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constitution:
1.
2.
Facts:
On 6 December 1996, private respondent Atty. Jesus S.
Delfin filed w/ COMELEC a "Petition to Amend the
Constitution, to Lift Term Limits of Elective Officials, by
People's Initiative" (hereafter, Delfin Petition) 5 wherein
Delfin asked the COMELEC for an order
1. Fixing the time and dates for signature gathering all
over the country;
2. Causing the necessary publications of said Order and
the attached "Petition for Initiative on the 1987
Constitution, in newspapers of general and local
circulation;
3. Instructing Municipal Election Registrars in all Regions
of the Philippines, to assist Petitioners and volunteers, in
establishing signing stations at the time and on the dates
designated for the purpose.
Delfin alleged in his petition that he is a founding member
of the Movement for People's Initiative and that he and
the members of the Movement and other volunteers
intend to exercise the power to directly propose
amendments to the Constitution granted under Section 2,
Article 17 of the Constitution.
Upon the filing of the Delfin Petition, the COMELEC,
through its Chairman, issued an Order 11 (a) directing
Delfin "to cause the publication of the petition and the
notice of hearing in three (3) daily newspapers of general
circulation at his own expense" and (b) setting the case
for hearing on 12 December 1996 at 10:00 a.m.
On 18 December 1996, the petitioners herein Senator
Miriam Defensor Santiago, Alexander Padilla, and Maria
Isabel Ongpin filed this special civil action for
prohibition raising the following arguments:
(1) The constitutional provision on people's initiative to
amend the Constitution can only be implemented by law
to be passed by Congress. No such law has been passed;
(2) (2) It is true that R.A. No. 6735 provides for three
systems of initiative, namely, initiative on the
Constitution, on statutes, and on local legislation.
However, it failed to provide any subtitle on initiative on
the Constitution, unlike in the other modes of initiative,
which are specifically provided for in Subtitle II and
Subtitle III. This deliberate omission indicates that the
matter of people's initiative to amend the Constitution was
left to some future law.
Issue:
WON R.A. NO. 6735 IS INTENDED TO INCLUDE
THE SYSTEM OF INITIATIVE ON AMENDMENTS
TO THE CONSTITUTION
Ruling:
We agree that R.A. No. 6735 was, as its history reveals,
intended to cover initiative to propose amendments to the
Constitution BUT:
3.
not
bar the
Ruling:
Yes. It is the condition and limitation that all the
amendments to be proposed by the same Convention must
be submitted to the people in a single "election" or
plebiscite. It being indisputable that the amendment now
proposed to be submitted to a plebiscite is only the first
amendment the Convention propose, We hold that the
plebiscite being called for the purpose of submitting the
same for ratification of the people on November 8, 1971
is not authorized by Section 1 of Article XV of the
Constitution, hence all acts of the Convention and the
respondent Comelec in that direction are null and void.
in order that a plebiscite for the ratification of an
amendment to the Constitution may be validly held, it
must provide the voter not only sufficient time but ample
basis for an intelligent appraisal of the nature of the
amendment per se as well as its relation to the other parts
of the Constitution with which it has to form a
harmonious whole. In the context of the present state of
things, where the Convention has hardly started
considering the merits of hundreds, if not thousands, of
proposals to amend the existing Constitution, to present to
the people any single proposal or a few of them cannot
comply with this requirement. We are of the opinion that
the present Constitution does not contemplate in Section 1
of Article XV a plebiscite or "election" wherein the
people are in the dark as to frame of reference they can
base their judgment on.
IN VIEW OF ALL THE FOREGOING, the petition
herein is granted. Organic Resolution No. 1 of the
Constitutional Convention of 1971 and the implementing
acts and resolutions of the Convention, insofar as they
provide for the holding of a plebiscite on November 8,
1971, as well as the resolution of the respondent Comelec
complying therewith (RR Resolution No. 695) are hereby
declared null and void.
Fernando: Clearly, insofar as amendments, including
revision, are concerned, there are two steps, proposal and
thereafter ratification. Thus as to the former, two
constituent bodies are provided for, the Congress of the
Philippines in the mode therein provided, and a
constitutional convention that may be called into being.
Once assembled, a constitutional convention, like the
Congress of the Philippines, possesses in all its plenitude
the constituent power. Inasmuch as Congress may
determine what amendments it would have the people
ratify and thereafter take all the steps necessary so that the
approval or disapproval of the electorate may be obtained,
the convention likewise, to my mind, should be deemed
possessed of all the necessary authority to assure that
whatever amendments it seeks to introduce would be
submitted to the people at an election called for that
purpose. It would appear to me that to view the
convention as being denied a prerogative which is not
withheld from Congress as a constituent body would be to
place it in an inferior category. Such a proposition I do not
find acceptable. Congress and constitutional convention
are agencies for submitting proposals under the
fundamental law. A power granted to one should not be
denied the other. No justification for such a drastic
differentiation either in theory or practice exists.
The added reinforcement that to require ordinary
legislation before the convention could be enabled to have
its proposals voted on by the people would be to place a
power in the legislative and executive branches that
capricious or whimsical
exercise of judgment that is patent and gross as to amount
to an evasion of positive duty ) in calling out the Marines.
The power of the President to keep the peace is not
limited merely to exercising the commander-in-chief
powers in times of emergency or to leading the State
against external and internal threats to its existence. Wide
discretion, within the bounds of law, in fulfilling
presidential duties in times of peace is not in any way
diminished by the relative want of an emergency specified
in the commander-in-chief provision.
As a general proposition, a controversy is justiciable if it
refers to a matter which is appropriate for court review.
[22]
It pertains to issues which are inherently susceptible of
being decided on grounds recognized by law.
Nevertheless, the Court does not automatically assume
jurisdiction over actual constitutional cases brought
before it even in instances that are ripe for resolution.
- One class of cases wherein the Court hesitates
to rule on are political questions. The reason is
that political questions are concerned with issues
dependent upon the wisdom, not the legality, of
a particular act being assailed + the political
question, being a function of the separation of
2. Ripeness or prematurity
Facts:
Facts:
Petitioner Antonio Serrano was hired by respondents
Gallant Maritime Services, Inc. and Marlow Navigation
Co., Inc., under a POEA-approved contract of
employment for 12 months, as Chief Officer, with the
basic monthly salary of US$1,400, plus $700/month
overtime pay, and 7 days paid vacation leave per month.
On March 19, 1998, the date of his departure, Serrano
Ruling:
When the Court is called upon to exercise its power of
judicial review of the acts of its co-equals, such as the Congress, it
does so only when these conditions obtain: (1) that there is an
actual case or controversy involving a conflict of rights
susceptible of judicial determination;[47] (2) that the constitutional
Alunan v. Mirasol
For another, this case comes within the rule that courts
will decide a question otherwise moot and academic if it
is capable of repetition, yet evading review.[4] For the
question whether the COMELEC can validly vest in the
DILG the control and supervision of SK elections is likely
to arise in connection with every SK election and yet the
question may not be decided before the date of such
elections.
Facts:
Section 532(a) of the Local Government Code
provides that the first elections for the SK shall be held
thirty (30) days after the next local elections. The Code
took effect on January 1, 1992.
The first local elections under the Code were held on
May 11, 1992. Accordingly, on August 27, 1992, the
Commission on Elections issued Resolution No. 2499,
providing guidelines for the holding of the general
elections for the SK on September 30, 1992. The
guidelines placed the SK elections under the direct control
and supervision of the DILG, with the technical assistance
of the COMELEC.
Accordingly, registration in the six districts of
Manila was conducted.
On September 18, 1992, however, the DILG,
through then Secretary Rafael M. Alunan III, issued a
letter-resolution exempting the City of Manila from
holding elections for the SK on the ground that the
elections previously held on May 26, 1990 were to be
considered the first under the newly-enacted Local
Government Code.
The DILG acted on a letter of Joshue R. Santiago,
acting president of the KB City Federation of Manila and
Ruling:
A party bringing a suit challenging the
constitutionality of a law, act, or statute must show not
only that the law is invalid, but also that he has sustained
or in is in immediate, or imminent danger of sustaining
some direct injury as a result of its enforcement, and not
merely that he suffers thereby in some indefinite way. He
must show that he has been, or is about to be, denied
some right or privilege to which he is lawfully entitled, or
that he is about to be subjected to some burdens or
penalties by reason of the statute complained of.[14]
In the case before us, petitioners failed to show, to
the satisfaction of this Court, that they have sustained, or
are in danger of sustaining any direct injury as a result of
the enforcement of the VFA. As taxpayers, petitioners
have not established that the VFA involves the exercise by
Congress of its taxing or spending powers. [15] On this
point, it bears stressing that a taxpayers suit refers to a
case where the act complained of directly involves the
illegal disbursement of public funds derived from
taxation.[16]
Clearly, inasmuch as no public funds raised by
taxation are involved in this case, and in the absence of
any allegation by petitioners that public funds are being
misspent or illegally expended, petitioners, as taxpayers,
have no legal standing to assail the legality of the VFA.
Similarly, Representatives Wigberto Taada, Agapito
Aquino and Joker Arroyo, as petitioners-legislators, do
not possess the requisite locus standi to maintain the
present suit: While it may be true that petitioners pointed
to provisions of the VFA which allegedly impair their
legislative powers, petitioners failed however to
a.
b.
c.
d.
2.
3.
ISSUE:
1. Whether the issuance of PP 1021 renders the petitions moot
and academic.
2. Whether the Supreme Court can review the factual bases of
PP 1017.
3. Whether or not PP 1017 and G.O. No. 5 are constitutional.
RULING:
1.
Issues:
Decision:
On the first Issue:
YES. It is unconstitutional.
Issues:
SALONGA vs PAO
1.
2.
Facts:
Held:
The Court also has the duty to formulate guiding and controlling
constitutional principles, precepts, doctrines, or rules. It has the
symbolic function of educating bench and bar on the extent of
protection given by constitutional guarantees.
1.
2.
Ruling:
It is urged by amicus curiae that Courts of First Instance have no
jurisdiction to entertain actions assailing the constitutionality of
statutes or treaties, because section 10 of Article VIII of the
Constitution prescribes that
No treaty or law may be declared unconstitutional
without the concurrence of two-thirds of all the
members of the (Supreme) Court.
This contention is, however, destroyed by the terms of section 2
of Article VIII, wherein the Constitution itself inhibits Congress
from depriving the Supreme Court
of its jurisdiction to review, revise, reverse, modify, or
affirm on appeal, certiorari or writ of error, as the law
or the rules of court may provide, final judgments and
decrees of inferior courts in
(1) All cases in which the constitutionality or validity
of any treaty, law, ordinance or executive orders or
regulations is in question (Emphasis supplied).
Plainly the Constitution contemplates that the inferior courts
should have jurisdiction in cases involving constitutionality of
any treaty or law, for it speaks of appellate review of final
judgments of inferior courts in cases where such
constitutionality happens to be in issue. Construing both
provisions together, it is readily discerned that the two-third vote
of the Supreme Court, required by section 10 of Article VIII,
conditions only the decisions of the Supreme Court in the
exercise of its appellate jurisdiction.
Held:
It is elementary that this Court assumes no jurisdiction over
petitions for declaratory relief. (Note: ROC provides that the
jurisdiction for petitions for declaratory relief is with the RTC )
More importantly, the petition amounts in effect to a suit against
the incumbent President of the Republic, President Corazon C.
Aquino, and it is equally elementary that incumbent
Presidents are immune from suit or from being brought to court
during the period of their incumbency and tenure.
It being a matter of public record and common public
knowledge that the Constitutional Commission refers therein to
incumbent President Corazon C. Aquino and VicePresident Salvador H. Laurel, and to no other persons, and
provides for the extension of their term to noon of June 30, 1992
for purposes of synchronization of election
Taada v. Cuenco
Facts:
After the 1955 national elections, the membership in the Senate
was overwhelmingly occupied by the Nacionalista Party. The
lone opposition senator was Lorenzo Taada who belonged to
the Citizens Party. Diosdado Macapagal on the other hand was
a senatorial candidate who lost the bid but was contesting it
before the Senate Electoral Tribunal (SET). But prior to a
decision the SET would have to choose its members. It is
provided that the SET should be composed of 9 members
comprised of the following: 3 justices of the Supreme Court, 3
senators from the majority party and 3 senators from the
minority party.
But since there is only one minority senator, the other two SET
members supposed to come from the minority were filled in by
the NP. Taada assailed this process before the Supreme Court.
So did Macapagal because he deemed that if the SET would be
dominated by NP senators then he, as a member of the
Liberalista Party will not have any chance in his election
contest. Senator Mariano Cuenco et al (members of the NP)
averred that the Supreme Court cannot take cognizance of the
issue because it is a political question. Cuenco argued that the
power to choose the members of the SET is vested in the Senate
alone and the remedy for Taada and Macapagal was not to raise
the issue before judicial courts but rather to leave it before the
bar of public opinion.
HELD: No.
The SC took cognizance of the case and ruled that the issue is a
justiciable question. The term Political Question connotes what
it means in ordinary parlance, namely, a question of policy. It
refers to those questions which, under the Constitution, are to be
decided by the people in their sovereign capacity; or in regard to
which full discretionary authority has been delegated to the
legislative or executive branch of the government. It is
concerned with issues dependent upon the wisdom, not legality,
of a particular measure.
In this case, the issue at bar is not a political question. The
Supreme Court is not being asked by Taada to decide upon the
official acts of Senate. The issue being raised by Taada was
whether or not the elections of the 5 NP members to the SET are
The cases at bar pose legal and not political questions. The
principal issues for resolution require the proper interpretation
of certain provisions in the 1987 Constitution: Sec 1 of Art II,
and Sec 8 of Art VII, and the allocation of governmental powers
under Sec 11 of Art VII. The issues likewise call for a ruling on
the scope of presidential immunity from suit. They also involve
the correct calibration of the right of petitioner against
prejudicial publicity.
Salazar v. Achacoso
Facts:
EFFECTS OF DECLARATION OF
UNCONSTITUTIONALITY OF A STATUTE