iwamoto with heartfelt esteem,
relating that he was taught a yearning for philosophy by him.29
29
John Clark, trans., Reflections on Japanese Taste: The Structure of Iki by Kuki Shz
(Sydney: Power Publications, 1997), pp. 18-19. Pincus describes Iwamoto, the
schools German language teacher, as an eccentric character much revered by his
students despite a reputation for failing entire German language classes . . . According to the memoirs of Watsuji and others, Iwamotos punishments were strict, his
favoritism blatant, his teaching methods unconventional (p. 33). See Nakano Hajime, Kuki Shz, in Genron wa Nihon o ugokasu, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Kdansha,
1985-1985).
30
Another possible explanation would be Japanese laws against homosexuality at
the time, but in fact, as noted above, Iwata Juniichi was publishing his Honch nanshoku-k between 1930-33. Regardless, it would have been perfectly possible for Kuki
to discuss bitai without specifying it as hetero-sexual, and so leave the homosexual
possibility implicit or simply ignored, rather than explicitly denied.
398
joshua s. mostow
In fact, Utamaro was dead two years into the Bunka era, and while
Kiyonaga lived some ten years in it, he was dead three years before
the start of the Bunsei era.
Rather, it is in the works of the two main representatives of the
Utagawa school in their day, Kuniyoshi (1797-1861) and especially
Kunisada (1786-1864), that we find the brave haori geisha of Fukagawa.35 Particularly revealing is Kunisadas print The Competitive
31
Elizabeth de Sabato Swinton, The Women of the Pleasure Quarter: Japanese Painting
and Prints of the Floating World (New York: Hudson Hills Press, 1995), pp. 43-44.
32
Swinton, p. 42.
33
Translation Nara, p. 36; emphasis in the original. Note that the motif of yuagari
bijin (half-nude in bathrobe) became assimilated to Meiji/Taish painting. See Figure
9.8 in the chapter by Croissant and the reproduction of Utamaros print of a naked
woman entering the bathtub (Figure 10.3) in Berndts essay in this volume.
34
Nara, Detachment, pp. 111-112.
35
Kuki mentions Kunisada only once, and in what appears to be a derogatory
fashion:
Furthermore, given this linear relationship, we can also conceive of a situation
in which iki moves back toward amami sweet. Here the ikiji pride and honor and
the akirame resignation components of iki are lost and, as a result, only the sugary
sweetness remains, like that in the personality of an ordinary, pleasant person. The
women of Kunisada from Kiyonaga and Utamaro came into existence in this way
[sic] (trans. Nara, p. 31). For much of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries
Kunisada and Kuniyoshi were characterized as decadents who works represented
399
From Izzard then we see that there were in fact two things that
marked a haori geisha: the wearing of a mans jacket, and also the
slight shaving of her crown. It is this second aspect to which we
should pay particular attention. Although young women and young
men (wakashu) as portrayed in ukiyo-e often look indistinguishable to
the untrained eye, in fact it is fairly rare when one is left in any
doubt. As can be seen in Moronobus prints, often the young man
will wear a short sword, or have one near him. But most often it is
the invariable rule that young men and women are distinguished by
the presence or absence of the sakayaki, that is, the shaving of the
pate. Yet in the Ka-sei era, women too began to affect this hairstyle,
imitating young men.
A Japanese catalogue entry gives us even more to consider about
this print:
Tate-hiku is to maintain ones pride or duty to the very end. It is to
have a chivalrous spirit (kyki/otokogi). As for the beautiful woman of
a decline from the peaks of Utamaro and Hokusai. Kuki was perhaps responding to
this prejudice.
On the other hand, he clearly approves of Kiyonaga: Expression pertaining to
the entire body can symbolize iki by means of a physical movement, namely, relaxing the body slightly. This mode of expression is captured with astonishing sensitivity in prints of all kinds by Torii Kiyonaga (trans. Nara, p. 35; emphasis in the
original).
36
Sebastian Izzard, Kunisadas World (New York: Japan Society, 1993), p. 83.
400
joshua s. mostow
Figure 12.4. Kunisada, The Competitive Type (tate-hiki s) from the series A Contemporary Thirty-Two Types (Tsei sanjni s), dated 1822-1823. Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden, Philipp Franz von Siebold Collection. A color plate of this illustration
can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
401
this impressive picture with her sidelocks jutting out grandly to the left
and right, based on the wild goose (karigane) crest on a part of her
collar, we are led to imagine that she might be a prostitute posing as
a female Robin Hood (onna-date), who has been likened (mi-tateta) to the
knight of the town (otoko-date) Karigane Bunshichi. Karigane Bunshichi was a knight of the town who appeared in such plays as the
puppet-play Knights of the Town Five Wild Geese (Otoko-date Itsutsu
Karigane) and the kabuki play In Stock Soga Wild Geese-Dyed (Shi-ire
Soga Karegane-zome), and had an influence on the later play White
Waves Five Men (Shiranami Gonin Otoko).37
This last, famous play, still performed today, is best known for its
section called Benten the Thief. In Samuel Leiters description:
Posing as the daughter of a Nikaid clan samurai and her attendant,
Benten, accompanied by Nang, allows himself to be discovered shoplifting at the Hamamatsuya, a textile shop, where the girl presumably
is shopping for a trousseau. Benten is injured by a clerk, who strikes
him on the forehead and creates a scar. Nang demands 100 ry in
recompense. The powerful samurai Tamashima Itt just happens to
be present and sees through Bentens female disguise. Benten and
Nang confess, and each delivers a famous speech announcing his true
name. . . the seated Benten thrusts his arm out. . . When he open his
kimono to reveal a mans body covered with beautiful tattoos, the scene
takes on an erotic (or homoerotic) quality associated with late Edo
kabuki.38
37
[Suzuki Jz], Kunisada~bijin-ga o chshin ni~ (Tokyo: Seikad Bunko, 1996),
p. 114.
38
Samuel L. Leiter, New Kabuki Encyclopedia, A Revised Adaptation of Kabuki Jiten
(Westport, CN: Greenwood Press, 1997), p. 17.
402
joshua s. mostow
403
Figure 12.6. Kunisada, Shunshoku Hatsune no Ume, 1842. From Chris Uhlenbeck and Margarita Winkel, Japanese
Erotic Fantasies: Sexual Imagery of the Edo Period (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing, 2005), p. 194, plate 74b.
404
joshua s. mostow
Figure 12.7. Kuniyoshi, Edo Murasaki Yoshiwara Genji, from Yasuda Yoshiaki, Edo o Yomu 3: Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Futami
Shob, 1996), pp. 12-13.
Figure 12.8. Kunisada, Azuma-buri, from Yasuda Yoshitaka, Makura-e no Onna, Mitsuz no meisaku ehon 3
(Tokyo: Futami Shob, 1989), pp. 52-53.
406
joshua s. mostow
Figure 12.9. Kuniyoshi, Hana-goyomi, Hayashi and Lane, Kuniyoshi: Hana-goyomi, pp. 28-29.
408
joshua s. mostow
Figure 12.10 left. Kunisada, Shunj Gidan Mizu-age-ch, O-Haru and Mizukichi. Edo
meisaku enpon (Tokyo: Gakken, 1996). A color plate of this illustration can be found
in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
409
410
joshua s. mostow
Figure 12.11 left. Kunisada, Shunj Gidan Mizu-age-ch, Chkichi pouring sake.
411
412
joshua s. mostow
43
For a further analysis of this image, see Uhlenbeck and Winkel, p. 207.
Yoshizaki Junji, Edo Shunga Seiai Makura-e Kenky (Tokyo: Kosumikku Intnashonaru, 2004), p. 159.
44
Figure 12.13. Kuniyoshi, Edo Murasaki Yoshiwara Genji, Kabuki dressing-room. From Chris Uhlenbeck and Margarita
Winkel, Japanese Erotic Fantasies: Sexual Imagery of the Edo Period (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing, 2005), p. 207, plate
80b.
414
joshua s. mostow
Figure 12.14. Kunisada, Hoshi-tsuki Yo-iri no Shirabe, from Yoshizaki Junji, Edo shunga: seiai makura-e kenky (Tokyo:
Kosumikku shuppan, 2004), p. 159.
416
joshua s. mostow
sont-elles traites! On se trouve ainsi avoir pratiqu, depuis plusieurs sicles, la thorie de lart pour lart, cette thorie de lidalisme absolu dans lart.45
[Things that are shameful and repugnant from a moral point of view
are sometimes the subject of prints from the Tokugawa period (16001850). With what pure and serene ardor are they treated! We find that
we have thus been practicing, for several centuries, the theory of art-forarts sake, that theory of absolute idealism in art.46]
45
Zensh I: 278.
Translation, with modifications, from Doris Croissant, Icons of Femininity:
Japanese National Painting and the Paradox of Modernity, in Mostow et al., eds.,
Gender and Power in the Japanese Visual Field, p. 135.
47
Pincus, p. 129.
46
417
compos de jolis mots qui ne correspondent pas la matire, les compara un marchand habill de beaux vtements. Ce mpris des marchands et du commerce est sans
doute injuste, tous les points de vue. Pourtant jose fliciter, tout prendre, cet ordre
des castes que nous avions jadis, puisquil a servi former, nettement, lidal de notre
pays. Maintenant quil nexiste plus, lidal moral le survit. Aussi nous sommes
nourris et nous avons grandi dans une atmosphere, loin des comptoirs, loin des boutiques.48
[Until 1868, the year of the revolution, we had four castes: the knights,
the farmers, the artisans, the merchants. Our moral ideal was the way
of the knights which consisted of, above all else, valor, nobility of spirit, and generosity. The last of the castes, the merchants, suffered excessive contempt. To give one example from literature, Tsurayuki, poet
and critic of the tenth century, while speaking of verses composed of
pretty words that do not correspond to the theme, compares them to a
merchant clothed in beautiful garments. This contempt for merchants
and commerce is without a doubt unjust, from any point of view. Nevertheless, I dare celebrate, in the main, this order of castes that we had
in the past, since it served to form, clearly, the ideals of our country.
And while it no longer exists, the moral ideal survives. Thus we have
been nurtured and raised in an atmosphere far from counting-houses
and shops.49]
48
Zensh I: 249.
It should be noted that Kukis reference to Tsurayuki is completely anachronistic since warriors were completely looked down upon by the aristocracy of the
Heian period.
50
Marra, Kuki Shz, p. 28.
49
418
joshua s. mostow
very lowest class of prostitutes, nor did he give voice to the kind of
male masochism that is such a strong motif in Tanizakis work.
Nonetheless, Kuki turned to the Edo-period genre of ninj-bon, which
celebrated the passionate love of the Fukagawa geisha and other
professional women, the passion that gave them their allure and their
pluck, that is, their iki.51
In the final note to The Structure of Iki, Kuki explores all the homonyms of the word iki: The etymology of the word iki must be
elucidated ontologically along with its relationship to such words as
iki life, living iki breath, breathing, iki going, and iki pride
and honor.52 Here again, Kuki represses the obvious, since iki also
means jouissance. And in the shunga of Kunisada and Kuniyoshi we
see a virtual celebration of the joissance of the women, as we saw in
Kunisadas Hana-goyomi (Figure 12.3), or again in his Mizu-age-ch
(Figure 12.15), where a man is manipulating a woman to ecstacy. 53
This image now suggests a second reading, no longer exclusively
focused on the woman but including the man, a metaphor now for
Kukis very project: the objective, philosophical male and the ecstatic
woman, together asserting the uniqueness of Japanese lived experience (Erlebenis), as described and depicted by a Japanese male. Such
a metaphoranalogous to the tantric Buddhist concept of the Womb
and Diamond Mandala, or the Tibetan yab-yum representations of a
male bodhisattva in union with his dkinwould not be foreign to
Kuki, who makes constant reference to Buddhist philosophy and
non-dualism in his writings.
Yet, rather than seeing the surrounding text as insisting on the
incommensurability of experience to discourse, I think it encouraged
Kuki in his ethno-centric linguistic exercise. Kuki starts his entire
discussion in Iki no Kz with an insistence on the co-extensive
51
And while there are forceful males in these talesthe samurai who appear at
the end, deus ex machina, and engineer a happy ending for all the protagoniststhe
male lead is an iro-otoko, or playboy, who has neither money nor strength. . . and
simply waits for others to meet his needs. He is always physically weak, except in
sexual prowess. Another word to describe him, himo (hanger-on), indicates a fellow
whose lovers support and coddle him. Alan S. Woodhull, Romantic Edo Fiction: A
Study of the Ninjobon and Complete Translation of Shunshoku Umegoyomi (Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1978), p. 30.
52
Nara, Detachment, p. 91.
53
Ud Yoshihiko, ed., (Edo Meisaku Ehon) Shunj Gidan Mizu-age-ch (Tokyo: Gakken, 1996), 7-ch ura, 8-ch omote. See also Amano Ukihashi, and Kuniyoshis Yoshiwara
Genji and Azuma-buri.
419
420
joshua s. mostow
Figure 12.15 left. Kunisada, Shunj Gidan Mizu-age-ch, O-Kimi and Kinosuke. A color
plate of this illustration can be found in the color section on pp. xvii-xxxii.
421
422
joshua s. mostow
59
It should go without saying that I am not discussing here actual, real Fukagawa
prostitutes, but rather the representation of them in verbal and visual texts. Indeed,
Cecilia Segawa Seigle claims that courtesans in general both avoided shunga and
were trained to resist climaxing. See her The Decorousness of the YoshiwaraA
Rejection of Shunga, in Uhlenbeck and Winkel, eds., Japanese Erotic Fantasies,
pp. 35-48.
60
Nara, Detachment, p. 19.
61
In fact, Nishiyama suggests that iki was the aesthetic consciousness typified by
courtesans (yjo) and female geisha; the model of ts, by contrast, was found among
pleasure seekers who actively fostered the development of ikithat is, the men who
frequented the pleasure districts (p. 60).
423
424
joshua s. mostow
64
contributors
425
CONTRIBUTORS
Jaqueline Berndt Ph. D. (Dr. phil.) in Aesthetics/Art Theory (Humboldt University Berlin, 1991); Associate Professor for Art Sociology,
Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto, Japan (1995-2001); and, since 2001,
Associate Professor for Art and Media Studies, Yokohama National
University. Her fields of expertise are aesthetics/art theory and Japanese Studies and her research interests include the aesthetics of
comics, art history, and contemporary visual culture.
Doris Croissant is senior professor of East Asian art history at the
University of Heidelberg, Germany. She has published on funeral
art and portraiture in China, Rinpa painting, the concepts of realism
and photography in Japan, and more recently, the gender discourse
of native aesthetics in Japanese art and popular culture.
John Fitzgerald works in the field of modern Chinese history with a
special focus on political and diaspora histories. His most recent book
is Big White Lie: Chinese Australians in White Australia (Sydney, 2007).
His contribution to the present volume was written while he was
Head of the School of Social Sciences at La Trobe University in
Melbourne. He currently serves as China Representative of the Ford
Foundation in China.
Ikeda Shinobu is a Professor in the Department of History at Chiba
University, Japan. She is also the author of Nihon kaiga no joseizjend
bijutsushi no shiten kara (The Image of Women in Japanese Painting
from the viewpoint of gender art history) (Tokyo: Chikuma shob,
1998).
Joan Judge is most recently the author of The Precious Raft of History:
The Past, the West, and the Woman Question in China (Stanford University
Press, 2008) and of a number of articles on women in turn-of-thetwentieth-century China. She is an Associate Professor in the Division of Humanities and the School of Womens Studies at York
University, Toronto, Canada.
426
contributors
contributors
427
University and the Institute of Fine Arts, NYU. She is the author of
Image, Text and Audience: The Taishokan Narrative in Visual Representations
of the Early Modern Period in Japan (2003) and is currently completing
a book project entitled Interventions in the Political Iconography of Pictorial
Narratives. Research interests and publications include the fields of
pictorial narratives, gender and art histories, art historiography and
terminology, collecting histories, and the lives of Japanese paintings.
Catherine Vance Yeh is an Associate Professor at Boston University. Her
research interests are presently in twentieth century Chinese entertainment culture, its political implications and its impact on social
change. Her recent publications include Shanghai Love: Courtesan, Intellectuals and Entertainment Culture, 1850-1910 (Seattle, 2005). She is currently finishing a book manuscript on the Chinese political novel of
the early twentieth century, and is concurrently working on a project
with the working title The Stuff Stars are Made of: Politics, Mass
Media, and the Rise of dan Actors during the Republic Era 1910s1930s).
428
contributors
index
429
INDEX
Numbers in bold italics refer to illustrations.
actors, see Kabuki, and Peking
opera
actresses, 220, 241-261; see also Japanese
theater
Adam and Eve, 41
Aestheticism: 9, aesthetic life, 167; art,
305, 359; avant-garde, 381; era, 249,
267, 276; European movement, 144,
174, 175; decadence, 13, 14, 167, 267,
281, 304; fin-de-sicle revolutionaries,
166; homosexuality, 396; intellectuals,
279; judgment, 266; Kansai artists,
294; Taish aestheticism (tanbi shugi),
301
Ai Xia, 180
Ajanta Cave, 279, 280
Akadama Port Wine: 337, 339, 344, n.
50; Akadama Port Wine Poster, 308, 310,
334, 336, 337, 338, 341, 342; revue,
337
Akazomeemon, 152
Akita Ujaku, 246
Akutagawa Rynosuke, 372
Alt Heidelberg, 244-246, 248
Amao guniang, see Lass Amao, The
Amaterasu (sun goddess), 64, 97, 220,
221, 386
Amazon, 56, 85, 103
Amazon, An, 356, 357, 358
Amida (Amitabha) Buddha, 68, 270
Anderson, Benedict, 2, 55
Ang Lee, 197
Angell Treaty, 27, 28
Angles, Jeffrey Matthews, 297
Antiquarian League (Tankikai), 390
army (Japanese), 81, 85, 281
Art Theater (Geijutsuza), 243, 251, n. 22;
troupe, 254
Asahi Newspaper (Shinbun-sha), 266, n.
6, 342
Asai Ch, 337
Ashikaga Yoshinori (shogun), 68
Asian Values school, 22
Asian Venus, 279, 282
430
index
index
24, New Culture Movement, 48, 51,
52; radical nationalist movement, 12;
Republic, 44, 105, 113, 117, 120, 129,
130, 142, 199, 205, 208, 215, 217,
236, 237; resistance against Japan,
372; republican motherhood, 132;
republican reform, 220; revolution,
46, 205, 220
Chinese dress (shinafuku), 347-381
Chinese learning: classics, 109; in Japan,
(kangaku), 123; literati, 41, 42; social
classes and categories (deng, rending ),
32, 37; ways, ancient, (guli), 118
Chinese literature: heroic and grand (ys
gitsu), 176; Ming, 136, 160; Ming
vernacular fiction, 15; modern , 48,
184-202; New Literature (Xin wenyi), 181;
New Sensationalists, Shanghais, 191;
popular fiction (tongsu xiaoshuo), 190;
Qing, 135-142; sentimental, 47; SinoJapanese writing style (kanbun), 160162, 164, 168
Chiossone, Edoardo, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61,
74, 91, 92, 100, 101
Chch, see Woman with Balloon
Chsen , see Korean King
Chsh, see Morning Toilet
Chow, Rey, 6
Chya shinbun, 156
Christianity, Missionaries (China), 106,
n. 2; monogamous marriage, 386;
hidden Christians, 271
Chronicle of the Gods and Sovereigns, A, (Jinn
shtoki), 66
Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times
(Nihon shoki), 64-68, 91
Chai emperor, 66, 68, 85, 97
Cixi, Empress Dowager, 44, 112, 122,
123
Commendable Anecdotes on Creating a Nation
(Keikoku bidan), 154, 156
Communism, China: leaders, 372; Party,
46, 52, n. 67, 117, n. 37; revolution, 45
Comprehensive History of the National Literature,
98
concubinage, China, 135, Japan, 385
Confucianism: Book of Rites (Liji), 34,
105,106; canon, 32, 34, 38, 39, 51;
ritual teachings (lijia), 106-108, 114,
121, 132; condemnation of licentiousness, 149; education system, 35; filial
piety, 90; gender hierarchies, 159; rit-
431
432
index
index
footbinding: anti-, 182; as national
shame, 385
Forbidden City, 44
Foreign Ministry, China, 217
Fragrant Buds on a Splendid Market, 198
Franklin, Benjamin, 87, n. 56
Freedom and Peoples Rights movement,
148
Freer, Charles, 273, 274
Freud, Sigmund, 294
Fujin, 343
Fujin Gah, 365, 366, n. 14
Fujioka Sakutar, 98, 99
Fujishima Takeji, 311, 312, 333, n. 35,
349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 356, 357,
358, 361
Fujita Tsuguharu, 334, n. 39
Fujo no kagami, see A Mirror of Womanhood
Fujo-kai, (Womans World), 367, 370
Fukagawa (district of Edo): geishas, 393,
397, 418, 422; gender ambiguity, 422;
haori geisha, 397; prostitutes, 387, 422,
n. 59; unlicensed prostitution district,
383, 397; women, 422; young women,
401
Fukuchi Nobuyo, 230
Fukuda Hideko, 89
Fukuoka Takachika, 97
Fukuzawa Yukichi, 2, 38, 39, 147, n. 5
fulian, see Womens Federation
Fumikos Feet (Fumiko no ashi ), 387
Fumi-zukai, see Courier, The
funeboko float, 74, 75
Fun shibao, see Womens Eastern Times,
The
Frybutsu, see Buddha of Art
Futabatei Shimei, 153, 162, 167
Futurism, 175
ga, see elegance
ga-zoku, elegant and vulgar styles, see
Japanese literature
Ganesco, Fernand, 318, 319
Geijutsuza, see Art Theater
Geisha and the Samurai, The, (drama), 243
geisha: 243, 245, 247, 252, 279; haori, 13,
398, 399, 403, 416; male, 303
genbun itchi, see Japanese language
Gender: ambiguity in Japanese painting,
265-306, 412, 422; consciousness of, 6,
7; conceptions, Victorian, 155; differ-
433
ence, 267; differentiation, 105; distinctions, 145; equality, 42; identity, 57;
nation, 1, 222; separation in womens
education, 110, 111, 124
German colony in Shandong, 218
geta sandals, 327
Gion: festival: 74, 75; pleasure quarter,
412
girl (shjo), 259
Gogol, Nikolai, 174
good wife, wise mother (rysai kenbo): 3,
10, 124, 171, n. 57, 241, 245, 265;
good wives and wise mothers (liangqi
xianmu), 121
Goodman, Bryna, 40, 49, 50
Goseda Yoshimatsu, 329
gosekku, see Boys Festival
Gracious and Refined Girls School
(Huixiu n xuetang), 115
Graves, Robert, 397
Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere,
The, 348
Greenfeld, Liah, 50
Guanyin, see Bodhisattva)
Gudkun, see Hachiman gudkun
Guifei zui jiu, see Drunken Beauty Guifei,
The
Gyran Kannon, see Bodhisattva
habitu (ts), 422, 423
Habuta Eiji, 282, 392
Hachiman, 67, 72, 74, 77, 103
Hachiman Daibosatsu, 71
Hachimang shrines: Iwashimizu, 67;
Hakozaki, 81; Konda 68,70
Hachiman engi, (The Karmic Origins of
Hachiman), 68
Hachiman gudkun, 67, 68, 77
haiku, 255
Haishang chentian ying, see Shanghai Dust
Hakuba Society, 320; see also Exhibitions
Halls for revering chastity, (jingjie tang or
xuli tang), 110
Han, beauty, 355, high official, 109
Hana-goyomi, 403, 407, 418
Handel, George Frederick, 165
Hanlin Academy, 118
haori geisha, 397, 416
haori jacket, 286, 288, 399
Hariti (Kishimojin), 271
Hasegawa Shigure, 173
434
index
index
Iwakura Tomomi, 91, n. 65
Iwamoto Tei, 396, 397
Iwamoto Yoshiharu, 150-156, 158, 159,
164
Iwano Hmei, 166
Iwata Junichi, 396
Iwaya Shkai, 339, 340
Izayoi Diary, The, 152
Izumi Kyka, 168, 243, n. 8
Izzard, Sebastian, 399
Japan Romantic School, The (Nihon rmanha),
175
Japanese Art Academy (Nihon bijutsuin),
275
Japanese Imperialism: empire, 377, 379,
424; ethnicity, 383; exceptionalism
(nihonjin- ron), 383; government, 127;
law, constitution and election, 158;
Finance Ministry, 57; Minister in the
United States (chbei kshi), 383; Mint,
63; national anthem, 97; spirit (yamatodamashii), 13
Japanese language: origin of (yamato-kotoba), 150; genuine Japanese (honrai no
Nihongo), 145; national, (kokugo), 160;
standard spoken language (hyjungo),
162; Western languages incorporated
into Sino-Japanese styles (bunchokuyakutai), 162; unification of spoken and
written language (genbun itchi), 8, 144146, 148, 159, 162-164, 166, 168,
175, 176
Japanese literature: belles-lettres (bibungaku),
170; classical, 390; Debate over the
Rise or Decline of Literature (bungaku
kyokusui rons), 156; elegant writing
(bibungaku), 170; elegant and graceful (ybi), 98, 161, 176; Genbun-itchi,
162; gentle and elegant classical style
(gabuntai), 150, 159, 163, 168, 169;
Heian, 98, 99; high-low fused style
(gazoku setch-tai), 162; 150; history of,
98, 161; Japanese-Chinese-Western
mixed style (wa-kan-y konkbun), 162;
lively colloquial style, (zokubuntai), 150;
modern 143-177; pure literature (junbungaku), 9, 161, 170; pseudo-classical
(gikokun), 168; realism (kyokujitsuha),
157; standardized plain colloquial
style (kgobun), 162; genuine novels
(junsui no shsetsu), 153; Sino-Japanese
435
436
index
index
annexation of, 220, 244; Jings
invasion of, 56-104; kingdoms, 56, 77,
85, 89, 91, 94, 95; people, 83, 222;
prince, 245; Seikanron debate, 90;
Korean King (Chsen ), 244
Kosugi Tengai, 167
Kot no Oni, see Demon on the solitary
isle
Kotobukiya, 308, 337
Kuang Qizhao, 28, n. 19, 29, n. 21
Kuhn, Philip, 42
Kuki Ryichi, Baron, 383
Kuki Shz: 12, 13, 383-424; Buddhist
philosophy, 418; definition of iki, 393,
397, 419; homoerotic experience, 396,
397; sentimental fiction (ninj-bon),
417, 418; homonymns of iki, 418;
Umi yukaba, 423; see also bordello
chic (iki)
Kun opera (Kunqu), 230
Kunichika, see Toyohara Kunichika
Kunikida Doppo, 167
Kunisada, see Utagawa Kunisada
Kuniyoshi, see Utagawa Kuniyoshi
Kuroda Seiki: 308, 313-316, 318, 320,
323, 326, 327, 329, 333, 338; Morning
Toilet, 309; nudes, 327; oil paintings,
322, 325, 360; Wisdom Impression
Sentiment, 12, 325
Kurakawa Mayori, 57
Kusare tamago, see Rotten Eggs
Kuze Kannon, 281
kyka, parodic waka, 390
Kyoto City Specialized School for Painting
(Kyto shiritsu kaiga senmon gakk),
283
Kyto shiritsu kaiga senmon gakk, see
Kyoto City Specialized School for
Painting
Luomo di genio in rapporto alla psichiatria,
(Man of Genius), 174
Lady Butterfly (Koch), 320, 321
Lady Ise, 152
land of the rising sun (hi no moto), 83
Lane, Richard, 394, 403, 407
Larson, Wendy, 40, 125, n. 55, 190, n.
24, 198, n. 32
Lass Amao, The (Amao guniang), 201
Lauretis, Teresa de, 2
Law of Nations, 28, 44
Lee Haiyan, 48
437
438
index
index
Mona Lisa, Portrait of, 289, 290, 293, 297,
304, n. 77
Mongol invasions of Japan, 67
Monna Vanna, 244, 254-259
mono no aware, (capacity to be moved deeply), 383
More, Hannah, 152
Mori gai, 157, 161, 162, 166
Mori Ritsuko, 243
Morimura Yasumasa, 298
Morning Toilet (Chsh), 308, 309, 313-316,
318, 320, 333
Moronobu, see Hishikawa Moronobu
Moroto Michio, 396
Mother of Captain Michitsuna, 152
mother-and-child motif, 271
Motoda Nagazane, 63
Motoori Norinaga, 383
Moulin Rouge, 260
Mozume Takami, 162,
mu, see female tutors
Mulan congjun, see Mulan, the Disguised
Warrior Maiden
Mulan, the Disguised Warrior Maiden
(Mulan congjun), 231, 232, Disney
movie, 90
Muqi, 275
Murai Brothers, 339
Murakami Kagaku, 267, 276-283, 305
Murasaki Shikibu, 85, n. 53, 97, 152,
169
Murata Uk, 223-228, 232
Murayama Kaita, 297
Myj magazine, 169, 311, 322, 384
Nagai Ai, 260
Nagai Kaf, 387, 389, 417, 422
Nakai Star, 276
Nakajima Shen, 154
Nakajima Toshiko (Shen), 159, 160
Nakamura Butsuan, 391
Nakamura-za theater, 283
Nakano Hajime, 396
nanga, see Chinese Southern School of
painting
Naomi (Chijin no ai), 305
National Art School, see Tokyo School
of Fine Arts
National Bank (Kokuritsu Gink, Japan),
85-88
national bonds (Japanese), 91
national flower (guohua), 211, 212
439
440
index
index
Singer among Boy Actors (tongling diyi),
215-216; Best Singer among Female
Performers, (kunling diyi), 215
Peoples Armies (minjun), 44
Peoples journal (Minbao), 30, 31
Peoples Republic of China, 46, 47
Pillow Book, The, 152
Pincus, Leslie, 384, 385, 392, n. 19, 397,
n. 29, 416, 423, 424, n. 64
Pingdengshuo, see Egalitarianism
Pisanello, 349, 351
pleasure quarters (China), 105
Plum Blossom in the Golden Vase, The (Jin ping
mei), 149
Pomeranz, Kenneth, 45
Portraits, see painting, Western-style:
Position of Women, The (Fujin no chii), 154
Post-Impressionism, 276
Powell, William H., 87
primary care givers (baomu), 110, 110, n. 13
primary schools (Japanese), 93
Prince Shtoku, 66
Profile of a Woman holding an Orchid (Hkei),
349, 353
Progress (wenming): 106, 107, 112; 174;
ideology of, 176; propaganda, anti-,
121; ideas, 121; state-building agendas, 132; values, 118, 121; Progressive
Press (Wenming shuju), 113
Prostitutes: 76, 279; China, 115-117, 135142 , 372; Japan; 385, 418, 422, 424;
male, 301; Shanghai, 105, 141, 142
pure art (junshin naru geijutsu), 276, 282
pure literature (junbungaku), see Japanese
literature
Qi Rushan, 217, 222, 229, 236
Qin Pu, 198, 199
Qing dynasty: army, 139; belle, 360; court,
23, 27, 29; collapse of, 5, 192, 211;
documents, 113; dynasty, 42, 215, 348,
354, 355; decadence and disintegration
of, 137; late-, 47, 51, 105, 115, 122,
135-142, 208; educational authorities,
112; emperors, 207; government, 107,
139; officials, 106; costumes, 360
Qingdao, seized by Japan, 348
Qipao dress, 354, 355, 361-363, 377
Qiu Jin, 126-128
Queen Victoria, 62, 63, 91
Quong Tart, 27
441
442
index
index
Society for the Study of Public Law (gongfa
xuehui), 32
Society of Friends Magazine, 396
Society of Friends of the Inkstone, The
(Kenysha), 166
Sma Gyofu, 166
Song of Entering a Night of the Moon and Stars
(Hoshi-tsuki yo-iri no shirabe), 412, 415
Spencer, Herbert, 148
Spring pictures (shunga): 316, 383-424;
boom, 392; examples of, 394-395,
404-405, 406, 407, 408-409, 410411, 413-414, 415, 420-421
Stael, de, Anne Louise Germaine, 155
St. Anne, Mary, and Child, 294, 296
Star Monthly, The (Mingxing yuekan), 179
Stilke, Hermann Anton, 89
Stowe, Beecher, 152, 164
Stratz, C. H., 326, n. 25, 337
Structure of Iki, The, (Iki no Kz), 383385, 390, 391, 418, 423
Sturm und Drang, 167
Subaru, 172
Sudermann, Hermann, 166, 174
Sugimura Haruko, 260
Sukeroku, 422
Sumiyoshi deity, 68, 103
Sun Yat-sen, 31, 128, 205, 239
Sun Zhongshan, 126
Sun, The (Taiy), 164, 166
Suntory company, 308, 337, 338
surimono print series, 81
Surrealism, 175, 357
Suzuki Harunobu, 398
Suzuki Shinichi II, 100, 101
Suzuki Tomi, 98
Swinton, Elizabeth de Sabato, 397
sword, 69
Symbolism, 174; European, 167
Taine, Hyppolyte, 161
Taiping Rebellion, 25, 39, 139
Taiso Yoshitoshi, 266
Taiy, see Sun,The
Takahashi Kenji, 62
Takahashi Yuichi, 313
Takami Jun, 172
Takamura Ktar, 297
Takarazuka theatre, 259, male roles
(otokoyaku), 259, n. 31, 266
Takashimaya department store, 342,
poster, 343
443
Takatsu Kuwasabur, 99
Takayama Chogy, 168
Takeuchi Seih, 276, n. 29
Takeuchi no Sukune, Minister, 77, 80,
94, 103
Takizawa (Kyokutei) Bakin, 150, 160
Tale of Filial Lovers (Ern yingxiong zhuan),
138
Tale of Flowering Fortunes, The, (Eiga monogatari), 152
Tale of Genji, The, 152, 169
Tale of Ise, The, 152
Tale of Jruri, The, 152
Tale of Sagoromo, The, 152
Tamayorihime, 74, n. 40
Tamenaga Shunsui, 149, 401, 403, 412
Tamura Akiko, 260
Tamura Toshiko, 173
Tan Sitong, 34, 36, 39
Tanaka Heijir, 84
tanbi shugi, see Aestheticism
Tang Caichang, 31, 32, 34, 35
Tang Caizhi, 34
Tang dynasty, 274
Tangled Hair (Midaregami), 169
Tanizaki Junichir, 144, 145, 146, 175,
176, 304, 305, 360, 372, 387, 389,
417, 418
Tankikai, see Antiquarian League
tanzaku print, 83, 290
Tayama Katai, 166, 167
Taylor, Charles, 19, 21, 46
tay, see courtesan, Edo
Tazawa Inafune, 168
Teikoku Gekikj, see Imperial Theater
temple fairs (misemono), 327
Tengu Cigarettes (Tengu tabako), 339, 340,
341
tenj, see Buddhism
tennin, see Buddhism
Terauchi Masatake, Governor General of
Manchu, 220, 230
textbooks, history, (Japanese), 56, 96, 163,
n. 40
Karmic Origins of Hachiman, The (Hachiman
engi), 68
The Stone of Goddess Nwa (Nwa shi), 138
Theater Institute (Engeki kenkyjo), 243
Theater Reform Society, The (Engeki
Kairykai), 242
third sex (chsei), see Sexuality
444
index
index
Wealthy nation and strong army (fukoku
kyhei), 93
Weininger, Otto, 174
wenming, see progress
Western Paradise, 270
Westernization, 368, 370
Wilde, Oscar, 174, 244, 248
Winkel, Margarita, 404, 414
Wisdom Impression Sentiment (Chi Kan J),
322, 323, 325, 326, 329, 333, 338,
342
Wo hu cang long, see Crouching Tiger, Hidden
Dragon
Woman from Yen-chou, 274
Woman in a Danjur Robe, A, 286, 288
Woman of Shimabara, A (Shimabara no onna),
294, 295
Woman with Balloon (Chch), 298, 299
Womans World (Fujo-kai), 367
Women in Three Fashion Modes, 377, 378
Womens Bureau of the Chinese
Nationalist Party, 46
Womens Eastern Times, The (Fun shibao),
131
Womens education: 105-132, Education
Board, 113-115, 120, 124; education
in the family (jiating jiaoyu), 110; Practical Womens School, Tokyo (Jissen
jogakk), 123-124, 127, 128
Womens Federation (fulian), 47
Womens Journal, The (Jogaku zasshi), 98, 147,
148, 150, 151, 154, 156-159, 165,
Womens Rights Movement, Japan, 97-98
Working Womens Congress of the Communist Jiangxi Soviet, 46
world-spirit (Weltgeist), see Asian world
spirit
Wu Daozhi, 274, 275
Xiangbao, see Hunan journal
Xin nxing, see New Woman
Xin qingnian, see New Youth
Xin wenyi, see New Literature
Xu Xiacun, 181
Xue Fucheng, 29
Yab-yum, see Boshisattva
Yabu no uguisu, see Warbler in the Grove
Yaezakura, see Eightfold Cherry Blossom,
The
yakshini, 279
445
446
index
SINICA LEIDENSIA
41. McLaren, A.E. Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables. 1998.
ISBN 90 04 10998 6
42. Svarverud, R. Methods of the Way. Early Chinese Ethical Thought. 1998.
ISBN 90 04 11010 0
43. Haar, B.J. ter. Ritual and Mythology of the Chinese Triads. Creating an Identity. 1998.
ISBN 90 04 11063 1
44. Zurndorfer, H.T. Chinese Women in the Imperial Past. New Perspectives. 1999.
ISBN 90 04 11065 8
45. Pohl, K.H. Chinese Thought in a Global Context. A Dialogue Between Chinese and
Western Philosophical Approaches. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11426 2
46. De Meyer, J.A.M. and P.M. Engelfriet (eds.). Linked Faiths. Essays on Chinese Religions and Traditional Culture in Honour of Kristofer Schipper. 2000.
ISBN 90 04 11540 4
47. Ven, H. van de. Warfare in Chinese History. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11774 1
48. Wright, D. Translating Science. The Transmission of Western Chemistry into Late
Imperial China,1840-1900. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11776 8
49. Schottenhammer A.(ed.). The Emporium of the World. Maritime Quanzhou, 10001400. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11773 3
50. Jami, C.P. Engelfriet & G. Blue (eds.). Statecraft and Intellectual Renewal in Late Ming
China. The Cross-cultural Synthesis of Xu Guangqi (1562-1633). 2001.
ISBN 90 04 12058 0
51. Tapp, N. The Hmong of China. Context, Agency and the Imaginary. 2001.
ISBN 90 04 12127 7
52. Lackner M.I. Amelung & J. Kurtz (eds.). New Terms for New Ideas.Western Knowledge and Lexical Change in Late Imperial China. 2001.
ISBN 90 04 12046 7
53. Jing, A. The Water God s Temple of the Guangsheng Monastery. Cosmic Function of
Art, Ritual,and Theater. 2001. ISBN 90 04 11925 6
54. Zhou Mi s Record of Clouds and Mist Passing Before Ones Eyes. An Annotated
Translation by A. Weitz. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12605 8
55. B.S. McDougall & A. Hansson (eds.). Chinese Concepts of Privacy. 2002.
ISBN 90 04 12766 6
56. K.-H. Pohl & A.W. Mller (eds.). Chinese Ethics in a Global Context. Moral Bases of
Contemporary Societies. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12812 3
57. Gulik, R.H. Sexual Life in Ancient China. A Preliminary Survey of Chinese Sex and
Society from ca. 1500 B.C. till 1644 A.D. 2003. ISBN 90 04 12601 5
58. Sato, M. The Confucian Quest for Order. The Origin and Formation of the Political
Thought of XunZiy. 2003. ISBN 90 04 12965 0
59. Bluss, L. & Chen Menghong (eds.). The Archives of the Kong Koan of Batavia. 2003.
ISBN 90 04 13157 4
60. Santangelo, P. Sentimental Education in Chinese History. An Interdisciplinary Textual
Research on Ming and Qing Sources. 2003. ISBN 90 04 12360 1
61. Mather, R.B. The Age of Eternal Brilliance. Three Lyric Poets of the Yung-ming
Era (483-493). 2003. ISBN 90 04 12059 9 (set)
62. Van Gulik, R.H. Erotic Colour Prints of the Ming Period. With an Essay on Chinese
Sex Life from the Han to the Ching Dynasty, B.C. 206-A.D. 1644. 2004.
ISBN 90 04 13664 9 (volume one). ISBN 90 04 13665 7 (volume two).
ISBN 90 04 13160 4 (set)
63. Eifring, H. Love and Emotions in Traditional Chinese Literature. 2004.
ISBN 90 04 13710 8
64. Viltinghoff, N. Mapping Meanings. The Field of New Learning in Late Qing
China. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13919 2
65. Moore, O.J. Rituals of Recruitment in Tang China. Reading an Annual Programme in
the Collected Statements by Wang Dingbao (870940). 2004. ISBN 90 04 13937 0
66. Csikszentmihalyi, M. Material Virtue. Ethics and the Body in Early China. 2004.
ISBN 90 04 14196 0
67. Chiang, S-C.L. Collecting the Self. Body and Identity in Strange Tale Collections of
Late Imperial China. 2004. ISBN 90 04 14203 7
68. Jorgensen, J. Inventing Hui-neng, the Sixth Patriarch. Hagiography and Biography in
Early Chan. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14508 7
69. Lowry, K.A. The Tapestry of Popular Songs in 16th- and 17th-Century China. Reading,
Imitation, and Desire. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14586 9
70. Took, J. A Native Chieftaincy in Southwest China. Franchising a Tai Chieftaincy under
the Tusi System of Late Imperial China. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14797 7
71. Ter Haar, B.J. Telling Stories. Witchcraft and Scapegoating in Chinese History.
2006. ISBN 90 04 14844 2
72. De Meyer, J.A.M. Wu Yuns Way. Life and Works of an Eighth-Century Daoist
Master. 2006. ISBN 90 04 12136 6
73. Ruizendaal, R.E. Marionette Theatre in Quanzhou. 2006. ISBN 978 90 04 15104 8
74. Sargent, S.H. The Poetry of He Zhu (1052-1125). Genres, Contexts, and Creativity.
2007. ISBN 978 90 04 15711 8
75. Chen, J. Philosopher, Practitioner, Politician: The Many Lives of Fazang (643-712). 2007.
ISBN 978 90 04 15613 5
76. Komjathy, L. Cultivating Perfection. Mysticism and Self-transformation in Early
Quanzhen Daoism. 2007. ISBN 978 90 04 16038 5
77. Pan, A. Painting Faith. Li Gonglin and Northern Song Buddhist Culture. 2007.
ISBN 978 90 04 16061 3
78. Svarverud, R. International Law as World Order in Late Imperial China. Translation,
Reception and Discourse, 1847-1911. 2007. ISBN 978 90 04 16019 4
79. Bray, F., V. Dorofeeva-Lichtmann and G. Mtaili (eds.). Graphics and Text in the
Production of Technical Knowledge in China. The Warp and the Weft. 2007.
ISBN 978 90 04 16063 7
80. Ou, C. Life in a Kam Village in Southwest China, 1930-1949. 2007. Translated by D.
Norman Geary. ISBN 978 90 04 16229 7.
81. Greenbaum, J. Chen Jiru (1558-1639). The Development and Subsequent Uses of
Literary Personae. 2007. ISBN 978 90 04 16358 4
82. Kaske, E. The Politics of Language in Chinese Education, 18951919. 2007.
ISBN 978 90 04 16367 6
83. Eisenberg, A. Kingship in Early Medieval China. 2008. ISBN 978 90 04 16381 2
84. Thrasher, A.R. Sizhu Instrumental Music of South China. Ethos, Theory and Practice.
2008. ISBN 978 90 04 16500 7
85. Au, C. Modernist Aesthetics in Taiwanese Poetry since the 1950s. 2008.
ISBN 978 90 04 16707 0
86. Crevel, M. van. Chinese Poetry in Times of Mind, Mayhem and Money. 2008.
ISBN 978 90 04 16382 9
P dzka, I. Gao Xingjians Idea of Theatre. From the Word to the Image. 2008.
87. ~abe
ISBN 978 90 04 16828 2
88. Halbertsma, T.H.F. Early Christian Remains of Inner Mongolia. Discovery, Reconstruction and Appropriation. 2008. ISBN 978 90 04 16708 7
89. Bryant, D. The Great Recreation. Ho Ching-ming (1483-1521) and His World. 2008.
ISBN 978 90 04 16817 6
90. Gamsa, M. The Chinese Translation of Russian Literature. Three Studies. 2008.
ISBN 978 90 04 16844 2
91. Croissant, D., C.V. Yeh and J.S. Mostow (eds.). Performing Nation. Gender Politics
in Literature, Theater, and the Visual Arts of China and Japan, 1880-1940.
2008. ISBN 978 90 04 17019 3