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2. Game of BCCI
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The boards list of problems begins with its labyrinthine[labu'rin,thIn(complex,)] structure. From the six-member organisation it was
in the year of its formation, it has grown into a consortium[kun'sor-teeum(group,)] of 30 units that in turn elect the BCCI officials. Twenty-seven of
these units field teams in the Ranji Trophy, the premier first-class competition. The
National Cricket Club, Cricket Club of India and All India Universities have voting
rights but not a team to boast of. The BCCI has stoutly[stawtlee(strongly,
)] defended their continuance as voting members thus far.
How can you remove founder-members just because they dont field a team?
asks a long-time board official.
The board, which gives an annual subsidy to each affiliated unit playing the Ranji
Trophy, has also not been able to explain the reasons for not extending the same
facility to the Services and Railways; it also does not pick national selectors from
Services and Railways. The Lodha Committee has a case here to debate with the
BCCI. The board, in a bid to pre-empt the committee recommendations, has moved
to introduce a series of steps to streamline its administration and bring in
transparency under its new president, Shashank Manohar. Its constitution can now
be accessed online. On October 18, the board appointed PricewaterhouseCoopers
to verify utilisation of funds provided to the State associations. On November 9, it
appointed an ombudsman, Justice A.P. Shah (retd.).
Yet, bigger problems lie in the hinterland[hin-tu,land(back area, )] .
The constitutions of the BCCIs various affiliated units differ, and in some cases
arent available for public scrutiny despite the board making it mandatory. Among
other contentious[kun'ten-shus(controversial,)] issues the Lodha
Committee has been looking into is the arbitrariness['aa-bi-tree-nus(own
will,)] in player selection and financial irregularities bedevilling[bi'devu(harass,)] most associations. As it is, State associations of Jammu and
Kashmir, Hyderabad, Delhi, Assam, Kerala, Goa, Jharkhand and Baroda, among
others, are all facing investigations on various issues.
Clockwork precision
Despite the organisational muddle, one area the BCCI is near-unimpeachable[nim'pee-chu-bul(guiltless,)] is in its schedule. While many a sports body
has failed to organise its national championship annually, the Ranji Trophy has
never skipped its annual date since the first edition in 1934. The participation of 27
teams in two divisions Elite and Plate also imbues it a pan-India presence.
Even non-premier events such as womens and age-group tournaments follow a set
pattern. We have the best structure for junior cricket in the world, claims Mr.
Shetty.
Most of the money BCCI generates from broadcast rights is pumped back into the
game 70 per cent of its revenue is disbursed equally among its full members,
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effectively meaning each of its affiliates walks away with at least Rs.23 crore
annually. The BCCI takes pride in sharing its revenue with the players (13 per
cent with international cricketers and an equal share with domestic players). A
domestic player gets about Rs.20,000 per playing day, says veteran cricket
administrator M.P. Pandove, the Punjab Cricket Association secretary.
Lure of the lucre
What, then, went wrong? Niranjan Shah, a member of its disciplinary committee,
feels the need for court intervention would not have arisen had N. Srinivasan
stepped down as BCCI president when Chennai Super Kings, the IPL team owned
by his family-run company, came under the betting/spot-fixing cloud. All this
mess has more or less happened only because of one mans stubbornness, he says.
It is predominantly a perception issue. The BCCI isnt
an opaque[ow'peyk(unclear,)] organisation; had it been the case, the
organisation wouldnt have grown so much, says Ajay Shirke, IPL Governing
Council member.
More than anything, however, the problems have a lot to do with the infusion of
huge money into the game. The late Jagmohan Dalmiya, along with I.S. Bindra,
both former presidents of the BCCI, was the man instrumental in bringing money
into cricket. The BCCI was a self-reliant body when MAC (M.A. Chidambaram)
was its president. [Mr.] Dalmiya and [Mr.] Bindra exploited the telecast aspect to
bring in funds, says Mr. Pandove. Cricketainment in the form of the IPL became a
force multiplier, and stakes rose as the cash-rich body only got richer. IPL
brought money and some problems too, concedes Mr. Shetty.
Contrast its current pink of financial health with the situation in 1983 when India
won the World Cup in England. N.K.P. Salve, the then BCCI president, announced
Rs.1 lakh for each player, only to realise that the organisation did not have
the requisite[re-kwi-zit(required,)] money. A fund-raising event
featuring Lata Mangeshkar was organised in Delhi to this end. Those were times
when cricket was not commercial and money was not the reason for people to be
attracted to the game, is how Mr. Dalmiya once reacted to the changes in the
BCCI. Times have changed, for better and for worse.
Courtesy:the hindu
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those hotels with existing licences were accorded an amnesty[am-nustee(forgive,)] , which permitted them to have their licences renewed even
if they did not possess a four-star mark.
The Supreme Court held, in a convoluted[kn-vu,lootid(complex,)] judgment, in March 2014, that the deletion of three-star
hotels from the category of hotels eligible for a liquor licence was, in fact,
constitutionally valid. The court provided a
rather bizarre[bi'zaa(unusual,)] rationale for what appeared to be
a palpable[pal-pu-bu(touchable,)] act of favouritism. Even hotels
without a bar licence, it said, were entitled to three-star statuses under the Ministry
of Tourisms rules and regulations.
In August 2014, the Kerala government sought to further intensify its Abkari
policy, by making its most drastic change yet, in purportedly[pu'por-tidlee(believed, )] trying to enforce complete prohibition. Only hotels
classed as five star and above, by the Union governments Ministry of Tourism, the
new policy commanded, would be entitled to maintain a bar licence. To give effect
to this rule, the Abkari Act, a pre-constitutional enactment that was extended in
1967 to Kerala, was duly amended, and the States excise commissioners issued
notices to all hotels of four stars and below, which served liquor, intimating them
of the annulment of their respective bar licences.
The new policy was immediately challenged in a series of petitions filed in the
Kerala High Court by hotels of various different denominations. In May last year,
after a division bench of the High Court had ruled in favour of the State, the hotels
filed appeals before the Supreme Court. They raised two primary grounds of
challenge, both predicated on fundamental rights guaranteed under Part III of
Indias Constitution.
Fundamental rights
First, the hotels submitted that in cancelling their bar licences, and in prohibiting
them from serving and selling liquor on their premises, the State had infracted their
right, under Article 19(1)(g), to practise any profession, or to carry on any
occupation, trade or business. Second, they pleaded, in separately categorising
hotels of five stars or more, and in permitting those hotels alone to serve liquor in
public, the new Abkari policy had made an unreasonable classification, by treating
persons on an equal standing unequally, and therefore violated Article 14 of the
Constitution.
The first argument was admittedly going to be a difficult one to maintain. The
liberty to freely carry on any trade or business is subject to reasonable restrictions
that may be imposed by the state in the interest of the general public. The
Constitution itself, in Article 47, requires States to make an endeavour towards
improving public health, including by bringing about prohibition of the
consumption of liquor. Therefore, quite naturally, any policy in purported
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this, world powers are now switching to alternative sources of fuel such as shale
gas, though environmental groups are resisting it, as it involves fracking.
Pact and context
The Paris Agreement has to be, therefore, situated in this broader geopolitical
context. It was hardly surprising that in the lead-up to the final day of the UN
climate summit, Saudi Arabia, the largest oil supplier in the world until recently,
was the one country that opposed the climate deal, as its economic interests were at
stake. But it finally budged, as it found itself increasingly sidelined at the
negotiating table. Clauses on human rights were dropped from the operative
portions of the agreement text, in keeping with Saudi Arabias demands, in order to
achieve consensus[kun'sen-sus(agreement,)] over the agreement. The
Paris Agreement is thus nothing but a diplomatic victory for world powers, as they
can now mobilise the deal to work towards alternative pathways to energy
production. This will help reduce oil dependency in their economies, and also help
devise methods to drive down the profitability of oil, which could dry up funding
for terror as well. There remain fears that much like the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, the
Paris agreement too could suffer from a lack of implementation from powerful
nations. However, with world powers now compelled[kum'pe(force,)] to act
out of self-interest to keep terror at bay, one hopes things would be different this
time. The lesson from Paris 2015 is this: until world powers stop digging black
gold from Iraq, Africa and Saudi Arabia, the webs of violence, terror and climate
change will continue to keep us trapped in the times to come.
Courtesy:the hindu
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Of equal importance is the need to prepare for the new issues, approaches and
architecture that some WTO members have expressed their desire for in the
Nairobi Declaration. The recently concluded TPP agreement perhaps provides a
clear glimpse of what these new issues are likely to be environment, labour,
investment, competition, government procurement, and so on. How to engage on
these issues, and identify the red and green lights for negotiations, is the next
challenge that India needs to be prepared for.
The WTO remains an institution that is worth preserving. India needs to approach
it from a position of strength, with clearly defined agendas, and with preparedness
for the new challenges it presents.
Courtesy: the hindu
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There are times when my mother has little regard for our feelings. Whenever she
makes something special, she doesnt allow us in the kitchen. She says we get
under her feet.
You were earlier complaining about your colleagues being under your feet. Hope
theyre not ruining your project.
The project is progressing quite nicely, actually. Ever since we decided
to crowdsource on Facebook and the other social media...
Crowdsource? Ive heard of outsourcing something, but what does crowdsource
mean?
Crowdsourcing is actually a combination of two words crowd and outsourcing.
The word is normally used to refer to the practice of obtaining the services of a
large number of people it could be the general public.
So you take a project and outsource it to a whole lot of people. These individuals
help you with the content, right?
It could be anything content, ideas, opinions, etc. Very often, the people
involved in the project dont get paid at all. To find out what features young people
wanted in their cars, our company crowdsourced on Facebook.
Crowdsourcing enables you to gather a lot of information very quickly.
So true!
****
My grandkids think Im the oldest thing in the world. And after two or three hours
with them, I believe it too. Gene Perret
Courtesy: the hindu
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seemed to be a sharp difference of opinion and peace was brokered at the time by a
statement that a consultation paper would be released on it soon.
A consultation paper provides the necessary background of policy choices and
legal regulations on the basis of which inputs are invited from the public. After
these inputs are received and published, it may provide an opportunity for
additional counter-comments before publishing its recommendations. The
consultation paper on OTT (over the top) services didnt come without public
nudges by various stakeholders due to repeated violations of net neutrality. It was
highlighted that violations were eroding the basis of any future rules and could
shape usage patterns and business practices that would render[rendu(provide, )] future net neutrality rules toothless[toothlus(ineffective,)].
When the consultation paper on OTT services was finally published in March
2015, it made several comments that lacked balance. Trais delay and lack of
familiarity with new technologies caused disgruntlement[dis'grn-tulmunt(dissatisfied, )]. Towards the end, an unprecedented[n'pre-si,den-
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representatives. Often, one finds these meetings full of anguish[anggwish(pain,)] on the farmers side, while sometimes very sanguine[sanggwin(optimistic,)] suggestions also come from farm experts. But no more
than 5 per cent of these suggestions are ever reflected in the budget. Would this
year be very different?
What are the key issues in the farm sector and what can the FM and his team do in
a years time? In brief, farmers are under severe stress, with profitability in farming
falling ghastly[gst-lee(alarmingly,)]. The BJP manifesto had promised
to raise profitability levels in agriculture to 50 per cent above costs, when these
were hovering[h-vu(hang over,)] around 20-30 per cent in most crops
during the UPAs terminal years. But the reality now is that profitability
has plummeted[pl-mit(drop sharply, )] to less than 5 per cent in
major crops, and is negative for others. The high hopes that farmers had of the
NDA government are fast dissipating[di-su,peyt(move away,
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impact the governments public spending, and could trigger resentment[ri'zentmunt(anger,)]. The rentier kingdom relies heavily on the governments
welfare policies, besides its religious appeal, to drum up public support. The late
King Abdullahs response to Arab Spring protests is an example of this. When
people elsewhere rose up against dictatorships, he announced a special economic
package of $70 billion (much of this money was allocated to build 5,00,000 houses
to address housing shortage) to quell[kwel(suppress,)] discontent at home.
Additionally, the state injected $4 billion into healthcare. King Salman does not
enjoy the luxury of using oil revenues to save his crown due to the economic crisis.
Another option the royals have to buttress their position is to resort to extreme
majoritarianism.
At least four, including Sheikh Nimr, among the 47 executed on January 2 were
political prisoners. By putting them to death, the royal family has sent a clear
message to political dissidents at home. At the same time, the execution of the
countrys most prominent Shia cleric would bolster[bwlstu(strengthen,
)] the regimes Wahhabi credentials among the hardliners.
This is a tactic dictators have often used in history. They go back to extremism or
sectarianism to bolster their hard-line constituency to tide over the economic and
social difficulties. The real aim of the monarchy is to close down every window of
dissidence; if that cant be done through economic development and welfarism, do
it by other means.
Tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia go back decades. Even when prerevolutionary Iran and Saudi Arabia were the two pillars of the U.S.s West Asia
policy, Riyadh and Tehran were regional rivals. The latest phase of this cold war
begins with the U.S.-led Iraq invasion. When Saddam Hussein was toppled[tpul(fall down,)] and a Shia-dominated government emerged in Baghdad,
Iran was the happiest regional power. Hussein had been
a staunch[stonch(firm,)] enemy of Tehran. Saudi Arabia was alarmed by the
changing political equations in Iraq, and had supported Sunni militancy to prevent
the Shias consolidating[kun's-li,deyt(strengthen,)] power in the postSaddam set-up. This was one reason that Iraq broke apart later. But the Americans
had assured full support to the Gulf monarchies and kept pressure on Iran over the
nuclear sanctions. When the Barack Obama administration changed its approach
towards Iran, engaging with the Islamic Republic through serious negotiations, the
Saudis were upset. Though Riyadh publicly accepted the nuclear deal, it was
expectedly concerned about Irans reintegration with the global economy. That
would not only flood the market with cheap oil from Iran, sending oil prices down
further, but also help Tehran rise as a legitimate regional power.
This Saudi frustration was evident in its Yemen war. Riyadh started bombing
Yemen in March, when the nuclear talks were in the final stages. But after nine
months, the Saudis are far from meeting their goals defeating the Shia Houthi
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rebels Riyadh calls lackeys of Tehran. On the other side, despite rhetoric[re-turik(loud words,)] from both sides, the U.S. and Iran have expanded
cooperation from the nuclear deal to Iraq and Iran. In Iraq, American warplanes
provided air cover when the Iraq army and Iran-trained Shia militias fought Islamic
State fighters. As regards Syria, the U.S. agreed to let Iran join the peace talks,
ending years of opposition. Against this background, the Saudis wanted to escalate
tensions with Iran, and further complicate Irans re-accommodation in West Asian
geopolitical and economic mainstream. The royals know that the best way is to
whip up sectarian tensions.
Iran should have exercised restraint in the wake of Sheikh Nimrs execution. It
could have used the global anger against mass beheadings in Saudi Arabia to its
benefit, particularly at a time its rebuilding its position in the region. But lack of
a cohesive[kow'hee-siv(United,)] vision, and maybe the high-handedness
of the hardliners, led Iran to overreact to the executions. The attacks on the Saudi
embassy in Tehran and the consulate in Mashhad shifted the worlds attention from
the executions to Irans hooliganism['hoo-li-gu,ni-zum(ill manner
mischief,
)] , providing Riyadh an opportunity to extend the bilateral
tensions into a diplomatic crisis. This is exactly what the Saudis wanted. After
Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, a Shia-majority nation ruled by a Sunni monarchy, and
Sudan, a Sunni-majority country ruled by an alleged war criminal whos moving
increasingly closer to the Gulf monarchs, have cut diplomatic ties with Iran. The
United Arab Emirates, another Saudi ally, has withdrawn its envoy from Tehran.
Iran has gained nothing but international condemnation from attacking foreign
missions in its land. Its yet to recover completely from the siege of the U.S.
embassy in 1979 by hard-line students. In 2011, students attacked the British
embassy in Tehran, forcing London to withdraw its mission. Full diplomatic ties
between the two nations were restored only recently, after the nuclear agreement.
The latest attack may have far-reaching consequences. Its also possible that hardline sections within the Iranian establishment, who are already upset with the
moderates over the nuclear deal, might have used the opportunity to embarrass
President Hassan Rouhani. Its also worth noting that the President has condemned
the attack, but not the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who warned the Saudis of
divine revenge. Whatever led to the attack has compromised Irans position in
the region.
What next
One natural victim of these rising tensions will be the Syria peace plan. President
Bashar al-Assads regime and a coalition of rebels are supposed to begin peace
talks this month, according to a road map agreed in the UN Security Council a few
weeks ago. Iranian and Saudi cooperation is a must for peace in Syria, where the
ongoing civil war has killed more than 2,50,000 people. The Saudis back antiregime rebels and extremists in Syria, while the Iranians support the Assad
government.
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Worse, its not just Syria. Unless Saudi-Iran tensions are contained, there wont be
an effective strategy to fight the Islamic State, which is a Sunni-Wahhabi extremist
group; the war in Yemen will go on, endangering many more lives; and Iraqs
efforts to stabilise itself could be challenged. The Saudis look determined to play a
long-term game of sectarian geopolitics to maximise its interests. If the Iranians
continue to respond in the same token, West Asia would remain turbulent[turbyu-lunt(violent,)] for many more years.
Courtesy: the hindu
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