Journal of Consumer Culture 2014 Moisio 1469540514553712

XML Template (2014)
[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
//blrnas3.glyph.com/cenpro/ApplicationFiles/Journals/SAGE/3B2/JOCJ/Vol00000/140046/APPFile/SGJOCJ140046.3d
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
Article
Mancaves and
masculinity
Journal of Consumer Culture

0(0) 121
! The Author(s) 2014
Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1469540514553712
joc.sagepub.com
Risto Moisio
California State University, Long Beach, USA
Mariam Beruchashvili
California State University, Northridge, USA
Abstract
How do mancaves, male spaces in or around the house, contribute to construction of
masculinity? Our research challenges the perspective that male spaces emerge in opposition to the feminine conception of home. Findings from interviews with American
suburban men reveal that male spaces represent therapeutic venues that help men in
alleviating identity pressures created by work as well as domestic life and aid revitalization of mens identities as fathers and husbands. Circumscribed by egalitarian
ideology and the family ideal, male spaces also foster paternal and fraternal bonds
instrumental for creating masculinity at home.
Keywords
Mancaves, home, domesticity, masculinity, identity, gender, space
It may be surprising that despite the extensive television, lm, magazine, and news
coverage of mancaves spaces around the home such as basements, workshops, or
game rooms research on their role in mens identity work remains scarce in
studies of consumption. Previous research recognizes the importance of consumption in mens identity work (Holt and Thompson, 2004; Schouten and
McAlexander, 1995); it primarily focuses on the role of public spaces such as the
ESPN Zone (Sherry et al., 2004), barbershop (Fischer et al., 1998), or golf course in
maintaining and arming masculinity (McGinnis et al., 2008). At the same time,
studies on home are invisibly gendered. They overlook the latent connection
between masculinity and homes spaces. Past research on home in sociology
of consumption examines consumers identity attachments to home (e.g. Belk,
Corresponding author:
Mariam Beruchashvili, David Nazarian College of Business and Economics, California State University,
Northridge, 18111 Nordhoff Street, Northridge, CA 91330-8377, USA.
Email: mariam.beruchashvili@csun.edu
Downloaded from joc.sagepub.com at Deakin University on September 30, 2016
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
Journal of Consumer Culture 0(0)
1988; Gross, 2008; Hill, 1991) and the maintenance of connections between identity
and home through possessions (Bardhi et al., 2012; Tian and Belk, 2005), as well as
the processes through which home becomes homey (McCracken, 1989).
In this article, we build on literatures on home and masculinity as well as interviews with 49 American suburban men to examine how homes male spaces emerge
as venues for mens identity work. Conceptually, our research seeks to revise theory
on domestic masculinity, the view that men create their own conned spaces in
response to the emasculating, feminine aura of home (Gelber, 1997). The idea that
domestic spaces such as garages, barbecue pits, workshops, or even gardens arm
conventional ideals of masculinity is well documented (e.g., Miller, 2010). However,
in our study, we develop insights into mancaves broader therapeutic uses by our
informants. We nd that mancaves contribute to our informants experience of
identity revitalization in relation to work, family, and other men. Our research
thus posits that mancaves oer the means to create a socially integrative form of
domestic masculinity.
Theoretical background
Home and identity
A body of scholarship recognizes that consumers create and maintain their individual and collective identities through homeownership (e.g., Belk, 1988). For
instance, Gross (2008) nds that homeowners who lost their homes following foreclosure experience it as a loss of a part of their identities. Similarly, research
examining the loss of home due to mental illness, alcohol and drug abuse, nancial
problems, or even family violence that can lead to the loss of home (Hill, 1991),
details the emotion-laden nature of consumers identity connection to homeownership. Thus, identities remain connected to home even if consumers have lost them.
Reecting this view, McCracken (1989) theorizes that homes are places that aid the
enactment of family. From this perspective, homeownership and the spaces around
the home partake in construction of mens identities.
Existing scholarship also emphasizes the importance of homemaking, the practices of actively making a home. Contrasted with the idea that home is a xed
locale, Douglas (1991) views home as the contingent outcome of homemaking
through which men might develop a connection to home. Home, in this view,
comes into being once the owner of the house projects herself onto the home
and its many domains through acts of homemaking. Such a view is echoed by
Miller (1987), who posits that consumption involves objectication of cultural
ideals and identities through such acts as home decoration or repair. Recent
research on consumers living in trailer parks extends this theorizing, nding that
the house, its furnishings, and the care consumers invest in their yards constitute a
type of a collective moral identity project that constructs the owners pasts, moral
disciplines, characteristic traits, and life-dening hardships in line with the moral
ethos of their habitus (Saatcioglu and Ozanne, 2013). Similarly, Arsel and Bean
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
Moisio and Beruchashvili
(2013) nd that homeowners identities are created through home decoration,

guided by the taste regime of soft modernism.
In the theoretical perspective advanced in this article, we propose that homes
male spaces cultivate masculine identity at home. Such a perspective views home as
a physical environment constituted by its many gendered spaces (Spain, 1992),
bearing the cultural heritage of gendered associations. Our perspective is congruent
with the home as order notion (Bardhi and Askegaard, 2009), which suggests
that the arrangement of spaces and objects, such as chairs in the hotel room, are
part of identity work. We posit that the uses of domestic male spaces occur in light
of cultural constructions of domesticity and masculinity. Such theorizing draws
attention to the reality that home is laden with feminine rather than masculine
meanings. In creating an identity within the connes of feminine domestic house
space, men are likely to carve out their own territory where masculine identity can
be made.
Home spaces and domestic masculinity

According to Gelber (1997), in the aftermath of the Second World War,
middle-class American men sought to forge domestic masculinity, dened by
the creation of male spaces. As a model of homemaking, it centers on the premise
that men perceive the home as emasculating, capable of undermining their
masculine identities (e.g., Rotundo, 1993), and consequently seek a spatially segregated domain such as a basement, a workshop, a garage, or a barbecue pit,
which benet from historically accrued masculine associations. Activities such as
working with heavy tools in ones workshop or barbecuing allow men to arm
their identities as men in the sphere of the home (e.g., Matthews, 2009). Following
Kimmel (1987) and his analysis of mens responses to the feminist movement,
domestic masculinity caters to mens inclinations to create spaces that represent
islands of untainted masculinity and puried pockets of virility (p. 262).
Male spaces at home thus represent reactions to womens symbolic dominion
over the home.
Social historians posit that domestic masculinity addresses demands for greater
male involvement in the home. Osgerby (2001) credits postwar cultural ideological
processes of domestic containment as well as the emergence of the compassionate
marriage ideal as enabling the emotionally satisfying role of home in mens identities. Barbecuing, a vehicle for domestic masculinity, reasserted the postwar
males position outside the public sphere as a hunter, as well as oering men a
refuge in a traditional and stable identity (Matthews, 2009: 7). Due to emblematic ties to meat which was itself touted as highly masculine tool handling, and
the hunter ideal, barbecuing oered Americans a sense of symbolic stability.
Barbecuing allowed the American nation to arm its core values during a time
when perceived changes in gender roles were elevating national concerns about
masculinity. Miller (2010) similarly echoes the domestic masculinity thesis in asserting that Because outdoor grilling was generally seen as being a masculinity
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
activity it allowed men to take part in an event that straddled the line between male
activity and family activity (p. 7).
Recent cultural developments appear to invoke domestic masculinity as an
identity-construction strategy. Lifestyle television has become a promoter of
homes spaces in gendered denition and expression (Attwood, 2005). Since the
1990s, home and its ongoing edication quest have become the focus of an endless
parade of TV shows, many of which contribute to the gendering of homes spaces.
Speaking to this development, White (2013) contends that gendered perspectives on
home tend to prevail in TV shows like House Hunters. In such shows, mancaves
represent
the most agrant expression of gender dierence . . . The man cave . . . goes beyond the
tropes that territorialize dierent parts of the home in gender terms to suggest that
houses in general, and the varied domestic activities and habits they contain, are
redolent with femininity. (White, 2013: 240)
DIY Networks Man Caves, a long-running show on the air since 2007, represents the most explicit advocate of this trend.
To advance our view of domestic masculinity, the current research builds on the
literature criticizing the theorized, exclusively oppositional relationship between
masculinity and domesticity (Gorman-Murray, 2008). This perspective suggests
that relationships between masculinity and domesticity may not be primarily
oppositional. For instance, research investigating mens involvement in conventionally feminine activities at home, such as interior decorating (Marsh, 1990),
do suggest that these mens involvement in the home may presuppose that masculinity and domesticity are not always oppositional, but rather that domesticity may
enable new forms of domestic masculinity. In our study, we evaluate the therapeutic role played by the framing of home as a haven, distanced from public
scrutiny and surveillance, an intimate arena for forging important relationships
(Shelley, 2004). We propose that male spaces can be therapeutic in that they
oer safety, comfort, and a venue for revitalization of mens identities. Rather
than arming conventional notions of masculinity, male spaces may foster
reinvention of the ways in which men create masculinity at home.
Method
The methodology in this research is qualitative. We use the context of male spaces
at home purposively, with the intent to evaluate prior theory on domestic masculinity to make a contribution to the existing scholarship (Arnould et al., 2006).
Our research design follows the extended case method, which uses data for the
goal of extending the contours of existing theory (Burawoy, 1991). Guided by the
theoretical focus on domestic masculinity, we sought heterosexual middleclass suburban men represented by the mainstream manhood theory. Research
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
assistants located male participants in a medium-sized city in the Midwestern

United States who were at least 25 years of age, employed, and had a family,
potentially with children. Such a sampling strategy allowed not only gauging
domestic masculinity but also assessing the level of interest among suburban
men in having a male space. This sampling ensured the collection of data on the
range of experiences related to male spaces around the home. The resulting sample
of 49 informants consists primarily of homeowners, thus underrepresenting the
viewpoints of lower class men among whom the rate of homeownership is lower
(Table 1).
Our primary research method was long interviews, which are one of the most
powerful methods in the qualitative armory (McCracken, 1988: 9). Long interviews oer insight into consumers mental worlds and the kinds of cultural constructs that shape identity construction by eliciting consumers accounts of their
experience. Through the interviews with the study participants, we are able to
obtain a perspective of action, wherein interview informants explain their perspective of action they recall and its meaning to them (Wallendorf and Arnould,
1991: 15). This methodological approach is consistent with previous research on
mens identity work (Holt and Thompson, 2004; Moisio et al., 2013). In line with
McCrackens (1988) suggestion to use an interview guide, research assistants
trained by the rst author (R.M.) used the same interview guide to conduct each
interview. The interview guide included questions about informants masculine
identity, relationship to homes male spaces, their uses, and their meanings in
order to maximize chances of learning how homes spaces contributed to identity
construction. In addition to the interview-guide questions, the interview process
entailed posing a generic set of questions in combination with situational prompts
and follow-ups. Interview lengths varied between approximately 30 and 60 minutes. All interviews were transcribed verbatim for the purpose of subsequent data
analysis.
To facilitate identication of discrepancies between our data and prior theory,
we used prior theory to guide our computer-aided data-analysis process. During
data analysis, we created a combination of closed codes related to the general
categories, and more specic, inductively derived open codes that emerged
during the coding process (e.g., Strauss and Corbin, 1990). This meant that while
some of the codes were more closely linked to prior theory, we developed new ones
inductively based on close reading of the transcripts during the data-analysis process, thereby facilitating identication of deviations from prior theorizing. During
the data-analysis process, we also moved back and forth between emerging categories and data, known as the constant comparative method, to make sure the
emergent data representation was tting the data (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Later
phases in the data-analysis process also involved axial and selective coding (Strauss
and Corbin, 1990) as we sought to develop a narrative for our ndings. This process also included identication of negative cases that helped in determining the
boundary conditions of the emergent theory.
Age
(years)
49
NA
35
39
31
51
45
49
51
36
57
61
32
35
27
58
53
30
26
26
51
58
58
33
Pseudonym
Adam
Alistair
Andrew
Barry
Ben
Bill
Brad
Brett
Calvin
Carl
Carlo
Chad
Christian
Craig
Dale
Daniel
Danny
Earl
Eddie
Edgar
Edward
Elis
Fernando
Fraser
2
5
2
3
2
2
NA
4
2
1
2
3
2
3
1
2
3
0
0
2
3
1
2
1
Children
Company President
Company President
Senior Management
Project Coordinator
Electrical Engineer
Facility Manager
Assembler
Senior Vice President
Insurance Sales
President of Utility Coordinator
Chief Executive Officer
University Parking/Transit Dispatch Trainer
Insurance-Agency Manager
Sales
Grocery-Store Manager
Director of Agency Sales
Grade-School Teacher
Bar Manager
Production Engineer
Business Specialist
Regional Vice President
Landscaper
President
Railroad Conductor
Current job
BA
BA
MBA
BS
BS
BA
HS
PhD
BA
Some college
BS
Some college
Some college
BS
BS
BA
BA
BS
BS
BA
Associates
Some college
BA
AAS
Education
(continued)
US$110,000+
US$110,000+
US$70,000US$79,999
US$30,000US$39,999
US$60,000US$69,999
US$100,000US$109,999
US$40,000US$49,999
US$110,000+
US$90,000US$99,999
US$30,000US$39,999
US$110,000+
US$50,000US$59,999
US$100,000US$109,999
US$110,000+
US$30,000US$39,999
US$60,000US$69,999
NA
US$20,000US$29,999
NA
US$30000US$39999
US$110,000+
US$20,000US$29,999
US$60,000US$69,999
US$50,000US$59,999
Personal income
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Partnership
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Engaged
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Marital
status
Table 1. Informant profiles.
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
Age
(years)
27
48
30
50
32
38
30
26
31
35
53
27
29
43
33
41
52
27
34
33
33
52
52
31
55
Pseudonym
Frederick
Garon
George
Gilbert
Glen
Harry
Jake
Jay
Keegan
Lee
Marvin
Owen
Ramsey
Ricky
Rupert
Sean
Seth
Simon
Sonny
Spencer
Toby
Tyrone
Wade
Warren
Will
Table 1. Continued
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Married
Divorced
Married
Married
Married
Marital
status
0
0
1
3
2
2
2
0
1
3
3
1
1
2
1
3
2
1
3
0
2
2
2
0
1
Children
Sales Manager
Utilities Manager
Insurance Adjuster
Vice President
Investment Banker
Athletic/Academic Consultant
Claims Adjuster/Underwriter
Claims Analyst
Bank Teller
Rehab Specialist
Company President
Sales Manager
Retail-Store General Manager
Assistant Director for Student Life
Bar Manager
Software Analyst
Stationary Equipment Operator
Management Supervisor at Gallup
Stay-at-Home Dad
Full-Time Student
Stay-at-Home Dad
Salesman
Restoration Specialist
Bartender
Director of Project Management
Current job
BS
Associates
BA
MA
BS
MS
BS
HS
HS
HS
BS
BS
BA
MA
HS
BS
HS
BA
HS
Some college
HS
MA
HS
BA
BS
Education
NA
US$70,000US$79,999
US$40,000US$49,999
US$100,000US$109,999
US$60,000US$69,999
US$60,000US$69,999
US$40,000US$49,999
US$30,00039,999
US$20,000US$29,999
US$70,000US$79,999
US$110,000+
US$50,000US$59,999
US$50,000US$59,999
US$70,000US$79,999
US$60,000US$69,999
US$50,000US$59,999
US$90,000US$99,999
US$70,00079,999
US$0US$9999
US$10,000US$19,999
US$10,000US$19,999
US$50,000US$59,999
US$30,000US$39,999
US$20,000US$29,999
US$90,000US$99,999
Personal income
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
Findings
Homes masculine corners: Characteristics of male spaces
Our informants link their masculine identities to male spaces at home. This is
accomplished by claiming the ownership of these spaces, particularly in light of
provisioning, as many informants refer to their male spaces as favorite places
earned through hard work. Bill, a 51-year-old facility manager, for instance,
asserts, I feel that, well, since I paid for all this, I should have a spot thats
mine. As the main provider for the family, Bill lays down an unequivocal claim
to a corner in the house. He considers it his right. Game rooms, dens, workshops,
and garages appear to be the most commonly claimed masculine spaces. Some
spaces are blocked out from the feminine areas of the home. For instance, the
basement is one such area for Toby, a stay-at-home dad, who emphasizes the
importance of having his own space:
The kids have about 65% of it and I have, well, about 25% of it, but thats my space. I
go there every night . . . my space downstairs is kind of my own. Its kind of boxed o
from the rest of the room. Thats my space.
Masculine possessions are prime props for marking male spaces. In this regard,
these possessions allow men to engage in a masculine form of nesting. For instance,
Alistair, a company president, describes the chair that even family members recognize as distinctly his:
I do have a big chair which Jane bought for me about 15 years or so. And somehow or
other she never sits in it hardly; its a chair that is comfortable for me, and referred to
as my chair.
Alistairs chair is not just an ordinary, random possession mounted in his spot. It is
a phallic object that evokes symbolic undertones of masculine power, akin to a
ruler presiding on his throne. Such experience highlights how possessions are necessary to legitimize male spaces at home, where womens symbolic inuence persists.
Indeed, masculine possessions endowed with powerful phallic symbolism gain
meaning in relation to the perceived, primarily feminine ambiance of home.
Owen, a 27-year-old sales manager, contrasts the feminine aura of the house
with the masculinity of his own space, dened by the sports-related possessions:
. . . if you were to walk through my house today you would think that its all my wifes
interior decorating everything . . . its just got very feminine tones to it . . . and so Ive
got my man room with my signed Brett Favre football and all my Packers stu up on
the wall, Im a huge Packers fan. I love those guys . . . its great, I really feel like thats
my prowess, thats my locale . . .
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
Owens quote highlights how the prevalent feminine overtones of the house decor
prompt the desire to construct a counter-space marked by more typical masculine
nuances. For Owen, these nuances take the form of sports memorabilia plastered
on the walls of his man room, which endow his space with a clearly masculine
aura as well as objectify his identity within the home. Aside from paraphernalia of
favorite sports teams or athletes, other objects related to mens sporting hobbies
also represent a very common type of possessions that are considered masculine.
Marvin, a company president, cherishes such undisputed masculine possessions
around his den: It just is kind of a place where I can have my own stu in my
den. I have some of my own pictures out of golf trips, boy trips . . .
We also nd that productive consumption (e.g., Moisio et al., 2013), whether it
entails xing a bookshelf or repairing a at bike tire, contributes to the inauguration of male spaces at home. In the viewpoints of our informants, male spaces are
not mere leisurely quarters but areas for productive ventures. While prior studies of
mens public spaces such as the ESPN Zone or a golf course highlight their playful
character (McGinnis and Gentry, 2002; Sherry et al., 2004), our ndings suggest
that pursuits that combine leisure and productivity represent the means of legitimizing male spaces. They resonate as productive rather than frivolous spaces that
allow men to imagine themselves as industrious agents who use their time at home
to engage in productive work. Spencer, a 33-year-old full-time student, emphasizes
the importance of productivity to the very denition of his basement spot:
I kind of classify the basement as, I dont want to say mine, but kind of my little area
that I can tweak, put things where I want to. She [his wife] has her little Disney room
upstairs and whatnot. My entertainment [is the] basement.
Although the productivity framing may have little to do with actual reality, it
nevertheless validates the male spaces.
Home as mens therapeutic enclave: Seeking refuge from work and family
Refuge from work. Our informants describe their male spaces in therapeutic terms.
Male spaces facilitate revitalization from the stresses associated with being working
professionals. Workplaces, as revealed through the viewpoints of our informants,
represent chaotic worlds and homes male spaces emerge as a counterpoint to that.
Andrew, an informant who holds a stressful senior management position, emphasizes the quality of the time spent in his male space as an after-work treat: I
deserve some time to relax when I get home . . . after working all day long it is
the only reward that I give myself and I think I earned time to do what I want.
Informants like Andrew view the time spent in male spaces as a hedonic reward
after a hard days work. Rewarding oneself with this treat allows men not only to
release work-induced stress but also to transition to the family-man identity they
perform at home.
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
10
Male spaces also derive their meaning in mens identity work as the venues to
counteract workplace frustrations. For our achievement-oriented informants,
spending time in their male spaces is like seeking refuge from paid work at the
same time as they engage in something productive while at home. Glen, an investment banker, speaks to this reality:
It was a form of stress relief; if Im stressed out at work I can come home and go to my
garage and just get away, much like gardening I can get away and turn on some
music and involve myself in things that can give me that sense of accomplishment . . .
Glen nds it fullling to disappear into his garage after the onerous days work and
engage in simple yet meaningful activities. Glens experience is reective of the idea
that male spaces are transitional in nature, in line with Turners (1969) betwixt
and between notion. Male spaces exist at the intersection of home and work,
facilitating role transitions from the professional world to the domestic realm of
family.
The atmospheric characteristics of male spaces enhance their therapeutic potential. The ambiance of male spaces often resembles that of a sports bar or a workshop to minimize resemblance to the workplace. The physical props or the
arrangement of male spaces therefore augment transportation of men to the
betwixt and between zone of masculine domestic experience. Carl, a company
CEO, explains how the electronic dartboard and the bar table contribute to the
leisurely quality of his space:
It is the most relaxing place in the house if you ask me. You walk in and there is an
electronic dartboard, like the ones you see in bars and restaurants. Then, to the right is
a bar I just put in recently.
Carls space is complete with typical relaxation amenities, including games and a
beverage freezer, which render the space unlike other family spaces, and denitely
unlike his workplace. In addition, the sonic dimension of male spaces also contributes to their therapeutic role. Male spaces tend to be empty of the polluting noise,
mostly in the form of incessant interactional chatter that characterizes our informants workplaces. The quietness of the ambiance inside male spaces facilitates the
valued experience of therapeutic revitalization.
Our informants contend that male spaces act as a safety valve, safeguarding
against negative repercussions of professional stress for personal life. Isolating
themselves in male spaces helps men discharge workplace frustrations without
aecting the family relationships. Withdrawal to male spaces seems to aid the
informants smoother transition from the days work to familial commitments at
home. This therapeutic property is apparent in Eddies claim that having his space
enables him to cope with work-related stresses on his own, without straining the
family: I get a chance to let my frustrations settle, if I had a bad day, and not
impose on my wife or family. I use the time to deal with my issues and take care of
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
11
my personal business. Eddie is a busy production engineer by day. Eddies experience is consistent with the idea that work may spillover to home life and undermine
familial harmony. Echoing this conjecture, Eddie feels the retreat to his own space
spares his family unwanted negativity trailing from the oce.
Refuge from family. The therapeutic role of male spaces extends to family-man identity as well. Male spaces oer a refuge from the identity pressures entailed by the
informants roles as fathers, husbands, and members of the household. However,
our informants stories reveal an overlooked aspect of male spaces that in public
portrayals are often depicted as retrograde male hideouts. Even if male spaces may
serve as hideouts on occasion, mens relationship to these spaces is much more
nuanced. Spending time within their mancaves enables our informants to more
fully embrace their identities as fathers and husbands. These men do not just
evade the demands of the multiple identities they enact but also seek rejuvenation
of these identities. In this vein, male spaces around their homes serve the very
important purpose of aiding release of marital and overall family-man identity
frustrations built up over time. Brad, who works as an assembler and lives with
a partner, elaborates on this therapeutic property of his basement:
. . . you need your free time, its like sometimes . . . to be able to get away, maybe theres
a certain situation like thats come up, I dont like to use argument; but, you know its
kinda like, okay, Im just gonna go down here, get in my own little world, I need that
til theres no more conict . . . Because instead of venting on the person, I can just go
down there and just relax . . . So my space is very important.
Brads story oers a counter-narrative to the frequently publicized tale of the

irresponsible male who escapes familial responsibilities as a father or a husband
(Ehrenreich, 1983). Brads experience highlights the idea that male spaces allow
men to release pent-up frustrations emanating from family schisms, akin to how
work-related tensions are released. Brads experience is also representative of how
many informants feel namely, that isolation rather than communication is needed
to weather familial and marital challenges, and male spaces aord a treasured
outlet for it. Taking physical refuge is a form of emotional coping for informants
like Brad, who would rather deal with relational discontent without letting it escalate to a conict that can undermine familial harmony. Male spaces, therefore,
facilitate mens more successful integration with their families. However, male
spaces do not represent an unequivocal panacea for averting emotionally charged
episodes that might generate family conicts.
The time spent in male spaces also helps better integrate men with their families
through the therapeutic self-reection and discovery that take place there. In the
case of our informants, some engage in a life survey of sorts an appraisal of goals,
accomplishments, and performance in their roles as fathers, husbands, and providers. In a way, male spaces facilitate important reinvention of identities, which
represents an opportunity no other context outside or inside the home provides.
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
12
George, an insurance adjuster and a married father with a young child, oers an
insight into how moments of solitude in his man space help him take a functional
inventory of his life and aspects of identity:
Its good for me to be able to sit back, take a look, and take inventory on how life is
going, what Im doing, making sure that Im being the type of husband and father that
I think is what my wife and child deserve in me. And I think, I think if you have an
opportunity to sit back without the pressures of the world, then you get a good chance
to think about whats important to you. You know, what moves you need to make, if
you need to change, or if you need to keep going on a dierent, or on the same path.
George engages in the review of vital relationships and roles while in his personal spot. Shrouded in the therapeutic and solitary aura of their spaces,
informants like George evaluate their performance as fathers, husbands, and
self-described heads of the household. Male spaces, in this perspective, allow
men to reassume their identity roles with revitalized rigor. Overwhelmed at times
by the conicting expectations of the modern professional, marital, and family lives
that may undermine their selves, men attempt to come to terms with these diverse
identity pressures within the quiet, undisturbed enclosure of male spaces.
Paradoxically, by emerging as a temporary haven from responsibilities as husbands
and parents, male spaces also contribute to the revitalization of mens potential to
live up to these responsibilities.
Home and male-to-male sociality in male spaces: Camaraderie as therapy

Male spaces and paternal relationships. Our informants use male spaces as venues to
form relationships and bond with male family members. Spaces such as game
rooms, workshops, or garages that can accommodate larger groups of people are
particularly amenable to male bonding within the connes of home, sustaining
male-to-male bloodline relationships. For instance, Chad, a transit dispatch ocer
and a married father of three children, explains the value of spending time with his
sons in the male space for fatherson bonding:
. . . I got three sons. When they got older, that was the nice time to be with my three
sons. Not all-together and maybe sometimes three all together. A lot of times one-onone. Fix their cars, build them something for, and help them with the project they
had. It just was a fun time. Thats where I took as the man spot. Especially, as father
and son.
Inside his spot, Chad interacts with his sons, and they all share leisurely yet
productive avocations that enhance their relationships. These occasions are also
crucial for instilling values and for socializing the ospring in line with the informants conceptions of masculinity. The male space serves as the prime venue for
reproducing traditional views of masculinity and simultaneously bonding with the
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
13
male kin. Male spaces also furnish a venue for developing fatherson intimacy.
Some informants struggle to establish closeness with their male ospring, either for
personal reasons or because of circumstances such as separation following a
divorce. Therefore, they value the playtime with their sons in the male space for
bonding and transferring of socially appropriate masculine demeanor and mindset.
Owen, a sales manager and a son of a reghter, describes how playing video
games and sports in his mancave forges a closer bond between himself and his son:
Im bonding with my son, Im helping him realize how important sports are in life and
having a nice television and video games, you know, he and I play Super Mario
Bros . . .. Im Luigi, hes Mario. These are important moments in my life where I get
to bond with a guy . . . On the door of that room, it kind of has one of those Packers
Fans Only signs and . . . its actually painted green with the yellow trim, so it kind of
ts that motif so, he knows when he comes to that door were going to have man
time . . . and up until then he knows to stay out of there too, because I can only go in
there with him [. . .] thats how Im able to bond with my son Steven, too, trying to get
him into sports . . .
Owen identies himself as an emotionally inexpressive parent. He lacks the

behavioral ideals and social skills needed to interact with his son. Owen resorts
to video games and sports as legitimate masculine hobbies that serve the greater
purpose of developing a connection to his son. Playing the Super Mario Bros video
game together in the physical space marked with masculine devotion to the Packers
football team provides a template for forming a fatherson team. Owens story
highlights the potential of mens spaces to facilitate the creation of relations that
otherwise may go unattended. A male space thus emerges as socially therapeutic
through the integration of men into their families, helping them bond with their
ospring while reproducing some traditional masculine traits.
Male spaces and fraternal relationships. In male spaces, our informants are able to
engage in masculine activities with other men such as working on Do-It-Yourself
(DIY) projects, watching sports, playing video games, shooting pool, or conversing
about a variety of topics with other men. Such moments of fraternal bonding in
male spaces derive signicance relative to the times when men feel overwhelmed by
their family-man identities. Those informants who spend most of the day with their
children value these bonding opportunities even more. Toby, a stay-at-home dad to
two children, yearns for occasional male companionship and nds his male space
opportune for it: Well, just talking to other guys. I am with the kids so much, that
you need the adult time. Male bonding at his space is meaningful for Toby
because he can have some adult time. The notion of adult time is juxtaposed
to family time, which entails engagement with children and spouses that men may
not always nd fullling as individuals and as men. Bonding occasions at male
spaces help ll the void of male-to-male interaction that may be missing in some
informants lives.
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
14
A characteristic of adult time is guy talk, conversations with other men that
take place within male spaces. Eddie expresses appreciation for this element of male
bonding:
I value the conversations. The stories and ideas passed back and forth between a
bunch of guys with vivid imaginations and engineering degrees can get good. So
many of my friends have dierent backgrounds that we share dierent perspectives,
but our roots give us something in common.
As Eddie contends, successful interactions are predicated on some commonality

such as the engineering background, which further strengthens friendship bonds.
However, more importantly, getting together at each others male spaces creates
fraternal traditions, through which the continuity of male-to-male relationships can
be assured. Congregating at male spaces helps in sustaining valued relationships.
For instance, Earl explains that maintaining male friendships requires repetitive
eort, which is best expended through ritualized gatherings at male spaces:
Watch TV, I want to have a big-screen TV down there, a bar, I want to have a weekly
or maybe a monthly poker night with my friends. When you get married and that and
you move on, you kind of lose touch with everybody, and its a way that you can
create a fun and relaxing environment that you can have your friends over and you are
more likely to stay in touch with them.
Like other informants, Earl acknowledges the weakening of relationships he had

prior to the marriage and family life. For our informants, marital and familial
responsibilities tend to become the priority relative to male friendships, and not
just temporarily. This prioritizing at times leads to the loss of previous friendships.
Cultivating homosociality at mens spaces emerges as an antidote to the weakening
of male-to-male bonds. It allows men to reconnect and recreate in a jovial, playful
atmosphere and engage in masculine activities, such as playing poker often accompanied by the ritualistic sharing of beer, a common prop among our informants
masculinity-arming get-togethers.
Male bonding in male spaces derives meaning vis-a`-vis what our informants
experience as the feminine code of the everyday marital life. For instance, Dale,
a grocery-store manager, contrasts the camaraderie unfolding in the male space to
the time he spends with his ancee:
just the camaraderie and the dierent point of view that you get from . . . I spend a lot
of my day with my ancee . . . so when I spend time with other men, its nice to get a
dierent point of view . . . be a man for a little while.
Dales interaction mostly with his ancee seems to supersede being a man, at
least temporarily. Such experience is common among other informants. Family life,
in general, tends to inscribe informants in the broader structure of social
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
15
relationships with extended family members, in-laws, and new acquaintances that
put a check on what our informants consider truly male behavior. Within the
connes of male spaces, men can safely unleash their inner, authentic man. Our
informants feel that in their mancaves, they can behave in masculinity-arming
ways otherwise sanctioned in the context of the marital relationship:
Just that if Im hanging out with the guys, we can be guys. Like, I mean, I can with
Michelle, to an extent. I dont have to hold back anything like a burp or a fart or
something like that around Michelle; we are comfortable enough with each other. But
when Im hanging out with the guys, its dierent; we can just be stupid guys and talk
about stupid things that I cant really talk about with Michelle. You know I cant talk
about hot chicks or boobs or stu like that, but with guys you can be fteen again.
Warrens remark about freely discussing other women in the company of male
buddies reects how mens spaces facilitate what gender theorists describe as heteronormative masculinity. While Warren feels less inhibited to release vulgar
aspects of his masculinity such as a burp or a fart around his wife, he will refrain
from displaying more misogynistic forms of masculinity. But within his male space,
such expressions of masculinity are uninhibited or perhaps even encouraged by
local norms that celebrate masculine expression. In the connes of the male space,
men are free to express views and enact behaviors that are important to their
masculinity but are kept under wraps when enacting the family-man identity.
The social regulation of homes domains: The limits of male spaces

Men do not always have the ability to appropriate a physical space in or around the
house, nor do they always claim one. We nd that the importance of male space
uctuates in conjunction with our informants endorsement of egalitarian ideology
(Hochschild, 1989). Some informants attest to not desiring a spot of their own. For
instance, Ricky, who has two children and a full-time job, explains:
. . . I really dont have that personal space, nor do I need it. What I think youre doing
there is youre isolating yourself from your family. We have an oce in our basement . . . but its not a dened area for just me and thats [not] something that Ive ever
had nor do I see for me right now as a must-have.
Some informants further contend that having a separate space reads as deliberate isolation from the family. Daniel goes so far as to deem the mens space a thing
of the past:
I dont know if you remember the show All in the Family with Archie Bunker, but
there was a show that was on TV. A sitcom that was on for a long time called All in the
Family and there was one of the principal characters of the show was a gentleman by
the name of Archie Bunker, and he had a La-Z-Boy recliner that was his space.
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
16
He would sit in the thing and watch TV and drink beer and whatever he did, fall asleep
and argue with his wife, and so it is my dream never to be like that. So, consequently,
no, I dont have a place in my house that I consider to be my place, my study, my spot,
my chair. Its all common ground.
In Daniels view, inhabiting a male space represents a regressive form of masculinity that is not in sync with contemporary times, claiming his own spot would
liken Daniel to the Archie Bunker character, the kind of man who does not adapt
to the family life. Other informants share in the belief that having ones own spot
around the house undermines the good husband ideal: Theres no like, Oh, Earls
in his private space where he wants to be left alone. I dont think thats very good
for a family and its denitely not good for a relationship. For these informants,
lack of desire to have a male space indicates rejection of stereotypical masculine
ideals that may subvert family unity and marital harmony. However, such a stance
may also represent an opportunistic ideological shift. It may simply reect the
intent to accommodate personal views within the limits imposed by family
circumstances.
The salience of the family ideal, the quest for family unity (Moisio et al., 2004),
also punctuates mens relationship to their spaces. Men sacrice having their own
spot for the sake of family needs. Ricky, for instance, is willing to forgo spending
time in the male space as he nds interaction with his two children more fullling:
. . . We have that area down in our basement where our oce is, opens up into a big
great room and its where our kids play all the time and thats where I want to be. Any
spare time I have I try to spend with my kids, not our study.
Rickys comment is indicative of the reality that being a father, especially to

young children, contributes signicantly to the shift in the informants attitude
toward having a designated male space. If not entirely abandoning having a separate space, some men appropriate a corner at home temporally for instance, in
the evening or at night when the family goes to sleep. Others are more than willing
to endow their personal spots with communal utility, as Adam, a president of an
insurance company and a father of two, does: . . . I have a den but the den is used
by all of the family members since our computers are there and I dont really have a
separate space from anyone else. Thus, while some informants claim not to yearn
for a space and others willingly give it up in service of the family, these may well be
compromises that drive mens latent determination to eventually carve out a spot at
home, a mancave of their own.
Discussion
This research and its unique male perspective, developed through long interviews
with the participants, oer several insights into male spaces at home, or what
popular culture labels mancaves. First, we identify the key features of male
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
17
spaces and how these spaces operate in mens identity work. Male spaces at home
represent mens terrain, demarcated from womens spaces. Along with spatial or
symbolic demarcation, masculine possessions mark the ambience of these spaces.
The nal feature is productive consumption that takes place within male spaces as a
means of their legitimization. Second, resonant with the notion that in popular
imagination home represents a haven in an uncertain world (Shelley, 2004), male
spaces emerge as therapeutic enclaves to mitigate identity pressures emanating
from being professionals, breadwinners, and family men. This nding qualies
the proposition that domestic masculinity emerges primarily to furnish a legitimate
domain for masculine identity work at home (Gelber, 1997). Our informants
experiences suggest that the prior theoretical emphasis on emasculating meanings
of home as a female realm may overstate its importance. Our conceptualization
emphasizes the multifold therapeutic role of male spaces for domestic masculinity
construction.
As our ndings reveal, domestic masculinity emerges at the intersection of
several types of identity pressures. Male spaces at home aid mens temporary
detachment from the stresses and expectations of their workplaces, similar to
what appears to happen in the context of DIY home improvement (Moisio
et al., 2013). Due to their atmospheric and sonic qualities that augment temporary
solitude, male spaces help discharge identity pressures tied to the workplace and
guard against their negative spillover into the family. Male spaces also ward o
pressures indigent to the marital life, but rather than merely facilitating escape,
male spaces contribute to mens contemplation upon how to better perform their
roles as fathers and husbands. In addition, male spaces emerge as venues of
male-to-male bonding. This nding contrasts with the view that public places of
shared leisure forge male-to-male connections (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).
Male spaces at home cultivate paternal relationships with male ospring and build
fraternity with other men, while operating as venues for acting out masculine codes
of conduct incompatible with the family-man identity. Finally, male spaces reect
mens endorsement of egalitarian ideology and the family ideal, regulating their
creation, use, and boundaries (Figure 1).
Our ndings oer several theoretical contributions. One contribution of this
research is to advance a broader understanding of home as a consumer project.
From the past research on home, we may distinguish two orienting research
streams. One research stream has centered on the idea of home as a possession
that reects an extension of an identity (Belk, 1988). Another orienting research
stream posits home as a process of homemaking, wherein emphasis rests on how
home is constructed through consumption processes (e.g. Arsel and Bean, 2013;
Saatcioglu and Ozanne, 2013). Absent in these research streams is the recognition
of home as a mans space. Men, not just women, make their identities at home, a
reality not heeded by existing research. Our work elucidates homemaking as a
gendered process of identity construction whereby appropriation and use of
domestic spaces play a role in the creation of home. Home, therefore, should perhaps be treated as a conglomerate of spatial domains that are constructed through
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
18
Figure 1. Extended model of domestic masculinity.
consumer choices and practices, such as those of our informants, who focus on the
use of the corners around the house in the service of enacting multilayered masculine identities.
Our ndings also inform theorizing on masculinity and consumption (e.g., Holt
and Thompson, 2004; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). Studies of mens identity
work in public spaces already demonstrate that consumption cultivates masculinity
(Fischer et al., 1998; Sherry et al., 2004). However, such research tends to re-invoke
the hegemonic masculinity model as an exclusionary practice and overlook any
potential relational motives that could elucidate alternative ways of constructing
masculinity (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005). For instance, the model of masculinity construction by Holt and Thompson (2004), while illuminating masculinity
as a feat of man-of-action heroism, glosses over the relationship between masculinity and domesticity. Our ndings, in contrast, reveal that mens identity work at
home emerges in conjunction with their need to sustain connections to domesticity
and family as well as revitalization of mens potential in the capacity of fathers and
husbands. In light of this reality, male spaces and mens consumption-aided identity work at home are inherently auto-therapeutic (e.g., Moisio and Beruchashvili,
2010). Homes male spaces are not mere enactments of pre-existing identities, but
rather platforms for reinventing who men are at home.
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
19
In conclusion, our study suggests that mancaves play a pivotal yet a more
complex role in mens identity work at home than previously thought. Mancaves
are not just the retrograde expressions of masculine ethos premised on escaping the
inuence of the female and feminine domesticity. Rather, mancaves emerge as
therapeutic, integrative spaces. They operate as venues for weaving together the
multiple aspects of mens identities at times overwhelmed by professional and
familial obligations. Mancaves aord men a place for reinventing themselves as
more fully functioning males integrated within the home, family, and the fraternity
of other men. In light of the current ndings, further understanding of how women
and children play into the domestic masculinity construction is warranted.
Additionally, examining the principle of territoriality and the distribution of the
houses other spaces can further elucidate how contemporary men construe their
masculinity at home.
References
Arnould EJ, Price LL and Moisio R (2006) Making contexts matter: Selecting research
contexts for theoretical insights. In: Belk RW (ed.) Handbook of Qualitative Research
Methods in Marketing. Northampton: Edward Elgar, pp. 106128.
Arsel Z and Bean J (2013) Taste regimes and market-mediated practice. Journal of Consumer
Research 39(5): 899917.
Attwood F (2005) Inside out: Men on the home front. Journal of Consumer Culture 5(1):
87107.
Bardhi F and Askegaard S (2009) Home away from home: Home as order and dwelling in
mobility. In: Sherry JFJ and Fischer E (eds) Explorations in Consumer Theory. New
York: Routledge, pp. 8399.
Bardhi F, Eckhardt GM and Arnould EJ (2012) Liquid relationship to possessions. Journal
of Consumer Research 39(3): 510529.
Belk RW (1988) Possessions and the extended self. Journal of Consumer Research 15(2):
139168.
Burawoy M (1991) Ethnography Unbound: Power and Resistance in the Modern Metropolis.
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Connell RW and Messerschmidt JW (2005) Hegemonic masculinity. Gender & Society 19(6):
829859.
Douglas M (1991) The idea of a home: A kind of space. Social Research 58(1): 287307.
Ehrenreich B (1983) The Hearts of Men: American Dreams and the Flight from Commitment.
New York: Anchor Press.
Fischer E, Gainer B and Bristor J (1998) Beauty salon and barbershop: Gendered servicescapes. In: Sherry JF Jr (ed.) Servicescapes: The Concept of Place in Contemporary
Markets. Chicago, IL: NTC Business Books, pp. 565590.
Gelber SM (1997) Do-it-yourself: Constructing, repairing, and maintaining domestic masculinity. American Quarterly 49(1): 66112.
Glaser BG and Strauss AL (1967) Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative
Research. New York: Aldine de Gyuter.
Gorman-Murray A (2008) Masculinity and the home: A critical review and conceptual
framework. Australian Geographer 39(3): 367379.
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
20
Gross BL (2008) The experience of home foreclosure: Coping with involuntary loss of home
and transition of identity. In: Borghini S, McGrath MA and Otnes C (eds) European
Advances in Consumer Research. Duluth, MN: Association for Consumer Research,
pp. 8793.
Hill RP (1991) Homeless women, special possessions, and the meaning of home: An ethnographic case-study. Journal of Consumer Research 18(3): 298310.
Hochschild A (1989) The Second Shift: Working Parents and the Revolution at Home. New
York: Viking.
Holt DB and Thompson CJ (2004) Man-of-action heroes: The pursuit of heroic masculinity
in everyday consumption. Journal of Consumer Research 31(2): 425440.
Kimmel MS (1987) Mens responses to feminism at the turn of the century. Gender & Society
1(3): 261283.
McCracken G (1988) The Long Interview. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
McCracken G (1989) Homeyness: A cultural account of one constellation of consumer
goods and meanings. In: Hirschman EC (ed.) Interpretive Consumer Research. Provo,
UT: Association for Consumer Research, pp. 168183.
McGinnis L and Gentry JW (2002) The masculine hegemony in sports: Is golf for ladies?
In: Broniarczyk SM and Nakamoto K (eds) Advances in Consumer Research. Provo UT:
Association for Consumer Research, pp. 1924.
McGinnis LP, Gentry JW and McQuillan J (2008) Ritual-based behavior that reinforces
hegemonic masculinity in golf: Variations in women golfers responses. Leisure Sciences
31(1): 1936.
Marsh M (1990) Suburban men and masculine domesticity, 18701915. In: Carnes MC and
Griffen C (eds) Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian
America. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, pp. 111127.
Matthews KL (2009) One nation over coals: Cold war nationalism and the barbeque.
American Studies 50(3): 534.
Miller D (1987) Material Culture and Mass Consumption. New York: Blackwell.
Miller T (2010) The birth of the patio daddy-o: Outdoor grilling in postwar America.
Journal of American Culture 33(1): 511.
Moisio R and Beruchashvili M (2010) Questing for well-being at Weight Watchers: The role
of the spiritual-therapeutic model in a support group. Journal of Consumer Research
36(5): 857875.
Moisio R, Arnould EJ and Gentry JW (2013) Productive consumption in the class-mediated
construction of domestic masculinity: Do-It-Yourself (DIY) home improvement in mens
identity work. Journal of Consumer Research 40(2): 298316.
Moisio R, Arnould EJ and Price LL (2004) Between mothers and markets: Constructing
family identity through homemade food. Journal of Consumer Culture 4(3): 361384.
Osgerby B (2001) Playboys in Paradise: Masculinity, Youth and Leisure-Style in Modern
America. New York: Bloomsbury Publishing.
Rotundo EA (1993) American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution
to the Modern Era. New York: Basic Books.
Saatcioglu B and Ozanne JL (2013) Moral habitus and status negotiation in a marginalized
working-class neighborhood. Journal of Consumer Research 40(4): 692710.
Schouten JW and McAlexander JH (1995) Subcultures of consumption: An ethnography of
the new bikers. Journal of Consumer Research 22: 4361.
Shelley M (2004) Understanding home: A critical review of the literature. The Sociological
Review 52(1): 6289.
XML Template (2014)

[30.9.20143:34pm]
[121]
(JOC)
[PREPRINTER stage]
21
Sherry JFJ, Kozinets RV, Duhachek A, et al. (2004) Gendered behavior in a male preserve:
Role playing at ESPN Zone Chicago. Journal of Consumer Psychology 14(12): 151158.
Spain D (1992) Gendered Spaces. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press.
Strauss AL and Corbin JM (1990) Basics of Qualitative Research: Grounded Theory
Procedures and Techniques. London: Sage.
Tian K and Belk RW (2005) Extended self and possessions in the workplace. Journal of
Consumer Research 32(2): 297310.
Turner VW (1969) The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure. New York: Aldine.
Wallendorf M and Arnould EJ (1991) We gather together: Consumption rituals of
Thanksgiving Day. Journal of Consumer Research 18(1): 1331.
White M (2013) Gender territories: House hunting on American real estate TV. Television &
New Media 14(3): 228243.
Author Biographies
Risto Moisio is Associate Professor of Marketing at College of Business
Administration, California State University, Long Beach, USA. His research
examines gender identity, consumer well-being, and pro-social behavior.
Mariam Beruchashvili is Associate Professor of Marketing at David Nazarian
College of Business and Economics, California State University, Northridge,
USA. Her research focuses on social construction of emotion, overweight identity,
and consumer goals.

Journal of Consumer Culture 2014 Moisio 1469540514553712

Загружено:

Сведения о документе

Авторское право

Доступные форматы

Поделиться этим документом

Поделиться или встроить документ

Параметры публикации

Этот документ был вам полезен?

Это неприемлемый материал?

Авторское право:

Доступные форматы

Journal of Consumer Culture 2014 Moisio 1469540514553712

Загружено:

Авторское право:

Доступные форматы

XML Template (2014)