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To cite this article: William E. Kilbourne (1998) Green Marketing: A Theoretical Perspective,
Journal of Marketing Management, 14:6, 641-655, DOI: 10.1362/026725798784867743
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1362/026725798784867743
William E.
Kilbourne 1
Sam Houston
University,
USA
State
Introduction
There is little doubt that the transformation from industrial era marketing to
sustainable green marketing will be both necessary and difficult It involves a
different way of looking at marketing, its objectives, and its strategies that goes
even beyond societal marketing (Prothero, 1990; Peattie, 1995). This is
problematic since even the limited view of societal marketing has yet to be
implemented by more than a handful of firms. Can the more difficult step to
sustainable marketing be made within the context of Western industrial society?
From a theoretical perspective it is argued here that there are at least three
different substantive areas that must be examined for their effect in the
marketing/environment relationship. These are the economic, political, and
technological dimensions of the cultural frame of reference used to understand
and justify our world-views on the interplay between economic/business,
state/politics, and technology/science. These have been described as the socioeconomic dimensions of the dominant social paradigm (DSP) (Kilbourne et aI.,
1997). Before turning to their analysis, it is useful to examine the nature of green
marketing and sustainability as they have been developed thus far.
1 Correspondence to: William E Kilbourne, Sam Houston State University, Department of
Management and Marketing, Huntsville, TX 77341, USA Email mkt-wek@shsu,edu
ISSN0267-257X/98/060641
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$12.00/0
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Green Marketing
Green marketing is most frequently associated with the greening of the different
aspects of traditional marketing. This generally involves the production of "green"
products for sale to "green" consumers who are admonished to recycle the waste
from their consumption. It is suggested here that these activities represent the
greening of marketing and, as such, are commendable activities. They fall
considerably short of what would be considered truly green marketing since they
are primarily managerial strategies to increase sales and only secondarily green.
Since they are typically referred to as "green" marketing however, it is useful to
adopt Dobson's (I990) strategy of differentiating between green with a little "g"
signifying managerial approaches and truly Green with a large "G"that considers
the larger issue of sustain ability. The analysis that follows will demonstrate that
the implications of the difference between these two forms are considerable.
While no concise definition of Green marketing has been developed, Peattie
(1994) provides a good starting point by delineating some of its properties. These
properties include a holistic and systemic view, an open-ended time frame, a
global perspective that focuses on ecological sustainability rather than economic
efficiency, and a recognition of the intrinsic value of nature. Green marketing also
entails the recognition of the limits of nature as a source of resources and a sink
for wastes and distinguishes between sustainable growth (an impossibility) and
sustainable development (qualitative improvement in means and ends) (Daly,
1991). Because this transformation entails a fundamentally different way of
looking at the world and marketing's place in it, an expansion of the limits of
marketing inquiry is required. This means that the discipline must become more
macro in its focus and more multi-disciplinary in its methods.
However, as the literature review presented earlier in this issue suggests,
marketers have only recently begun to ask such broad and multidisciplinary
questions regarding sustainability (van Dam and Apeldoorn, 1996),
environmental values (Beckmann and Kilbourne, 1997), and the DSP (Kilbourne
et a!., 1997), much less answer them. The analysis that follows will address some
of the issues that are being raised from a theoretical perspective and offers a
rationale for the dearth of substantive critique from within traditional marketing
boundaries.
The Dominant Social Paradigm
In a much quoted article, Dunlap and van Liere (1978) frame the environmental
debate as one of paradigms rather than practices. They refer to a differen t way of
seeing the world as the "new environmental paradigm" (NEP).The implications of
this framing are supposedly far reaching but have not been well elaborated.
While they develop a measurement scale for the NEP, much like the marketing
discipline in its study of environmental problems, they fail to define the new
paradigm except as a set of scale items. As a result, the concept of a paradigm
shift and its implications remain substantially unexamined. The purpose of this
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William E. Kilbourne
proposition from both econ omic and political perspectives. It is predicated on the
assumption that all consumer preferences are equally valid requiring no
justification and that the sum of individual preferences will yield the common
good. This proposition has been in dispute since Rousseau's discussion in the
Social Contract argued that the will of all (preferences based on one's individual
interest) is seldom equal to the general will Uudgements with individual interests
set aside) and that citizens must sometimes be forced to be free (Sagoff, 1988;
O'Neill, 1993).
From an environmental perspective, this idea takes on renewed significance. If
all preferences are equally valid and deserve to be satisfied by impersonal free
markets, then if consumers prefer more consumption of non-green products,
ought these preferences not be satisfied as readily as all others? Since it is
assumed that all preferences are exogenous and unaffected by market forces, i.e.,
marketers do not create needs, neo-c1assical theory suggests that such
preferences should be satisfied. If so, does the will of all summed in the market
equal the general will? Ozone depletion and possible global warming suggest not,
as no individual would have rationally chosen these consequences if collective
interests had taken precedence over individual interests. Thus we have a conflict
between green marketing efforts and the economic dimension of the DSP. Under
the traditional neo-c1assical economics view, it is not the market's function to
create preferences, only to satisfy those that exist This conflict also raises the
question of second order preferences (preferences for particular preferences
rather than products) which is avoided in economics today.
In addition to this conflict, there is another at a fundamental level. This
relates to whether there are any imperatives within the Western industrial
economic organization. Both Heilbroner (I985) and Wallerstein (I983) suggest
there are. They argued that, within the neo-c1assical paradigm, continuous
economic growth is necessary if desired levels of profitability and capital
accumulation (the essence of capitalism) are to be maintained. But continuous
growth is antithetical to sustainability (Daly, 1991). Consequently, sustainability is
not considered in green marketing. It is also suggested that capitalism exerts a
centripetal force on capital which is accumulated at the centre of the
organization. In global market development, third world markets, the focus of
growth and development, remain on the periphery of capital accumulation. This
leads to perpetual poverty on the periphery and wealth accumulation at the
centre, i.e.,continued maldistribution of wealth. The result of this maldistribution
is under-consumption in less developed areas and over-consumption in more
developed areas, both antithetical to sustainability and environmental integrity
(Gladwin et aI., 1996). Once again, green marketing efforts to achieve
sustain ability come in conflict with the economic dimension of the DSP when
they entail market expansion in some areas without offsetting decreases in other
areas. Traditional marketing efforts, now guided by globalization imperatives, fail
to consider these consequences as such considerations would offer a substantive
challenge to its core assumptions and thus to the DSP.
This is just a sampling of the conflicts between green marketing efforts and
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the economic dimension of the DSP. Others include the use of price as the
adjustment mechanism for environmental amenities and resource allocations,
cost shifting, self-interest, and economic efficiency (Swaney, 1987). These
conflicts arise from the fact that green marketing, as defined within the DSP,
maintains the character of the DSP. While it is a step in the right direction,
looking at the marketing function in an expanded way, it is still framed in the
idiom of the status quo and thereby based on the same assumptions. So long as
green marketing is framed in such a way, the strategic perspective will be in
continuous conflict with the theoretical perspective which does not question
specific actions so much as the general character of the DSP itself. This is also
evident in the sections that follow as well.
The Political Dimension
It is evident that green marketing efforts can be and are thwarted by the conflicts
of interest between different factions (Dowie, 1995). But such conflict is well
within the limits and expectations of political pluralism in Western democracies.
Consistent with the equal validity of preferences in economics, under pluralism,
or polyarchy as Dryzek (1987) refers to it, all interests are seen as equally justified
and the state is enjoined from favouring any particular interest Rather, its role is
to develop political institutions facilitating the reconciliation of competing
interests that do not favour any particular one. This is referred to as procedural
neutrality, or proceduralism, and stands in opposition to republicanism (Sandel
1996). In the latter, it is in the interest of the state and its constituent members
to engender particular values that are conducive to the "good" however it may be
defined; political, economic, ecological, etc. Thomas Jefferson, for example,
favoured values that were conducive to self-government rather than economic
growth. Pluralism and proceduralism represent two of the political constructs
derived from political liberalism (Rawls, 1993) and are a fundamental part of the
political dimension of the DSP. Both are evident from discussions of stakeholder
interests and strategic alliances and indicate that there are conflicts between the
functioning of liberalism and environmental integrity. Thus liberalism compels
the non-invidious consideration of environmentally destructive values and ends
on an equal plane with environmentally benign ones with neither being
considered superior to the other.
As in contemporary economic liberalism in which preferences are assumed
exogenous (Kassiola, 1990), in political liberalism, political preferences are
considered exogenous as well (O'Neill, 1993). This reflects the pluralist
conception of government in which the role of politics is to mediate between
competing interests, i.e., the neutrality principle of government (Rawls, 1993). In
the republican view, we again find the stamp of Rousseau because it presumes
the role of politics to be the pursuit of the common good or the general will
(Sunstein, 1985). However, contrary to the contemporary neo-c1assical economic
account of preferences, the general will is not as argued earlier, the sum of
individual wills. Contrary to this, Rousseau (1968) states,
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William E. Kilbourne
For every individual as a man may have a private will contrary to, or different
from, the general will that he has as a citizen. His private interest may speak
with a very different voice from that of the public interest; (p. 63-64)
In the contemporary liberal account, efficient markets define the general will
as the aggregate of individual preferences, the will of all. The general will is
logically different, however, since it is derived from what individuals would will
when separated from their private interests. Thus it cannot be concluded, as in
neo-classical economics, that the will of all is always identical with the general
will. Because they are logically different and frequently do conflict, it is the
purpose of politics to mediate between the two (Sagoff, 1988). However, so long
as all individuals in society are reduced to bundles of preferences that completely
reflect their wants, political discourse and deliberation are negated. Markets
provide the answer to all questions including those relating to environmental
value.
If, on the other hand, we do not take preferences as exogenous resulting in
the collapsing of ideals into want-regarding principles alone, then the political
domain is reintroduced through the addition of ideal-regarding principles. In this
accounting of preferences, policy debate focuses, not exclusively on the
preferences one has, but also on the preferences one ought to have (the second
order preferences eschewed in economics). Thus political process reverts to the
republican account originally intended, and the cultivation of wants becomes a
legitimate part of the political process resurrecting the citizen out of the
consumer. This re-politicization requires rational dialogue between citizens as
such and cannot be reduced to consumer preferences. There are certainly some
deliberative circumstances which can be adequately circumscribed by wantregarding principles alone, and these should remain subject to market processes.
This does not include environmental policy, however, since there are typically no
markets to defer to. While the economic perspective suggests that instances of
pollution, resource depletion, and other forms of environmental degradation are
a result of market failures, they are really examples of the failure of markets to
exist (Sagoff, 1988). This should not be surprising since environmental amenities
are matters of morality, aesthetics, and wisdom, not of exchange relations. To
reduce them to exchange relations is to conflate preferences with ethical and
factual judgements. What we want and who we are exist in a dialectical
relationship, i. e., in an interaction of conflicting ideas and forces, and neither can
be reduced to the other without irreparable damage to the subject Reducing the
citizen/consumer to consumer negates substantive rationality, the essence of
reason, deferring to formal rationality, and it redefines the subject as the locus of
preferences requiring no justification. If the citizen as such is exorcised from the
subject, then competing forms of life have no voice except the satta voce of rising
ennui. This process is effectively the outcome of the interaction of the three
dimensions of the socio-econom ic domain of the OS? and to analyze the
problem from the perspective of anyone, as is typically the case, results in an
incomplete and distorted picture of market based reality and its relationship to
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nature.
Hayward (1994) argues, consistent with this perspective, that the political is
about promoting forms of life and making substantive decisions toward that end;
it is and should be normative. It entails the choice of which ends are better than
others. Traditional marketing is again the handmaiden of economics in this
regard since the marketing concept is the focal point of strategic marketing
practices and mandates that all consumer wants (within the limits of law) should
be satisfied if they are profitable. As described earlier however, Green marketing
would consider the environmental consequences of choices and thus challenges
the foundation of traditional marketing by arguing that maybe some preferences
ought not be satisfied.
To do otherwise in environmental considerations is highly problematic since
environmental values such as aesthetics and habitat value are incommensurable
and cannot be reduced to the common metric of money as is required by the
preferred market surrogates, cost benefit analysis and willingness to pay
procedures. Both draw their appeal from pluralism and procedural neutrality
which are consistent with economic analysis but inconsistent with political
discourse, i.e., the pursuit of ideal-regarding principles. In environmental policy
considerations, value plurality is inevitable as there are multiple comparability
spaces over which evaluations must be made, i. e., there is no single dimension of
environmental valuation. Rational judgement is required to resolve such
contradictions and this rests in the political domain which cannot be reduced to
the economic. Using price as a measure of value in these considerations
conflates acts of exchange with acts containing social meaning. That one is
willing to supply a price for an environmental amenity does not reflect a rational
act It reflects a misapprehension of what these things mean (O'Neill, 1993). As a
simple demonstration that most cultures already concur on this in principle, one
can consider the international soccer world cup competition being played as of
this writing. Rather than incur all the expense of such an endeavour, why not
take a world wide internet poll to determine how much each fan is willing to pay
for her/his team to win? The team with the most dollar votes is declared the
champion. Fans would declare this strategy insane, of course, because it would
destroy the social meaning of a victory. Such activities, they would correctly
argue, should never be reduced to the market
Similarly, Green marketing would be subjected to constraints that green
marketing does not consider. It might be pointed out here as well that such
constraints in the marketing process are really nothing new as most cultures
proscribe, through the political process, the sale of some goods. This simply adds
environmental consequences to the political agenda because, like the soccer
example, it simply does not fit the criteria for marketable goods.
Technological Dimension
As suggested by Marcuse (1964) any critique of technology or, more generally,
technological rationality, is rendered irrational by the OS? So long as the only
relevant tribunal is material progress within the OS?, the paradigm is virtually
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support for the ecological perspective that suggests we cannot continue trying to
solve problems of technology with technology since this generally results in
shifting the problems around rather than solving them (Irvine and Ponton, 1988).
Within technological rationality, means become privileged over ends which
remain unexamined. The end of material progress is established as the summum
bonum of industrial society and removed from cultural discourse or reflection
(Bury 1932). While the domination of nature in service to this end remains the
professed goal of technological advance, social domination remains internal to its
structure and is inseparable from it (Feenberg 1991). The consequence of this is
twofold relating first to the technological mediation of nature and second to the
mediation of culture. We will examine each briefly.
Mediation of nature. The intrusion of technology into everyday life is so
ubiquitous that it becomes effectively transparent We would scarcely find it
possible to separate our lives from the technologies through which we live and
interpret it The objective of science and technology was to master nature and
improve upon it (Eliade, 1962). In doing so, we effectively separated ourselves
from nature and privileged ourselves over it Lewis (1947) suggests that this
resulted in the demystification of nature. Merchant (1980) goes further to suggest
the consequence was the "death of nature." Through economic and technological
reductionism, nature has been separated and removed from the realm of
discourse. Because we have become fragmented from nature ethically (Mathews,
1991), intellectually (Merchant, 1980; Capra 1982), and spiritually (Naess, 1973;
Porritt, 1986; Fox, 1990), we no longer have an appreciation for its inherent
value (Regan 1981).
This represents a qualitative break with the past in which nature was seen as
an organic whole rather than a mechanical representation of inert matter in
motion. The attitude of stewardship characteristic of vernacular societies was
transcended when domination of nature became the overriding objective of
science and technology. Concomitant with this shift was the shift in attitudes
about the essence of knowledge. Here the shift was from the Aristotelian ideal of
wisdom to the Baconian ideal of domination with knowledge as power over
nature.
In effecting scientific/technological power, nature was deconstructed and
reduced in the Cartesian method through which knowledge of the parts could be
reconstructed yielding knowledge of the whole (Descartes, 1916). This
fragmentation was a product of the mechanical metaphor and the scientific
metaphor, both still in evidence today despite recent discoveries in physics
suggesting their inadequacy as a representation of nature. With the
fragmentation and deconstruction of nature, it was effectively demystified and
disenchanted. Within Cartesian duality lay the separation of humans from nature
that lead to their privileged position over it These processes were the
culmination of the anthropocentric project whose intent was the liberation of
humans from subjugation by nature. Unconstrained by religious or traditional
values, the Enlightenment project "...would lead to a secular millennium during
which nature and society would finally achieve their potentials, with nature as
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contexts reflect
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and the NEP is a necessary condition for Green marketing and effective
environmental policy. Such a reconciliation is not yet at hand however. As
indicated in the literature review in this issue, the approaches to the
marketing/environment still focus on rnanagerialist issues. Because of this, the
richness and complexity of the environmental critique is inadequately
problematized and constrained within the DSP. It is also indicated however, that
positive signs are developing as more interdisciplinary research is undertaken
which considers the more macro related issues within the marketing ambit This
expansion of the domain of inquiry could serve as the catalyst for a Green
marketing that challenges the socio-econom ic and cosmological domains of the
DSP in their own tenns, a necessary condition for the reconciliation of competing
rationalities. Without such an expansion that incorporates the essential concepts
of both the DSP and the NEP, the discourse on the marketing/environmental
relationship will be as effective as what Porritt (1986) refers to as a "discourse
between Tweedledum and Tweedledee."
References
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Capra, F. (1982), The Turning Point, London, Fontana Flamingo series
Carson, R (1962), Silent Spring, Boston, Houghton-Mifflin
Cotgrove, S. (1982), Catastrophe or Cornucopia: The Environment, Politics, and
the Future, New York, Wiley
Daly, H. E. (1991), Steady-state Economics, Washington, D.C.,Island Press
Daly, H. E. and K N. Townsend, Eds. (1993), Valuing the Earth. Economics,
Ecology, Ethics, Cambridge MA,MIT Press
Descartes, R (1916), A Discourse on Method, J. Veitch [Tr.], London, J. M. Dent
and Sons
Dobson, A (1990), Green Political Thought, London, Harper-Collins Academic
Dowie, M. (1995), Losing Ground: American Environmentalism at the Close of
the 1\ventieth Century, Cambridge, MA,The MIT Press
Dryzek, J. S. (1987), Rational Ecology: Environment and Political Economy,
Oxford, Oxford University Press
Dunlap, R. and van Liere, K D. (1978), "The 'New Environmental Paradigm'."
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Ehrenfeld, D. (1978), The Arrogance of Humanism, New York, Oxford University
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Eliade, M. (1962), The Forge and the Crucible, [So Corrin, Trans,] London, Rider
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and Co
Feenberg, A (1991), Critical Theory of Technology, Oxford, Oxford University
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Fox, W. (1990), Toward a Transpersonal Ecology: Developing New Foundations
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Keynote speech presented at the 3rd conference of the Nordic business
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