Monitoring Media Coverage of The 2016 Elections/December 2015 Report

MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE
OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS

DECEMBER 2015 REPORT
MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS
DECEMBER 2015 REPORT
Published by
African Centre for Media Excellence
Plot 124 Nanjala Road (Bunga-Soya), off Ggaba Road
P. O Box 11283 Kampala, Uganda
Tel: +256393202351
info@acme.org
www.acme-ug.org
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CopyrightACME 2016
Layout and Design
Harriet Anena
hanena@acme-ug.org
Cover Photo
www.halsburyslawexchange.co.uk
December 2015 Report
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This report is published with support from the Democratic Governance
Facility (DGF), which has funded ACMEs project on monitoring media
coverage of the 2016 elections. We are grateful for the partnership with
DGF.
Several individuals have contributed to the report and we single out a few.
Project Manager Mohles Kalule Segululigamba, technical advisor George
Lugalambi, and statisticians Yusuf Mulumba and Brian Ssenabulya. We
also recognise the contribution of ACME staff Peter G. Mwesige and
Harriet Anena.
ACME would also like to thank the panel of advisors that reviews the
findings every month before they are shared with the public. Panel
members are David Ouma Balikowa, Charlotte Kawesa Ntulume, William
Tayeebwa, Patricia Litho and Joseph Ssemakula.
ACME further thanks the coders who tirelessly entered data and the
research assistants who recorded broadcast content.
ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections
TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY................................................................................................1
INTRODUCTION...........................................................................................................4
Background....................................................................................................................4
The Media and Elections...........................................................................................6
Monitoring Media Coverage..................................................................................7
Media Coverage of Previous Elections..............................................................8

Monitoring/Research Questions........................................................................10
METHODOLOGY..........................................................................................................12
Scope of the Monitoring........................................................................................12
Sample and Sampling Methods..........................................................................12
Methods of Data Collection....................................................................................16
THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT.................................................................................19

Legal Framework.......................................................................................................19
Media Ownership and Diversity..........................................................................22
Standards and Quality of Reporting...................................................................25
Experience........................................................................................................26
Freedom to Report....................................................................................................26
FINDINGS.............................................................................................................28
Volume of Election Stories.....................................................................................28

Type of Election Covered.......................................................................................30
Space Allocation to Elections................................................................................31
Most Covered Presidential Aspirant.................................................................33
Front Page Coverage.................................................................................................38
Most Covered Topics................................................................................................40
Tone...................................................................................................................43
Reporting Approach.................................................................................................48
Issues vs. Personalities............................................................................................51
Background and Context in Reporting..............................................................54
Interrogation of Candidate Claims and Promises..........................................58

Sources of Information in Election Reporting..............................................62
Gender of Sources.....................................................................................................65
Number of Sources...................................................................................................68
CONCLUSION..................................................................................................................78
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This report presents the results of the monitoring of media coverage of
the Ugandan presidential and parliamentary elections in the month of
December 2015. The key findings are outlined below.
Overall, the volume of stories was lower than what was registered
in November. In particular, newspaper stories dropped to 827 from
920, while the 587 radio stories analysed1 were just about half of the
November sample. But television registered a decent increase in number
of stories to 557 from 488 in November.
Among the newspapers, Daily Monitor published the highest number of

stories (26.5%), followed by New Vision (23%) and Red Pepper (18.4%).
On television, NTV Uganda aired the highest percentage of election
stories (33.8%), followed closed by NBS TV (32.1%).
The tone of coverage remained neutral for the most part. Among the
newspapers, stories with a neutral tone accounted for two thirds of the
coverage, on television it was 69.9%% and on radio, 60.6%
Once again, the presidential election campaign dominated coverage in

newspapers (63.6%), on television (65.9%) and radio (47%).
As it was in November, President Yoweri Museveni was provided more

front-page coverage by newspapers in December. The incumbent
received 39.6% of the front-page coverage compared to 36.1% for
Amama Mbabazi and 20.8% for Kizza Besigye.
Incumbent Museveni also received more newspaper coverage in general

and had more time allocated to him on radio and television. He received
44.2% of newspaper coverage followed by Mbabazi (28%) and Besigye
(19.8%). On radio, the incumbent had 42% compared to Mr Mbabazis
26.6% and Dr Besigyes 22.8%. On television, Museveni took 53% of the
1 This was partly because logistical challenges led to collection of recordings from only 16 instead of 33
radio stations, and also due to a slight lull in campaign activity over the Christmas holiday.
time, against Dr Besigyes 20.2% and Mr Mbabazis 18.9%.
Perhaps most notable is the finding that Uganda Broadcasting

Corporation (UBC TV), which is by law mandated to give equitable
time to all presidential candidates, continued to pay disproportionate
attention to President Museveni. The percentage of airtime UBC TV
spent on the incumbent increased significantly to 78.9% in December
from 43.9% in November. Mr Musevenis nearest rival, his former Prime
Minister Mbabazi, received only 10.7% of the stations time alloted to
election coverage.
ACME urges UBC to do more to respect the law and fulfil its mandate
of serving all Ugandans. The Electoral Commission and the Uganda
Communications Commission are also urged to show more interest in
this issue of equitable coverage by the state broadcaster.
The findings also show that the public/state broadcaster had the highest
percentage of male sources (97.6%) among TV stations and newspapers
monitored in December. But, generally, all media houses across the
different platforms continued to use far more male than female sources,
with only a minimal increment in the use of the latter registered in
December.
The findings also show that whereas there was little improvement in the
application of analysis, enterprise and investigation, the conventional
straight news reporting approach (he-said-she said) remained dominant
across all three traditional media platforms monitored.
Single-sourced stories also remained dominant in December. In most
cases, the findings show, these sources were candidates and politicians,
although ordinary people the voters were a major source category,
especially in newspapers.
2
The findings also reveal that media houses across all platforms by and
large maintained the poor practice of not questioning claims or promis-
es made by candidates. Television did particularly poorly only 18.5%

of the stories interrogated candidate claims and promises followed
by radio (25.1%). Newspapers performed better (38.2%), but still fell
short of what is desirable.
However, some individual media houses have continued to improve
aspects of their coverage. At others, journalists report working under
pressure from both owners and political party officials while at the
same time not having sufficient resources to do more comprehensive
and investigative reporting. Some also admit to have received money
from different campaigns to skew coverage. Coupled with enduring
skills challenges, these factors have conspired to deny audiences access
to adequate political information ahead of the elections.
INTRODUCTION
This report presents the results of the monitoring of newspaper coverage
of the Ugandan presidential and parliamentary elections in the month
of December 2015. Comprehensive findings on the quantity and the
quality of coverage in nine newspapers, five television stations and 16
radio stations are presented and discussed.
Background
In July 2015, the African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME)

received funding from the Democratic Governance Facility (DGF) to
monitor media coverage of the 2016 elections. This specialised effort
is part of the monitoring work of the Citizens Election Observers
Network-Uganda (CEON-U), also funded by DGF. CEON-U comprises
18 civil society organisations led by the Foundation for Human Rights
Initiative. The overall objective of CEON-U is to enhance the integrity
of the election process through deterring and exposing irregularities.
CEON-Us specific objectives are:
1. To regularly and objectively document and expose issues related
to or affecting the integrity of the electoral process.
2. To raise awareness and engage key stakeholders on electoral
observation findings and recommendations.
3. To enhance public confidence and promote the participation of

women and men in the electoral process.
4. To mitigate the potential for election-related violence.
As the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe has

rightly noted, given the key role the media play in elections, any
observation effort should pay significant attention to the activities of the
4
media and their coverage of elections.2 Media monitoring can document

whether coverage contributed to a free and fair election or subverted
the process. But it can also be a process of constructive intervention
whereby gaps in, and concerns about, coverage are addressed before
the elections. ACME intended this project to do both.
The purpose of ACMEs media monitoring project, therefore, is to assess

the nature of media coverage of the 2016 elections, document whether it
contributes to a free and fair election or subverts the electoral process,
and promote professionalism in media coverage. The goal is to
contribute to accurate, fair, impartial and balanced coverage of the
2016 elections. The specific objectives are:
1. To monitor, document and share trends in media coverage of the
2016 general elections.
2. To monitor media compliance with election reporting guidelines

and regulations.
3. To influence journalists, editors and media owners to provide

information that is more accurate, impartial and fair.
4. To empower civil society and the public to demand adherence to

professional standards in media coverage of elections.
Unlike in previous instances where media monitoring reports came

after the elections, the innovation with this project is that ACME will
issue monthly reports that will be discussed with stakeholders ranging
from senior media managers to political party representatives well
ahead of the elections.
2 OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (2012). Handbook on Media Monitoring
for Election Observation Missions. Warsaw, Poland.
The media and elections

Fully functioning democracies are associated with periodic free and fair
elections where all contesting political viewpoints are fairly and equitably
communicated through the media so that voters have an opportunity to
make informed choices/decisions as to who their leaders will be. Media
coverage of elections from the process of making electoral laws, the
campaigns, voting, through to the post-polling period is critical in any
democracy. When the media get it right, voters are able to understand the
issues and choices before them by hearing all the different viewpoints.
Voters are also given an opportunity to discuss the issues and express
themselves.
For an electoral process to qualify as free and fair, not only must the
election unfold in adequate political and administrative conditions,
but citizens must also have access to sufficient information about the
parties, candidates and voting procedures to ensure that they will make
an enlightened and valid choice. Elections will only be free if all players
candidates, political parties, citizens, civil society and, of course,
journalists can express themselves on all matters of public concern.
The media play five essential roles in the electoral process:
Provision of information to enable voters make informed decisions.

Provision of platforms for debate through allowing exchange of
opinions amongst the different contending groups and citizens.
Acting as a watchdog for fairness during election campaigning and

polling.
Educating the public about election processes.
Providing voice to the voters.3
3Marie-Soleil Frre (2010). The Media and Elections in Post-Conflict Central African Countries. Brussels:
University of Brussels.
Monitoring media coverage

Media monitoring is anchored in the ethical and professional standards
that are expected to help the media perform the essential roles already
identified. The standards include, but are not limited to, the following:
Accuracy in reporting.
Dedication of space and time to elections.
Distinguishing between news and opinion.

Use of, and reliance on, multiple sources.
Corrections and the right of reply.
Focus on a diversity of issues.
Equitable coverage of the candidates.

Balance and fairness in reporting.
A good mix of both episodic and issue-based coverage.

Interrogation of candidate promises and claims.
Provision of adequate background and context.
Balance of attention paid to candidates/political parties and the

voters.
Rejection of bribery of journalists.
Independence of media houses and journalists.
Most of these standards were captured in a publication titled Guidelines

for Media Coverage of Elections in Uganda against which the media
monitoring was benchmarked. Based on international standards and
best practice but sensitive to the Ugandan context, these guidelines,
which were published by ACME, highlight the responsibilities and
obligations of the media regarding election coverage and reporting. They were
developed through a participatory process, and most media houses signed on
to them. In August and September 2015, ACME engaged media owners and
managers to generate consensus on the use of the guidelines as the yardstick
for media coverage and monitoring.
Media coverage of previous elections
Previous media monitoring reports on Ugandan elections indicate that the

media often fall short of the roles and standards already outlined. In particular,
the following gaps have been observed in media coverage of elections in Uganda.4
Disproportionate coverage of the incumbent (president) and ruling party on
state/public media
Although both the Constitution and electoral laws provide for equal access to
candidates on state or public media, in all previous elections the latter have been
accused of paying disproportionate attention to the activities of the incumbent
and ruling party at the expense of the challengers and the opposition. This
practice denies the viewing/listening public access to adequate information
against which to judge all sides in the election.
Denial of access to state/public media by opposition candidates
State/public media have also been accused of denying access to opposition

candidates in complete violation of the Constitution and electoral laws.
This was one of the grounds cited by opposition leader Kizza Besigye in his
unsuccessful petition against the re-election of President Yoweri Museveni
in 2006. During the campaigns ahead of the 2011 elections, Dr Besigye, the
main challenger, was again denied access to public/state broadcaster UBC
and the campaign advertisements he had paid for were never featured. Again,
this practice denies the viewing public access to adequate information against
which to judge all sides in an electoral contest.
4 See e.g. Memonet (2011). Uganda media coverage of the 2011 elections: final media monitoring report.
Kampala.
Predominance of episodic reporting and dearth of issue-based coverage

The media have also been accused of focusing more on the drama and
daily routine of the election campaign at the expense of the issues. They
also tend to report the election as an event rather than a process. This
practice denies the public not only information but also the context
within which to judge candidates, parties, electoral authorities, as well
the process.
No serious interrogation of candidate claims and promises
The lack of rigorous verification and interrogation of the claims and

promises made by candidates similarly denies the public access to
complete information against which to judge those offering themselves
for public office.
Disproportionate attention to candidates and political parties at the
expense of voters
It has been said that voters are the most critical players in elections.
Unfortunately, it has been pointed out that media coverage in Uganda, as
in many other countries, tends to pay far more attention to the candidates
and their parties than to the voters. Lost in this kind of reporting, for
instance, are the issues that matter most to the voters as well as their
own evolving evaluation of the electoral process.
Attempts by political actors, especially those in government, to influence
visuals in newspapers and on television
The Ugandan media have also been accused of succumbing to

pressure from political operatives to overplay visuals of certain
candidates. In the last two elections, for instance, the New Vision was
accused of overplaying, under pressure, pictures that showed huge
crowds at President Musevenis rallies and downplaying those of his
main opponent, even where Dr Besigye had attracted similar or higher
numbers of people. This practice denies voters the complete picture of
the real popularity of candidates judged by attendance of their rallies.

Lack of fairness and balance
Like any other genre, covering elections requires journalists to report on

all candidates and parties in a fair and balanced manner. For instance,
the media are supposed to give candidates the right to reply to attacks
from their opponents. They are also supposed to give candidates and
parties similar opportunity to respond to issues. This has not always
been the case in the coverage of elections in Uganda.
Other concerns and gaps in media coverage of elections have revolved
around the following:
Bias.
Inaccurate reporting.
Bribery of journalists.
Self-censorship.
Poor portrayal of women candidates.
It is against this background that ACME sought to monitor comprehensively

media coverage of the 2016 elections.
Monitoring / research questions
The following questions will guide the monitoring of media coverage.
1. What is the operating environment for the media ahead of the

elections?
2. What topics do the media focus on in their coverage of the elections?
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3. What type of reports do the media produce (news, commentary/

opinion, features/special reports, etc)?
4. What is the nature of the reporting (conventional, interpretative,

investigative)?
5. Who are the sources in media coverage (ordinary people, party

officials, candidates, regulators, civil society, diplomats, religious
leaders, central government officials, local leaders, police/security,
etc)?
6. What is the number and gender of the sources?
7. Which political parties are focused on in media coverage?
8. Which presidential candidates are focused on in media coverage?

9. How much time or space is dedicated to each party?
10. How much time or space is dedicated to each presidential candidate?

11. What is the tone of coverage?
12. What is the frequency of personal attacks in media coverage?

13. Do media houses offer the right of reply?
14. How often do news stories interrogate candidate or party promises?

15. How often do news stories include background and context?
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METHODOLOGY
This section presents the scope of the monitoring exercise, the sample
and sampling methods, methods of data collection as well as the tools
that we used.
Scope of the monitoring
ACME set off to monitor a purposive sample of print, electronic, and

online media, focusing on coverage related to the presidential and
parliamentary elections during the pre- and post-electoral periods from
1 September 2015 to 29 February 2016. The election-related content
being monitored across the media landscape has been defined in terms
of, and broadly classified under three genres: news, current affairs, and
commentary.
Inevitably, however, there will be variations in the emphasis and breadth

of the monitoring exercise because of the differences among, and unique
elements of, the media platforms from which the data were drawn.
In other words, whereas certain variables are applicable to all the
content of interest news, current affairs, and commentary some are
inapplicable to particular media platforms. For the electronic media, for
instance, the primary content of interest comprises news bulletins and
current affairs talk shows that do not, by the nature of TV and radio content,
bear the same characteristics as print media content. Similarly, the unique
features of social media messages necessitate a different approach that
recognises the specific characteristics of this form of political discourse.
Sample and sampling methods
12
The sample of channels selected for monitoring represents print,

electronic, and social media platforms and is composed of nine
newspapers, five television channels, 33 radio stations, and Twitter. This
choice of channels constitutes a purposive sample designed to capture
all facets of the election coverage that the electorate in its diversity is
exposed to.
Print media
All the major national and regional publications (eight newspapers
and one magazine) are included to ensure a balanced representation,
to the extent possible, of every major language group. There are five
English-language publications and one each in key regional languages
and language groupings: Luganda, Ateso, Luo, and Runyakitara. Five of
the newspapers in this sample (New Vision, Bukedde, Etop, Rupiny and
Orumuri) are published by the Vision Group, a listed company whose
ownership is split more or less equally between the government and
private shareholders. The nine titles together account for nearly all
mainstream print media circulation in Uganda. The Vision Group
publications arguably control about three-quarters of the national
readership or market.
The titles that make up the newspaper sample, with their publication
cycles, are:
1. New Vision (daily; national)
2. Daily Monitor (daily; national)

3. The Observer (tri-weekly; national)
4. The Independent (weekly news magazine)
5. Red Pepper (daily; national)
6. Bukedde (daily; central)
7. Etop (weekly; eastern)
8. Rupiny (weekly; northern)
9. Orumuri (weekly; western)
13
Television
The five TV channels included in the sample collectively cover the whole
country. All but one broadcast primarily in English. Bukedde broadcasts
in Luganda and is one of the platforms owned by the Vision Group.
Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC) is the public broadcaster. The
rest of the stations are privately owned. The channels included in the TV
samples are:
1. Bukedde
2. NBS
3. NTV
4. UBC
5. WBS
Radio
The radio stations selected for monitoring collectively cover the entire
country and represent Ugandas seven major regions: Kampala, central,
eastern, western, south-western, northern, and North-western/West
Nile. This sample constitutes about 13% of the 250 or so stations in
operation across the country. The selected radio stations generally
accommodate all audience profiles as defined by social class, language,
religion, ethnicity, and geography/geo-politics. Except UBC, the public
broadcaster, all the other channels are either private, faith-based, or
community radio stations. The stations that make up the radio sample
are presented by region on Page 15.
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Table 1: The radio stations monitored

REGION
MEDIA
FREQUENCY
Kampala (5)
Capital Radio
KFM
Top Radio
Simba FM
UBC Blue Channel
FM 91.3
FM 93.3
FM 89.6
FM 97.3
FM 98
Baba
Open Gate
Rock Mambo
Kioga Veritas
Voice of Teso
Signal FM
FM 87.7
FM 103.2
FM 106.8
FM 91.5
FM 88.4
FM 88.1
Central (5)
Eastern (6)
Western (5)
South-Western (2)
Northern (4)
Radio Sapientia
Voice of Africa
Central Broadcasting Services
Buddu
Spice FM
Kasese Guide
Voice of Toro
Bushenyi
Bunyoro Broadcasting Services
Radio West
Rukungiri FM
Voice of Kigezi
Mighty Fire
Dokolo FM
Mega FM
Rhino
North-Western/West Nile (6) Radio Amani

Nile
Voice of Life
Radio Paidha
Arua One
Radio Pacis
FM 94.8
FM 92.3
FM 89.2
FM 101.9
FM 89.9
FM 100.5
FM 101
FM 92.2
FM 98.2
FM 100.2
FM 96.7
FM 89.5
FM 91.5
FM 102.4
FM 102.1
FM 96.1
FM 89.1
FM 94.1
FM 100.9
FM 87.8
FM 88.7
FM 90.9
15
Social media
Twitter was selected over other social media platforms on pragmatic
grounds. The objectives are to ascertain the extent to which the main
presidential candidates use Twitter as an alternative media form during
and after the campaign season as well as to assess candidates use of
Twitter to listen to and respond to queries, demands and debates from
the electorate online.
Methods of data collection
The monitoring has relied on quantitative content analysis, although

where appropriate and possible, informant interviews have been
conducted to provide context for the findings.
Content analysis
Content analysis provides a detailed and multi-faceted picture of the

nature and extent of election coverage in the media as measured on
various journalistic and content dimensions of quantity and quality.
The universe of interest consists of election-related articles that fell

under any three of the primary content genres: news, current affairs,
and commentary.
Stories are coded and analysed for the degree to which they reflect
various pre-determined characteristics of election coverage. Specifically,
stories are coded on a number of variables ranging from manifest
characteristics (size, format, prominence, sources, and location) to
the latent features of the reporting (tone, interrogation of candidate
promises, background and context).5
A standard coding scheme is employed. It outlines the categories or aspects
on which monitoring information was needed and how that information
16
5 The research (monitoring) questions outlined in the Introduction section will be the foundation of
the media content analysis, which will be based on a systematic coding scheme.
was to be captured. Coders are instructed to select an appropriate digit

known as a code that is entered on the coding form, which is the
primary data collection instrument. Coders underwent training before
they embarked on coding. A sample of media content was coded under
a pilot to ensure that the measures and definitions were reliable before
the full-scale coding started. Standard inter-coder reliability tests were
conducted to ensure that the findings were dependable.
A detailed codebook contains definitions of all the content categories

that were to be monitored.
Coding is done manually and electronically by trained coders and the
data entered directly into an MS Access database where it is stored and
retrieved for statistical analysis.
In short, the coding procedure involves a rigorous and methodical
process of identifying and analysing election-related stories.
Print media content
The census method of sampling was employed in selecting the newspaper

content included in the monitoring of print media coverage of the
presidential and parliamentary elections. This implies that all content
that fell within the universe of interest was tracked and analysed. For
news content, the story was the unit of analysis. Accordingly, each story
was treated as a unique record and the findings will be primarily and
whenever applicable presented in terms of how the stories play out
on the different measures of election coverage or variables of interest.
Similarly, for comment, the opinion article or letter to the editor was the
unit of analysis.
Radio and TV content
For radio news/current affairs, the monitoring focuses on the two most
important daily news bulletins broadcast around the top of the hour
during the morning and evening prime listening times between 7 a.m.
17
9 a.m. and 7 p.m. 9 p.m.
For TV news/current affairs, the monitoring focuses on the two

most important daily news bulletins broadcast at the top of the hour
during the morning and evening prime viewing times between 7 a.m. 9
a.m. and 7 p.m. 10 p.m. The scheduling of these programmes generally
varied by TV station within those time segments.
With regard to radio and TV talk shows, a systematic random sampling

approach has been used to select the shows to monitor for those stations
that run daily talk shows.
Twitter
ACME has subscribed to and received comprehensive analytics from

the online monitoring company, Social Bakers as well as internal
Twitter analytics. Areas of interest include number of followers, change
in followers over time, incoming and outgoing interactions, as well as
total and frequency of tweets.
Key Informant Interviews
Key informant interviews provide insight into the environment under

which journalists and media houses are operating as well as the
patterns in coverage that the results of the content analysis reveal. For
the latter aspect, the interviews will continue to be informed by the
issues, observations, and insights generated by the content analysis.
The interviews provide an opportunity to interrogate and illuminate
the pertinent issues with the perspectives of individualsjournalists,
civil society activities, political party workers, and regulators who are
familiar with the election-related issues under investigation.
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THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT

The media landscape in Uganda continues to be characterised by a liberal
regime of investment, and (at least on paper) stringent regulation across
print, radio and television channels. Online and social media are
increasingly becoming a major source of information and debate for
middle class Ugandans, and the government is beginning to closely
watch what is going on in the digital space.
Radio remains the biggest source of information for most Ugandans

(55 per cent of households receive information through radio,
according to the 2014 census report)6 although newspapers are
influential agenda-setters for the public, political class, as well as other
media.
Although Uganda has some of the most vibrant media in east and
southern Africa, in the last five years, the country has been characterised
by Freedom House as partly free. In one of its more recent reports,
the international press freedom watchdog concluded that although the
countrys constitution provides for freedom of expression and press
freedom, several laws negate these guarantees, and the government
continues to crack down on critical journalists and media houses using
both subtle and blatant methods7.
Legal framework
The Constitution of Uganda provides for the rights to freedom of

expression as well as access to information, although the enabling laws
continue to attract criticism for derogating from these constitutional
guarantees. The media in Uganda are governed mainly by the Press and
Journalist Act (Cap 105), the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation Act,
2005, and the Uganda Communications Act, 2013, which merged the
6 http://www.ubos.org/onlinefiles/uploads/ubos/NPHC/2014%20National%20Census%20Main%20
Report.pdf
7 Uganda, Freedom of the Press 2012, Freedom House, http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2011/uganda
19
Electronic Media Act (Cap 104) and the Uganda Communications Act,
1997.
These laws provide for statutory regulation and establish the Media
Council as the primary regulator of the print media but also aspects of
broadcast media, and the Uganda Communications Commission as the
regulator of electronic media and telecommunications. All journalists
are supposed to be licensed by the Media Council, which is by law
required to recognise only those enrolled under the National Institute
of Journalists of Uganda (NIJU). Journalists require university degrees to
become full members of NIJU. These regulations have not been followed
strictly in the last 15 years although they continue to attract criticism
from media freedom watchers, who also fault Ugandas regulatory regime
for not having the necessary independence from the government.
The Fourth Schedule of the Press and Journalist Act provides for a
professional code of ethics that lists nine commandments:
1. No journalist shall disseminate information or an allegation without

establishing its correctness or truth.
2. No journalist shall disclose the source of his or her information; he or she
shall only divulge the source in the event of an overriding consideration
of public interest and within the framework of the law of Uganda.
3. No journalist shall solicit or accept bribes in an attempt to publish or
suppress the publication of a story.
4. A journalist shall not plagiarise the professional work of others
or expropriate works or results of research by scholars without
acknowledging their contribution and naming his or her sources of
information.
5. A journalist shall obtain his or her information through the skillful
application of journalistic principles and shall never bribe or offer
inducements to his or her source.
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6. No journalist shall deny any person with legitimate claim a right to

reply to a statement. Corrections and rejoinders are to be published in
appropriate form without delay and in a way that they will be noticed
by those who have received the original information.
7. A journalist shall at all times strive to separate his or her own opinions
from factual news. Where personal opinions are expressed, the public
shall be made to know.
8. A journalist shall take the necessary steps to correct any damaging
report he or she has made on any individual or organisation.
9. A journalist shall not originate or encourage the dissemination of
information designed to promote or which may have the effect of
promoting tribalism, racism or any other form of discrimination.
Schedule 4 of the Uganda Communications Act on the other hand
provides for minimum broadcasting standards. It states:
A broadcaster or video operator shall ensure that
(a) any programme which is broadcast
(i) is not contrary to public morality;
(ii) does not promote the culture of violence or ethnical prejudice among
the public, especially the children and the youth;
(iii) in the case of a news broadcast, is free from distortion of facts;
(iv) is not likely to create public insecurity or violence;
(v) is in compliance with the existing law;
(b) programmes that are broadcast are balanced to ensure harmony in
such programmes;
(c) adult-oriented programmes are appropriately scheduled;
21
(d) where a programme that is broadcast is in respect to a contender for

a public office, that each contender is given equal opportunity on such a
programme;
(e) where a broadcast relates to national security, the contents of the
broadcast are verified before broadcasting.
Ugandas electoral laws also have some specific provisions relating to
the media. For instance, Article 23 of the Presidential Elections Act,
2005, provides for equal treatment, freedom of expression and access
to information of candidates. Clause 1 of that article enjoins public
authorities and institutions to give equal treatment to all candidates
and their agents. Article 24 provides that All presidential candidates
shall be given equal treatment on the State owned media to present their
programmes to the people.
Media ownership and diversity
Ugandas media industry continues to be dominated by two conglomerates

with interests in radio, television, print and online the majority
state-owned Vision Group and Nation Media Group, a Nairobi-based
privately owned company. In addition to the two market leaders, there
are a number of smaller privately owned entities: Red Pepper, a daily
tabloid whose affiliates include Kamunye, Entatsi and Hello!Uganda
publications, and Juice FM; the tri-weekly The Observer; and weekly
news magazine The Independent.
According to the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) third

quarter report of 2015,8 there were 292 operational FM radio stations, a
jump from 253 in the second quarter of the same year. Media experts say
that the large and sudden jump was the function of licence owners who
had dormant stations reviving them to target election money that was
bound to come through adverts and paid-for talk shows and other such
programming. The same report says there were 33 operational TV stations
(28 analogue, 3 digital terrestrial, and 2 digital satellite). The state-run
22
8 See http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Q3-Market%20Report%20%20for%20Third%20Quarter%20-%20July-September%202015.pdf.
UBC has the widest TV and radio reach, broadcasting in multiple local
languages as well as in English and Kiswahili across the country. Its FM
radio affiliates include the community station Mega FM, based in Gulu,
and the Kampala-based Magic FM, a sports and music outlet. Although
UBC was expected to have transformed into a public broadcaster, it
remains very much a state entity that is largely subservient to President
Museveni9 and the ruling party and rarely provides for views critical of
the government.
Concerns remain that many private stations are owned by politicians

in the NRM or business people who were close to the ruling party.
Although the regulator puts radio ownership by politicians at about 15
per cent, some media watchers contend that it could be well over 70
per cent, especially in the countryside.10 Such ownership patterns have
raised concerns about media diversity, especially given that many radio
stations owned by politicians have been known to turn away members
of the opposition and other voices of dissent. For example, on 21 July
2015, Baba FM in Jinja was taken off air after 15 minutes of an hour-long
interview with presidential challenger Kizza Besigye. The station
managers blamed a technical glitch; Dr Besigyes campaign said it was
sabotage. Within days the station, owned by a ruling party MP,11 had
suspended the journalists involved in the talk show. There have been
similar occurrences over the years.12
Threats to diversity do not only emanate from ownership patterns.
In loud and quiet ways, the government uses the regulatory regime
to influence coverage. Broadcast regulator UCCs tactics have drawn
scrutiny.
Similarly, there are also fears that conglomeration could in future
undermine the media pluralism and diversity that democracy demands.
9 The bias shows more during election period. See http://observer.ug/news-headlines/42308-report-ubc-denies-opposition-airtime
10 Report of the International Mission on Freedom of Expression in Uganda, September 2010.
11 http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Radio-goes-off-air-15-minutes-into-Dr-Besigyes-talkshow/-/688334/2803274/-/kcvksr/-/index.html
12 https://hrnjuganda.org/?p=1438
23
On the new media side, a growing number of Ugandans are turning to

the Internet as a major source of information. By June 2015, according
to UCC, the number of Internet users stood at 13 million, representing
37 per cent penetration. The number of users stood at 8.5 million a year
before.13 Freedom House has reported that this growth is partly due to
the proliferation of smart phones, especially as Ugandas mobile phone
usage has spiked dramatically from less than one million users in 2001
to 19 million in June 201414 and further up, to 22 million as at June 2015.
This has been accompanied by lower mobile phone tariffs and cheaper
bandwidth costs.
Social media platforms such as Facebook, Google+, Twitter, Instagram,
LinkedIn, WhatsApp are among the 15 most popular sites in Uganda.15
Journalists are one section of Ugandans increasingly embracing social
media to enhance their reporting, and this has come to the fore in this
electioneering season. But government actions continue to affect how
much freedom Ugandans have in using social media. It announced in
2013 that it was setting up a social-media monitoring centre to track the
spread of content that potentially harms national security. In June 2015,
the police arrested and put on trial Mr Robert Shaka16, a USAID employee
it suspected to be Tom Voltaire Okwalinga17 or TVO18, an indefatigable
yet anonymous Facebook critic of President Museveni, his key political
and family figures, and his government. His offences are promotion of
sectarianism under Section 41 of the Penal Code Act, and misuse of
computers, in contravention of Section 25 of the Computer Misuse Act.19
However, while Mr Shaka (Maverick Blutaski on Facebook) was being
held, the Tom Voltaire Okwalinga Facebook page stayed active, carrying
posts that mocked the government for holding the wrong person.
24
13 http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Annual%20Market%20Industry%20Report%20201415-%20October%2019-2015.pdf
14 http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Annual%20Market%20Industry%20Report%20201415-%20October%2019-2015.pdf.
15 http://www.contadorharrison.com/social-media-use-in-uganda/
16 http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/38278-who-s-tom-voltaire-okwalinga-tvo
17https://www.facebook.com/tom.okwalinga?fref=ts
18 https://www.facebook.com/Tvo-Uganda-654610647943658/?fref=ts
19 http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Lawyers-demand-release-of-social-media-critic-/-/688334/2747382/-/r3f7qaz/-/index.html
Although journalists have increasingly embraced social media to enhance

their reporting, the opportunities offered by the Internet and new
media are yet to be exploited fully. In particular, the many initiatives to
harness the public voice and hold the government accountable through
social media and digital platforms are often not amplified through the
mainstream media, especially radio, which remains the major source of
information for a majority of Ugandans.
Standards and quality of reporting
The major media houses in Uganda show some degree of professionalism

through the kind of content they produce. They are often comprehensive,
bold and independent in their reporting. This is especially true for
newspapers and some television stations.
Broadly, however, the quality of Ugandan journalism could improve.

Concerns persist over professionalism and ethical standards. Most
stories still contain little enterprise, depth, analysis and investigation.
Elementary mistakes, single-source stories, poor news judgement, and
glaring inaccuracies in the news coverage of many media outlets as well
as cases of brown envelope journalism undermine the credibility of
media institutions.
In-depth reporting and investigation of public affairs such as health

care delivery, education, energy, human rights, land use, environment,
infrastructural development, corruption, and local governance is
rare or inconsistent. Perhaps with the exception of the output of the
Uganda Radio Network programmes, radio news is very often full of
episodic event-based reporting that does not interrogate issues. Radio
stations continue to pay disproportionate attention to music and
entertainment-based programming over public affairs programming. The
quality of television news has improved with the growing competition
engendered more recently by the massive rebranding of NBS Television,
but in-depth reporting and investigation are still not common.
The Ugandan media also rely too much on politicians, government
officials and business executives in their reporting. The voices of civil
25
society and ordinary people are not often dominant in media coverage.20
Ugandan journalists cite poor pay, lack of knowledge/skills and pressure

not to publish as the biggest obstacles to their work.21 Pressure not to
publish comes from both the government and major advertisers. Lack
of resources and limited access to information are also cited as major
hindrances to investigative journalism and public affairs reporting. The
glorification of private profit at the expense of the public interest has
also been blamed for the average quality of Ugandan journalism.
Experience
The rate of occupational mobility in political reporting, and Ugandan

journalism generally, remains high. Many experienced journalists
have moved on to other fields such as marketing and public relations.
Commentators note that such haemorrhage weakens institutional
memory and diminishes the intellectual capital and credibility of news
organisations.22
Freedom to report
Although a majority of journalists that ACME interviewed reported that

they were free to cover the electoral process, a significant number did
not feel free because of threats and intimidation. The major threats to
independent political reporting, according to the informants, come from
media owners, ruling party and government officials, candidates or their
agents, as well as police officers.
The other threat to independent journalism during the electioneering
26
20 Mwesige, P.G. (2006). The Media and Civil Society in Uganda: Exploring Relations and Possibilities.
Paper Presented at Breakfast Meeting for Media Owners Hosted by the Civil Society Capacity Building
Programme. Kampala, November 15, 2006
21Colmery, B. et al. (2009). There Will be Ink.
22Mwesige, P.G & D.K. Kalinaki (2007). East Africa: 50 years of media, in E. Barratt & G. Berger (Eds.).
50 Years of Journalism: African media since Ghanas independence. (pp. 97-109). Johannesburg: African
Editors Forum, Highway Africa, and Media Foundation for West Africa.
period includes bribery of journalists by candidates or political parties.

Although most journalists do not support the practice, many openly
admit to receiving money from political parties, candidates or their
agents during the election season. In most cases, the money described
as transport refund or facilitation.
A montage of The Observer, Daily Monitor, Sunday Monitor and The Independent with stories
about election violence and the oil debate. Election stories that were investigative, interpretive
and explanatory were few, compared to those that were conventional in outlook. Courtesy Photo
27
FINDINGS
Number of election stories
A total of 827 newspaper articles, 557 TV and 58723 radio stories were
analysed in December. Among the newspapers, Daily Monitor published
the biggest number of election stories (26.5%), followed by New Vision
(23%) and Red Pepper (18.4%). Vision Groups regional local language
newspaper Orumuri had the least number of stories (1.7%) on elections.
Figure 1: Number of election articles - newspaper
28
23 The number of radio stories has been affected by logistical challenges. Research assistants were able
to get complete data (recordings) from only 16 of the 33 stations monitored.
On television, NTV Uganda aired the highest number of election stories

(33.8%) followed by NBS (32.1%). WBS had the least number of stories
(9.2%) as the figure below shows.
Figure 1-1: Number of election stories - TV
29
Type of election covered

The presidential election continued to dominate media coverage in
December. It took up 63.6% of newspaper election coverage, 65.9% of TV
and 47% of radio election coverage. Radio continued to give significantly
more coverage to the parliamentary elections than newspapers and
television. This is partly because radio in Uganda is more localised than
the other media.
Figure 2: Type of election covered by media type
30
Space and time allocation to elections

Overall, newspapers dedicated 685,351 CM2 of space to election
coverage, TV gave 2,819 minutes, while the radio stations monitored
allocated 1,593 minutes to election coverage. New Vision provided
more space to election coverage (36.42) in December, followed by Daily
Monitor (22.27%) and Bukedde (17.11%).
Figure 3: Space allocation to elections by newspapers (%)
31
Among the television stations, NBS allocated more time to election

coverage (40.9%), followed by NTV Uganda (24.8%) and UBC (18.1%).
WBS came last with 5.8%.
Figure 3-1: Space allocation to elections by TV (%)
32
Most covered presidential candidate

Once again, Museveni was the most covered presidential candidate
by newspapers, taking up 44.2% of the space, followed by Mbabazi
(28%) and Besigye (19.8%). Biraro was the least covered presidential
candidate (0.3%).
Figure 4: Most covered presidential candidate -Newspaper
33
A breakdown of coverage by newspaper shows Vision Groups Etop

(67.7%), Orumuri (59.1%) and New Vision (55.5%) gave Museveni
the highest proportion of their election coverage in December.
Daily Monitor was the most balanced in terms of space given to the three
major candidates.
Figure 4-1: Most covered presidential candidate by publication
34
Museveni was also the most covered candidate on television. He took up

53.4% of TV airtime, followed by Besigye with 20.2% and Mbabazi with
18.9%.
Figure 4-2: Most covered presidential candidates TV
35
A breakdown of the findings, shows that UBC TV, which is by law mandated
to give equitable time to all presidential candidates, continued to pay
disproportionate attention to incumbent Museveni. The percentage of
airtime spent on the president increased to 78.9% in December from
43.9% in November. Mbabazi, who came second, received only 10.7% of
UBC coverage while Besigye got 6.6%.
Figure 4-3: Most covered presidential candidate by TV station
36
In interviews, senior editors at UBC TV acknowledged that their coverage

was tilted towards President Museveni, which they blamed on lack of
resources. One editor said only a quarter of UBC TVs budget to fund
the coverage of all presidential candidates was funded. He added that
unlike other candidates, incumbent Museveni still enjoys the services
of the Presidential Press Unit, which supplies many of the presidents
campaign-related stories.
However, agents of Museveni's opponents dismissed the claims that UBC
TV would cover them if they provided recordings from their rallies. They
accused the national broadcaster of blatant bias in favour of Museveni
and his ruling NRM.
President Museveni also received the lions share of radio coverage in

December. He took up 46.7%, with Mbabazi coming second with 28.2%
and Besigye third with 20.8%.
Figure 4-4: Time to presidential candidate Radio
37
Front page coverage

Museveni was the most covered presidential candidate on newspaper
front pages in December, receiving 39.6% of the coverage against
Mbabazis 36.1% and Besigyes 20.8%.
Figure 5: Front page coverage of presidential candidates
38
A breakdown of the findings shows that with the exception of Bukedde

and Rupiny, Vision Group publications gave far more disproportionate
front page treatment to Museveni. For instance, Orumuri did not cover
any other candidate on the front page, Etop gave Museveni 66.7% of its
coverage and New Vision had him at 52%. Bukedde and Rupiny together
with Red Pepper and The Observer gave Mbabazi the highest attention on
the front page.
Figure 5-1: Front page coverage of presidential candidates by publication
39
Most covered topic

Politics remained the most covered topic on all three mainstream media
platforms in December.
For purposes of this study, an election-related story was coded as politics
if it focused on electoral competition, power play, the gamesmanship of
political contest (e.g. campaign strategies of the different candidates or
parties), and/or the contention between candidates or parties, without
being specific to a sector or particular public policy/public affairs issue.
Stories on (the demand for) electoral reform and relevant election

administration actions/issues by regulators such as the Electoral
Commission and Parliament would also fall under politics.
Among the newspapers, politics took up 31.5% of the election coverage,
followed by economy (10.4%), health (10%), infrastructure (8.7%) and
education (7.4%) as well as security (7.4%).
Figure 6: Most covered topic - newspaper
40
On television, politics took up 29.5% of the coverage. The other top four
topicsinfrastructure, economy, health, and securitywere the same
as those in newspaper coverage.
Figure 6-1: Most covered topic TV
41
Radio carried far more politics (46.7%) than the other media platforms.
Economy (7.9%), Security (7.8%), Health (6.6%), and Education (6.4)
were the other top four topics.
Figure 6-2: Most covered topic radio
42
Tone
This is the general character portrayed by the story. For purposes of this
study, it applies only to stories that focus on presidential candidates and
parties.
The tone is negative when the article in general paints the candidate or
party in bad light, or is critical of or questions the candidate, party or a
particular issue raised by these actors.
The tone is positive when the article expresses promise about or

celebrates a particular candidate or party on in general paints the
candidate or party in good light.
The tone is neutral when the article is neither negative nor positive.
The findings show that the tone of coverage remained neutral for the
most part. Among the newspapers, stories with a neutral tone accounted
for two thirds of the coverage, on television it was 69.9%% and on radio
60.6%.
Figure 7: Tone of coverage by media type
43
A breakdown of the findings by publication shows Red Pepper (33.3%)

had the highest proportion of stories with a negative tone while Bukedde
(61.7%) had the highest percentage of stories with a positive tone.
Figure 7-1: Tone of coverage by publication
44
On television, UBC TV (86.2%) had the biggest proportion of stories with

a neutral tone, while NTV Uganda (15.9%) had the highest frequency
of stories with a negative tone. WBS TV (65.8%) carried mostly stories
with a positive tone.
Figure 7-2: Tone of coverage by TV station
45
Among the presidential candidates, Mbabazi (25.9%) attracted the

highest proportion of stories with a negative tone, followed by Besigye
(19.4%). Abed Bwanika (21.4%) had the highest percentage of stories
with positive tone.
Figure 7-3: Tone in newspaper by presidential candidate
46
On television, Mbabazi (20.7%) also attracted the highest proportion of

stories with a negative tone. Maureen Kyalya and Benon Biraaro (28.6%)
enjoyed the highest percentage of stories with a positive tone.
Figure 7-4: Tone in TV by presidential candidate
47
Reporting approach
The reporting approach is the style in which the election stories are
reported. Conventional reporting tends to focus on events (hard
news) with fact-reporting as the dominant posture. In interpretive
reporting, explanation is the dominant posture. Under the enterprise
reporting approach, the journalists own initiative and effort are critical
in originating the story, whereas in investigative reporting, exposition
is the dominant posture (i.e. the reporting uncovers information that
an individual or entity may have tried to conceal from public scrutiny,
or information that an individual or entity may have had an interest in
keeping out of the public domain).
The conventional approach remained the most dominant in December.
It was especially pronounced on radio (88.5%). Enterprise, investigation
and interpretation were underused across all media platforms, although
newspapers did a little better than radio and television.
Figure 8: Reporting approach by media type
48
Among publications, Bukedde had the highest frequency of stories based

on the conventional approach (86.3%), followed by New Vision (81.2%),
Red Pepper (75.5%) and Rupiny (75%). The Independent had the highest
percentage of interpretive stories (58.8%), followed by Etop (52.8%),
while Orumuri had the highest frequency of enterprise reporting (35.7%).
Figure 8-1: Reporting approach by publication
49
On television, Bukedde TV had the highest number of conventional

stories (98.3%), followed by WBS (90%). NTV Uganda had the highest
proportion of investigative stories (14.4%) while UBC TV had the
highest frequency of interpretive reporting (14.1%).
Figure 8-2: Reporting approach by TV station
50
Issues vs. Personalities

Across all three mainstream media platforms monitored, issue-based
reporting trumped personality-based coverage. Television had the
highest proportion of issue-based coverage.
Figure 9: Issues vs. Personalities by media type
51
Among the newspapers, Orumuri had the highest proportion of

issue-based reporting (100%), followed by The Independent (61.1%) and
Rupiny (47.8%). Bukedde had the highest percentage of personality-based
coverage (39.5%), followed by Etop (39.5%)
Figure 9-1: Issues vs. Personalities by publication.
52
Among the television stations, NTV Uganda had the highest proportion
of issue-based reporting (62.6%), while WBS TV had a higher frequency
of personality-based coverage (56.9%).
Figure 9-2: Issues vs. Personalities by TV station
53
Background and context

Although most reporting across the three media platforms passed this
test, the percentage of stories that did not contain background and
context remained quite high. On television, it was 40.2%, on radio 39%
and in newspapers 37.2%.
Figure 10: Background & Context by media type
54
Among the newspapers, absence of background and context was most

pronounced in Vision Groups Orumuri (83.3%), Etop (58.8%), and New
Vision (46.8%%). Red Pepper and Daily Monitor did not also do that well
on this front.
Figure 10-1: Background and context by publication
55
For television the absence of background and context was most

pronounced on NBS (68.4%). UBC TV did better than the private stations,
providing background and context in 87.7% of its coverage.
Figure 10-2: Background and context by TV station
56
On radio, it was a mixed picture. Voice of Africa and Radio West had a
perfect score, while major radio stations such as KFM (89.5%), Capital FM
(81.3%), Arua One (80%), Radio Pacis and Sapientia (80%) all provided
background and context in most of their election stories.
Table 2: Background and context by radio station N=587, N1=241
RADIO STATION
Capital Radio
KFM
Simba
UBC Blue Channel
Radio Sapientia
Voice of Africa FM
Central Broadcasting Service
Baba FM
Kioga Veritus FM
Radio West
Voice of Kigezi
Radio Rhino
Arua One
Radio Pacis
Radio Amani
Kagadi Broadcasting Service
Total
NO
18.8
10.5
26.7
47.8
20.0
0.0
62.9
33.3
71.4
0.0
92.9
71.4
20.0
20.0
36.4
42.9
39.0
YES
81.3
89.5
73.3
52.2
80.0
100.0
37.1
66.7
28.6
100.0
7.1
28.6
80.0
80.0
63.6
57.1
61.0
TOTAL
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
57
Interrogation of candidates claims and promises

By interrogating claims and promises made by candidates or parties,
the media act as watchdogs for voters, verifying the accuracy of what
politicians say and also holding them to account.
Unfortunately, most of the media reporting in December did not

interrogate claims and promises by the presidential candidates.
Television did the worst job, not questioning candidate claims and
promises in 81.5% of cases where this was required. Newspapers did
better, but even here 61.8%of the stories did not interrogate candidate
claims.
Figure 11: Interrogation of claims & promises by media type
58
A breakdown of the findings shows that among newspapers Rupiny

(80%) and Bukedde (56.5%) did the best job interrogating candidate
claims and promises while The Independent was worst.
Figure 11-1: Interrogation of candidates claims & promises by publication
59
On television, WBS did the best, while NTV Uganda did the least in
interrogating claims and promises.
Figure 11-2: Interrogation of candidates claims & promises by TV station
60
The table below shows how selected radio stations performed in terms
of questioning candidate claims and promises.
Table 3: Interrogation of claims & promises by radio N=587, N1=215
RADIO STATION
NO
YES
TOTAL
Capital Radio
84.6
15.4
100.0
KFM
10.5
89.5
100.0
Simba
80.0
20.0
100.0
UBC Blue Channel
95.5
4.5
100.0
Radio Sapientia
95.0
5.0
100.0
Voice of Africa FM
87.5
12.5
100.0
Central Broadcasting Service
100.0
0.0
100.0
Baba FM
25.0
75.0
100.0
Kioga Veritus FM
71.4
28.6
100.0
Radio West
100.0
0.0
100.0
Voice of Kigezi
100.0
0.0
100.0
Radio Rhino
83.3
16.7
100.0
Arua One
60.0
40.0
100.0
Radio Pacis
33.3
66.7
100.0
Radio Amani
72.7
27.3
100.0
Kagadi Broadcasting Service
50.0
50.0
100.0
Total
74.9
25.1
100.0
61
Sources of information in election reporting

Presidential candidates (24.8%), ordinary people (18.7%), parliamentary
candidates (14.3%) and party officials (12.8%) were the top categories of
most frequent sources in newspaper election stories. Although the political
class dominated the conversation, it was notable and laudable that for the
second month running newspapers relied on ordinary people heavily.
Figure 12: Sources of election stories newspaper
62
On television, presidential and parliamentary candidates took up a

higher share among sources, 32.3% and 22.4% respectively. Party
officials (10.5%) and ordinary people (8%) were similarly among the
top four source categories.
Figure 12-1: Sources of election stories TV station
63
Radio maintained the same pattern by and largewith presidential

and parliamentary candidates dominating the conversationalthough
it gave far more attention to Electoral Commission officials and less to
ordinary people than newspapers and television.
Figure 12-2: Sources of election stories radio
64
Gender of sources
Women continued to be marginalised as men remained the go-to sources for
election stories in December across all three mainstream media platforms.
Newspapers did only slightly better than radio and TV.
Figure 13: Gender of sources by media type
65
A breakdown of the findings by publication shows that Vision Groups

Orumuri (33.3%) and Etop (29.2%) did the best in so far as using female
sources went.
Figure 13-1: Gender of sources by publication
66
On television, Bukedde TV had the highest proportion of female

sources (26.5%), while UBC TV had the least (2.4%), thus undermining
the diversity that it is mandated to promote.
Figure 13-2: Gender of sources by TV stations
67
Number of sources
The problem of single-sourcing continued to manifest itself across all
media platforms monitored. Most election stories were single-sourced,
with the problem most pronounced on radio where 78.7% of the stories
carried one source. In the newspapers, the percentage of stories that
relied on the desirable three or more sources was only 26.2%.
Figure 14: Number of sources by media type
68
A breakdown by publication shows that although single-sourcing was

dominant among newspapers, some publications such as New Vision,
The Observer, Rupiny and Etop registered a higher percentage of multiple
sources than in the previous months.
Figure 14-1: Number of sources by publication
69
On television, UBC TV had the highest proportion of stories with single

sources (86.3%) followed closely by WBS (85.4%). Bukedde TV led in
the use of three or more sources followed by NTV Uganda.
Figure 14-2: Number of sources by TV station
70
USE OF TWITTER BY MAJOR CANDIDATES

We monitored the use of Twitter by the three major candidates:
Amama Mbabazi, Kizza Besigye and Yoweri Museveni. The candidates
were chosen on the basis of the frequency of their use of the platform
and the level of influence of their tweets.
The following official handles were profiled and monitored:
@AmamaMbabazi
@KizzaBesigye1
@KagutaMuseveni
Followers
In December, Museveni had the largest number of followers of his Twitter

handle at 180,012. Mbabazi, who had developed a large Twitter following
during his time as prime minister, had 123,702 followers, while Besigye
had just 18,409 followers. It should be noted that Besigyes handle, @
KizzaBesigye1, was given official status by Twitter that month and
subsequently used by the campaign as the candidates primary account.
Figure 15: Total number of followers of candidates Twitter handles
71
Analytics from SocialBakers indicate that Musevenis Twitter following

in December had grown by 5.6% from November, while Mbabazis and
Besigyes grew by 5.3% and 6.7% respectively.
Following
This refers to the number of users a profile is following during a selected

time range. It is not unusual that there is a large difference between the
number of followers that a Twitter profile has and the number of profiles
that it follows.
The findings show that although Museveni had the highest number of
followers, he also followed the least number of profiles in December. He
followed only 14 accounts, compared with Besigyes 319 and Mbabazis
6,241.
Tweets
With the campaign period hotting up, all three candidates started to
use Twitter as a secondary communication platform. Museveni sent the
highest number of tweets (144) in December, followed at a distance by
Besigye (29) and Mbabazi (15).
Figure 16: Total number of tweets
72
Interactions
Interactions denote both outgoing and incoming communication on
Twitter. Outgoing interactions are replies, retweets or mentions of
another use by the profile monitored. Incoming interactions are replies,
retweets or mentions of the profile by other users. The retweet count is
the number of times the profile has been retweeted in a selected time
range.
The findings show that overall, Museveni led the other candidates in
the total number of interactions in December. He had a total of 32,960
interactions, against Mbabazis 12,452 and Besigyes 4,850.
Figure 17: Total number of interactions of each candidate on Twitter
73
However, Mbabazi led on the total number of outgoing interactions as

the table below shows. He had 217, while Besigye had 36 and Museveni
four.
Table 4: Total number of interactions for December 2015
Twitter handles
@KagutaMuseveni
@AmamaMbabazi
@KizzaBesigye1
Total outgoing
interactions (Mentions,
retweets & replies)
Total incoming interactions

(Mentions, retweets & replies)
217
36
32,956
12,235
4,814
Museveni led by far on retweets of his posts. His posts were retweeted
3,394 times in December compared to 893 for Mbabazi and 561 for
Besigye.
Figure 18: Total number of retweets of candidates posts
74
Similarly, Museveni led in the total number of mentions of his Twitter

handle in December. He attracted 26,858 mentions against Mbabazis
10,641 and Besigyes 3,905.
Figure 19: Total number of mentions of candidates Twitter handles
75
Museveni tweets also attracted the highest number of replies in

December. Tweets from @KagutaMuseveni had 2,704 replies, while
@AmamaMbabazi had 701 and @KizzaBesigye1 348.
Figure 20: Total number of replies to candidates tweets
76
Response to questions
While candidates Twitter use was slowly but steadily growing, the
same could not be said of their use of the platform to engage with
their followers online. Museveni and Besigye responded to none of the
questions directly addressed to their handles, while Mbabazi responded
to only one.
Table 5: Number of questions and responses to Twitter handles
Twitter handle
@KagutaMuseveni
@AmamaMbabazi
@KizzaBesigye1
Total questions to
handle
955
461
152
Responses to
questions
Response time
0
1
0
N/A
6h 3min
N/A
For the most part, candidate communication via Twitter was top-down,
with just one candidate, Mbabazi, using the forum to actively engage
with content from his followers.
77
CONCLUSION
The findings from the fourth month of monitoring show that while some
things have changed, others have remained the same.
For the second month running, incumbent Yoweri Museveni dominated
coverage across all three mainstream media platforms. He was also
dominant on Twitter. Museveni also received the most front-page
coverage in the newspapers.
However, the disproportionate attention that (UBC TV) paid to the

presidents campaign was in breach of electoral and media laws, which
require public media to give equitable time to all presidential candidates.
In complete disregard of previous findings and the law, the percentage
of airtime that UBC TV spent on the incumbent increased significantly to
78.9% in December from 43.9% in November.
It is recommended that UBC TV should do more to respect the law and
fulfill its mandate of equitable coverage of all candidates. At the same time,
the Electoral Commission and the regulator, Uganda Communications
Commission, should show more interest in this issue ahead of the voting
day.
Below are the other key findings from December:
Tone: It is commendable that the tone of coverage continued to be

mostly neutral across media platforms. This suggests most journalists
went about covering the election in an even-handed manner, leaving the
passing of judgement to readers, viewers and listeners. This is good media
practice. However, read alongside the finding on reporting approach
below where the conventional (he-said-she-said) method dominated,
it also shows the neutral tone was dictated more by the non-probing,
event-type stories that were covered most.
78
Reporting approach: The conventional approach remained the most
dominant in December. It was especially pronounced on radio.

Enterprise, investigation and interpretation were underused across all
media platforms, although newspapers did a little better than radio and
television. Newspapers have always set the agenda for radio and TV in
Uganda because they do a little more to produce probing stories, and
this finding reaffirms the point.
Background & context: Although most stories provided background

and context, the percentage without it remained high and alarming.
Background shows where the issue is coming from whereas context
helps with understanding where it is going. Therefore, in December
the media did not serve the electorate well so they could clearly see the
meaning of many of the stories they consumed.
Issues vs. personalities: The coverage of personalities has been
declining since September as newspapers do more issue-based
reporting. And in December TV joined in and pulled up ahead of the other
formats, possibly because of frequently interviewing different analysts
and political actors on the unfolding election. This is a big win for the
media, and the electorate will be better served if the trend holds until
voting day. Whereas it is important for voters to know who is running for
office, it is even more important to know where the candidate stands on
various key public issues such as corruption, employment, health, etc.
Interrogation of claims & promises: All three media platforms have to
a large extent not been interrogating claims and promises by presidential
candidates, with the percentage increasing once official campaigns
started. Whereas journalists commendably covered more of issues than
individuals, they acted more as megaphones very much in line with the
conventional reporting approach. They did not challenge and probe the
politicians and their campaign agents. This shows a lack of adequate
preparedness, because for a reporter to interrogate a sources claims
and assertions, the reporter must have a grasp of the issues in the first
place. In other cases, journalists reported in informant interviews, they
79
didnt probe claims because they were playing safe.
Source occupation: Candidates and party officials remained the most

cited sources, which is to be expected in an election season. Newspapers,
however, performed commendably by turning to ordinary people as
sources, showing improvement for a second straight month.
Number of sources: The problem of single-sourcing remained. Use of
single sources was especially pronounced on radio, denying voters the
opportunity to hear diverse perspectives that multiple sourcing tends to
generate. This is crucial because more than half of Ugandan households
get their news and information via radio.
Gender of sources: Men continued to dominate as sources in all media.

Notably, UBC, the public/state broadcaster, had the highest percentage
of male sources (98%). To UBC, with its unrivalled national reach, half of
Ugandas population is invisible. UBC, funded by the government, needs
to improve the way it does business.
Social media: While the presidential candidates Twitter use was slowly
but steadily growing, the same could not be said of their use of the platform
to engage with their followers online. Museveni and Besigye responded
to none of the questions directly addressed to their handles, while
Mbabazi responded to only one. The candidates squandered a chance to
reach more Ugandans and possibly also garner more mainstream media
attention. These days media houses watch social media closely looking
for story ideas.
80
The December findings provide a mixed picture in terms of meeting

this projects goal, which is to contribute to accurate, fair, impartial and
balanced coverage of the 2016 elections with a view to having a credible
electoral process. Whereas the tone of coverage was neutral and there
was an attempt at offering background to stories, the media also dropped
the ball through continued use of the conventional approach, reliance on

male and single sources, and limited interrogation of candidate claims.
While the voter may not have been given biased information, he or she
was not provided detailed and comprehensive enough news through
analytical and enterprising reporting.
We trust that reporters and news managers will find it worthwhile to
reflect on some of the findings in this report and probably get to tweak
their coverage of the campaigns in this remaining period.
81
ACME 2016

Monitoring Media Coverage of The 2016 Elections/December 2015 Report

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MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS

MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

December 2015 Report

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

The Media and Elections...........................................................................................6

Monitoring Media Coverage..................................................................................7

Media Coverage of Previous Elections..............................................................8

THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT.................................................................................19

Media Ownership and Diversity..........................................................................22

Standards and Quality of Reporting...................................................................25

Volume of Election Stories.....................................................................................28

Space Allocation to Elections................................................................................31

Most Covered Presidential Aspirant.................................................................33

December 2015 Report

Front Page Coverage.................................................................................................38

Most Covered Topics................................................................................................40

Issues vs. Personalities............................................................................................51

Background and Context in Reporting..............................................................54

Interrogation of Candidate Claims and Promises..........................................58

December 2015 Report

Among the newspapers, Daily Monitor published the highest number of

Once again, the presidential election campaign dominated coverage in

As it was in November, President Yoweri Museveni was provided more

Incumbent Museveni also received more newspaper coverage in general

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

time, against Dr Besigyes 20.2% and Mr Mbabazis 18.9%.

Perhaps most notable is the finding that Uganda Broadcasting

December 2015 Report

es made by candidates. Television did particularly poorly only 18.5%

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

In July 2015, the African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME)

3. To enhance public confidence and promote the participation of

As the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe has

December 2015 Report

media and their coverage of elections.2 Media monitoring can document

The purpose of ACMEs media monitoring project, therefore, is to assess

2. To monitor media compliance with election reporting guidelines

3. To influence journalists, editors and media owners to provide

4. To empower civil society and the public to demand adherence to

Unlike in previous instances where media monitoring reports came

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

The media and elections

Provision of information to enable voters make informed decisions.

Acting as a watchdog for fairness during election campaigning and

December 2015 Report

Monitoring media coverage

Dedication of space and time to elections.

Distinguishing between news and opinion.

Equitable coverage of the candidates.

A good mix of both episodic and issue-based coverage.

Balance of attention paid to candidates/political parties and the

Independence of media houses and journalists.

Most of these standards were captured in a publication titled Guidelines

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

Previous media monitoring reports on Ugandan elections indicate that the

State/public media have also been accused of denying access to opposition

December 2015 Report

Predominance of episodic reporting and dearth of issue-based coverage

The lack of rigorous verification and interrogation of the claims and

The Ugandan media have also been accused of succumbing to

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

the real popularity of candidates judged by attendance of their rallies.