COMMENTARY

Reconceptualising Indias
Civilisational Basis
Pushparaj V Deshpande

Questioning the aggressive pursuit

of the urbanindustrial version
of development which is
resource-intensive and anti-poor,
this article proposes a radical
rethink of the current development
practices as well as a
reconceptualisation of our
civilisational basis. Ruralisation,
an alternative development
paradigm, which entails
creation of self-sufficient villages
and urban republics with
attached common pool resources,
can be adopted to promote
equitable and sustainable local
economic development and
decentralised governance.

Pushparaj V Deshpande (pushparaj.work@gmail.

com) is an analyst with the Indian National
Congress.
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arl Marx famously argued, History repeats itself, first as a tragedy,

second as farce. Nothing can
explain this better than the findings of
an independent study called Human and
Nature Dynamics (HANDY) (Motesharrei
et al 2014). Citing the historical trajectories of complex and advanced civilisations like the Roman, Han, Mauryan,
Mesopotamian and Gupta empires, the
study finds that the process of rise and
collapse is actually a recurrent cycle
found throughout history. In examining the interconnected variables that
contributed to these civilisational declines, the study focuses on population,
climate, water, agriculture, and energy.
Specifically, it identifies two social phenomena that have consistently played a
central role in the character or in the
process of the collapse for the last
five thousand years. These two social
features are the stretching of resources
due to the strain placed on the ecological carrying capacity, and the economic stratification of society into Elites
and Masses (Motesharrei et al 2014).
Surprisingly relevant contemporarily, the study goes on to argue that
accumulated surplus is not evenly distributed throughout society, but (is)
rather controlled by an Elite. The
mass of the population, while producing the wealth, is only allocated a small
portion of it by elites, usually at or just
above subsistence levels (Motesharrei
et al 2014). Modelling a range of different
vol lI no 39

scenarios, the study points out how this

elite continues to maximise resource
exploitation, and the detrimental consequences of the environmental collapse are borne first by the commoners
(and eventually, by the elite themselves). It is these more than anything
else that explain how historical collapses were allowed to occur by elites
who appear to be oblivious to the
catastrophic trajectory (Motesharrei
et al 2014).
Sounding a stern warning, the study
rejects the lackadaisical attitude that is
incidentally also adopted currently by
Elites and their supporters, who opposed
making (structural) changes, and
vehemently argues that collapse can be
avoided and population can reach equilibrium if the per capita rate of depletion of nature is reduced to a sustainable level, and if resources are distributed in a reasonable equitable fashion
(Motesharrei et al 2014).
Myth of the Systemised Urban
However, there is little hope that any
nation has or will pay heed to these alarming findings. There are two aspects to
this problem. First, like elsewhere, in
Indias dominant consciousness, the rural
is caricatured as unorganised, polluted,
and deprived of resources which exists
in stark contrast to the urban, a
systemised, uncontaminated megapolis
abundant with power, water, food, housing, and other such essential resources.
In fact, the implicit assumption is that
rural India and any rural-based agro/
industrial activity are at best tertiary,
existing only to fuel the primary sector
of Indiathe urban.
Second, in an effort to modernise
India in the image of the developed
world, policymakers have consistently
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COMMENTARY

proselytised a top down imposed

urbanindustrial vision of modernity
as a consumable commodity through
the paradigm of development. The penultimate, although unarticulated, aim
of such development (which is usually
resource and displacement intensive) is
to steamroll, flatten and secularise the
diverse visions of a desirable society
into a single monolithic vision (Nandy
2012). Therefore,
induced by provisions, pressures and incentives provided by the agencies promoting
rapid economic globalisation, the State (often in collusion with vested interests) has
planned and implemented several schemes
and activities which also tend to (colonise)
natural... resources and products available
through CPR s [Common Pool Resources] to
the rural communities. (Jodha et al 2012)

Barring a few notable exceptions,1 the

state has completely overlooked and
actively undermined traditional community-based governance systems (like
CPRs), which embody not just decentralised governance but also decentralised
development. These have led to dramatic
upheavals in the socio-economic and political fabric of India, most adversely affecting indigenous and rural communities which have been displaced, deprived of their self-sufficient ways and ultimately marginalised (MacDonald 2008).
This development terrorism, as sociologist Ashis Nandy famously characterised it, invariably comes at the cost
of the environment as well as finite
natural resources.
Given that the state alone has the
right to determine what constitutes the
public purpose, it can deprive individuals
of community assets in its name (and often
has). Ramanathan (1999) has highlighted how development-induced displacement and other forms of deprivation arise
from this principle. Despite the obvious
havoc this development terrorism has
wreaked, policymakers continue to pursue
it aggressively and it would not be further
from the truth to argue that Indias example point(s) to the perduring character of coloniality within post-coloniality
(Silverstein 2002).
This bankruptcy of the dominant
consciousness (Silverstein 2002) is most
apparent in a 2012 Planning Commission
report that lauds urbanisations positive
18

linkages with economic growth on the

one hand, while conceding that the
quality of life in our cities is poor as the
majority of citizens find it difficult to
avail of sustainable livelihood opportunities and basic services on the other
(Planning Commission 2012). Given that
the committees (that drafted this report)
mandate was limited, it understandably
does not question the rationale of urbanisation or the accompanying development processes needed to actualise it,
and even goes so far as to imply (with a
finality suggesting that this is the only
way India can, or should develop) that
growth in urban areas also creates opportunities for the rural economy and
helps improve its productivity (Planning
Commission 2012).
That is why, in sync with the recommendations of a high-powered expert
committee (that envisages investment of
`39.2 lakh crore over the next 20 years
in urban infrastructure) (MoUD 2011),
the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)
government has not only set aside (over
and above a 93% increase in allocations
for urban development) `7,060 crore for
the development of 100 new smart cities
(Government of India 2014), but has also
been wantonly granting environmental
clearances regardless of the ecological
or anthropogenic costs.
However, the underpinnings of such an
allocation (and the development model
it stems from) are deeply flawed conceptually as well as problematic consequentially. Even focused efforts like Masdar
in the United Arab Emirates, Songdo
in South Korea, the Living Plan-IT in
Portugal, and Lavasa in India are yet to
produce significant socio-economic outcomes, and are extremely expensive
and mostly empty (Powell 2014). While
the resource problem is (temporarily)
solved by privatising resource extraction
and production (groundwater extraction and captive/back-up power generation) (Powell 2014), it essentially
means the wholesale grant of public resources to private corporations which,
because they are profit-driven, tend to
overexploit these resources. Equally
problematically, the poor are either unfavourably included by law, or completely
excluded through other particularist

means. As argued earlier, this colonisation invariably comes at the cost of

indigenous communities, the environment, as well as finite natural resources.
Needs of Future Generations
But even more problematically, our current rate of resource appropriation is
not only inflicting irreparable socioecological and economic damage to the
immediate, but is also severely compromising the needs of future generations to
meet their own needs (Pachauri 2014), in
stark violation to the commitments made
at the Brundtland Commission (United
Nations 1987). Numerous studies (for instance, Beddington nd) have increasingly
sounded alarm bells for not just humankind, but the world as we know it. So much
so, that a group of eminent scientists and
experts have set up the Cambridge Centre
for the Study of Existential Risk whose
principal aim is to gauge and prescribe
policies to avoid extinction-level risks.2
Banuri and Opschoor (2007) have
conclusively argued that the accelerated
and unchecked momentum in economic,
demographic, and climate change processes will result in a dramatic increase
in the level of Co2e3 (carbon dioxide
equivalent), which will further increase
temperatures from anything between
1.6c to 6.6c. Mirroring the HANDY
studys findings, they further posit that if
global temperatures increase beyond a
2c temperature line (or the critical
threshold), the world would witness dramatic and irreversible consequences of
climate change. For those critical of this
position, the Mauna Loa measurements
would serve as an adequate empirical
evidence to warrant a serious rethink
(Beck 2008). These measurements indisputably show that the level of Co2e has
risen from 317 parts per million (ppm) in
195961 to 375 ppm in 2003 to 430 ppm
Co2e in 2007. Every year, we add over
3 ppm of Co2e globally. Banuri and Opschoors 2c temperature line corresponds to 450 ppm Co2e, which means
that by 2017 (not accounting for annual
ppm increases in Co2e) we would cross a
point of no return. The recent climatic
upheavals in India alone (especially
drought and flash floods) are clear indicators that we already may have.

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COMMENTARY

Reconceptualisation
Given that most governments in India
(state and union) have consistently sought
to accelerate (with varying degrees of
success) the pace of development, there
is much cause for trepidation. Neither the
current pace nor the model of development can support the existing socioeconomic or political organisation of
society (Orr 2011). Unless there is a radical
re-conceptualisation of our civilisational
basis, which includes an urgent reduction
of economic inequalities and a drastic
cut in resource consumption, there is not
much scope for rectifying this.
It is this authors contention, in stark opposition to the prevalent urbanindustrial
version of development (entwined as it
is with the Weberian State), that it is
only by establishing more cooperative,
anti-hierarchical forms of socio-economic
and political organisation, as envisaged
by M K Gandhi, that the paradigm of
development can be reimagined comprehensively, hopefully globally. It is in
this spirit that the concept of ruralisation is briefly explored.
Conceptually, ruralisation would entail
aggressively investing in creating selfsufficient village and urban republics
(with attached CPRs), that would not only
make the delivery of essential public
services like roads, drinking water, sanitation, electricity, etc, easier, but also
allow for a shift to less intensive renewable resources on a scale that could actually make a positive ecological impact.
Such a radical policy shift would eventually lead to a systemic restructuring in
not just the nature of governance but
also the development paradigm. Rural
urban migration can be substantially
reduced (and hopefully in time, reversed)
if the state were to vigorously support
panchayati raj institutions (something it
has not done so far, as an expert committees report on panchayati raj has
highlighted4) to engage in small-scale
localised enterprises (including both agro
and industrial-based activities), and in
organic agriculture (that would reduce
fertiliser, and hence fossil fuel, use). Ultimately, this would enhance the quality
and quantum of rural employment.
Energy dependence on fossil fuels can
also be reduced drastically by shifting
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SEPTEMBER 24, 2016

to renewable energy sources (especially

solar and wind power). While solar
cookers, lights and heaters could service
the needs of every household (instilling
self-sufficiency in consumption), a local
energy plant that mixes solar, wind,
and biogas (and if needed, traditional)
energy sources could supply electricity
for communal requirements. Rainwater
harvesting, and other similar strategies
could go a long way in conserving water,
while the construction of houses and
roads through the use of locally available materials (rather than cement, tar
and other fossil fuel-based materials)
would also aid in reducing costs as well
as carbon footprints considerably. In
conjunction, these could dramatically alter
the nature and scale of development.
What India could also experiment with
is urban farming,5 along the lines of the
Cuban successes (Carey 2014), with necessary amendments to suit local conditions.
Starved by the United States embargo
and without essential supplies coming in
from the Soviet Union post 1989, Cuba
was severely affected by oil scarcity that
curbed pesticide and fertiliser use, and
rendered mechanised implements useless. Faced with a food crisis, the entire
agricultural sector was radically overhauled to prioritise organic farming and
manual labour. Today, these efforts have
produced the worlds largest working
model of a semi-sustainable agriculture,
integrated into the fabric of the urban
space (Mckibben 2005). A good example
is Havana, which alone boasts of 87,000
acres of urban agricultural land, producing enough food for every resident
(Knoot 2005). If implemented well in
India, this strategy of localisation could
well make urban areas self-sufficient
(reducing farm-to-table time [Hawken
2007]), provide seasonal employment,
reduce ruralurban migration considerably and provide lungs to cities.

self-employed people living in village

communities, deriving their right livelihood from the products of their homesteads (Kumar 1996). Institutionalising
village self-republics in India, whose
bedrocks would be self-sufficiency and
pastoralism (akin to Rousseaus primitive pastoralism), would ensure that
all people would have the potential,
through the gram sabhas, to govern themselves. With gram sabhas in full control
of funds, they would be able to deliver
essential services and guarantee the basic
necessities of life for every citizen in their
respective jurisdictions. This would radically reconfigure the scale of development, and limit the engagement which
village republics have with each other to
sociocultural, and in rare instances, economic exchanges. It is only this that will
make development both equitable and
ethical while institutionalising a social
contract that is non-exploitative and
ecologically sustainable. For the sake of
our collective futures, let us hope we
find it within ourselves to do so.

Conclusions

References

The ultimate aim of these reforms would

be to revolutionise not just the prevalent
model of development but also the fabric
of our civilisational being. It would be to
radically reimagine the nation state, like
Gandhi famously did, as a confederation of self-governing, self-reliant and

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World As We Know It? The Rise of the Post Carbon Era, Ceasefire, 20 September, http://
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Notes
1

2
3

4
5

The Sixth Schedule, which applies to Meghalaya

and two tribal majority districts of Assam, and
the customary laws in Nagaland and Mizoram,
recognises community ownership in this region
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CPRs than in most other regions of India.
For details, see Centre for Study of Existential
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CO2e measures all greenhouse gas (GHG)
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reference GHG that all other gases get compared to. See Chamberlain (nd).
For details, see Union Ministry of Panchayati
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The Cuban National Group for Urban Agriculture defines urban agriculture as the production of food within the urban and peri-urban
perimeter, using intensive methods, paying attention to the humancropanimalenvironment interrelationships, and taking advantage
of the urban infrastructure with its stable labour force. This results in diversified production of organic crops and animals throughout
the year, based on sustainable practices that
allow the recycling of waste materials.

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