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Ethnomusicology
Thirty-one Issues and Concepts
NEW EDITION
BRUNO NETTL
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12 345 c P 543
p.
cm.
1.
Ethnomusicology. 1. Title.
ML3798.N47 2005
780'.89-dc22 2005011181
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specimens and
do it by encouraging stuc,,:-
them. This may ir:~. _:::
pIe instruments, to giving .
lishing ensembles.
One role of organolog)- ::-
dency to draw various sube:' : . :
conspectus, it is one of the !r_':" ~
sorne of those few institutic:-.' :::.:
acoustics or psycho-musico:
formance practice, instrumc:-.~
sounded, and a lot more. Fe: :'--~
structure that enables therr: ~ _ ':c::: IIIIj
are the principal objects foy --: . ~
ologist of l11usic s concerne~ - - -, DIIIIII
Students of tuning systems
!lIIIIIII
struments to see how theor: ='.':'.::-:rsI
universal. In Western cultu:-:, ::
sometimes a good, sometim,,:o .:. :'.l:II:/J
tessentially instrumental. G,,::: -': _. .di
who handle the lvre and the
i:Jli
of l11usic-although it seem,: ~;-.1!JII
now, in modern North AmeL~:. '''~
automatically asks, "Vv'hat do:,'
lIi
The literature that claims te' ': _ ~
cerns: the classification of ir:~::--~
cable, the representations of ir_'---=::'1
plete instrumentarium of a
--z
instrument eollections. AH oI ~_::'::
musicologists also have furthe: . .::..:
exposition of ethnomusicolog:. .:..' l ~
ask what aspeets of organolog:; ::.::' -:J:
look at a few.
INSTRUMENTS
2
,of jubal:
truments
E::~:~ ~n
ethno
are ques
C":~ ',..~omen are
~__ . ::5 of music
=:' ::':oodwinds
r::::~ ~~;.,
t>::": .:..~.::>logy-the
377
378
INALLVARIETIES
But Is It an Instrument?
That mal' actuaEy be a complicated question, one that has ar least rwo ap
proaches: 1s it an instrument b,~ "our" '\festern? scholarIy? obiecti,~en stan
dards, and do the peopIe who o\\"n or owned it consider ir part of the mu
sicking world? 1wo recent publicatons
to that question, from insider
and outsider perspectives. Emblematic oE the increased interest in archeo
logical,york, artides in Hickmann, Kilmer, and Eichmann's collection
present studies of recent archeological discO\uies or continue debates about
the'~ might
oId ones, concentrating on their identities and the tone
(Diamond, CroILlc, and ,on Rosen 199+) studies
represento Visions
instruments of Natiw (or First )Jations) peoples of eastern )Jorth _-\merica;
its principal aims concern symbolism of sound made b)' instruments, the
ways in which instruments facilitate interaction and relationships, and the
need to present the information from a variet)' of)Jatiye and outsider per
spectives. Briefiy, archeologists \\'ant to know whether that object is "really"
a fiute; ethnographers want to know what it means to 5a", "Ihis is a fiute."
During a recent conference of the Society for Ethnomusicology, while sorne
600 people devoted to that field had gathered in Toronto, the Sew York Times
and the Toronto papers published an artide about what is supposed to be the
oldest musical instrument, that bone fiute with at least two finger holes dis
covered in 1995 in a Neanderthal archeological site in Sloyenia (Kunej 1997).
Curiously, no one at this meeting, to mI' knowledge, publidy noted or me n
tioned this discovery, even though that artifact later on became the subject
of argumentation in scholarly and journalistic literature. Sorne of the daims:
It's obviously part of abone fiute with finger holes; the arrangement of the
finger holes suggests the rudiments of a diatonic scale or scale segment; it te lIs
us about the origins of music, or at least the earliest music. (I was about to
write "human musc," but the evolutonary status of the Neanderthals is still
not clear to biological anthropologists.)
These claims lead to interesting questions: HO\v can one be sure that ths
small segment ofbone is an instrument? Perhaps it's just a random configu
raton of who knows what. The degree to which three finger holes can iden
tify the scale of the whole instrument is questionable; one can't kno\\' whether
this was an octave-based or a fourth-based instrument; worse
whether
this represents one of several tunings that the Neanderthals used, or whether
they "tuned" at an. Indeed, tbere is no way of knowing whether tbis was an
instrument accepted by its society or something that one individual, an off
INSTRUMENTS
stan
;.: " . the mu
" - ='. insider
~::' - ~-: archeo
L: :=...'n (2002)
~ ~~_
':':0'5 about
might
:~ 5tudies
""c\"
~"~=,O'nts,
the
the
L .
per
[ :5 "realh"
5 a t1ute."
[,.;: "":--ile sorne
-'--~k
Times
LO
bethO'
dis
mer:
sub.iecI
=-". daims:
oftt.e
_-:=-=-
OI
~ ~~_c
-:, Sout:o
le _~~- is
379
the-wali guy maybe, made for himself. And then, if the :\eanderthals were a
separate gene pool and e,"en a different species
Horno sapiens, is this
an instrument tbat belongs in the study of human music at aH? Sorne con
clusions that have been drawn result from our enormous desire to legitimize
our \Vestern musical practices by showing that they have ancient roots.
The issue is whether that
is actually an instrument, capable of pro
ducing music, and second, ~\Yhether it was accepted as a proper part of the cul
ture by its society. It is 40,000 to 80,000 years old. But in the
twentieth
century, the Blackfoot people appear to have had no flutes. 1 asked sorne of
them; they knew that most Native peoples did have flutes. "\Vell, we think
ago, but we don't seem to haye any." A careful
there v.,Tere flutes here
search of museums yielded one artifact, a
made of a gun barreL Surely,
even if there were Blackfoot flutes long ago, they were not made of gun bar
rels, so 1 had to ask myself whether that was a proper instrument, playable
and accepted. But then, studying in Madras in
1 heard of nvo musicians
who played Carnatic music on saxophones. The issue was not whether saxo
phones were instruments but whether
were properly instruments be
longing to South lndian culture, or temporary interlopers. Today we know:
They have been accepted, and there are more s~xophonists of Carnatic music,
but this raised the question of determining whether an instrument is actually
part of a musical culture. And then, in a culture that distinguishes benveen
musical and nonmusicaI sounds less with acoustic than with social critera,
one needs to ask whether an airplane motor (used in George i\ntheil' s "Air
plane Sonata") or a helium bomb (used in Salvatore Martirano's "L'sGA" to
mise the narrator's voice) are subjects for organological investigation.
This fundamental question, whether an object is an instrument and con
sidered so by its society, and thus appropriate to ethnomuscological study,
leads us then to construct an inventory of the instruments that belong to a
culture. Books with titles such as "The Musical lnstruments of ..." are prob
ahly the most common genre of organological publications, and a listing
would occupy several pages. As major examples from history, let me menton
just three Iandmarks. One of the earliest and also most comprehensive is Fer
nando Ortiz's (1952-55) five-volume study ofAfro-Cuban instruments, which
toId everything that couId be known about a geographically Iimited instru
ment culture-structure, social role, history, music, and more. Earlier, and
the opposite ofOrtizin its breadth, is Izikowtz's (1935) work on SouthAmer
kan lndian instruments, a
based largeIy on museum collections and
early ethnographic literature, concentrating on instrument structure and geo
graphk distrbution. The sophisticated nature of this work is seen in its title;
380
IN ALL VARIETIES
middle-class culture
and even less come. strings,
many
of popular
stereotyping that
: ~
1980s, students o: -~ ="::'"~.;
of music were largel~'
numbers of women.
maybe thought (or k:
to handle complicatee ~_
women Oike "Rosie t1::: :- ..:~~"
of work previously reo::::-: _ ,:~.
line, forming "all-gir~ '- ,,~
bugle corps of small-t,.:'-_~
In Iran of the 19605. 2:-. ~ ~
important as markers .=~ ;c-~
Iran before the revolu:i =:-.
situaton was complex
field, the musicians wer::
were also
were active as
rarely on the
The~
and sometimes the violi=. = '
players; but in the mode:::-...:... _
pianists. The folk music
formance by specialists
maleo Doubleday (1999) c,=_
with frame drums (dayerc<
andAfghanistan, 1"lj~ll.
INSTRUMENTS
381
382
IN ALL VARIETIES
this realm. One of the characteristics of South lndian classical music has been
its tendency to absorb and adapt foreign, mainly \Vestern instruments, in
corporating them nto the sound ideal of Carnatic music. I'm talking about
the violin and the harmonium in the nineteenth century, and the saxophone,
elarinet, guitar, and mandolin in the tlventieth, In each case, the instrument
was
played exclusively by men, although those instruments that haye been
established for some time-violn, harmonium-also have female perform
ers. In both the Tehran of 1970 and the Madras (Chennai) of 1980, instrwnents
were important objects in middle-elass households, and it was customary for
young women to learn to play them even when no professional career was en
visioned. In Tehran, even in some households devoted to Persian music, a
piano, not played, was present as an icon of modernity. But then, in the house
holds of midwestern university towns, one may see sitars on eA'])osed book
shelves, Chinese chins exhibited on the wall, African drums standing on the
fireplace, Peruvian panpipes and Native American rattles exhibited around
the living room. (::\ot usuaHy aH of these together, I'm sure.) Nobody plays
them, their identity may not even be known to the owner, but they are conic
of the ntercultural tolerance of
household, or
are trophies of the
traveler (surely preferable to antlers or tiger skin rugs) , and they function as
instruments in quite a different sense of theword from the guitars the fam
ily teenager has in his room for use in his garage band, or the pianos in the
music 5chool's practice rooms.
In my friend's household, some instruments are so beautifully fashioned
and decorated that the owner is considering donating them to a museum
not an ethnographic or organological museum, where they would be viewed
arts. rf instruments were
principally as music-makers, but a museum of
among the crowning achievements in the technology of many cultures, in
some they were also considered objects of exceptional physical beauty, and
they were and are often decorated with mosaic or painted, and special care
is taken to provide felicitous shapes. 1 confess that 1 can't think of a culture
whose instrumentarium 1 have seen in which special efforts had not been un
dertaken to make the instruments themselves beautiful, attractive, and often
the carriers of many kinds of visual signs and symbols. I'm loath to suggest
any general theory to explain this, because in one culture this mal' be the re
sult of the tendency to decorate ever)rthing made by humans, in others it mar
add to the spiritual power of the instrument, and elsewhere again it mal' make
an object associated with a despised art (music) acceptable because it con
tributes to a more respected (visual) arto But if pressed, 1 would be inelined
to think that instruments, seen perhaps by early humans as perhaps the most
,c
? -:::
ami
INSTRUMENTS
383
384
IN ALL VARIETIES
The terminology of
ual or social asso:.:: -
In traditional YVe5:~~L.
musi.:",___
ception of
as \veH, to the consider:: ':-.
who use them. Thus, iD.
languages, the verb for =:-'~_
lt to the other meaning' :
(zadan), and Nhile this
hammered dulcimer
bowed and wnd
_ 'wi!
iconography, an area, ac.:"
'~ ~
ficiently developed, that . ,
iiIj
facts about musicallife i:: : -:-~
otics of instruments. LIerc :
LCIIIIIi
Beyond classification, 1 .
T
ogy, both involving histo"-' ,- _ .
musicology. Many schola" . : ~
ments-I mean the histor.
-=:-:mI
instruments or groups or c''::. ':;s..1i
legon, but al! instrument5. -~a
task only if it's a basic aSSL:::-_L~ ,= i
instrumentariums of aIl cuir,::= :::al
INSTRUMENTS
385
and classifies
on the basis of
and social critera
1978), while most Native American peoples, with often larger populations
but a prevailinglyvocal musical culture, don't
this procedure necessary.
The terminology of nstruments in Blackfoot cultures derives from the rit
ual or social associations of instruments-for example, medicine drum,
Crazy Dog
drum, medicine pipe
there i5 no special sys
tem or terminology for the grouping of instruments.
In traditional \Vestern classical musie
and in junior
school
music classes of the 1940S America, one
that there were string, wood
wind, brass, and percussion instruments, and that woodwinds included flute,
single-reeds, and double-reeds. This comes from the typical grouping of in
struments in the orchestration ofHaydn, Mozart, and Beethoven, and it per
sists in the grouping of instrument departments in university schools of
music. Nonorchestral instruments find their places in these departments with
difficulty.
and guitars are string instruments, to be sure, but show me
the string
whose chair is the professor of harp or
Where
does the
go?-strngs, yes, it has lots of them, but its keys are beaten.
The Brazilian berimbau, a musical bow, technically a struck chordophone,
takes its place among percussion instruments in North Ameriea. The con
ception of where musical instruments belong in relaton to each other leads,
as well, to the consideraton of where they belong in relation to the humans
who use
Thus, in English,
French, and mos1 other European
languages, the verb for making music on an instrument is "to
relatng
it to the other meanings of that word. In Persian, instruments are "beaten"
(zadan), and while this might seem
for percussion instruments, for the
hammered dulcimer (santour), and even for plucked strings, it 1S used for
bowed and wind instruments as well. And then there is the area of instrument
iconography, an area, according to Seebass (in Myers 1992: 238), as yet insuf
ficiently developed, that looks at the depiction of instruments as imparting
facts about musicallife in different periods and cultures, but also the semi
oties of instruments. Here too, various kinds of classification are approprate.
Beyond classification, I wish to mention 1:\'10 other branches of organol
ogy, both involving hstory, that intersect wth the fundamentals of ethno
musicology. Many scholars have devoted themselves to the history of instru
ments-I mean the history of nstruments as a whole, not just of individual
instruments or groups or cultures, fol' which the number of publications is
legion, but all instruments. It makes sense to think of this Herculean kind of
task only if it's a basic assumption that the nstruments of the world, or the
nstrumentariums of all
have sorne connection. Best known for this
386
IN ALL VARIETIES
approach was Curt Sachs, mentioned earlier for his contribution to classifi
cation (and in earlier chapters to many aspects of the development of eth
nomusicology) and the person who, it is often argued, knew more about in
struments in the world than anyone before or since. The author of an early
but amazingly comprehensive dictionary of instruments
he undertook
to write a world history of instruments, giving the entire field an emlution
ist framework. There is much in it with which one would haye to argue, but
al50 a good deal of wisdom, and there are a lot of stimulating ideas. One thing
Sachs does not say, though it flows rrom his thinking, 1S that the borders of
the concept of "instrument" are vague, and vaguest perhaps in both early
human historv and the most recent times. There have alwavs been obiects that
could be considered both instrument and something else, but Sachs suggested
(1940: 25) that the earUest instrument was the human body, \\~hich might be
slapped, or used to stamp the ground, in ways that led to the development
of the earliest instruments. 1nstruments developed out of other things that
were available. It's interesting to see that around 2000 C.E., we are again find
ing the boundary benveen instruments and noninstruments \'ague, as mu
sicians fashion new sound tools for one-time use and sounds are produced
bv, svnthesizers
and other electronic sources that are also used for a varet\',
,
of communication. 1s the concept "musical instrument" as a consistent
class in culture gradually fading rrom at least one major society?
..
In Museums
Curt Sachs, who knew so much about the instruments of the world, never did
any extended fieldwork himself. His studies are based on private and museum
collections, and the task of some ethnomusicologsts is to fill, analyze, ane
care for many of these. They are found in a variety of museums: Sorne, like
the aforementioned collections in Japan and Brussels, or the Horniman Mu
seum in London, or the Stearns Collection at the University of Michgan (see
Libin 1992 for an introduction to and listing of major collections)J are free
standing collections assembled ad hoc or given as a unit by a donor and later
expanded. A few are associated with art museums-most prominently, the
large and distinguished collection in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, in Ne\\
York City-and these present instruments as objects of visual art.In these in
stitutions, an instrument must thus qualify as a work of visual art to be in
cluded, but, interestingly, sorne museum curators and many art lovers ir:
vVestern culture consider instruments to be, pso facto, works of visual art ane
INSTRUMENTS
387