Akkadian Ex Eventu Prophecies and the Genre

"Apocalypse"

Roy Gane, University of California, Berkeley

INTRODUCTION
An attempt is made here to contribute precision and perspective to a
particular area of comparative study: the relationship between Akkadian historical
prophecies and apocalyptic literature. The basic questions raised by the Akkadian
texts are: 1) Are these works apocalypses?

2) If not, what are they, and what is

their place with respect to the apocalyptic genre?

How these questions are

answered affects the significance of the Akkadian prophecies for the study of
apocalyptic origins and for comparison with the biblical book of Daniel.
In his 1966 article entitled "Akkadian Apocalypses," 2 Hallo demonstrated
fundamental differences between biblical classical prophecy and certain Akkadian
texts which had hitherto been tentatively labelled "prophecies." On the other hand,
he found in the Akkadian compositions affinities with the apocalyptic genre. Based
on what he saw to be the presence of elements of R.H. Charles' delineation of Jewish
apocalyptic literature,3 Hallo suggested that the Akkadian compositions should be
called "apocalypses." This idea, which Hallo recognized to be hypothetical, 4 has not
won general acceptance. 5

11I am grateful to S. Paul of the Hebrew Univ. of Jerusalem for the idea of analyzing these

Akkadian texts in the light of Semeia 14 and to J.J. Collins of Notre Dame Univ. and H. Tadmor
of the Hebrew Univ. for their suggestions with regard to a much longer version of this paper.
2W.W. Hallo, "Akkadian Apocalypses," IEJ 16 (1966), pp. 231-242.
3Ibid., pp. 240-242 citing R.H. Charles, Eschatology: A Critical History (1899, repr. New York:
Schocken Books, 1963), pp. 173-206.
4Hallo, p. 241.
5See S. Kaufman, "Prediction, Prophecy, and Apocalypse in the Light of New Akkadian Texts."
Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies, Vol. 1 (Jerusalem, 1977), p. 221.

Since Hallo's article, which dealt with the Akkadian texts "A,B,C and D" as
they were referred to by Grayson & Lambert, 1 a number of important developments
have taken place.

text from Uruk 2 and the "Dynastic prophecy" 3 have been

presented and discussed.

Borger has pieced together the Marduk and ulgi

"prophetic speeches," demonstrating that Grayson & Lambert's Text C actually

belonged to the ulgi speech and Text D to the Marduk speech. 4

These two

speeches form one series, as shown by the fact that at the end of the Marduk text
are the words: a-na-ku dul-gi, "I (god) ulgi," the catchline for the following tablet. 5
The Marduk and ulgi speeches are similar in that they employ first person address,
whereas the other compositions use third person address.
There are now five main texts regarded as Akkadian prophecies of the type
which appear to present a succession of historical events in the future tense: Text A,
the Uruk Text, the "Dynastic Prophecy," the Marduk "prophetic speech" and the ulgi
"prophetic speech." Since Texts C and D of Lambert & Grayson belong to the ulgi
and Marduk speeches, respectively, only Text B does not appear among the above
five texts. This is because Biggs has published a fragment carrying the text of B
farther than the main portion previously known, showing that the composition is
astrological, whether an omen 6 or a prophecy related to the omen genre. 7
These developments have necessitated a re-evaluation of the Akkadian texts
in relation to the apocalyptic genre. This has been undertaken by S. Kaufman and H.
Ringgren. Kaufman concluded that the Akkadian and apocalyptic genres are similar
1A.K. Grayson & W.G. Lambert, "Akkadian Prophecies," JCS 18 (1964), pp. 7-30.
2H. Hunger & S. Kaufman, "A New Akkadian Prophecy Text," JAOS 95 (1975), pp. 371-375. H.

Hunger earlier published a transliteration and translation of the reverse and a photograph of
the tablet in "Die Tontafeln der XXVII. Kampagne", UVB 26/27 (1972), p. 87 and pl. 25 g.
3A.K. Grayson, Babylonian Historical-Literary Texts (Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1975), pp.
24-37.
4R. Borger, "Gott Marduk and Gott-Ko+nig Sulgi als Propheten," BiOr 28 (1971), pp. 3-24.
5IV 16', Ibid., pp. 13,17,20.
6R. Biggs, "More Babylonian 'Prophecies,'" Iraq 29 (1967), pp. 117-119.
7W.G. Lambert, "History and the Gods: A Review Article", Or 39 (1970), p. 176.

"primarily only on a superficial level...." 8

Ringgren wrote:

"...this is not

apocalypticism--or should we say, is not yet apocalypticism?....it would seem more

probable that we have rather to do with parallel phenomena..." 2
While Kaufman and Ringgren are insightful, the tool which they lack is a
clear, detailed paradigm of the apocalyptic genre.

As Kaufman points out,

"Unfortunately, there are probably as many different definitions of apocalyptic and

lists of works to be included under that rubric as there are writers on Biblical
literature."3 Semeia 14 (1979), edited by J.J. Collins, provides the needed paradigm
upon which an unequivocal definition of Jewish and non-Jewish apocalyptic literature
may be based.

For the elements included by Collins in the paradigm, see the

summary chart given below.

Collins' definition of the genre "apocalypse," based

upon inductive observation of a "common core of constant elements" is as follows:

"'Apocalypse'" is a genre of revelatory literature with a narrative
framework, in which a revelation is mediated by an otherworldly being
to a human recipient, disclosing a transcendent reality which is both
temporal, insofar as it envisages eschatological salvation, and spatial
insofar as it involves another, supernatural world." 4
Our chart, the format of which is that used in the respective chapters of
Semeia 14, shows the results of placing the relevant Akkadian texts within the
framework of Collins' paradigm. This preliminary quantification shows the specific
manner in which essential or non-essential traits of the genre "apocalypse" manifest
themselves.

It is the subsequent comparison with the above definition which is

crucial for the question of inclusion within the genre "apocalypse."

1Kaufman, pp. 227-8.

2 H. Ringgren, "Akkadian Apocalypses," in Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the

Near East, ed. David Hellholm (Tu+bingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1983), p. 386.
3Kaufman, p. 225.
4J.J. Collins, "Introduction: Towards the Morphology of a Genre," Semeia 14 (1979), p. 9. The
paradigm is explained in detail on pp. 5-9.

IDENTIFICATION OF PARADIGM FEATURES

Only the main points of the detailed analysis upon which the chart was based
can be given here. The treatment of interpretive issues in the texts revolves around
the quest for evidence relating to specific components of Collins' paradigm. This is
complicated by factors such as broken texts, lack of clear indication as to the
purpose of the compositions and the usual problems of Akkadian exegesis, including
the interpretation of Sumerograms.
Identification of historical allusions is vital for determining the presence and
extent of ex eventu

prophecy.

Since an Akkadian historical prophecy fuses a

recounting of past events and a prognostication of future events into one piece of
revelational literature, 1 we must attempt to detect a transition from vaticinium ex
eventu

to vaticinium ante eventu.

Such a transition point, where verifiable

historical allusions cease, theoretically coincides with the date of composition.

Needless to say, due to the vagueness of many historical allusions and gaps in
parallel historiographic traditions, this kind of dating by internal evidence is difficult.
The Akkadian tenses do not help.

Whereas an omen consists of a protasis in

preterite, specifying a condition, which, "if" it should occur, the apodosis in pres./fut.
should be expected, an ex eventu prophecy employs pres./fut. both for an implied
protasis and an implied apodosis. The implied protasis consists of a complex of past
historical events, which, since they have happened, the fulfillment of the real
prediction, the implied "apodosis," can be expected. The fact that both parts are in
pres./fut. presents a disconcerting seamlessness. While this is a problem to us, the
force of the two parts of the structure would have been clear to the contemporary
"audience" of such a "prophecy."

Text A

1M. Tsevat, Review of A.K. Grayson, Babylonian Historical-Literary Texts, JBL 96 (1977), p. 277.

It is likely that Text A contains ex eventu

prophecy. However, although

serious attempts have been made, especially by Weidner 1 and Hallo, 2 no definitive
identification of the historical allusions in Text A has been made.

Grayson and

Ringgren agree with this assessment. 3

Weidner assumed that the kings appearing in the text represented a
continuous, uninterrupted series, concluding that the kings in I, ii could be the last
four Kassite kings: Melisipak II, Marduk-apla-iddin I, Zababa-sum-iddin and Enlilnadin-ah5i. While the regnal years given in Text A are in agreement with those of
three of these kings, Weidner must assume a scribal error in Text A which reads 18
instead of 15 years for the first of these four kings. 4

In spite of this difficulty,

Lambert finds Weidner's interpretation to be plausible. 5

Hallo, also assuming an unbroken succession of reigns, suggested that the
latter reigns of the Isin II dynasty are reflected.

He finds that in the entire

chronographic tradition it was only between the reigns of Marduk-na din-ah5h5e

and Marduk-sapik-zeri that a reign of 18 years was followed by a reign of 13 years
as in I ii, 2,9. However, Brinkman lists six difficulties with Hallo's interpretation, 6 to
which two may be added:

1)

Since the victory of Marduk-na din-ah5h5e over

Tiglath-pileser I of Assyria is the most notable fact recalled by later tradition about
the reign of this king, 7 it is surprising that the victory is not mentioned in Text A, I ii,
3-7, where only agricultural prosperity is described.

Text A is certainly not

unconcerned with political and military issues--see I ii, 10-12; 16-17; iii, 2; II ii, 4-6,9.

1E. Weidner, "Texte--Wo+rter--Sachen," AfO 13 (1940), p. 236.

2Hallo, pp. 235-239.
3Grayson, p. 20 n. 31; Ringgren, p. 380.
4Weidner, p. 236.
5W.G. Lambert, The Background of Jewish Apocalyptic (Ethel M. Wood Lecture, London:

Athlone Press, 1978), p. 10.

6J. Brinkman, A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute,
1968), p. 129 n. 762.
7Hallo, p. 236

2) Hallo says that Marduk-sapik-zeri (I ii 9ff) was the first and only ruler of Isin II to
assume the title, "king of the four quarters." 1 However, in I iii, 2, it is a later king
who is said to rule "the four quarters." 2 In fact, there was a second Isin II ruler who
used this title--Marduk-na din-ah5h5e, but he preceded Marduk-sapik-zeri.3

Uruk Text
Since the beginning of the text is broken, we have no firm evidence as to how
the revelation was transmitted. However, "my signs/omens" (GISKIM.MES -u-a) at
the end of the first line may imply discourse4 and "this is its writing" in line 8
possibly indicates that the revelation was communicated by writing.
Although the kings described in the text are anonymous, the mention of the
removal and subsequent restoration of the lamassu (protective deity) of Uruk
constitutes an identifiable historical connection. Therefore, the composition can be
dated quite precisely and the presence of ex eventu prophecy is certain. Hunger
& Kaufman point out: "The lamassu in question can hardly be any other than that of
Istar in the Eanna temple.

Now only one Babylonian king, Nebuchadnezzar II,

boasts of having returned the sedu of Uruk and the lamassu of Eanna. 5 Lambert
places the composition of this work "in Uruk after Nebuchadnezzar's accession in
605 B.C."6

The Dynastic Prophecy

The close proximity of imur, "he saw" (i 6), to arkat umu , "later time" (i 7),
seems to mean that the transmission of the revelation was through a vision.
1Ibid., p. 238.
2Hallo (p. 239) identifies this reign with that of the Isin II ruler Marduk-zer-[x].
3Brinkman, p. 124.
4As recognized by Hunger & Kaufman, p. 373.
5Ibid., pp. 373-4.
6Lambert, The Background of Jewish Apocalyptic, p. 12.

On p. 11, he argues effectively

against Hunger & Kaufman's dating in the reign of Amel-Marduk--p. 374. P. Ho+ffken
suggested in "Heilszeitherrscher-erwartung im babylonischen Raum", WO 9 (1977), pp. 57-71,
that the Uruk text represents an expectation of an ideal rule, analogous to the anticipation of
a coming Davidic king in the Bible. However, he ignored the fairly precise dating of Hunger &
Kaufman, placing the text sometime between 700 and 538 B.C.

Identifiable historical allusions ensure the presence of ex eventu prophecy.

Grayson summarizes the historical content:

"...each of the first three columns

contains a description of a change or fall of a dynasty (column i: fall of Assyria, rise

of Babylonia, column ii: fall of Babylonia, rise of Persia: column iii: fall of Persia,
rise of Macedonia)..."1 Grayson's identification of Elam with Persia is based on the
clear reference in ii, 11-16 to Nabonidus, the last king of the Neo-Babylonian empire.
Immediately following the description of this reign comes the rise of the king of Elam
in line 17, who must, therefore, be Cyrus the Persian. 2 Cp. Isa 21:2, where Elam is
also an archaism for Persia.
Grayson dates the text to the early Seleucid period. 3

M. Tsevat, however,

points out that since iii, 13ff envisions the defeat of Alexander, whereas he was in
fact victorious at Gaugamela, this section must be vaticinium ante eventu

and

therefore "the piece was composed between 333 and 331 B.C., i.e., before the
Seleucids..."

Gaps in the historical review may be explained at least partially by the state
in which the text is preserved.

In fact, Lambert has suggested that "...the tablet

originally had three columns each side, not two as postulated in the editio
princeps....What survive therefore are columns I and II, and V and VI." 5 While it is
tempting to suggest that the Four Empires motif (cp. Daniel 2,7) is present in the
Dynastic Prophecy, the broken nature of the text and the fact that the number four is

1Grayson, p. 17.
2Ibid., p. 25.
3Ibid, p. 27.
4Tsevat, p. 277.

Grayson recognized the problem of Gaugamela (pp. 26-27) and had no

explanation for it. However, since traces of column iv seem to refer to additional reigns, he
thought it unlikely that real prediction began in iii 13. Tsevat (Ibid.) comments: "That
vicissitudinous history seems to continue beyond that watershed is no valid counterargument.
Unlike Daniel (11:40-45), Babylonian authors were not heirs to an eschatology that predicts
the coming of a radically different aeon."
5Lambert, The Background of Jewish Apocalyptic, p. 13.

not mentioned prevent the conclusion that the composition assumes the division of
history into a set number of periods. 1
There is an instruction to the recipient in iv 7-9 not to show the
revelation, apparently meaning that it should be kept among the initiated who have
a special connection with Marduk, i.e., the priests of Marduk. 2

The Prophetic Speech of Marduk.

The text presents its historical recollection and prophecy pseudonymously
as a discourse of Marduk, the Babylonian chief deity. Since the speaker is a god,
the revelation is mediated by an otherworldly being. Marduk, like other gods,
had an earthly dwelling-place and statue, but was not an ordinary earthly resident.
The recollection of the past is selective.

Marduk tells of his "wanderings,"

(see I 7-12), referring to his statue being captured and carried away from Babylonia
to H5attu (I 13-22, of the conquest of Babylon by the Hittite king Mursilis I, c. 1595
B.C.),3 Assyria (I 3'-17', probably the conquest of Babylon by Tukulti-Ninurta I, c.
1233-1195)4 and Elam (I 22'-II 18, of the fall of the Kassite dynasty at the hands of
Kudur-Nah5h5unte, c. 1160).5
Ex eventu

prophecy follows the past-tense narration.

As interpreted by

Borger, from II 19 on, the rest of the Marduk speech is in future tense. 6 Just as there
was a Babylonian king whose rise was associated with the restoration after Marduk's
first trip (I 23), there is here another king of Babylon connected with a restoration. It
is clear that this is the fourth king of the Isin II dynasty, Nebuchadnezzar I (c. 11271105), who defeated the Elamites and recovered the statue of Marduk. 7 The Marduk
1As pointed out to me by J.J. Collins and H. Tadmor.
2See Grayson, p. 37.
His plausible reconstruction is based on comparison with other

examples of "Geheimwissen."
3Borger, p. 21.
4Ibid.
5Ibid.
6See Borger's translation (German) on pp. 16-17.
7Ibid., p. 21.

speech appears to be associated with an exaltation of Marduk in Babylon at this

time.1

Given our limited knowledge of Nebuchadnezzar's reign, it is difficult to

separate ex eventu from real prediction in this text. However, the statement that
the king would take the hand of Marduk (at the New Year festival) and cause him to
enter the Ekur-Sagila (II 26-27) and the description of an attack on cities and
fortresses of Elam (III 22'-24') are probably ex eventu.

The Prophetic Speech of ulgi

Like the Marduk speech, this composition presents history and prophecy
pseudonymously, this time as a discourse of ulgi, second king of the Ur III
dynasty (c. 2094-2046). 2 In I 3-4, he says that S amas spoke to him and Is tar
"gave him a revelation" (u-sab-ra-[an-ni] ). If the prophecy in the ulgi speech is
that received from Samas and Istar, ulgi is a mediator between the divine and
human realms. However, despite the divine determinative before his name, ulgi is
earthbound, not otherworldly.
The recollection of the past is limited, including only ulgi's own
achievements such as the founding of the city Nippur-Duranki (II 5') and "this wall"
(II 7'-8'). In fact, he did not found Nippur-Duranki, although he did some building in
Nippur.3 This historical recollection serving as a kind of introduction to the actual
"prophecy" has very close affinities to the genre of royal building inscriptions 4 and in
fact, it is possible that the "prophecy" is a later addition to a ulgi royal inscription. 5
The section III 3' to V 15 describes ex eventu

in pres./fut. what appears to

be a general historical outline of Babylonia in the second millennium B.C. The king
in IV may be identified as Kastilias IV, who was defeated by Tukulti-Ninurta I of

1Hallo, p. 238, including n. 53.

2Borger, p. 22.
3Ibid.
4See W.W. Hallo, "The Royal Inscriptions of Ur: A Typology," HUCA 33 (1962), pp. 1-43.
5Borger, p. 22, hints at this possibility on the basis of II 8'--"this wall."

10

Assyria (c. 1233-1195).6 In V 13-15, Enlil decrees an end to the kings of Babylon,
i.e., to the dynasty. This must be the end of the Kassite dynasty. 2 Therefore, the
ulgi speech should be dated along with the Marduk speech to the time of
Nebuchadnezzar I.

GENRE: "EX EVENTU PROPHECY"

It is clear from Collins' definition that mediation through an otherworldly being
is essential for inclusion within the genre "apocalypse."

Since only the Marduk

speech contains this feature, all but this text are immediately ruled out for inclusion
within the genre "apocalypse."
An apocalypse contains eschatology which is both transcendent, looking
beyond this world to another, and definitive in that it is a once-only occurrence. 3
There is no eschatology or description of otherworldly realities in the Akkadian
historical prophecies. The Uruk text ends with the hope, expressed as a prediction,
for a definitive Heilszeit. A similar hope is implied in the Marduk and ulgi speeches.
However, that which is anticipated is the maintenance of an ideal present. This is
the Babylonian view of the ideal future: the continuation of this-worldly well-being
and stability. 4 Transcendence is lacking. Therefore, this is not eschatology. Note
that the preserved ends of the Uruk and Marduk texts cast serious doubt upon
Hallo's speculation that the unpreserved end of Text A may have included
eschatology. 5

The lack of eschatology in the Akkadian texts places them firmly

outside the genre "apocalypse" as defined by Collins or, for that
1Ibid., p. 23.
2Against Borger, p. 23.
3Collins, pp. 9-10.
4Kaufman, p. 226. Grayson, p. 21 n. 34 comments: "...there is no suggestion in any Akkadian

prophecy of a climactic end to world history." Cf. Tsevat, p. 277: "...Babylonian authors were
not heirs to an eschatology that predicts the coming of a radically different aeon."
5Hallo, "Akkadian Apocalypses," p. 241.

11

matter, Charles. Furthermore, the works are completely lacking in the

disclosure of a transcendent reality on the spatial axis. Therefore, the
Akkadian historical prophecies may be regarded as related works
which fall outside the boundaries of the genre "apocalypse," but which
exhibit varying degrees of affinity to it. From the chart, it is possible to
establish a quantitative hierarchy of affinity with reference to the
corpus of possible traits found in apocalypses.

In descending order of

affinity to apocalypses, the Akkadian texts may be listed thus: Marduk

Speech, ulgi Speech, Uruk Text, Dynastic Prophecy and Text A.
There is one constantly recurring paradigm component within
the small group of four or five (depending on the status of Text A)
Akkadian texts: they contain historical review in the form of ex eventu
prophecy.

Since this common ground is of primary significance for

each of the compositions, although there is considerable diversity with

regard to other features, there is sufficient basis for regarding these
texts as belonging to a genre which may be called

"ex eventu

prophecy." Two points should be noted here: 1) The designation "ex

eventu prophecy" separates the Akkadian genre from biblical classic
literary prophecies.

Shared motifs, formulations, and other literary

conventions which transcend genre boundaries are not a reliable guide

for the determination of genre.

Collins states with regard to

apocalyptic literature: "The genre is not constituted by one or more

1A consideration of qualitative affinity, not undertaken here, would weigh the relative

importance of the respective elements as well as the certainty or uncertainty of their

attestation.
2In agreement with Hallo, "Akkadian Apocalypses," pp. 233-4.
3A principle missed by M. Weinfeld in "Mesopotamian Prophecies of the End of Days" (Heb.),
Shnaton 3 (1979), pp. 264-268.

12

distinctive themes but by a distinctive combination of elements, all of

which are also found elsewhere."
2)

Pre-apocalyptic historical prophecies are not unique to Mesopotamia.

Egyptian "Prophecy of Neferti,"2 for example, is a detailed ex eventu

The

prophecy with

a narrative introduction. There are parallels between this text and the Akkadian ex
eventu

prophecies in terms of historical context, purpose and the means of

achieving that purpose.

The Purpose of the Akkadian ex eventu Prophecies.

While there is no evidence at all in Text A as to what its purpose may have
been, the four compositions solidly placed within the genre "ex eventu prophecy"
do yield some internal clues. The dating of the break between ex eventu and real
prediction, coinciding with the date of composition, in the Uruk text and the Marduk
and ulgi speeches leads to the conclusion that a Heilszeit

prediction associated

with the current rule was intended to express support for that rule. In all three texts,
historical review lends credibility to the prognosis that the glorious present would
continue indefinitely.

While this hope is expressed in the Uruk text in general

terms, the Marduk and ulgi speeches include specific, concrete details. One gains
the impression that the writers, apparently priests, had an agenda in mind for the
king to carry out. The Marduk and ulgi speeches would thus constitute effective
propaganda directed toward the king, most likely Nebuchadnezzar I. The apparent
lack of a Heilszeit at the end of the Dynastic prophecy indicates a reaction against,
rather than support for, the status quo.

However, the ideal past was the same as

the glorious present in the Uruk text--the early part of the Neo-Babylonian empire.

Affinity to Historical Apocalypses

1J.J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination (New York: Crossroad, 1984), p. 9.
2ed. J. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton:

Princeton Univ. Press, 1969), pp. 444-446. For references to other Egyptian texts of this type,
see Borger, p. 23 and C.C. McCown, "Hebrew and Egyptian Apocalyptic Literature", HThR 18
(1925), pp. 357-411.

13

The Akkadian texts have their primary affinity in apocalyptic literature with
works belonging to Collins' Type Ia subdivision:

"'Historical' Apocalypses with No

Otherworldly Journey." 1 This is significant not only because the apocalyptic portions
of the biblical book of Daniel fall into Type Ia, but because the Akkadian material
appears to present a distinction, parallel to that found in the Jewish corpus of
apocalypses, between works with historical prophecies and those with otherworldly
journeys.2

For example, among the earliest Jewish apocalypses, Daniel 7-12 is

historical and I Enoch 1-36 has an otherworldly journey. Later apocalypses maintain
this distinction less clearly. 3
The fact that the Akkadian historical prophecies lack otherworldly journeys
would be relatively meaningless for indicating a parallel distinction between two
types of compositions if there were no example in Akkadian literature of an
otherworldly journey by a human being. However, the fact that the Assyrian (tablet
mid. 7th cent. B.C.) "Vision of the Nether World" 4 has a vivid description of such a
journey, but no historical review, adds weight to the idea that there were two distinct
types in Akkadian. The significance of the "Vision" is enhanced by the fact that it
contains far more of Collins' paradigm features than do any of the "prophecies":
1.1.1 Visions

1.1.2 Epiphanies

1.2.1 Discourse

1.3

Otherworldly journey

2.

Otherworldly mediator

x
x

1Collins, "Introduction: Towards the Morphology of a Genre," p. 14.

2J.J. Collins, "The Jewish Apocalypses," Semeia 14 (1979), p. 22.
3Ibid., p. 17.
4Pritchard, pp. 109-110.

I am grateful to Anne D. Kilmer of U.C., Berkeley for bringing this

text to my attention and to J.J. Collins for directing me to M. Himmelfarb, Tours of Hell
(Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1983), which, surprisingly, does not mention the
Assyrian "Vision" in connection with the prehistory of the "tours of hell" tradition.

14

3.1

Pseudonymity

x*

3.2

Disposition of recipient

3.3

Reaction of recipient

10.1

Otherworldly regions

10.2

Otherworldly beings

13.

Narrative Conclusion

The "Vision" contains all but two of Collins' components with regard to the Manner of
Revelation, both elements on the Spatial Axis, one of two concluding Elements, but
not a single element on the Temporal Axis. There is no eschatology, so this is not an
apocalypse. The fact that there is no history means that the composition does not
belong to the same genre as the Akkadian prophecies which are united by this
feature. While Daniel and I Enoch represent two distinct types, they have enough
central features in common to justify the inclusion of both of them within one genre. 1
This is not the case with regard to the two Akkadian types.

Implications for Study of Apocalyptic Origins

We cannot safely say that the Akkadian material is "proto-apocalyptic" in the
sense that the apocalyptic literature grew organically out of it. 2 We will not enter the
debate here as to the origins of the genre "apocalypse," 3 but some preliminary
observations can be made: 1) In 1977, Hallo pointed out that since Akkadian works
such as the Dynastic Prophecy were still being composed up to the beginning of the
Seleucid period, 4 there is no chronological reason to exclude the possibility that the
Akkadian genre may have influenced the beginnings of biblical apocalyptic

1Collins, "Introduction: Towards the Morphology of a Genre," pp. 16-17.

2In agreement with Kaufman and Ringgren.
3Proponents of contrasting views are P. Hanson (Studies in the Origins of Jewish Apocalyptic,

Harvard diss., 1969) who minimizes Mesopotamian influence, and H. Kvanvig (Roots of
Apocalyptic, Vol.1: The Mesopotamian Background of the Enoch Figure, Oslo: Skrivestua,
Det teologiske Menighetsfakultet, 1983), who emphasizes it.
4Tsevat (p. 277) dates the text between 333 and 331 B.C., just before the Seleucids.

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literature.1 2) However, the fact that eschatology, central in apocalypses, is lacking

in the Akkadian texts limits their significance for the origins of the genre
"apocalypse."

3)

We could say that the genres "ex eventu

"apocalypse" both belong to a "super-genre":

prophecy" and

revelatory literature.

Within the

super-genre, some parallel modes of revelation are to be expected. 4) The most

important parallels between Akkadian works (including the "Vision of the Nether
World") and the genre "apocalypse" involve the content of revelation on the
temporal and spatial axes.

Comparison must recognize the distinction between

works which emphasize the temporal axis (Akkadian ex eventu prophecies, Daniel)
as opposed to those which emphasize the spatial axis ("Vision of the Nether World," I
Enoch 1-36).

SOME PARALLELS WITH DANIEL

1.

For parallel paradigm features, compare Collins' chart of the Jewish

apocalypses 2 with our chart of the Akkadian texts.

2. In the Uruk text (Obv. lines 1,22), a sophisticated historical "prediction" is
associated with divination.

Although Daniel explicitly received his historical

predictions from the God of heaven, he belonged to a class of diviners. The failure
of his colleagues highlighted his success.
3. The Akkadian prophecies parallel Dan 8:20ff and 11:2ff in that they outline
successions, not unbroken, of anonymous kings 3 in concise annalistic historical
accounts.4 The scheme of political/social/religious history associated with the reigns

1W.W. Hallo, "The Expansion of Cuneiform Literature", paper delivered to the 7th World

Congress of Jewish Studies, Jerusalem (typescript, 1977), p. 8.

2Collins, "The Jewish Apocalypses," p. 28.
3Grayson & Lambert, p. 10, pointed out the parallel between the Akkadian prophecies and
these passages in Daniel.
4See Lambert, The Background of Jewish Apocalyptic, pp. 9ff.

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of these kings is selective. The Dynastic prophecy is closest to Daniel in that the
unnamed rulers arise within a named succession of world empires. 1
4.

The Uruk text, the Dynastic prophecy, and Daniel all recognize the

glorious early days of the Neo-Babylonian empire, especially the reign of

Nebuchadnezzar II, as the ideal for Babylon.

However, the relationship of each

composition to that ideal is different. The Uruk text, probably composed during the
reign of Nebuchadnezzar II,2 supports the ideal present and hopes that it will
continue indefinitely.

The Dynastic prophecy reacts against a later status quo

following a progressive deterioration from the ideal for Babylon.

While Daniel

recognizes deterioration from a Babylonian ideal, 3 the true ideal is the future,
eschatological kingdom of the God of heaven which comes after the fourth kingdom.
In 2:45, the gold is destroyed along with the other elements of the statue, implying
that Babylon is just as worthless, ultimately, as the rest of them.

Thus, Daniel's

hope is transcendent.
5. The Dynastic prophecy demonstrates the Babylonian perception of the
empires which ruled that area:

Assyria, Babylon, Persia and Macedonia.

If

Montgomery 4 is correct that Dan 1-6 are of Babylonian provenance, we would expect
these chapters to share the same perception of the empires which ruled Babylonia.
Thus, starting with Babylon, the empires in Dan 2 would be:

Babylon, Persia,

Macedonia, and "X."

6.

Dan 11:21--"In his place shall arise a contemptible one to whom royal

majesty has not been given"--seems to refer to a usurper. 5 The prominence of the
1See Grayson, p. 21.
2Lambert, The Background of Jewish Apocalyptic, p. 12.
3Dan 2:38--Nebuchadnezzar II is "the head of gold." In vs. 39, the second kingdom is "lower

than" his. Although it is not explicitly expressed with regard to the third and fourth kingdoms,
the decrease in the value of the metals suggests that the process of "lowering" continues.
4J. Montgomery, The Book of Daniel (ICC series, New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1927; repr.
Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1979), p. 90.
5So Brown, Driver & Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1978; 1st ed. 1907), p. 217 under hofld, "splendour, majesty, vigour."

17

"usurper" motif in the similar historical outlines of the Akkadian texts supports this
interpretation.

Usurpers take advantage of times of political instability and are

associated with violence and oppression: Text A, I ii, 14-15; Uruk Text (Obv., 13-24);
Dynastic Prophecy ii 11; cp. Text B, line 21.
7. In Dan 9:7-16, concern is expressed for the desolate city of Jerusalem, its
temple and the people of the land (cf. 7:25; 8:11-14; 11:31ff). In the Akkadian texts,
concern for cities, their cults and the people of the land is pervasive.
8. In Daniel, "the Most High rules the kingdom of men, and gives it to whom
he will..." (4:17,25,32; 5:21). Thus, the end of a Babylonian dynasty comes to an
end by divine decree (ch. 5).

In Text B, lines 19-20, the great gods "restore the

king's rule," and in the ulgi speech, V, 13-15, the reign of the kings of Babylon
comes to an end at the command of Enlil.
9. Additional parallel motifs are:
a. "Later time" (arkat umu ) in the Dynastic prophecy, i 7. Compare the
cognate (b)"ahariflt yoflmayya "

in Dan 2:28 (Aram.), and (b)"ahariflt

hayya miflm in 10:14.

b. In the Uruk text, Rev., line 10, a feared world ruler is described, probably one
of the Neo-Assyrian kings: 1 "He will subdue the world, and all the world will tremble
at the mention of his name." 2 The motif of the feared world power appears in Daniel
especially in connection with the fourth world empire--7:7ff, etc.
c. "Seize the land," in iv 4 of the Dynastic prophecy seems to be the same idea
as in Dan 11:21b,24.

CONCLUSION

1Perhaps Tiglath-pileser III (Hunger & Kaufman, p. 374), or Ashurbanipal (Lambert, The

Background of Jewish Apocalyptic, p. 11).

2Hunger & Kaufman, p. 374.

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In answer to the questions posed in the introduction, the Akkadian historical

prophecies are not apocalypses. This has been shown by analysis of the works in
the light of J.J. Collins' Semeia 14 paradigm and definition of the genre "apocalypse."
The texts belong to a genre which may be called "ex eventu prophecy." While the
significance of these compositions for apocalyptic origins and the study of Daniel is
limited by the fact that they belong to another genre, they remain "related works"
whose primary affinity in apocalyptic literature is with "'Historical' Apocalypses with
No Otherworldly Journey." Since this is the subdivision to which Daniel belongs, it is
not surprising that there are a number of parallels between the the Akkadian texts
and Daniel, especially with regard to the content of revelation on the temporal axis.

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